Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa 9783030815110, 3030815110

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The Urban Book Series

Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu Lovemore Chipungu   Editors

Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa

The Urban Book Series Editorial Board Margarita Angelidou, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece Fatemeh Farnaz Arefian, The Bartlett Development Planning Unit, UCL, Silk Cities, London, UK Michael Batty, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, UCL, London, UK Simin Davoudi, Planning & Landscape Department GURU, Newcastle University, Newcastle, UK Geoffrey DeVerteuil, School of Planning and Geography, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Paul Jones, School of Architecture, Design and Planning, University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Andrew Kirby, New College, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA Karl Kropf, Department of Planning, Headington Campus, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, UK Karen Lucas, Institute for Transport Studies, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK Marco Maretto, DICATeA, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, University of Parma, Parma, Italy Ali Modarres, Tacoma Urban Studies, University of Washington Tacoma, Tacoma, WA, USA Fabian Neuhaus, Faculty of Environmental Design, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada Steffen Nijhuis, Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Vitor Manuel Aráujo de Oliveira , Porto University, Porto, Portugal Christopher Silver, College of Design, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA Giuseppe Strappa, Facoltà di Architettura, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Roma, Italy Igor Vojnovic, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Jeremy W. R. Whitehand, Earth & Environmental Sciences, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK Claudia Yamu, Department of Spatial Planning and Environment, University of Groningen, Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands

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Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu · Lovemore Chipungu Editors

Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa

Editors Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu Department of Town and Regional Planning University of KwaZulu-Natal Durban, South Africa

Lovemore Chipungu School of Built Environment and Development Studies College of Humanities University of KwaZulu-Natal Durban, South Africa

ISSN 2365-757X ISSN 2365-7588 (electronic) The Urban Book Series ISBN 978-3-030-81510-3 ISBN 978-3-030-81511-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Foreword

South Africa (and Africa as a whole) continues to face its stubborn so-called triple challenge of poverty, inequality and unemployment.1 As a country that has rapidly urbanised over the past three decades, these issues coincide with the focus of South Africa’s urban agenda. The country’s national urban policy, the Integrated Urban Development Framework of 2016, expresses a vision for “Liveable, safe, resourceefficient cities and towns that are socially integrated, economically inclusive and globally competitive, where residents actively participate in urban life”.2 Socioeconomic inclusion is clearly and necessarily central to this vision. The White Paper on Local Government (1998)—which makes provision for the transformation of South Africa’s local government to achieve the ends envisaged by the Constitution—explicitly expresses “a focus on metropolitan governments to promote social inclusion and the spatial, economic and political integration of metropolitan areas”. In the White Paper, the role of city-wide spatial integration and socially inclusive development is thus assigned to local governments—specifically, to metropolitan councils to which are attributed “powers over land-use planning, transport planning and bulk infrastructure planning… [and] integrated development plan should guide the development of the whole metropolitan area”. It is for this reason that South African Cities Network (SACN) has had a focus on urban inclusion since its inception in 2002 in support of South Africa’s new system of local government. The SACN Inclusive Cities theme has focused on “inclusive” as meaning cities that are open to everyone. SACN suggests that “an inclusive city values all people and their needs equally. It is a city in which all residents—including the most vulnerable and marginalised poor—have a representative voice in governance, planning and budgeting processes, and have access to sustainable livelihoods, legal housing and affordable basic services, such as water and sanitation. It is a city where

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South African President Cyril Ramaphosa’s State of the Nation Address 2021; South Africa National Development Plan 2030 (2011). 2 South Africa, Republic of (2016). Integrated Urban Development Framework. Pretoria: Department of Cooperative Governance. v

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people feel comfortable being citizens and have equal participation in the city”.3 As such, an inclusive city offers all its dwellers equitable access to a decent quality of life and to the economic opportunities and resources of the city. However, the barometer of the state of South African cities indicates that despite access to urban resources being improved in recent years, the cities are still largely benefiting those who can afford to “buy” their rights and freedom to the city.4 This reality forms the backdrop for the conception of the inaugural South African Research Chairs Initiative (SARChI) Chair for Inclusive Cities funded by the National Research Foundation (NRF) and SACN in 2020. Recognising that the inadequate levels of scientific knowledge, innovation capacity, academic output and human capital development on key urban themes, such as inclusion, the Chair has been instituted to specifically to enable this focus.5 The SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities was established to enable concentrated study, action research and building of theory and knowledge bases focused on better understanding and realising the development and governance of safer, more inclusive cities. Purposefully linked to strong research and educational institutions, the Chair’s work would be closely coupled with the academic mission, educating and training new scholars on inter- and trans-disciplinary approaches to studying urban inclusion and well-being. The inaugural SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, Prof. Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu, is hosted by the University of KwaZulu-Natal, under the School of Built Environment and Development Studies. Together with her collaborator, Dr. Lovemore Chipungu, she has conceptualised and edited this anthology of multi-disciplinary papers on Inclusive Cities which begins to develop a perspective on urban inclusion in relation to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The collection of papers is based on the SARChI Chair’s four focal domains of exclusion which are salient and critical in Africa—Race and Class; Migrants; People Living with Disability; and Women and Children. The papers have a common approach to their enquiry, grounding themselves in developing an understanding and perspective of the challenges of people struggling in or excluded from urban spaces. Various authors examine the ways in which exclusion persists in the post-apartheid city, whether due to gender, age or disability. They investigate what the specific challenges people are facing are and seek to understand what the actual constraints may be in specific sectors such as planning and public transport. The set of papers on race and class span from policy to practice. They interrogate how post-apartheid development planning policies, frameworks practices have failed to secure equitable access for the urban poor and begin to ask how they might be retrofitted. Authors also explore the trends and processes of protest and voice of the urban poor in agitating for their rights to the city and consider the exclusionary 3

SACN (2016). State of South African Cities Report 2016, p. 127. Johannesburg: South African Cities Network. 4 Ibid, p. 158. 5 NRF (2019). Framework & Funding Guide DST/NRF/SACN Research Chairs, March 2019. Pretoria: National Research Foundation.

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effects of unequal participation in urban governance. Some of the scholars begin to look into alternative methods—how alternative approaches to urban design, spatial interpretation and placemaking could be used to foster inclusivity and resilience. Yet others interrogate the role and effect of various system actors—the municipalities (in city development), sectors (such as housing, economic development) and professionals (civil engineering). It emerges that the issues are both complex and complicated. This Chair will be expected to focus knowledge efforts to contribute to a whole range of issues and sectors, ranging from spatial planning and land-use management, to human settlements, public transport, urban safety and so forth. This volume paints a useful picture of the broader causes and effects of exclusion in South Africa’s cities and begins to offer ideas and invite questions about how the elusive inclusive city could come to be understood and achieved both generally and specifically. It is a conversation worthy to inform the complexity of the emerging research agenda facing the SARChI Chair on Inclusive Cities, and wider urban research, policy and practice audiences. 2021

Sithole Mbanga Chief Executive Officer South African Cities Network Gauteng, South Africa http://www.sacities.net Geci Karuri-Sebina Associate, South African Cities Network; Research Fellow Wits School of Governance Gauteng, South Africa

Sithole Mbanga is the Chief Executive Officer of the South African Cities Network (SACN) were he has served since 2002. He is a widely engaged and recognised leader in the wider African urban governance space. Sithole was previously the Local Government Coordinator at the National Business Initiative (NBI), was involved with conducting capacity building training in Municipal Service Partnerships (MSP), and participated in the development and improvisation of DPLG’s national policy on Integrated Development Planning (IDP). Geci Karuri-Sebina is a Professor and an Associate with SACN where she was previously Executive Manager for Programmes from 2011 to 2017. She is currently a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Witwatersrand’s School of Governance, and Adjunct Professor at University of Cape Town’s African Centre for Cities. She is widely recognised and published on issues of urban development, innovation systems, and futures/foresight.

Contents

Part I

Laying the Foundation for Inclusive Cities

1

Laying the Foundation for Inclusive Cities—An Introduction . . . . . . Lovemore Chipungu and Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu

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2

Southern African Cities at a Glance—An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and Lovemore Chipungu

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3

The Enduring Relationship Between Civil Engineering and Spatial Injustice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gundo V. Maswime

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Interrogating Conceptual Dimensions of Inclusive Cities . . . . . . . . . . Hangwelani Magidimisha-Chipungu and Lovemore Chipungu

Part II 5

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21 39

Interrogating Inclusivity of Cities in Selected Countries

Living Beyond the Dream of Inclusivity. The Race and Class Domain: Inclusivity in Selected European Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu Continuities and Discontinuities in Urban Population Policies in Post-colonial Southern African Cities: Towards a Sustainable and Inclusive Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Innocent Chirisa, Tafadzwa Mutambisi, Tinashe Bobo, and Verna Nel Urbanisation, Inclusive Cities and the Plight of the People with Disability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Joseph Kamuzhanje

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Part III Recounting Challenges of Inclusivity in South African Cities 8

Excluding the Poor in Urban Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Edmore Mutsaa and Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha ix

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Diversifying Inclusivity Through the Night Economy: An Observation from the Terraces of Durban and Cape Town . . . . . 133 Lovemore Chipungu

10 Post-Apartheid Cities in South Africa: A Mirage of Inclusivity . . . . 163 Calvin Nengomasha 11 Defining the Layers of Urban Complexity: An Epistemological Shift Towards Inclusive Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Yashaen Luckan 12 Adaptive Reuse Strategies in Durban Inner City Using Hybrid Mapping Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Viloshin Govender and Claudia Loggia 13 Housing Policy and the Post-apartheid City: A Tale of Urban Exclusion Through Housing Delivery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 Pauline Adebayo 14 Reflecting on the Inclusivity of Culture in Urban Housing Development—A Case Study of Communal Residential Units in Durban . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 Noxolo Msimang and Lovemore Chipungu 15 Human Settlement Policies and Women’s Access to the City: Implications for Inclusive Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 Catherine Ndinda and Pauline Adebayo 16 The Neglect of People with Disabilities in Integrated Development Planning in Ngangelizwe Township, Mthatha . . . . . . . . 327 Tembisile Marhulumba and Verna Nel 17 Access and Constraints to Commuting for Persons with Disabilities in Gauteng Province, South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347 James Chakwizira, Peter Bikam, and Thompson A. Adeboyejo 18 Situating Citizens’ Participation in Inclusive Infrastructure Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Samuel Medayese, Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu, Lovemore Chipungu, and Ayobami Abayomi Popoola 19 The Language of Struggle and Radical Activism as an Inclusive City Tool Among the Neglected Urban Poor of South Africa . . . . . . . 417 Ayobami Abayomi Popoola, Nunyi Vachaku Blamah, Choene Mosima, Mjabuliseni Nkosi, Samuel Medayese, Lovemore Chipungu, and Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu 20 Closing Remarks on Inclusive Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447 Lovemore Chipungu and Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

Contributors Pauline Adebayo Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Thompson A. Adeboyejo Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomosho, Nigeria Peter Bikam Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Venda, Thohoyandou, South Africa

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Nunyi Vachaku Blamah Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Tinashe Bobo Department of Demography Settlement and Development, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe James Chakwizira Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Venda, Thohoyandou, South Africa Lovemore Chipungu SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, School of Built Environment & Development Studies, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa; Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Innocent Chirisa Department of Demography Settlement and Development, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe; Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa Viloshin Govender Department of Architecture, University of KwaZulu- Natal, Durban, South Africa Joseph Kamuzhanje Harare, Zimbabwe Claudia Loggia Department of Architecture, University of KwaZulu- Natal, Durban, South Africa Yashaen Luckan School of Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Hangwelani Magidimisha-Chipungu Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu School of the Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa; Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, School of Built Environment & Development Studies, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa; Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Tembisile Marhulumba Department of Urban & Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa Gundo V. Maswime Department of Civil Engineering, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa

Editors and Contributors

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Samuel Medayese SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, School of Built Environment & Development Studies, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa; Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Choene Mosima Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Noxolo Msimang University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Tafadzwa Mutambisi Department of Demography Settlement and Development, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe Edmore Mutsaa Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Catherine Ndinda Human Sciences Research Council, Cape Town, South Africa Verna Nel Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa Calvin Nengomasha University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Mjabuliseni Nkosi Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Ayobami Abayomi Popoola SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, School of Built Environment & Development Studies, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa

Part I

Laying the Foundation for Inclusive Cities

Chapter 1

Laying the Foundation for Inclusive Cities—An Introduction Lovemore Chipungu and Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu

Abstract This book entitled “Inclusive Cities in Southern Africa” is the platform and the foundation for a series of books and journal articles whose aim is provide insight into the inclusiveness of cities in Southern Africa. It forms part of the wider research on the “African City Research Center” whose mandate is to explore African cities. The initiative, which stems from a deep conviction that “the African city is a resourced city” is driven by the need to interrogate cities from an African perspective in order to show various social, economic and spatial dimensions that define them. This does not ignore or undermine the fact that there is a lot of literature about the African city but its area of intervention is to provide further ramifications of these experiences through empirical evidence. In a bid to build such an objective and true picture of the African city, South African cities emerge as the point of entry—hence “Inclusive Cities in Southern Africa”. Keywords Inclusivity · Cities · Housing · Inequality · Exclusivity South African cities have been researched and discussed from various dimensions yet empirical evidence that underlay their social, economic and spatial dimensions are so rich that it cannot be exhausted. Emerging out of the ashes of colonialism and blended by the apartheid system, South African cities provide a deep dimension of “the evil that man” can do through the search for capital at the expense of others and the environment at large. Hence, South African cities are a mixed bag of misery and happiness largely arising out of unfaltered human intervention that was bent on enjoying bountiful endowed resources that are prevailing in the country. In the process of quenching such insatiable demands, exclusion emerged as one of the strategies that was used to sideline the majority indigenous people and as a tool to amass capital and enjoy the built environment by the selected few. Thus, South African cities are built out of the “fractured” past but which unfortunately, continue L. Chipungu (B) · H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu School of the Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_1

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to “limp” under similar conditions due to the structural nature of the effect of the past. It is the perpetuation of exclusivity in South African cities and Africa at large that this book aims to further explore. This book, which provides empirical evidence of its own kind, explores inclusivity in Southern African cities from several perspectives. The preamble to the whole discourse is provided in Section I—Laying down the foundation for inclusive cities. This section is premised on the understanding that interrogating prevailing inclusivity in cities requires insight into theoretical underpinnings. These provide an explanation of how such phenomenon emerge and spread in different dimensions. While Chap. 1 by Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu is a mere introduction, it is in Chap. 2 where the authors Magidimisha-Chipungu and Chipungu traverse the Southern African cities environments where they raise interesting issues about the state of cities. Issues of inequality feature out very strongly as they explore the existence of dual situations characterized by pockets of high density, poverty, disconnectedness amid wealth and plush environments—thus ramifying the echoes of the European cities by O’Connor (1983). More so, this chapter is reminiscent of Chipungu and Magidimisha’s views on the evolution of the African city espoused in their two recent books—Housing in the aftermath of the FastTrack land reform program in Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu (2020) and Spatial inequality (2019) where in both circumstance, attribute contemporary structural inequality to yester-year’s colonial-apartheid city-architects yet with some semblance of perpetuity under democratic regimes. The significance of yester-year and its perpetuation especially in the South African cities’ context is further given audience by Maswime in Chap. 3 where he explores the enduring relationship between civil engineering and spatial injustice by analyzing the urban fabric which emerges as a tool for “physical separation and inadequacy” as seen through infrastructure provision. Hence, the dichotomies of the Africa City (Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu 2020) are further substantiated in Maswime’s conceptualization of the engineering fabric of South African cities. Thus, the city as a dynamic organism continue to grow under diverse forces at work. It is this path observable in Southern African cities that is equally observable in South African cities. This line of argument is further substantiated by interrogating the conceptual dimensions of Inclusive cities in Chap. 4 Hangwelani-Magidimisha and Chipungu. Is the notion of inclusive cities a myth perched in utopia? While, the response to this question is to be found in the various conceptualisations and theoretical dimensions that emerge in this chapter. Quite interesting, various dimensions emerge and these revolve around broad issues such as: social inclusion; spatial inclusion and economic inclusion which in some cases, disregard specific geographical orientation. It is this failure to adapt to specific geographical space which makes the discussion in this book interesting in that various authors of different chapters find it appropriate to redefine inclusivity and exclusivity within the confines of their experience and within certain theoretical confinements. Therefore, this chapter provides the theoretical dimensions and concepts associated with inclusivity which other authors further explore through appropriately selected theories and concepts relevant to their papers. Above all, it is essential to note that South African cities do not exist in a vacuum—but are part and parcel of a network of cities across the globe where

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similar forces that craft them are equally at work. It is this phenomenon that have reduced the world to a global village and which in turn prompts the need to tap into the experience of other cities. Section II entitled “Interrogating the inclusivity of cities in selected countries” is an attempt to show case that the nature and dimensions of inclusivity vis-à-vis exclusivity bedeviling South African cities are global phenomenon. For that reason, there is need to learn from other cities’ experiences while at the same time continuously search for appropriate solutions to contextual problems. The conflict in achieving inclusivity is found in the human dimension of the city where race and class domains seem to emerge as key contending factors. The authors, Magidimisha-Chipungu and Chipungu (Chap. 5) revisit this aspect but examine it from the window of developed countries. European cities of Oslo, Zurich and Copenhagen are among the countries that are perceived to have achieved propensity and inclusivity. These are old European cities whose proven experience over the years in tackling issues of inequality are a pointer to the fact that achieving inclusivity is not an event but a process which have to be propagated over a long period. In essence, it seems to further evoke the argument that the human dimension (as seen through the window of social opportunities such as education, culture etc.) provides the best medium through which other dimensions of inclusivity can be achieved. The success to building such an inclusive city is to be found in building strong policy frameworks that are responsive to societal needs yet supported by strong political will. The failure to provide such supportive frameworks result in distorted urban landscapes. Chirisa, Mutumbisa, Bobo and Nel (Chap. 6) amplify on this line of argument in their search for a sustainable and inclusive framework. Through the window of urban policy, the authors provide insight into prevailing urban conditions in Southern Africa through a contextual analysis of Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania, Namibia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. On the basis of their exploration, they conclude that continuities and discontinuity in urban population policies (both in pre- and post-colonial Africa) are largely driven by magnitudes of inadequacies in the provision of services. The situation has been compounded by ineffective institutional frameworks which negate their fundamental responsibility of upholding service delivery. Kamuzhanje (Chap. 7) captures this disjuncture between developed and developing countries in the Zimbabwean scenario where he laments about the plight of the disabled who seem to be a “forgotten” class. An elaborate analysis of prevailing conditions in Zimbabwe coupled with vivid empirical evidence in the form of pictures is enough to conclude that a mis-match between policies and the simmering forces of prevailing inequalities will never yield positive results. The situation is aggravated by economic woes that intensify the plight of vulnerable people in society. Hence, the spatial dimension of exclusivity can manifest itself through geographical space but also in proportions associated with respective clusters of people. Recounting challenges of inclusivity in South African cities are presented in Section III of this book. This is a rich section with 11 chapters that explore issues of inclusivity from various perspectives which are thematically laid out. A general overview of these themes includes economic issues, housing, infrastructure and disability. An insight into each theme further provides an outline of issues

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which collectively impact negatively on inclusivity. Hence, the journey to inclusivity emerges as a complex bundle of activities that are dynamic and in a state of conflict— a situation which can only be resolved once aggressive measures are put in place. At the top of this conflict is the economic dimension which arises out of lack of access to resources coupled by intervention policies that were (and are still in some cases) selective and supportive of the minority. In line with this argument, Mutsaa and Magidimisha-Chipungu explore (in Chap. 8) the extent to which the urban poor in the urban landscapes of South Africa has been disfranchised from urban spaces through gross informality. It is this growing exclusion that have, to a large extend, contributed significantly to the growth of informality in all aspects of life among the urban poor. Hence, the search for innovative economic activities is perceived as one of those avenues that can economically liberate poor households in society. The solution for inclusivity in this regard is premised on the need to engage in economic activities that are not only bound by daytime activities but by migrating into the night economy too. Chipungu (see Chap. 9) believes that cities have resources which if utilized appropriately, can bridge the gulf of inequality and gravitate closer to the creation of inclusive cities. The night economy which emerges out of a 24-h operation city taps and utilizes existing urban infrastructure which is left idle during the night as day activities wrap up. Hence the night economy, which currently is dominated by restaurants and other traditional night activities (such as heavy industries) can further open up economic opportunities thereby contributing toward eradicating poverty and building inclusive cities. The argument on economic activities as the foundations for building inclusive cities is further developed by Nengomasha (in Chap. 10) where he seeks to build an economic development framework that integrates spatial, economic and social dimensions with the intended outcome of resolving chronic unemployment (among others). This is a powerful intervention measure that is founded on the belief that any activities that do not address the core problem in cities are mere cosmetic. Indeed, a lot of intervention measures (such as low-cost housing) have been implemented yet the urban poor are still in dire straits. In the same vein of argument, it is the search for economic opportunities (among others) which accompany the Inner-City theme from various authors in this book. Traditionally, the inner-city was envisaged as the gateway to capital creation and accumulation through its central location and array of opportunities linked to it. However, the modern economy, while still being sustained by this strand of economic activities has diversified in such a way that there are new avenues of economic activities. Luckan (in Chap. 11) rightfully captures this phenomenon on the Durban waterfront whose mixed-use development is meant to fulfill the various needs of the city among which is the economic aspect. The analysis of space provided for various precincts of the city through socio-economic layers further exposes the spatial dimension of exclusivity as space is created to fulfill certain aspirations. Thus, the inclusion and exclusion of access to space emerges as an interplay of politics, policies and economic forces. This discourse is further elevated in Chap. 12 (by Govender and Loggia) who interrogate adaptive reuse strategies in the inner-city of Durban. Their overall findings show that the only way to achieve inclusivity in cities is to allow community participation in the creation of space. Hence in this context, spatial

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dimensions of exclusivity are partly a result of the top-down planning process which excludes people who use that space. Equally competing on the South African city landscape is the theme that hinges on housing. This is a very important theme that defines time and space. While on one hand, it presents itself as a tool for segregation, on the other hand, it also emerges as a tool for integration. Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu (2020) explored the dimensions of exclusivity in housing that emerged during the colonial and apartheid periods where access to housing depended on the sale of labor (especially among the urban poor households). Adebayo (in Chap. 13) pursues and elaborates further on this theme in post-apartheid South Africa. She recollects the history of exclusion through housing but further laments how contemporary housing policies and housing delivery systems are continually failing to achieve inclusivity. While the government has tried to design a myriad of policies, their implementation has always been a challenge. Critical among such challenges is the cultural dimension which seems not only to be neglected but also a factor that shows how contemporary policies are exclusive of indigenous cultural dimensions. This is captured in Chap. 14 where Chipungu and Msmang bemoan how urban housing policies continue to sideline critical cultural dimensions which, a situation which partly explains why there are complications to achieve integration in housing especially in the upgrading of hostels (such as CRUs) which are dominated by men. The colonial system, through various legislations, excluded women from the urban environment—a factor that explains why most women do not have access to decent housing. It is therefore not surprising that women who bore the worst brunt during the colonial-apartheid period are now also championing housing programs. Ndinda and Adebayo (in Chap. 15) pursue this argument but also observe that there is a complex web of factors (among which are macro-economic policies and the nature of the economy) which inhibit access to decent housing by women. Hence, the success of building inclusive cities lays in designing policies that recognize and accommodate women and their aspirations. Lack of inclusivity in cities is also a result of policies that fail to accommodate vulnerable households such as people living with disability. This is one group of people whose existence in urban areas is almost invisible. However, the magnitude of disabilities can only be discerned when analyzed from the urban fabric and through the window of services that accompany it. More so, from an institutional perspective, some policies exclude people with disability despite the fact that the South African Constitution categorically states that all people should be treated with dignity and respect. It is this aspect which Marhulumba and Nel (in Chap. 16) pursue in their analysis of negligence of people living with disabilities in the preparation of integrated development plans in Mthatha. What comes out of their analysis is the failure by the municipality to include them during the preparation of development plans—which in turn impacts negatively on their immediate environment. The physical environment so created becomes “a barrier” for them to access socio-economic services since its not compatible with their physical ability. One such service which impacts negatively on people living with disability is public transport which Chakwizira, Bikam and Adebayojo explore in Chap. 17. Using the case of Gauteng, they paint a gleam picture about the daily challenges and constraints people living with disability have

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to endure due to the nature of public transport and the physical infrastructure associated with it. In this regard, the right to the city is incomplete if citizens are denied access to appropriate infrastructure and services as in the case of people living with disabilities. What emerges from the preceding section is yet another dimension of the city which in essence defines the city as infrastructure. This definition situates infrastructure as the primary physical component that determines the functionality of cities in many dimensions such as in transportation, housing and economic activities. Therefore, lack of access to infrastructure or the mere unavailability or inadequacy thereof, is the basis for exclusion. Maswime (in Chap. 1) takes this discussion to its logical conclusion by noting that the double standards used in the provision of infrastructure (largely determined by cost, size and quality of infrastructure) are the basis upon which inequality flourishes on. Beyond the physical dimension of infrastructure, the impact of infrastructure on people’s lives within urban settings has been discussed from various perspectives (Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu 2020; Magidimisha-Chipungu and Chipungu 2019, etc.). This is further explored from a social and economic perspective in this book. One such social aspect is the view presented by Medayese, Magidimisha-Chipungu; Chipungu and Popoola in Chap. 18 where they interrogate the appropriateness and acceptability of such infrastructure through participation. Modern society has grown beyond the mere provision of services—hence there is need to include beneficiaries in the choice, planning, design and implementation of such infrastructure. One of the reasons which explains inequality and exclusion in the urban environment is the failure by cityfathers to allow the participation of beneficiaries in the development of infrastructure. Hence, perennial demonstrations are a pointer to the failure of municipal systems to deliver services among which is infrastructure and housing. This is a common phenomenon in the South African urban landscape where violent protests mainly for service delivery have resulted in more services being damaged. This indeed have become the most formidable language for protesters who believe that they can never have audience with the government without engaging in such demonstrations. Popoola, Blamah, Mosima, Nkosi, Medayese, Chipungu and Magidimisha-Chipungu (in Chap. 19) dwell on this aspect where they argue that lack of accessible infrastructure has not only increased the inequality gap, but also contributed significantly to urban social movements. However, their diagnosis further points to the damaging of infrastructure which makes cities dysfunctional and at times ungovernable. This in turn redefines the city as a stage for daily struggles. In summary, it must be noted that each of these chapters is a compilation of empirical evidence that defines inclusivity/exclusivity from its own contextual perspective. The in-depth methodological measures undertaken to gather such information coupled with the thoughtful choice of appropriate theoretical frameworks makes each chapter unique yet complementary to the thematic discourse. It is in the pursuance of each chapter where specific issues of inclusivity in cities are discussed to great length but within contextual limitations. Hence, an overview of these lived experiences and proposed future intervention measures are summarized in an integrated manner in Chap. 20 which is the concluding chapter.

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References Chipungu L, Magidimisha-Chipungu HH (2020) Housing in the aftermath of the fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe. Routledge Magidimisha-Chipungu HH, Chipungu L (2019) Spatial planning in service delivery. Routledge, Towards distributive justice O’Connor A (1983) The African City. Hutchinson. London, The UK

Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design. Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy.

Chapter 2

Southern African Cities at a Glance—An Introduction Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and Lovemore Chipungu

Abstract There is no one description that categorically explains the socio-economic and spatial attributes of Southern African cities. This stems from the fact that Southern African cities are a mixed bag of diverse and dynamic forces that contributed immensely to their formation. These forces which range from social, economic, political and spatial forces have evolved over time and in the process, formed defined features of modern-day cities. It would be a misnomer to skip the reality that the colonial-apartheid epochs were indeed influential in the formation and sustenance of structural systems which have defied time and still maintain a lasting memory of yester-year. While the blue-prints of the Germans, British and Portuguese are still visible in countries like Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, it is the exclusive nature of these cities that still stand defiantly despite multiple intervention by various governments to eradicate them. In South Africa, the apartheid system’s impact and its recurring impact of spatial inequality still evoke memories of negativity. It is from this perspective that this chapter intends to provide an overview of these African cities in order to illustrate how spatial inequality especially the creation of the “European city” (as O’Connor classifies them) greatly contributed to exclusivity in cities of southern Africa. Keywords Urbanisation · Inclusive cities · Urban development · Governance · Migrants

H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu (B) Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] L. Chipungu Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_2

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2.1 Introduction Although the majority of the African population is still living in rural areas, there is an indication of a gradual but significant demographic shift towards an increasingly urban population on the continent (UN DESA 2018). Considering the forecast of an average annual growth rate of 5.35% for the decade 2010–2020, sub-Saharan Africa is the fastest urbanising region in the world (UN-Habitat 2014). Against this background, cities in sub-Saharan Africa are currently confronted with a multitude, and hitherto unexperienced, magnitude of transformative phenomena such as rising inequality, exclusion, poverty and proliferation of informal settlements. These stressors are posing challenges to cities in terms of housing, infrastructure and provision of basic services as well as climate change adaptation. Cities in all Southern African countries have developed plans to foster the creation of jobs, better living conditions and the provision of safety of their inhabitants, through providing opportunities for economic and social improvement in the lives of the citizens of these cities. However, the efforts to discharge these obligations towards all their citizens have been equally met with huddles. Broadening socioeconomic divides, growing spatial disparities, and persistent poverty have been a well pronounced and dominants phenomena of cities in most Southern African countries. High disparities are manifested in terms of spatial, social and economic exclusion in urban areas. The spatial dimension of exclusion is reflected in geographic segregation, the social dimension is reflected in discrimination, and the economic dimension is reflected in lack of access to opportunities. The contemporary Southern Africa’s urban landscape is characterised by dense, disconnected, and poor urban peripheries (like Soweto in Johannesburg, Epworth in Harare, Katutura in Windhoek); urban cores that lack the financial and/or human resources to support their maintenance and inclusive development (like Hillbrow in Johannesburg, Mbare in Harare); and between them exclusive pockets of prosperity (like Westcliff or Fourways in Johannesburg, Borrowdale in Harare, Klein Windhoek in Windhoek).The result is entrenching and exacerbating dual economies, one a modern service-driven economy in large part accessible to a privileged minority, the other an informal economy prevented from realising its potential as a result of this legacy of marginalisation. People with access to wealth generally experience cities as a developed modern economy, while the poorest struggle to access even the most basic services in the same space. Beall et al. (2002: 9) confirm the duality, as recognised by Sen, at an urban level, “Whether read from the macro, meso or micro-scales, cities are not only sites of economic development, vibrant centres of social and cultural creativity or sites of political innovation. They are also areas of disadvantage and division and can be divided along a range of axes, including class, race, ethnicity, gender, generation and length or urban residence”. In the context of high inequality, the idea that Southern African cities have two tales can seem intuitively correct, and has informed approaches that assume there is a structural disconnection between the two tales. Even though the aforementioned assertion speaks of the complexity of lack of inclusion in urban areas, inclusion

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requires access to affordable necessities, such as housing and services, which often present a crushing burden to many disadvantaged households. But, inclusion also clearly demands access to good jobs and opportunities (to build assets and wealth) as well as equal rights and participation of all, including the most marginalised. Taking cognisance of Africa’s past that resulted in dual cities as described by Beall, it is now crucial to understand spatial planning in relation to the economy. In many cities, the spatial and economic challenges are the same as those left by colonial and/or apartheid regime. Many Southern African cities experience a physical scape that monumentalises separation over inclusion, in which the city fails to perform its democratic potential as a place of interaction, exchange, tolerance and opportunities for all. It is widely recognised that a direction of change is required to radically transform previously fragmented apartheid cities in order to contribute to the making of compact, efficient, equitable, sustainable and integrated human-scale environments (Harrison 2006; Pieterse 2005). Burdett and Sudjic (2007) argue that the future well-being of our cities lies in a more profound understanding of the interconnections of urban form and the social, political, cultural and economic processes that give rise to them. Consequently, this chapter argues that inclusive planning and design of the built environment, economic development, the distribution of density, the occupation of space should form the fulcrum of urban development policies in Southern Africa in order to subsequently impact on the quality of life of cities citizens.

2.2 Current Urban Affairs in Southern Africa Southern Africa is currently home to some of the world’s most unequal cities (UNHabitat 2010). They have inherited colonial segregation planning legacy and modus operandi that are spatially and socio-economically exclusive. In the decades since independence, few if not none Southern African states have been able to develop and implement reforms governing urban development to effectively improve these characteristics of their cities. Reluctance in addressing this legacy cement the city divide, disenfranchisement of vulnerable population and perpetuation of slums. Post-colonial era has seen an influx of migrants into urban spaces which were previous reserved for minority of European origin. The post-colonial African governments, in trying to limit this influx particularly from rural–urban migration (Collier and Venables 2017), they tend to adopt anti-urban policies, fearing the growth of cities and the potential for militancy in the urban under-employed. Where municipal by-laws exist, they effectively exclude the poor from the benefits of living in a city (Berrisford and McAuslan 2017). Persistently high levels of planned segregation in Southern African cities underpin the current urban inequality and marginalisation, with surge of commercially developed gated communities. With no formal viable alternative, poor urban populace improvises from the bottom through “informal” means (Huchzermeyer 2014a, b). The paucity of gender responsive public services

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and urban planning often perpetuate exclusion of women and girls and aggravate inequality. Numerous Southern African cities are battling with political instability, urban violence and post-conflict or economic migration. Many urban immigration populaces are stigmatised through association with areas and phenomenon they escaped, and host communities sometimes perceive them as precursors of criminality. Migrant population face a plethora of social and economic challenges in cities. Undocumented immigrants and refugees often face further unfathomable challenges in terms of their legal right to remain, or to reside in a location of their choice, and they frequently lack personal documentation needed to access support and services (International Rescue Committee 2017). In a growing number of Southern African countries there has been a rise in urban social movements which sometimes turn into violent protest from disgruntled citizens. Issue such as poor access to urban resources, water, housing, land, urban transport, a liveable environment and employment are at the centre of these social movement. Progress has been made in local cities in some southern African countries and a number of these cities have the potential to reduce inequalities, balance individual and collective rights to cities, and promote inclusive and active citizenship; ultimately contributing to sustainable urban development. Urban civil society can mobilise and organise to promote and safeguard the right to safe, healthy and inclusive cities. By recognising the right to participation and advocating for an empowered and informed citizenry, cities can redefine urban spaces, reduce inequalities, and ensure the democratic provision and management of public services and resources for the benefit of all.

2.3 The Metamorphoses of Urban Development and Governance in Southern Africa The rapid urbanisation that’s occurred in Southern Africa is associated with various urban ills, of inequality and exclusion among others, because institutions are not strong enough to deal with the magnitude of the rapid urbanisation. This phenomenon of poorly performing institutions was evidenced in nineteenth century Europe and early twentieth century American cities. Now, poor urban governance is regarded to be uniquely a global south phenomenon. It is not clear whether this uniqueness is temporary or permanent urban experience across the region. Southern African countries end up engaging in quick fix type of governance reform that lacks a holistic approach. Best practices on governance are introduced to Southern African cities without consideration of the stage of urban evolution and as a result some of the practices fail to materialise after vast resources have been committed to reform efforts. With the exception of South Africa, Southern Africa is portrayed as a basket case on urban development. Devoid of historical opportunities for all, infrastructure and services accessible to all and staggering levels of inequality, this portrayal is creating

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a race towards turning current and new cities across Southern Africa into “world-class cities”, cities that match the maturity of cities of the global north within a short period of time. This has been partly a result of policymakers not getting full grasp of the comprehensive evolution of cities the time it takes, the pains involved and resources committed. It is the reason ambiguous visions of becoming world-class cities are becoming fashionable in the Southern Africa regardless of the fact that indicators of being world-class cities are hardly defined and even difficult to define. For example, the City of Harare, Zimbabwe adopted Vision 2025, whose focus is making Harare a world class city by 2025. The City Windhoek’s vision is “To be a Smart and Caring City by 2022” and this replaced the previous vision “To enhance the quality of life of all our people”. Southern African cities aspire to be world-class, being those cities that are regarded global hubs in certain respect such as finance, tourism, diplomacy, they are pushing measures that align with vision yet realities of the challenges facing citizens are not addressed adequately.

2.4 Urban Inclusivity Policies Across the Region Enshrined in the New Urban Agenda (NUA), is an unanimously agreed commitment by all African countries at the Habitat III Conference to “promote institutional, legal and financial mechanisms in cities and human settlements to broaden inclusive platforms, in line with national policies that allow meaningful participation in decision-making, planning and follow-up processes for all” (paragraph 41), to establish legal and policy frameworks, based on principles of equality and nondiscrimination, ensuring appropriate fiscal, political and administrative decentralisation based on the principle of subsidiarity” (paragraph 89). However, the NUA obliges signatories to integrate and upgrade informal settlements to improved levels of accessibility, safety, quality, inclusively and affordability (Huchzermeyer 2017). Despite having progressive development principles and objectives in the postcolonial epoch, the actual outcomes have mainly served—unintentionally—to reinforce urban segregation and fragmentation (Turok , 2012a, b). An overarching framework for integrated urban development policies would respond to the broader urban issues and provide the basis of a country-wide urban agenda to address some of the challenges already identified, such as spatial and social fragmentation, bringing people closer to jobs and making Southern African cities more productive. The framework will also provide guidance on how various government programmes and resources can be better used to break the negative spiral of impoverishment that characterises townships and informal settlements. Southern African colonial cities were built for a small European population and have become inadequate for the rapidly growing population, there are now policy measures to decongest the cities. This decongestion movement at micro-level, city centres that are crowded with people are being argued to be too congested, policy proposals to move commerce to the suburbs so that businesses can have a tranquil environment and reduce congestion are implemented. Such argument seldom

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considers that traffic, particularly pedestrian, is the lifeblood of city centre commerce, by decongesting the city centres, they will go into a deathbed as suburbs flourish, a trend that is already crippling cities across the continent. At macro-level, the decongestion is moving towards development of new towns, satellite towns themed as tech cities, eco cities. As current cities are argued to be beyond redemption as colonially established cities, new large-scale urban developments are being established. The governments believe the new will solve the problems that the old is facing. They are developments done with determination to catch-up with the rest of the developed world in advancement and evolution to the extent that they are built straight up to climax as if they will remain the same forever. This is the policy basis for cities such as Harare in Zimbabwe with 2 million people are justifying the creation of a new capital city in Mount Hampden just outside the current capital city. The same goes with the creation of a new smart-city in Lanseria, which is located just north west just outside the city of Johannesburg. The focus of sustainable development goal 11 is to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”. It reflects growing recognition that human development depends on how well urbanisation is managed. This is important for Southern Africa, where despite high urbanisation rates the development focus has been primarily rural. While urbanisation rates vary across Southern Africa, an overall regional trend point towards a predominantly urban future. As southern Africa’s cities grow, the challenge will be to provide adequate services and equitable access to its opportunities. Currently, large gaps exist between needed and current services and infrastructure. A good example could be affordable housing. In this endeavour, South Africa has been in the forefront of developing policies to address the issues of lack of adequate access to proper housing and reduce inequality. The policies include Grow Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) and Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) among others. On the 3rd of November, 2020, the government of Zimbabwe approved the National Human Settlements Policy. In this policy, “Zimbabwe’s settlements are expected to be hubs of innovation, commerce, equitable socio-economic development and expression of the diverse cultural heritage at local as well as national level”. The policy also emphasised the need for settlements to be inclusive of all classes of society in functions of the settlement and service provision. Repeatedly, the mantra about African cities is that poor policy formulation, planning and implementation are obstacles to unlocking the promise of inclusive urbanisation. However, the central problem to unlocking equitable opportunities and inclusive urban development in African cities is sometime politics to a greater extend. In today’s competitive multi-party environment, leaders make political calculations and policies that privilege short-term horizons to win votes over long-term solutions to urban problems. Most critical, many urban planning problems are the result of power struggles and, in particular, the capture of “public goods” such as land or transit routes for certain interests. Politicians often use state goods and resources as patronage for their political supporters. This undermines the achievement of sustainable and inclusive cities.

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As people continue to move to cities across Southern Africa in search of opportunity, let’s hope that they can help fashion an urban politics that gives birth to the kinds of cities that are better for all. Many politicians have an interest in maintaining ineffective and/no policies around these critical public goods needed for making a city function, because they are part of networks that benefit from the status quo. Whether progress will be made on these laudable policies will depend on politicians working in collaboration with citizens. For policies to have the desired results of improved urban space, better access to opportunities, and affordable housing, incentives need to be reshaped to make it beneficial to follow sound policy prescriptions and play by the official rules.

2.5 Rethinking Urbanisation and Inclusivity in Southern Africa As Africa urbanises, cities globally draw from cities that developed before them. This has been the case with Western cities of the Greek and Roman empires that later influenced the modern European and North American cities. The western cities had drawn lessons from cities of earlier empires that include Babylonia, Medo-Persia and Egypt to the extent that some of the components that are regarded western in urban theories are actually of global south origin as they were drawn from former empires such as Egypt. In the past decades Southern Africa has been the subject of many studies regarding inequality and segregation, because of its entrenched history of colonial apartheid and its severe imbalanced economic distribution. Amidst the lingering global economic downturn and the dramatic rise of the emerging economies, Africa is increasingly being dragged into the globalisation narrative. There is a particular view of the world, cities and the role of the market that underpins a growing confidence that Africa’s cities are finally being recognised as critical anchors for the overall economic renaissance (Bell and Jayne 2006). The virtuous loop depends on appropriate regulatory reform, which includes, inter alia, decentralisation of built environment functions and fiscal powers to cities, easing the cost of doing business to attract more foreign direct investment, and suitably secure and networked residential stock for the middle classes and entrepreneurs that will drive these new investments and businesses (McMillan et al. 1999). The resulting revenue that stems from creating this “enabling environment” for economic development can then be deployed to fund and progressively expand a sensible afford-

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able housing programme, slum upgrading programme, which fosters the connection between enhancing aggregate economic growth and raising everyone’s living standards by providing access to essential services in the most disconnected areas of the city, hence reduce inequalities. Within the logic of this mainstream policy mindset, the primary obstacles to the realisation of this agenda are foremost a lack of political will, which can be traced to a reluctance to devolve powers to cities, and a deeper underlying fear that cities will in due course breed political opposition. Consequently, political elites tend to ignore the pressing importance of rapid urbanisation and its attendant demands for substantial infrastructural investments. As a result, in many official policy documents there is tenor of frustration and desperation with most African governments which simply fail to do the bare minimum to come to terms with the material realities of urbanisation and its economic, social, technological and political imperatives. There is very little acknowledgement that with the low economic base, combined with massive demographic expansion over the next forty years or so, large-scale structural disconnect from the formal economy, and already very high levels of income inequality, informal settlement will remain a defining feature for the foreseeable future. In the mainstream urban policy approach there is seemingly little appreciation for the cumulative consequences of poverty and inequality if the status quo is allowed to remain as it is. In fact, there is little evidence that the overall negative economic impacts as large-scale poverty exacerbates social conflict and undermines economic productivity.

2.6 Conclusion It is undeniable that cities hold the promise of unlocking development and economic opportunity for South Africa. But if this rapid urbanisation is not met with adequate governance and considered urban planning, poverty, instability and unemployment will increase exponentially. Southern Africa stands at the crossroads of a once in a lifetime opportunity to get urbanisation right. What we allow cities to do next will either put us on the path towards inclusive economic development or lock us into a low development trap. There is need to fix Southern Africa’s cities and the economy will follow. Inclusive development is the seductive idea that a more dynamic and productive economy can go hand in hand with reduced inequality and exclusion. This requires crafting together different values and realities, through cooperation and negotiation between different economic and social interests. This is particularly difficult in Southern Africa because of the deep-seated social divisions and stagnant economy. However, cities have considerable potential to combine prosperity with social inclusion, and thereby provide pathways out of poverty—but this is not automatic or inevitable, because a flourishing urban economy can also squeeze out the poor through the housing market. Proactive policies are required to manage the process of urban land and property development in ways that accommodate the

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poor, in-migrants and prevent social exclusion. A positive approach to investment in marginalised groups and communities is also necessary, so that they can develop and prosper over time, and reciprocate through higher productivity.

References Beall J, Crankshaw O, Parnell S (2002) Uniting a divided city: Governance and social exclusion in Johannesburg. Earthscan, London Bell D, Jayne M (2006) Small cities: Urban experience beyond the metropolis. Routledge. Berrisford S, McAuslan P (2017) Reforming Urban laws in Africa, global land tool network, Urban LandMark, UN-Habitat & Cities Alliance Burdett R, Sudjic D (eds) (2007) The endless city. The urban age project by the London school of economics and Deutsche Bank’s Alfred herrhausen society. Phaidon Press, London Collier P, Venables A (2017) Urbanisation in developing economies. Oxford Rev Econ Policy 33(3):355–372 Harrison P (2006) On the edge of reason: planning and urban futures in Africa. Urban Stud 43(2):319–335 Huchzermeyer M (2014a) Humanism, creativity and rights: invoking Henri Lefebvre’s right to the city in the tension presented by informal settlements in South Africa today. Transformation 85 (2014). ISSN 0258–7696 Huchzermeyer M (2014b) Invoking Lefebvre’s ‘right to the city’in South Africa today: a response to Walsh. City 18(1):41–49 Huchzermeyer M (2017) Informal settlements and shantytowns as differential space, Chapter XX, p3, Routledge Handbook of Henri Lefebvre, the city and urban society. Routledge, London International Rescue Committee (2017) The right to the city for urban displaced McMillan M, Pandolfi S, Salinger BL (1999) Promoting foreign direct investment in labor-intensive, manufacturing exports in developing countries. Consul Assistance Econ Reform II Discuss Pap (42) Pieterse E. (2005). Alternative futures of the South African City. Digest of South African Architecture, 2004/2005. Feature Article, pp 52–53 Turok I (2012a) Urbanisation and development in South Africa: Economic imperatives, spatial distortions and strategic responses. International Institute for Environment and Development, London Turok I (2012b) Urbanisation and development in South Africa: Economic imperatives, spatial distortions and strategic responses. Human Settlements Group, International Institute for Environment UN-Habitat (2010) Urban divide: unequal cities. press release. UNHabitat, Nairobi United Nations Human Settlement Programme (UN-Habitat) (2014) The state of African cities, 2014: Re-imagining sustainable urban transitions; UN-Habitat, Nairobi, Kenya United Nations; Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA); Population Division (2018) World urbanization prospects: The 2018 revision. United Nations, New York. Available online: https://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/Publications

Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her

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areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

Chapter 3

The Enduring Relationship Between Civil Engineering and Spatial Injustice Gundo V. Maswime

Abstract Immediately after the repeal of the apartheid laws, the international academic community paid a lot of attention to the housing situation and the built environment in South Africa (Newton C, Schuermans N in J Housing Built Environ 28:579–587, 2013). Town planners and engineers, buoyed by both their subliminal political ideology and the sentiment of their political principals, participated actively and passively in the incorporation of injustice in development planning and infrastructure delivery. This was presented as a professional imperative and carried over as part of the science underpinning civil engineering practice. The engineering profession, regarded as a direct application of science [(Brook H in Res Policy 23:477–486, 1994), is not value free (Bahm AJ in Policy Sci 2:391–396, 1971) and is thus capable of contributing to the entrenchment of both justice and injustice. Racial segregation is the most idiosyncratic feature of colonial and post-colonial urban landscapes, and it is essential to elucidate how the undercurrent of segregationist town planning has been perpetuated in the provision of public infrastructure. Engineering science has inherently biased processes and techniques that entrench injustice. Practical interventions that must be actioned by the Civil Engineering profession to make cities more inclusive are presented with examples. There are both systematic design errors and philosophical issues in the sciences underpinning design issues that perpetuate the provision of sub-standard infrastructure in low-income areas. Keywords Spatial justice · Cost benefit analysis · Mobility · Accessibility · Rational method · Urban apartheid · Urban segregation

3.1 Introduction Marx and Angles (1926) presage that the new economic system has won the ideological allegiance of the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers. This assertion is a rejection of science and an objective G. V. Maswime (B) Department of Civil Engineering, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_3

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implementation of natural laws for the improvement of the human condition. The Cambridge Dictionary’s definition of Civil Engineering as the use of scientific principles to design and build, structures, and other items, including bridges, tunnels, roads, and buildings means that both engineering and science may share the same fate that Marx and Angles (1926) alluded to. The disparities in access to functional infrastructure in South African cities offers an immediate and compelling visual confirmation of the level of inequality that exists in South Africa (Nnadozie 2013, p. 99). During apartheid, water and sanitation services—and most other public amenities—were primarily provided to white South Africans (Department of Water Affairs DWA 2011). Service delivery was highly differentiated and primarily served white South Africans giving little priority to developing townships and informal settlements where most blacks and coloureds lived (Beck et al. 2016). The “Black Local Authorities” that were set up to govern townships generally struggled with a much weaker tax base, lack of skilled personnel and overcrowded neighbourhoods (Smith 2004, p. 377). While the pathogenesis of unequal access to social and economic infrastructure is embedded in the political history of South Africa and often construed as a largely political construct (Terreblanche 2012), the professions of civil engineering and planning were central to the realisation of the present disparities in access to infrastructure. Whereas apartheid town planners creatively used physical barriers such rivers, distance and freeways as buffer zones to separate the residential areas of the various races (Khan and Maharaj 1998), civil engineers used engineering science and the cheapening of material specifications as some of the tools to ensure that once separated, the races were also unequal in terms of the quality and reliability of the infrastructure provided to them. Colonial powers that ruled South Africa from the mid-seventeenth to the late twentieth centuries abused their monopoly over political and military power to entrench exclusionary distribution of access to infrastructure constructed as proceeds of plunder (Terreblanche 2016, p. 25). Over the last 30 years beginning with the draft policies of the then governmentin-waiting and the discussions that followed the green and white papers on the transformation of the construction sector, important observations were made by different scholars which Provide insights into why the aspiration of building inclusive cities has remained elusive in South Africa (Watermeyer and Phillips 2020; Turok and Visagie 2018; Bond 2014; Wafer 2012). Soon after the framework to govern infrastructure delivery was concluded Macozoma (2003, p. 28) noted that as an unintended consequence of contestation over the emerging character of the South African construction sector, and indeed other sectors, politics became the priority over efficiency and effectiveness. Incredible energy was put into getting the politics right than getting the state to be efficient and effective. In fact, there was a lack of policy coordination and resistance from the incumbent public servants (Mosala et al. 2017, p. 332). Indeed, Bond et al. (2011, p. 3) later wrote that the apartheid era statistics who had waned decisively in the early 1990s had earlier dominated policy making were now replaced by a neo-liberal camp (World Bank, Urban Foundation) that was consistently winning debates and writing policies accordingly. This explains the observation by Bond et al. (2011, p. 2) that there are far more continuities than change, between

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the infrastructure policies of the late-apartheid regime and the African National Congress government. Today, South Africa faces an ignoble problem of exclusion of some citizens from access to amenities that would afford them full expression of their abilities and citizenry (Wafer 2012). The concept of inclusive cities typically focuses on mainstreaming the poor, women, the disabled, the vulnerable or infirm and those that are disempowered in one way or another (Pieterse 2009). In South Africa, as in a few other countries such as the United States of America and Australia, all these vulnerable groups have something in common, race. According to the inequality trend report, inequality trends in South Africa remain stubbornly racialised, gendered and spatialised (Stats SÁ 2019, p. 61). The persistence of South Africa’s inequality, a quarter of a century after formal democracy, is in large part down to enduring colonial and apartheid geographies (Webster 2019). It thus becomes impossible to dissociate the issue of race from the discourse on inclusive cities in South Africa today.

3.2 Inclusivity as Equitable Access to Public Infrastructure There is no standard definition of infrastructure across economic studies (Torrisi 2009, p. 6). In terms of policy, having no common definition of infrastructure makes it difficult to agree on how some of the problems in delivering infrastructure need to be resolved (Infrastructure Canada 2007). A functional definition adopted is to refer to infrastructure as all built facilities primarily owned by the state for the use of the general public. Public infrastructure such as roads, water, sanitation, telecommunications and electricity are critical for human development and thus referred to as critical infrastructure (Yao 2013). Except for electricity and telecommunications infrastructure, the rest on this list are the domain of the civil engineering profession. Civil engineering is that natural science that uses the laws of science to solve developmental problems related to the provision of infrastructure. Civil engineers design, build and maintain public infrastructure. While there is a growing credence about the potential benefits of public infrastructure, there is an acute lack of empirical evidence elucidating the relationship between growth, infrastructure and inequality (Bajar and Rajeev 2016, p. 1). Essentially, infrastructure benefits underdeveloped regions as disadvantaged individuals gain access to productive opportunities by connecting them to core economic activities. Martens (2007) dedicated a full textbook to the use of principles of justice to demonstrate that improving mobility and accessibility is central to the upward mobility of the economically excluded residents. In a master class on Transport Justice at the university of Cape Town, Martens stated clearly that “The existence of traffic congestion is essentially a sign that road infrastructure is a success. The road network provides a far better service to travellers than any other transport system. To try and improve roads is to try and improve an already superior service further and so to favour those who are already far better served than travellers on other system”.

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A reduction in production and transportation costs as a result of easier accessibility through roads has been a key determinant of income convergence for the poorest regions in Argentina and Brazil (Estache and Fay 1995). This demonstrates the centrality of equitable access to infrastructure as a pre-requisite in building inclusive cities. Developing countries attach a great value to development of physical infrastructure as a means to achieve equality (Majumder 2012). Indeed, exclusion from participation in the economy is largely compounded by what Jalan and Ravallion (2002) call “geographic capital”. This refers to where one lives and what infrastructure they have access to that can launch them in the economy. Infrastructure is the essential ‘geographic capital’ responsible for increased labour mobility and inclusive participation in the economy. Furthermore, social infrastructure development attracts better teachers and doctors, learning and health-care opportunities, and improves human capital in a region. Lack of upward mobility in certain communities is due to a failure to make certain infrastructure-based services available in the regions or neighbourhoods where the poor live (Martens 2016). In other cases, services may be present, but beyond the affordability of poor households. An understanding of why the poor lack access to amenities is therefore critical to determining the appropriate policy response (Brook and Smith 2000, p. 1). Majumder (2012), studying the impact of infrastructure development in creating an egalitarian society, observed that the type of infrastructure available plays a role in influencing the rate at which the community can overcome poverty and inequality. Social infrastructure such as health and educational facilities were found to be the most impactful in improving the lives of the excluded and marginalised communities. However, it is also true that the participation of the marginalised in education and improved access to health services can be greatly facilitated by improved infrastructure such as roads, telecommunications, and electricity (Yao 2013). Civil engineers should thus appreciate that cities are places where people live; the people who populate a city are as important as the environment or economic output of that city. People who work at night, the disabled, women and lower income socio-economic groups all face particular challenges in cities which are often not designed with their needs and experiences in mind (Cosgrave 2018).

3.3 A Pathology of Disparities in Access to Infrastructure Urbanisation is an irrefutable reality of our times (Turok and McGranahan 2013). To our advantage, Civil Engineering science and Town Planning have made very impressive strides in understanding the challenges of urbanisation. Civil engineers have, over the last century, contributed immensely to civilisation and development (Nesbit et al. 2012). But as a profession, civil engineering has not been immune to the general mistrust that has befallen the sciences during the same period (Mulligan et al. 2011). There are very compelling reasons why society will not, and should not,

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readily trust that engineering is a value free profession that rises above ideology and politics. At least not in South Africa. Turok and Borel-Saladin (2014, p. 675) observed that the provision of urban infrastructure in South Africa has outstripped population growth since 1994, resulting in better access to essential services and a reduced backlog. It is the housing backlog that has not been matched by the provision of houses despite more than 2.6 million houses being built between 1994 and 2015 (Tomlison 2015:1). The problem in South Africa is not the absence of critical infrastructure, it is rather, the inequality in the provision of public infrastructure that is lamentable. South Africa is one of the most unequal and visibly polarised territories in the world (National Planning Commission 2012). That civil engineers continue to play a role in the entrenchment of inequality in access to infrastructure in South Africa is an incontrovertible fact. The first principle of colonial planning was the social and spatial separation of dominators and dominated in the emerging urban centres (King 1985). Issues of health (Taing 2015), and urban squalor were convenient pretexts for the segregation (Wilkinson 2000). Simon (1989) points out that the present form of Calcutta, Nairobi or Johannesburg differs radically from Toronto or Melbourne though all these cities were built by the British around the same time. The South African model of colonial urban management of the first quarter of the twentieth century was used across in Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and a many other countries that were later colonised (Berger 1974). Geographers have highlighted the transition from urban segregation to urban apartheid in reference to what sociologists have called separate but not equal (Davies 1981; Nel 1991). Segregated cities in South Africa were formed by both black repression and white privilege (Parnell 1993). The framing of inclusive cities agenda on a template of racial segregation in South Africa has many advantages in addressing the challenges presented by the phenomenon of exclusion of women, children, disabled and the marginalised. Davenport (1970) documented how the onset of the Stallard commission on the question of ‘natives’ in urban areas defined what a ‘redundant native’ is. Addressing the South African Party club in his personal capacity Stallard is quoted by Parnell (1993) as saying “the town is a European area in which there is no place for the redundant native, a pre-requisite for being in town is that a native must be able to minister to the wants of the white man. To be able to serve the white man, the native needs to be able bodied”. Provision for the repatriation of the sick and infirm natives was highlighted by the Public Health Act 36 of 1919. Colonel Stallard persuaded the Native Urban Affairs Bureau to make further provision for the repatriation of idle and disorderly natives (Parnell 1993). Later on, permission was granted to physically inspect black women coming into the cities because they did not have a requirement to possess proof of employment (Report on Proposed Native Areas Bill 1922). Both the policy of providing “natives” with basic infrastructure and evicting them from the cities were intensified in the 1950s after the Group Areas Act took effect. Engineers then, spurred by the prevailing political ideology of segregation and inequality of the races, provided decidedly sub-standard infrastructure for the areas where non-whites lived. In addition to cheapening the choice of materials, design codes were also overlooked to minimise expenditure on a section of society that was

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believed to be too poor to afford to pay for the investment and the maintenance cost of the infrastructure. Paradoxically, sub-standard infrastructure in townships such as Langa in the Western Cape attracted a very hefty maintenance cost and such wastage in leaks that the water bill became too high for the residents to pay. The residents then opted to discontinue payments in protest, further compounding the problem of lack of maintenance. The rates boycott became a resistance strategy again in the mid-1980s giving the state all the more reason to neglect the residential areas of black South Africans. The South African government has at different times in history attempted to hand over the management of non-white areas to various native authorities. These attempts never yielded any tangible positive results for they were poor, overcrowded and under-resourced areas they lived in (Davis et al. 1977, p. 7; Bromberg and Hughes 1987). Administrations of native areas, as they were then called, were constituted and expected to provide infrastructure at a time when the training of black civil engineers was technically prohibited by the apartheid state. The training of a critical cohort of Civil Engineers in South Africa did not happen until 1997. Civil engineering has undoubtedly been coloured by colonial objectives and attitudes that determined who came into the profession and what they could do; and equally important, who was excluded, with what consequences. Its purpose was, to a greater or lesser extent, to advance the colonial mission of segregation and urban apartheid (Muller 2018). Its anchor sciences and practice must thus be examined as a tool for fostering inclusive cities.

3.4 The Domain of Civil Engineering Civil Engineering has a handful of sub-disciplines depending on how one approaches its taxonomy. From an urban development perspective, it is easier to categorise the sub-disciplines as follows; 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Water and Sanitation Roads and Stormwater Environmental Engineering (Waste Management) Structural engineering Geotechnical (Foundation) Engineering or Soil Mechanics.

The most recent of the main disciplines comprising Civil Engineering is Geotechnical Engineering. It is generally accepted that Geotechnical Engineering, an application of Soil Mechanics to ensure stability of buildings, roads and embarkments, was only recognised after the work of Carl Terzaghi in 1925. Advances in geotechnical advances in city planning is that engineers are now able to build on some of the most unstable soils and terrains due to the detailed understanding of the behaviour of soil under the weight of a building and the stability of slopes. Though discouraged, and in some instances disallowed, by the Council of Geosciences, it must be registered

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that civil engineers are able to build on, for example, dolomitic soil if certain strict considerations are adhered to. Engineers can not raise limitations in their professional practice as reasons why structures of a certain quality can not be built. This applies to all disciplines of the built environment. The civil engineering profession, like all others is about solving problems. It is testament to these great advances in civil engineering that Las Vegas (Nevada), and Dubai in the United Arab Emirates are cities built on arid land but have no water shortages. A case of inferior infrastructure for the poor is a conscious choice that engineers make during the design development stage. The resolve of appointed engineers or the resolve by the state not to commit equitable financial resources to all neighbourhoods in spite of race and social status should be regarded as the primary reasons for unequal access to infrastructure by some. This applies to all types of infrastructure including water and sewerage networks. The civil engineering profession has achieved more daring exploits even in South Africa to fail at fixing a sewerage pipe, dispose of solid waste properly or provide clean water to an isolated neighbourhood. It is a matter of priorities that has defined the disparities in infrastructure development in South Africa for centuries. A government that can build a sophisticated desalination plant over a 2-year period is not unable to fix a 1 m diameter concrete sewerage pipe over a 12-month period. Einstein is quoted as having said “we can’t solve problems by using the same kind of thinking we used when we created them”. Engineers need to appreciate that the ideological basis of their attitude towards the provision of public infrastructure before 1994 has made way for an inclusive one and thus embrace the new ideological thrust to achieve the vision of inclusive cities.

3.4.1 Disparities Caused by the Informalisation of Formal Neighbourhoods The problems of accessing infrastructure and services are particularly acute for the urban poor. While access is typically higher in urban areas than rural, it can still be extremely low for the urban poor, of inadequate quality, and unaffordable. Access rates within slums in many cases are comparable or lower to access in rural areas. In peri-urban areas there are residential settlements that started as formal low-cost housing developments which became overcrowded with the urban influx. The overcrowding begins as people constantly move into a neighbourhood without additional housing units being built (World Bank 2018). This carries on until the population exceeds what the neighbourhood infrastructure was designed to accommodate. As people can no longer share the small space, out buildings become common. These out buildings can be formal brick and masonry structures that occupy the backyards of the main structures or informal structures typically made of corrugated iron sheets with a timber frame.

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Characteristically, the phenomenon of informal houses being built around formal structures happens with the passive condonation of the building inspectorate until it is too common within the neighbourhood to correct using the basic by-law interventions. Once residents observe that the there is no strict enforcement of bylaws, they will erect out buildings more rapidly and with decreasing regard for aesthetics and safety. More and more out buildings are then built using less quality material until the original houses are almost covered in a maze of illegal buildings. The enforcement of bylaws is a local government competence that generally resides with the building control department within the local authorities. Building control units are seldom, if at all, located in the engineering or infrastructure cluster in a municipality. However, the proliferation of illegal and unsanctioned buildings has an effect on the provision and maintenance of infrastructure. The submission of building plans to an engineering department provides the engineer with an opportunity to perform two important checks. The first check is to determine if the location of the new structure does not interfere with the space reserved for the provision, upgrade and maintenance of such services as water, electricity and sanitation. This space is called a servitude. Anglo-American property law, it is defined as a device that ties rights and obligations to ownership or possession of land so that they run with the land to successive owners and occupiers. There is a required clearance between the perimeter fence and the building to enable maintenance and installation of new services. There are also engineering regulations about the actual distance and setup between potable water pipes and sewerage pipes. These regulations are intended to avoid sewerage sipping into potable water lines, an eventuality that can have dire consequences for the health of those using the water. The second check is to ensure that the neighbourhood has the number of residents that does not exceed the infrastructure that has been provided. The sizing of water and sewerage pipes is scientifically determined. In the case of a sewerage line, the income level of the household determined from valuation registers and the maximum and minimum slope are important considerations. One of the most important parameters involved in wastewater design is the minimum discharge that will maintain the pipe self-cleansing (Iliescu et al. 2016). The slopes ensure the flow of sewerage attains a certain minimum velocity to enable self-cleansing and thus minimise blockages. The sizing of pipes and their slope is governed by the engineering design standards and guidelines that each town uses. They are underpinned by the same science with slight variations based on pipe materials used and terrain. Anecdotally, parts of the black townships in the Vaal area (Sebokeng, Evaton, Bophelong and Sharpeville) and Ekurhuleni Metro (Tembisa) and Durban Metro (Bambai, Inanda) have evidence of either the sizing of the pipes or the slopes there of having been under designed. These sections are characterised by regular sewerage overflows that do not characterise suburbia in South Africa. This is an example of the contribution of civil engineering practice to unequal access to good quality infrastructure.

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3.4.2 Inaccurate Design Assumptions In South Africa most of the sewerage infrastructure has been designed in accordance with the relevant standards, applicable local requirements and municipal bylaws pertinent to the specific development. The changes in design standards were usually brought about by changes in the applicable technologies and political or socio-economic changes (Stephenson and Barta 2005) Urban design manuals, as a rule of thumb, assume that a smaller house has fewer people living in it. Regulations and codes of practice are informed by this assumption. These assumptions can be seen on inspection of “1983 Guidelines for the Provision of Township Services in Residential Townships (‘Blue Book’)”, 1994 Guidelines for the Provision of Engineering Services and Amenities in Residential Township Development (‘Old Red Book’) and the 2000 Guidelines for Human Settlement Planning and Design (‘New Red Book’). Anecdotally, some very small informal dwellings have an incredulous number of people sharing the space resulting in the assumptions to be false. This then translated to an under design of infrastructure units. Because of poor solid waste removal services, civil engineers must begin to acknowledge that the possibilities of clogged sewerage and stormwater pipes is higher in low income and shack settlements. If the stormwater or sewerage reticulation is designed, there is a need to factor in these eventualities. Design procedures for stormwater reticulation is standardised without due consideration of the income properties of the neighbourhood. Using what civil engineers call the Rational Method, the peak runoff is predicted according to the formula; Q = Ci A Where Q is the runoff quantity C is the runoff coefficient which depends on soil type i is the rainfall intensity and A is the sub-catchment area. Based on a chart, the outcome of this formula is used to determine the pipe size without any regard for the type of neighbourhood. Considering firstly that most lowincome settlements are built in slow draining areas and the fact that poor solid waste management is a reality of low-income areas, the considerate engineer will opt for a size of pipe that is at least one size above what the chart recommends to limit the chances of blockages also acknowledging that routine stormwater cleaning is not commonly done in these neighbourhoods. The problems of regular pipe blockages in informal settlements is perhaps the main cause of squalor in areas with basic infrastructure. A blocked pipe causes overflow of sewerage, portable water or storm water on the road surface resulting in extremely damaged roads. There is another indirect result of under designed civil engineering

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units. In informally overbuilt areas, services such as fire extinguishing and waste collection are almost impossible. These areas are more prone to fire outbreaks because of the frequent use of improvised heating and cooking methods. The maze of buildings that encroach the servitude makes it difficult and sometimes impossible for the fire truck to reach the fire in time to contain it. The informal structures also encroach on the road servitudes making it impossible for the waste collection truck to reach certain parts of the settlement. Waste from these inaccessible parts is dumped in any convenient open space and left to scatter due to wind, animals and runoff from rain. The waste ends up in open sewerage manholes and storm water inlets. This is the primary reason for constant flooding of these neighbourhoods and constant sewerage overflow on the streets. The corrosive gasses and compounds in sewerage destroy tar roads faster than the routine maintenance plans can anticipate. This demonstrates that an oversight or dereliction of duty on the part of a building control inspectorate has the effect of disadvantaging a whole community resulting in flow of sewerage in the streets with the effect of exposing residents to water borne diseases. This is the reason also, why South Africa’s high infant mortality rate is linked to poor access to good sanitation in peri-urban areas. One of the objectives of the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA) 16 of 2013 is to provide for the inclusive, developmental, equitable spatial planning. There were areas that were not part of any town planning schemes that also could not have any zoning or by-law enforcement. In these places, small businesses such as tuck shops and food outlets are common in street corners and within residential stands. This is not the case in affluent suburbs where restaurants are found in a demarcated space. A common cause of sewerage blockages in the oil and fats that crystalise in pipes reducing the useful width of the pipes. The engineers must thus places fat traps in strategic areas along the network once they know where these food outlets are positioned. What has been demonstrated with the above examples is the interconnectedness between town planning and civil engineering or more precisely, how town planning decisions and indecision contribute to the compromising of the quality of life of people in peri-urban areas. By making more accurate assumptions and anticipating what has been repeatedly observed to be challenges with low-cost infrastructure, the engineer can make significant strides in bringing infrastructure justice to the poor and marginalised.

3.4.3 The Deliberate Provision of Inferior Infrastructure in Low-Income Neighbourhoods Apartheid included the development of policies for urban planning and housing development that created the uniquely South African concept of a “township” a dormitory town built at a distance from economic activity as well as from white residential areas, with rows of uniform houses, historically lacking services and

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infrastructure such as tarred roads, sanitation, water, or electricity (World Bank 2014). This confirms the political nature of unequal access to infrastructure (Tempelhof 2017). The other intervention was to legislate the exclusion native Africans from participation in water boards, receiving loans for irrigation infrastructure and the express mention that land demarcated for natives may be expropriated for development of water projects without compensation. This was tabled in parliament as an amendment to the Water Act No. 54 of 1956 after the vision of “separate development” became vivid (Maswime 2020). The group areas act effectively pushed the urban blacks to the periphery where access to water was not guaranteed. The next enactment was the National Water Act No. 36 of 1999 which prioritised residential use of water. Today, only 40% of residential water is shared by 70% of the population while 60% is used by 30% of the population. This disparity reflects mostly race and partially, class Maswime (2020). Today, even after nearly two decades of democracy, South Africans still live-in settlement patterns reminiscent of the apartheid era. The spatial legacy of apartheid has proven particularly tenacious. To compound matters, new urban development has reproduced some of the features of the old (World Bank 2014). Post-1994 policies have aimed to promote water justice for all citizens, but municipalities have struggled with implementation especially in rapidly growing informal settlements. In many instances, the politicians and engineers alike concluded that the lowincome areas would not be able to carry the repayment cost of infrastructure roll out and maintenance. The engineers then looked for the cheapest options. With the excuse that there was a lower tax base, inferior quality water infrastructure is still being provided. These inferior pipes often leak generating water bills that are far beyond what the users could pay. The mindset of providing low quality infrastructure that constantly leaks, blocks and malfunctions has been unwittingly passed across generations of engineers and accepted as inevitable. It is a mindset that must be challenged by ensuring the collective unlearning of engineering professionals through advocacy and using any forum to highlight the unequal treatment of spaces in the provision of infrastructure. Engineers must start to question also why wastewater treatment plants tend to be located near low-cost housing developments where odour, flies and other nuisances become the burden of poor people. Sanele Dlamini’s master’s thesis on refuse collection demonstrates that uncollected refuse interferes with stormwater and sewerage network resulting in further damage to road infrastructure (Dlamini 2019). Engineers must, in the mean time anticipate this in their design and construction of sewer and stormwater in poorer neighbourhoods where refuse collection may not be consistent.

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3.4.4 The Role of Civil Engineering Science in Realising Inclusive Cities It thus stands to be reasoned that a normal low-cost typology house that is single storey should be the easier structure to build without cracks. However, these have been built so poorly in many instances that they were uninhabitable. Effects in houses manifests as cracking, dampness, water leakages, leaking roofs and detachment. It can thus be concluded that this is more of an attitudinal problem than a limitation of engineering science. While this scenario is common in housing, a structural and geotechnical entity, it can be carried across to other disciplines of civil engineering and other kinds of infrastructure. The current norms and standards for water and sanitation in South Africa, have a bias towards providing water in urban areas, a charge that the state admits in the preamble of the National Norms and Standards for Domestic Water and Sanitation Services that was gazetted on 8 September 2017. The fundamental difference between portable water provision and sanitation provision is the fact that water must be provided at a certain minimum pressure. The pressure is a function of height difference between the source and the household. Elevated tanks, reservoirs and booster pumps are used to achieve this pressure differential. This makes it important for a town planner to know before deciding where people will stay, what kind of water pressure will be achievable. In many instances, shanty towns are built in any uninhabited piece of land. These tend to be low lying areas that are also prone to flooding. Except for the challenge of private land ownership, various options are available to provide water to people that live next to cities. There is a relatively new design concept called inclusive design. It refers to making design decisions that demonstrate an understanding of the needs of, and the design issues, relating to people. The British Standards Institute (2005) defines inclusive design as the design of mainstream products and/or services that are accessible to, and usable by, as many people as reasonably possible without the need for special adaptation or specialised design. Engineers have historically limited the range of the people they have in mind when they design by ignoring those, they deem unimportant in design considerations. Inclusive design involves a departure from the practice of designing to the norm to designing to include those that are marginalised as lacking agency. The engineer today, through education, training, lifelong learning and adaptation, must appreciate how engineering design decisions impact on people’s lives. Civil engineers should strive within their professional practice to account for their understanding of the human dimension into their professional designs and actions. It is the responsibility of the engineering profession to play a role in decision making about how cities evolve, how infrastructure decisions are made, what is built in our cities, what gets priority and what should be funded. The kinds of opportunities people can access based on where they live in a city, defines the city and it is certainly one of the primary responsibilities of an engineer to design urban environments that

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promote accessibility. Civil engineers must understand the hard-wired link between infrastructure and the quality of life and use this knowledge in designing good quality infrastructure for the marginalised. Value for money and cost–benefit analysis should not always supersede creating more inclusive cities.

3.5 Traditional Engineering Approaches that Entrench Exclusion of Marginalised Residents There are some traditional approaches to engineering design and planning that are inherently discriminatory and exclusionary. Two of these practices are listed below. These are design processes that underpin the provision of infrastructure.

3.5.1 Planning for Sustainability Planning for sustainability is likely to perpetuate existing disparities between persons with and those without access to infrastructure. The principle of sustainability in planning revolves around predicting and then preventing. Owens (1995) makes an example with transportation planning citing the fact that when planning for sustainability, the planner’s intention is to limit the impact of the transportation sector on the environment. This means a reduction in the forecasted increase in car travel. Inevitably, the car becomes the centre of the planning endeavour than the people that need to be moved. The alternative is to plan the transportation network for accessibility and thus putting people at the centre of transportation planning by emphasising that the goal of the transportation system is to provide persons with access to destinations. Transport planning authorities must assess accessibility to key destinations in their locality and propose and implement measures to improve accessibility in case of unmet accessibility needs (Lucas 2012).

3.5.2 Cost-Benefit Analysis This is the most widely used evaluation framework in industrialised societies (Bristow and Nellthrop 2000). Cost-Benefit analysis is premised on maximising the net contribution of the project on the national income. In virtually all countries using costbenefit analysis, the value of travel time is linked to wages. For that reason, transport investments that primarily benefit higher income groups would score substantially better than alternatives that would serve the poor population groups, all else being equal.

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Statistics SA (Stats SA) released the Inequality Trends in South Africa Report on Thursday, 14 November 2019. The report shows that white South Africans earn three times more than black South Africans. The implications of a cost-benefit analysis will become immediately obvious when this rationale is considered.

3.6 Conclusion The segregationist urban development policies of the colonial era were indeed political and ideological phenomena. It should be acknowledged that town planners and civil engineers were active participants in urban segregation and urban apartheid, respectively. While race was the primary mode of exclusion, with it was gender, disability and infirmity. This makes it progressive in a country like South Africa to view inclusive cities as those where all the races have equal access to the same quality infrastructure. To achieve inclusive access to infrastructure, two levels of intervention are required. The first one is the gradual correction of spatial planning. The second one is to ensure that all neighbourhoods receive the same quality infrastructure within the current spatial set up. Both interventions can and should be synchronously pursued. In the light of the role of civil engineering as an enabler of spatial injustice, the underpinning theoretical foundations of civil engineering science must be actively probed to identify ways in which they continue to perpetuate the exclusion of designated groups from access to good quality and functional public infrastructure. Costbenefit analyses and the rational method of stormwater pipe sizing are examples of approaches that disadvantage the poor, the former because of its inherent prioritisation of the affluent and the latter because of overlooking the fact that there is typically poor refuse collection records in the poor neighbourhoods resulting in rubble blocking pipes and damaging infrastructure. The disposition to provide low quality infrastructure to the poor with the reasoning that they cannot afford the maintenance cost results in exorbitant maintenance costs that surpass the total cost of infrastructure provided to the wealthier neighbourhoods. Provision of infrastructure must be followed by equal enforcement of bylaws to ensure there is no more households that was anticipated during design. The synergy between civil engineering and town planning professionals is critical in addressing the disparities in access to public infrastructure.

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Torrisi G (2009) Public infrastructure: definition, classification and measurement issues. Research Papers in Economics. MPRA Paper 12990, University Library of Munich, Germany Turok I, Borel-Saladin J (2014) Is urbanisation in South Africa on a sustainable trajectory? Dev South Afr 31(5):675–691. https://doi.org/10.1080/0376835X.2014.937524 Turok I, McGranahan G (2013) Urbanization and economic growth: the arguments and evidence for Africa and Asia. SAGE J 25(2):465–482. https://doi.org/10.1177/2F0956247813490908 Turok I, Visagie J (2018) Inclusive urban development in South Africa: what does it mean and how can it be measured. IDS working paper, vol 2018, no. 512 Wafer A (2012) Discourses of infrastructure and citizenship in post-apartheid Soweto. Urban Forum 23:233–243. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12132-012-9146-0 Watermeyer R, Phillips S (2020) Public infrastructure delivery and construction sector dynamism in the South African economy. Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation. Republic of South Africa, National Planning Commission Policy Paper Webster D (2019) Why South Africa is the most unequal society. New Frame. Published online https://www.newframe.com/why-sa-is-the-worlds-most-unequal-society Wilkinson P (2000) City profile: Cape Town. Cities 17(3):195–205 World Bank Group (2014) Economics of South African townships: a focus on Diepsloot. World Bank Study No. 89917 Yao X (2013) Infrastructure and poverty reduction-making markets work for the poor. ERD Policy Brief Series No. 14. Published Online http://www.adb.org/economics

Gundo V. Maswime is a lecturer in the Department of Civil Engineering at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. He teaches urban design and professional practice. He has industry experience in Urban infrastructure planning, design, and project management. His research interests are infrastructure justice, implementation science and municipal engineering and asset management.

Chapter 4

Interrogating Conceptual Dimensions of Inclusive Cities Hangwelani Magidimisha-Chipungu and Lovemore Chipungu

Abstract Arising from the contestations towards understanding the dimensions of inclusivity, Mateusi et al. (Int J Educ Sci 6:263–273, 2014) mentioned that confusion arises when inclusion is taken to be a fixed state instead of a dynamic process. The dynamics is the propellant of the varying experience as it relates to understanding and conceptualizing city inclusiveness. This places emphasis on addressing needs of city inhabitants; effective representation of all residents in governance, planning and budgeting structures and processes; and finally, ensuring equal access to basic services. Assumptions and varying views are what translates into divergent configuration of a city to align to inclusive thinking that is understood by academics and professionals—which this book project, particularly this chapter, is interested to unbind. The Southern African urban space provides a unique point of entry and discussion on the inclusive city in the sense that it goes beyond the conceptualization of urban space through the lenses of urbanization—but incorporates massive restructuring of urban spaces with the intention of ameliorating negativities arising out of the colonial and apartheid governments. This in turn complicates and repositions the debate beyond the mere articulation of principles of inclusivity by providing a platform for redefining these principles in the context of local dynamics. Keywords Spatial · Economic · Inclusion · Social · Colonial · Inclusive · Cities · Conceptual dimensions

H. Magidimisha-Chipungu (B) Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] L. Chipungu Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_4

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4.1 Introduction Although the majority of the population in Southern Africa is still living in rural areas, there is an indication of a gradual but significant demographic shift towards an increasingly urban population in the region (UNDESA 2018). Cities are drivers of change in the sustainable and inclusive growth, and the integration of marginalised people, displaced persons and migrants. Notwithstanding their economic role, most cities in Southern Africa are currently confronted with a multitude, and hitherto unexperienced, magnitude of transformative phenomena such as rising inequality, exclusion, poverty and increased residency in informal settlements. These stressors are posing challenges to cities in terms of housing, infrastructure and provision of basic services as well as climate change adaptation. The present impact of economic downturn on the urban poor across the globe due to corona virus pandemic provides an opportunity to reflect and shift towards more inclusive urban environments. That is, urban development that creates opportunities for all and distributes economic gains fairly. This chapter aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion among urban practitioners and academics about the challenges and solutions for making cities more inclusive in Southern Africa by interrogating the status quo and provide a framework for assessing initiatives for developing inclusive cities, and describing the main areas of government action. It also seeks to provide an overview context of the main actions that governments are or can undertaking to promote inclusive cities initiatives in Southern Africa.

4.2 Defining an Inclusive City An “inclusive city” can be defined as: • A city in which all its people have access to basic services. • A city where people have access to employment opportunities to engage in productive livelihoods. • A city that recognises people’s cultural rights and provides amenities and public spaces for people to express these rights. • A city where people can find creative expression in arts and heritage. • A city where people can showcase their talents and sports and take part in community activities. • A city that recognises the human capital of all its people and strives to actively enhance this through appropriate programmes. • A city that cherishes and propagates human rights. • A city that’s proactive in meeting development challenges as well as having the foresight to plan ahead to militate against new challenges.

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• A city where people have political freedom and political expression. • An inclusive city is not only socially cohesive but spatially integrated as well. • Everyone feels welcome regardless of race, ethnicity, nationality, socio-economic background.

4.3 Dimensions of Inclusive Cities The main principles underpinning the agenda of inclusive cities are multidimensional. High disparities are manifested in terms of spatial, social and economic exclusion in urban areas. Hence, the agenda identifies three dimensions that encapsulate the concept of inclusive cities: (i) economic inclusion, (ii) spatial inclusion, and (iii) social inclusion. The economic dimension deals with lack of access to opportunities, the spatial dimension of exclusion deals with geographic segregation, and the social dimension deals with discrimination.

4.3.1 Economic Inclusion Economic inclusion is about ensuring equitable access to economic opportunities for all groups of society, regardless of individual characteristics (such as race, ethnicity, creed, economic status, gender, age or country of origin) (Gumede 2011). As a condition for inclusive growth, economic inclusion promotes equality and innovation in society. Cities are uniquely positioned to promote economic inclusion because highquality jobs are primarily located in urban areas, which attract newcomers in search of economic opportunities. Cities need multi-pronged initiatives to remove barriers to economic opportunities by enhancing access to jobs, providing quality education and skills training, and promoting equitable access to finance and entrepreneurship for all population groups. Most cities in the Southern African region face pressing economic inclusion challenges as they strive to create more and better economic opportunities for all. The economic performances of cities in the region are very uneven across countries. While on average cities enjoy higher employment rates than the rest of the country, job creation remains a challenge in urban areas. Southern Africa has an average unemployment rate of approximate 30%, even though some countries’ rate is far above the average, and industries in cities across the region are underdeveloped, with the exception of South African cities. In countries which have seen the benefits of relative economic growth, job opportunities have not been spread equally within cities. The poor continue to bear the brunt of unemployment and are generally at risk of absolute poverty and social exclusion. Furthermore, the corona virus pandemic has led to a sharp increase in unemployment and subsequently mass increase in poverty in many countries, which has dire impact on the urban poor and/or marginalised urban population groups.

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As a result of the lack of opportunities as well as spatial and skills mismatch, most of the marginalized population often ends up in low-paying or informal jobs that do not provide a dependable stream of income and are often characterized by precarious working conditions. Lack of a formal address or identity may preclude access to formal jobs, while lack of education and poor health can also restrict access to higher-paying jobs. Additionally, unaffordable transit fares and disconnect from the public transportation network further suppresses access to economic opportunities. Very low incomes and multiple necessary expenditures mean that individuals and households have a very limited capacity to save or invest, and there is little ability to withstand shocks. Access to finance is problematic as credit unions and micro-finance initiatives may require regular monthly payments which is particularly difficult for those employed informally. Exclusion from both market and state opportunities makes the excluded more and more vulnerable.

4.3.2 Spatial Inclusion An inclusive city provides a sustainable urban environment for all members of society. Spatial inclusive encompasses several inter-related dimensions, such as mobility, access to and quality of basic services, public spaces and amenities, preservation of cultural heritage, affordable access to housing, strategically located residential areas, resilience to natural disasters (such as flood risk and/or fire risk) and climate change. Spatial segregation results from low-income households clustering together in spatially informal and/or remote areas (Harrison and Todes 2015). Among others, restrictive and exclusionary land use regulations, lengthy and expensive administrative processes for land development, lack of land regularization and titling mechanisms, and corrupt practices of land conversion have led to high prices of land and informal occupation. As a result, in cities of developing countries, the urban poor often settle on land exposed to natural and man-made hazards such as garbage dumps and polluted sites due to their proximity to opportunities for economic growth. Additionally, due to non-availability of affordable land and restrictive building regulations, housing remains out of reach for many and informal settlements form. Slums and informal settlements are a common sight today with nearly one in every three urban residents in the developing world—or a total of one billion people—living in slums. Infrastructure provision in these marginal locations is highly inadequate. Lack of water, sanitation and other basic services lead to deterioration of the urban environment and pose public health risks. Dating back to colonial era, spatial segregation has been and is still a big challenge for liveability in cities across Southern African region, particularly for the marginalised population groups. Spatial segregation, where rich and poor residents live in separate neighbourhoods, creates stark differences in quality of life within a city, and significant challenges in the areas of affordable housing, mobility, and access to services and amenities. Access to proper housing remains a challenging policy area in most countries and cities in particular across the region. Problems of

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overcrowding and housing affordability are particularly acute in the largest cities. Informal settlements are a common sight on the face Southern African cities. Spatial segregation contributes to reducing mobility for the most vulnerable groups, who tend to live in isolated neighbourhoods in peri-urban areas which are not well connected to jobs, services or quality education. Because educational outcomes are strong predictors of future earnings, health and jobs, spatial segregation significantly affects the economic opportunities of the most vulnerable groups and of future generations. Climate change poses a global challenge for liveability of cities in the region for the excluded groups. There are numerous cities with a high risk of flooding and fire outbreak across the region. There is increasing awareness of the need for cities to develop integrated solutions to build resilience to floods, fire and other natural disasters. Recently, it has been proved that people in informal settlement are constantly under threat of disease outbreak and pandemic.

4.3.3 Social Inclusion As agglomerations of people, cities tend to be melting pots of diversity—such as ethnic, demographic and socio-economic diversity—which may create barriers to social integration (Price and Chacko 2012). Social inclusion is a dynamic process aimed at improving the ability, opportunity, and dignity of people disadvantaged on the basis of their identity to take part in society. Enhancing the social inclusion of vulnerable groups benefits the entire community by contributing to create more socially dynamic and innovative societies. Hence, social inclusion is not only about removing barriers, but also about leveraging diversity for the benefit of society as a whole. Social exclusion and marginalization on the basis of socio-economic status, gender, age, caste, ethnicity, and other categories often pose particular difficulties in gaining and securing access, rights, and opportunities in urban areas (Hooker 2005). For example, women may face discrimination within their household, within the labour market and in regard to access to services. In some countries, migrants in urban areas and displaced persons settling in cities may be denied the ability to access public services, while also sharing many of the same challenges as the urban poor—i.e., informal settlement, poor living conditions, lack of economic opportunities, and social marginalization. People who are displaced due to conflicts or disasters may also face additional constraints such as legal status, trauma, loss of assets and jobs, and social tensions, to name a few. In the case of displacement, even though it is usually a long-term or even permanent condition in urban areas, issues related to displaced population are rarely factored into urban planning. Southern African cities are faced with tremendous social inclusion challenges as a result of increased levels of inequality within cities. The influx of migrants and refugees in cities has been among high contributor in creating social divides within urban areas. Being among the most vulnerable populations, migrants and refugees are most at risk of social exclusion and marginalisation. Neighbourhoods or slums

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in which migrants and refugee settle upon arrival in cities tend to be culturally and socially isolated, thus preventing the development of a local sense of community and exacerbating the effect of spatial segregation (Saunders 2010). Social exclusion limits the opportunities for people to receive high-quality education and to enter the labour market. Overall, public safety tends to be a more pressing concern in cities than in rural areas. People in urban areas are more likely to feel unsafe compared to those in rural areas due to a higher incidence of crime. The difference in public safety perceptions between urban and rural areas is particularly pronounced in South African.

4.4 ‘Tailor Made City Inclusivity’ Southern African cities are marked by high levels of inequality, inadequate infrastructure development and maintenance, and a stubborn mismatch between skills and job opportunities. The experience of cities in Southern Africa offers an intriguing point of entry into the debate around inclusive cities. Unless they are tailored to local contexts and supported by local institutions, Southern African cities will struggle to lift the social, economic and spatial barriers hindering genuine inclusivity. The creation of inclusive cities hinges on local authorities’ capacity to reflect the lived realities of Southern African urban dynamics, including political tensions, informal settlements and economies, poor service delivery and acute shortages of public funds. Unpacking the concept of inclusive cities in a southern African context should be understood within the confines a space where all residents having access to basic services and employment opportunities; a place where people can find creative expression in arts and heritage that both recognises and allows space for the expression of cultural rights; and where people can showcase their talents and sports and take part in community activities. An inclusive city is a place where people have political freedom and political expression, no matter what their race, ethnicity, nationality or socio-economic background; and a place that cherishes and propagates human rights (Alessandria 2016). It is also a city that’s proactive in meeting development challenges and has the foresight to plan ahead to militate against new challenges (Anttiroiko and de Jong 2020). Given the broad definition, it is not the sole responsibility of any government to make a city inclusive; it is the responsibility of all social actors and citizens, with local government, as the most accessible institutional sphere of government, being the key driver. Local government must also be committed to sustainable human development by ensuring that all those who live within its jurisdiction abide by its laws and have a decent quality of life. A significant development challenge to be overcome in this regard is the legacy of apartheid and colonialism. Without inclusive development, cities will remain socially and socioeconomically fragmented. Building an inclusive city is an ongoing process, not an end in itself.

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In Southern African context, the “post-colonial” city does not exist. There is a colonial city legacy. Despite the political changes, the cities that the newly independent states inherited were cities built by colonisers for colonisers (Watson 2009). There are “African” and “colonial” parts to these cities, where even the African parts were built by colonisers. This colonial city legacy thus poses a challenge for new democracies in Southern Africa and its solution lies in “the unleashing of voice and voices in the city”. In order to move to non-colonial cities, voices need to be freed and an incremental process needs to be developed whereby “voiceless” people can influence the progress of cities. The colonial centre of cities can only be retained if there is a process of free political engagement and negotiation, which requires more than simply sitting around a table, but it requires an engagement in open process where the clash of ideas can provide enrichment and deepening of democracy in the city. In order to include people and for them to speak up, they must feel that cities are a space where they can feel at home and where they feel they can speak and be heard. Effective participation requires that authorities create spaces of participation that involve people beyond just grassroots level but which should also allow them to influence major decisions by discussing the advantages and disadvantages of different policy options. Such participation would enable people to have a final say in the development and final approval of a city budget. Participation can also be used to demobilise and de-legitimise groups who oppose government.

4.5 The Illusion of Inclusion The days of apartheid and/or colonial rule in which black Africans were treated as strangers in their own homeland are gone. In its place, most Southern African states now stand as societies based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights. However, the remnants of colonial cities are still stuck with us. The continuous clear-cut poverty and inequality in Southern African Cities from contradicts the inclusivity that lies at the heart of the struggle to liberate these states from the colonial oppressors. After decades of oppression, the democratic governments represented more than political freedom. The democratic governments represented absolute inclusion in the sense space, economy and society. Poor people are attracted to the city because they believe they will find of a better life there, yet in general the Southern African postcolonial city is poor. Most of the urban poor are self-employed in the informal sector; most do not have the wage earnings of formal employment. But unlike their European counterparts, some of the Southern African urban poor are not in a desperate situation, as their day-to-day survival is not dependent on education and skills. In cities like Cape Town, the colonial city centre is still the exclusive preserve of the former colonial class’s descendants and a few of the previously disadvantaged groups who are fortunate to move up the socio-economic ladder. In other Southern African Cities like Harare, Durban, Johannesburg, etc., the rich have moved away

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from the city centres and relocate to the affluent suburbs in the outskirts of the cities. The colonial city centres are now occupied by the low-income group and the poor at most. Most of the people of the African descendants, who also form the majority of the poor population group, are settled in township, popularly known as locations. The further you move from areas where whites and some few rich Black African live, the less affluent, more populous, poor and African it becomes. Popular discourse of rampant social ills that run throughout cities in Southern Africa reflects the large urban poor population’s attempts to make sense of the postcolonial state’s failures. Despite the governments’ lofty promises to guarantee socioeconomic rights such as access to food, water and healthcare, the percentage of population classified as poor has remained virtually unchanged for example in South Africa, from 1994 to 2013, it actually rose from 45.6 to 47% (Bhorat 2013a, b). Governments face pressure to show that the moniker ‘democratic government’ is not a shame. There exists an illusion of inclusion, in which the majority number of the previously marginalised population groups or their descendants are still on the fringes of the mainstream economy of cities. There is cause to appreciate the strides made by a small percentage of the previously marginalised groups in moving to up the socio-economic ladder and relatively reduce the inequality gap. However, there is a risk that focussing of the little progress made will create a smoke screen which will prevent us from seeing the majority who are still excluded from the mainstream city fabric of Southern Africa and still stuck in deep quagmire of object poverty. In order to move to inclusive cities, voices of the excluded population groups need to be freed and an incremental process needs to be developed, whereby the “voiceless” people can influence the progress of their cities. This requires more than simply sitting around a table, but an engagement in open process where the clash of ideas can provide enrichment and deepening of inclusivity in Sothern African cities.

4.6 An Integrated Approach to Inclusive Cities Lessons from past experiences indicate the need for an integrated approach: Even though the aforementioned arguments speak of the complexity of lack of inclusion in urban areas, programmes and policies aimed at inclusion often target spatial issues such as housing deficit, supply of land and provision of services. The initial response to proliferating informal settlement in many cities was large scale evictions (Huchzermeyer 2011) Yet, due to the non-availability of affordable housing options and proximity to economic opportunities, more and more people moved to slums. Mass public housing projects were undertaken as a response to housing deficit. However, the upfront cost of providing public housing that meets the demand of an increasing population scale is prohibitively expensive. Due to this, these houses were often located on cheap land on the periphery of the city with low quality construction and compromised standards in order to curb costs. This exacerbated spatial segregation and failed to meet the demand of the urban poor.

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As mass social housing was realized to be a cost intensive endeavour, a ‘sites and services’ approach aimed to provide serviced land, considering that people would build on these plots themselves. In most cases, serviced land was provided in unfavourable locations. Moreover, serviced land also meant higher land prices, making it difficult for the urban poor to pay the rent. Additionally, it was often politically challenging for city leaders to justify investment in infrastructure for people who have not yet arrived, when many current residents lack infrastructure. As a result, the sites and services programmes yielded mixed outcomes. One alternative was incremental housing programmes, which provided access to serviced land and a minimum core unit, requiring the residents to build and expand on their own according to the set standards. These approaches required fewer initial resources from government, as they leverage private and community resources. More recently, affordable housing approaches have been focussing access to different types of solutions to suit the demands of people, rather than constructing finished low cost housing units. All these approaches aimed at addressing spatial inclusion are narrowly targeted at peoples’ housing needs and often fail to address inclusion at scale. Slum upgrading has been the preferred approach for the last 2–3 decades. Slum upgrading projects entail improving the living conditions of slum dwellers in situ. The scope of slum upgrading programmes varies from neighbourhood-level projects to city-wide slum upgrading and national programmes. Early slum upgrading projects tended to be confined to improvement of housing and physical infrastructure (Das 2015). With time, slum upgrading has started to pay attention to community involvement, governance, legal status of the households’ title, and environmental safety. More recently, secure land tenure has been considered as an enabling factor for housing investment and economic growth. While the results of increased investment in housing due to security of tenure are not yet confirmed, security of tenure is also seen to be a source of identity, status and political recognition that can serve as a basis for acquisition of other rights and services. Increasingly, community participation is being considered as a significant factor in achieving inclusion, through involvement of the community in development processes, governance, and decision making. Community-driven development approaches that promote co-production of public goods and services have been a means to mobilize both public agents and private citizens. Engagement of the community has often included participation during planning and implementation, and in certain instances, the community has taken control over planning and resources handling as well. Most recently, rights-based approaches to inclusion have attempted to fundamentally change exclusionary and inequitable practices. In urban contexts, rights-based approaches have been particularly notable for securing land tenure, access to basic services, and access to trading spaces. While there has been a wide recognition of participation and protection of rights of the marginalized communities as important factors to achieve inclusion, the efforts to involve and engage with the marginalized communities have been scattered and ad-hoc. Similarly, apart from livelihood and vocational training components attached to the slum upgrading and housing projects, there has not been evidence of incorporating economic inclusion as an important factor to promote inclusive cities. Some

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of the tested approaches to promote economic inclusion such as access to financial markets through savings and loan facilities, support by housing markets with shelter micro-finance, and support for enterprise development with micro-credits, are often implemented at national level. These types of approaches need to be appropriately connected to local urban initiatives like slum upgrading and infrastructure upgrading as well as interventions targeted at social inclusion in order to be more impactful when implemented.

4.7 Inclusion Through Participation Ensuring municipal governments leverage economic growth to address inequality and foster inclusion is a multidimensional challenge. A central facet of urban governance is negotiating the relationships among stakeholders. This can be facilitated by governance frameworks that encourage policy coordination at local and regional levels but also include the voices and participation of the poor. Given the growth of urban poverty, it is clear that the poor have both an interest and a central role to play in governing urban areas (UN-Habitat 2013). The urban poor have, however, largely been excluded from participating in the governance of urban areas, with their interests ignored or only partially addressed in exchange for political support. Large gaps exist between poor and better-off urban residents in terms of access to social, economic and political opportunities (particularly decision-making) and more broadly, their ability to participate in, and leverage, the benefits associated with urban living. This inequity influences a range of issues including gender equality, reductions in child mortality and improvements in reproductive health, education, income, housing and security. Much of this discrepancy has to do with the interrelationship of discrimination, uneven capacity to draw on patronage networks, and urban management and governance. Fostering inclusive urban governance may contribute to poverty reduction through the development of a stable, cohesive society characterised by high levels of trust and participation (Vinson 2009a, b). An underlying narrative assumes social inclusion is inherently good and desirable. Yet the terms of inclusion can be problematic, disempowering or inequitable. Certain groups, such as indigenous peoples, women, children and residents of informal settlements, may find the rhetoric of inclusion and participation often translates into further exclusion (Combaz and Mcloughlin 2014). There may be unintended consequences of engineering participatory processes: participants tend to be wealthier, better educated, of higher social status, male and more politically connected. In this situation, an injection of resources for a participatory project can reinforce inequalities (Mansuri and Rao 2013). Engagement with CSOs and NGOs is one means of engendering poor communities’ participation. However, government (national and local) and the international community have consistently failed to recognise the role of organisations of the urban poor in reducing poverty (Mitlin and Satterthwaite 2012). Policymakers, civil society and the urban poor need to share information on who the poor are, how their numbers

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are expanding, where they live, what their needs are and what obstacles are faced in asserting their rights (Duflo et al. 2012). Despite some efforts towards the inclusion and increased participation of the poor in urban initiatives, involvement remains low.

4.8 The Role of Governments in Making Cities Inclusive The lessons from the past policies/programmes point to the shortcomings arising from acting on one dimension of inclusion while ignoring others. The spatial dimension of inclusion cannot be separated from economic and social dimensions since it is usually socially and economically marginalized groups that inhabit physically deprived spaces. Efforts to improve the living conditions of the slum dwellers by providing basic services have had limited impact on social inclusion at the city scale in Southern Africa. Spatially focussed interventions for improving informal settlement are unlikely to be enough for social integration, unless accompanied by institutional and complementary reforms. It has been established that narrowly focussed government interventions in informal settlement upgrading, while generally effective, have fallen short of addressing the magnitude and scope of expanding informality and slums. It is clear that without considering social and economic dimensions, interventions confined only to seaming spatial disparities have not yielded desired results (ibid). The idea that government is best placed to serve residents and drive transformation is not disputed. Yet local government’s ability to implement national policy objectives is of concern because of certain challenges. They include the need for institutional reform, corruption, political interference, inefficient financial management and a lack of capacity development. Local government should be the navigator and facilitator of transformative development. It is within its mandate, scope and control to develop more integrated delivery driven by adequate planning. This means devising the vision, strategic plans and implementation frameworks that will result in the desirable inclusive cities. Local government also needs to regulate and incentivise better cooperation between urban stakeholders and actors, and establish more meaningful partnerships with private sector agencies, communities and civil society organisations. Navigating and steering the local agenda is possible (particularly with a strengthened planning function) but requires that local government is given the responsibility for additional key functions that shape the urban environment (e.g. human settlements and public transport). Cities are built how they are financed. A fragmented fiscal framework for funding how cities are built will not produce a transformative outcome. City governments also find themselves in an extremely difficult position, between a rock and a hard place, having to manage the impossible tension between using resources (like land) for income versus for transformative projects or outcomes. While more funding should be given to cities to enable them to deal with the main manifestations of unequal development (SACN 2015), the fiscal instruments also need to be streamlined to respond to the integrated nature of development and spatial transformation.

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4.9 Conclusion In Southern Africa, there is a gradual but significant demographic shift towards an increasingly urban population. Notwithstanding their economic role, most cities in Southern Africa are currently confronted with a multitude, and hitherto unexperienced, magnitude of transformative phenomena such as rising inequality, exclusion, poverty and increased residency in informal settlements. In the light of the aforementioned challenges, inclusive urban environments create opportunities for all and distributes economic gains fairly. The experience of cities in Southern Africa offers an intriguing point of entry into the debate around inclusive cities. The main principles underpinning the agenda of inclusive cities are multidimensional. High disparities are manifested in terms of spatial, social and economic exclusion in urban areas. The economic dimension deals with lack of access to opportunities, the spatial dimension of exclusion deals with geographic segregation, and the social dimension deals with discrimination. Unless they are tailored to local contexts and supported by local institutions, Southern African cities will struggle to lift the social, economic and spatial barriers hindering genuine inclusivity. The creation of inclusive cities hinges on local authorities’ capacity to reflect the lived realities of Southern African urban dynamics, including political tensions, informal settlements and economies, poor service delivery and acute shortages of public funds. In order to move to inclusive cities, voices of the excluded population groups need to be freed and an incremental process needs to be developed, whereby the “voiceless” people can influence the progress of their cities. Lessons from past experiences indicate the need for an integrated approach. Ensuring municipal governments leverage economic growth to address inequality and foster inclusion can be facilitated by governance frameworks that encourage policy coordination at local and regional levels but also include the voices and participation of the poor. The lessons from the past policies/programmes point to the shortcomings arising from acting on one dimension of inclusion while ignoring others.

References Alessandria F (2016) Inclusive city, strategies, experiences and guidelines. Procedia Soc Behav Sci 223:6–10 Anttiroiko A-V, de Jong M (2020) The inclusive city: the theory and practice of creating shared urban prosperity. Springer Bhorat H (2013a) Economic inequality is a major obstacle. New York Times, 28 Bhorat H (6 Dec 2013b) Economic inequality is a major obstacle to growth in South Africa. New York Times. Accessed 28 March 2015 Combaz E, Mcloughlin C (2014) Voice, empowerment and accountability (topic guide). GSDRC, University of Birmingham, Birmingham Das A (2015) Slum upgrading with community-managed microfinance: towards progressive planning in Indonesia. Habitat Int 47:256–266

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Duflo E, Galiani S, Mobarak M (2012) Improving access to urban services for the poor. In: Shah J (ed) Cambridge, Massachusetts. https://www.google.co.id/url Gumede V (2011) Social and economic inclusion in post-apartheid South Africa. Transformation audit, pp 88–94 Harrison P, Todes A (2015) Spatial transformations in a “loosening state”: South Africa in a comparative perspective. Geoforum 61:148–162 Hooker J (2005) Indigenous inclusion/black exclusion: race, ethnicity and multicultural citizenship in Latin America. J Lat Am Stud 37(2):285–310 Huchzermeyer M (2011) Cities with ‘slums’: from informal settlement eradication to a right to the city in Africa. Juta and Company Ltd Mansuri G, Rao V (2013) Localizing development: does participation work? World Bank, Washington, DC Mateusi C, Khoaeane J, Naong M (2014) Challenges of inclusive education: Lesotho case study. Int J Educ Sci 6(2):263–273 Mitlin D, Satterthwaite D (2012) Urban poverty in the global south: scale and nature. Routledge, Abingdon Price M, Chacko E (2012) Migrant’s inclusion in cities: innovative urban policies and practices. UN-Habitat and UNESCO Saunders D (2010) Arrival city: the final migration and our next world. Knopf Canada, Toronto UN-Habitat (2013) Streets as public spaces and drivers of urban prosperity. UN-Habitat, Nairobi United Nations; Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) (2018) Population division. World urbanization prospects: the 2018 revision. United Nations, New York, NY, USA. https://esa.un.org/unpd/wup/Publications Vinson T (2009a) Social exclusion: the origins, meaning, definition, and economic implications of social inclusion/exclusion. Australian Government Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations Vinson T (2009b) The origins, meaning, definition and economic implications of the concept social inclusion/exclusion: incorporating the core indicators developed by the European Union and other illustrative indicators that could identify and monitor social exclusion in australia. Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations, Canberra Watson V (2009) ‘The planned city sweeps the poor away…’: urban planning and 21st century urbanisation. Prog Plan 72(3):151–193 SACN (2015) Open Data Almanac for Cities Status Quo Report, SA

Hangwelani Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

Part II

Interrogating Inclusivity of Cities in Selected Countries

Chapter 5

Living Beyond the Dream of Inclusivity. The Race and Class Domain: Inclusivity in Selected European Cities Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu

Abstract Inclusivity is a measure of development in as much as it is a measure of accessibility to services and tolerance of each other. Most developed countries have over the year developed to a level where these attributes have been attained and accepted as part and parcel of city dynamics. According to the World Bank, cities like Zurich, Oslo and Copenhagen are among the highest-rated cities in developed countries that have attained prosperity and inclusivity. Therefore, this chapter aims to use precedent studies from developed countries to illustrate intervention measures that the aforementioned cities used to attain and sustain inclusivity according to the study done by the Council of Europe on intercultural cities. This will form the basis upon which to gauge and interrogate governance practices in Southern African cities to establish why inclusivity is a challenge to achieve. A total of three precedent studies will be selected in Europe and America to achieve this objective. It must be understood that the basis of these case studies is not to compare cities from developed and developing countries, but to obtain lessons in the form of processes, policies and other intervention measures appropriate and applicable to the Southern African context. Keywords Class · Race · Intercultural · Integration · Diversity · Inclusivity · City dreamer · Race and class · European cities

5.1 Introduction With 70–80% of global gross domestic product (GDP) being generated from cities, it is evident that urbanization is moving the global economy forward, but rising inequality and exclusion within cities can derail development progress. Whilst urbanization has been recognized as a powerful force in support of economic growth and poverty reduction, it is equally true that poverty is rapidly urbanizing as more and more people are moving to cities. It is worth noting that most of the increase in H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu (B) University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_5

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urban population is happening in Africa and Asia; regions that are home to some of the poorest countries in the world. In that context, the international community has acknowledged the need to create more inclusive cities and to make sure that people can reap the benefits of urbanization. Inclusive institutions that respond to citizens’ expectations, nurture people’s skills and create a favourable business environment can expand opportunities for all urban residents (Lee 2019; Storper 2013). The first step is the adoption (and implementation) of strategies that facilitate positive intercultural encounters and exchanges and promote the equal and active participation of residents and communities in the development of the city, thus responding to the needs of a diverse population. The Intercultural integration policy model is based on extensive research evidence, on a range of international legal instruments and on the collective input of the cities member of the Intercultural Cities programme that shares their good practice examples on how to better manage diversity, address possible conflicts and benefit from the diversity advantage. As Africa is currently facing several urbanization challenges unmatched to those of the cities of the global north, understanding the uniqueness of urbanization in Africa is a topical issue. In the determination to understand the way Africa is urbanizing, however, there is a risk of overlooking critical issues that determine the evolution of cities. In the process, precious opportunities to learn from experiences of cities that evolved before African cities are squandered ruthlessly. If there is one thing we have learned about cities, it is that as diverse as they are, they belong to the same family and inhabit the very same planet. So, in their diversity, significant similarities exist that enable cities to learn from each other. Drawing on innovative ideas, experiences and practices from cities in developed countries, particularly Zurich, Oslo and Copenhagen, this chapter offers examples and lessons from the experience of inclusive cities in the aforementioned developed countries, to paint a holistic view of integration and inclusion which can serve as a framework of reference for inclusive cities in Southern African region. Modelling city inclusivity requires clear conceptualization since it is a multidimensional concept concerned with various aspects of quality of life including economic inclusion (e.g. access to employment) and social inclusion (e.g. tolerance of minorities). Furthermore, measuring inclusivity in cities requires considering several aspects that are especially relevant to cities rather than other scales: skills, the spatial concentration of poverty, and upward economic and social mobility. The measure also goes beyond these aspects by considering other factors, GDP per capita, personal safety, access to education, access to Internet, housing affordability, environmental quality and access to health care.

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5.2 Zurich, Switzerland Zurich is the largest city in Switzerland and the capital of the canton of Zürich. It is located in north-central Switzerland at the north-western tip of Lake Zürich. The city is divided into 12 districts and 22 quarters. Zurich is the most successful city in the world when it comes to social and economic inclusivity, according to the Prosperity & Inclusion City Seal and Awards (PICSA) Index. Through a way of measurement, Zurich ranked strongly in terms of economic and social inclusion. Tracing the history of inclusive thinking in Zurich, Dlabac et al. (2016) iterate that leadership is critical to shaping the city towards inclusivity. The study reported that is was easy to achieve inclusiveness when the political stakeholders (mayor) agenda aligns towards promoting city integration, diversity and tolerance.

5.2.1 Demographics As of the end of 2018, the population of the City of Zurich was 428,737 people. Swiss citizens represent the majority of the population with 41% of the population ‘foreign-born’, and around 53% of over 15-years old with a migration background. In 2018, around 170 different nationalities were living in the City of Zurich. The percentage of non-national residents was 32.3%. The majority were nationals from EU-EFTA countries. The percentage of refugees/asylum-seekers in the city is of 0.5% (2016). The Swiss Confederation estimates that over 10,000 undocumented migrants are living in the City of Zurich. The City Council considers people without a regulated residence status as part of the population and recognizes them as part of our society with corresponding rights and obligations. The largest migrant group in the City of Zurich is German nationals followed by Italian nationals. In the City of Zurich, over 100 languages are spoken and a significant part of the population speaks more than one language at home. Among those residents of the City of Zurich who are over 15 years old (017), 36.4% are non-denominational, 26.7% are Roman Catholics, 21.1% are Protestants, 5.8% are Muslims, 1.1% are Jewish and 0.2% are Christian-Catholics. The population of the City of Zurich is getting younger and more international. The average age of all residents is of 37.6 years (2018) and has been decreasing steadily since 1993. This 30–39 age group represents the largest age group in the City of Zurich (over 90,000 people and 21.5% of the total population in 2018). Over 55% of this age group are foreign-born and near 50% do not have voting rights due to their foreign status. The Office for City Development published a special report on this age group and identified courses of action for more participation, room for diversity, etc.

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5.2.2 Intercultural City The city of Zurich has formally adopted a public statement that it is an intercultural city. The intercultural city has people with different nationality, origin, language or religion/belief. Political leaders and most citizens regard diversity positively, as a resource. The city actively combats discrimination and adapts its governance, institutions and services to the needs of a diverse population. The city has a strategy and tools to deal with diversity and cultural conflict and to enhance participation. It encourages greater mixing and interaction between diverse groups in the public spaces. There is a comprehensive intercultural strategy ‘Strategies Zurich 2035’, as well as an integration policy ‘City of Zurich Integration Policy 2019–2022’. The city has an intercultural action plan. The Integration Office is the competence centre of the City of Zurich for migration and integration. It has strategic, as well as co-ordinating, functions and is responsible for the implementation of several operative activities. The city administration has established an Integration Delegation, which mainly works on a strategic level. The city has adopted a process of policy consultation and/or co-design including people of different ethnic or cultural backgrounds. In Hoxha (2018), the capacity of young residents (from various ethnic groups and country of origin) of Zurich to provoke a social movement towards a collaborative and co-operative urban spatial need and demands points at the ability of the city to function towards inclusion of all ethnic and demographic needs. The argument is that the capacity of cities to embrace a diverse of ideologies is fundamental to inclusivity. In Zurich, an Advisory Council of Foreigners has been established as to explicitly voice the concerns of the foreign population vis-à-vis the executive. The Advisory Council of Foreigners, Roundtable of the City Police against racism, Zurich Forum of Religions (ZFR) are all regularly included in the processes of policy consultation and/or co-design. There is an annual official reception of Imams by the City Government along with various informal encounters. Besides, the Integration Office organizes a yearly information and networking meeting with the migrant organizations that are active in the City of Zurich.

5.2.3 Inclusive Education In the City of Zurich, children in primary schools are of mixed ethnic and cultural backgrounds and teachers often reflect the ethnic composition of the local population, although not always. Schools make strong efforts to involve parents of children with a migrant or minority background or children living with disability. Schools where more than 40% of the students do not have German (the official school language) as their mother tongue can participate in the QUIMS programme—Quality in multicultural schools. Within the QUIMS programme, the participation of parents has a high

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priority. In the City of Zurich, around half of all schools participate in the QUIMS programme. Dessemontet et al. (2012: 579) mentioned that the inclusive paradigm has been part of the public agenda and has been theoretically discussed over more than three decades. Luder et al. (2011) reported that in most of the Swiss states, a shift has occurred during recent years moving from a separated support system towards more inclusive settings of educational support for children with special educational needs. Dessemontet et al. (2012: 579), their study on inclusion in education in Zurich, reported that education space and infrastructure that are inclusive and integrate student living with disability were perceived to be the best education setting. The study alludes that such mixed-setting in Zurich will further develop an inclusive practice among students. In Luder et al. (2011: 164), it was reported that an agreement was signed among Zurich states at the level of the co-ordinating authority (called the Swiss Conference of the Cantonal Ministers of Education) in order to move towards a more inclusive school policy (the objective is to include 98% of pupils in mainstream schools). Teacher training was adapted to achieve this objective. As a consequence of the general development towards inclusive education, the Zurich University of Teacher Education has provided knowledge and developed tool that promotes inclusive learning and teaching. Likewise, teachers in mainstream schools have been encouraged to develop their own learning about the knowledge and competence necessary for the inclusion of children with special educational needs. According to the Guiding principles on education and integration (canton of Zurich), the teachers’ mandate is to assist all the children according to their requirements and possibilities. This requires individualized learning. As far as children with a migration background are concerned, German language stimulation is of prime importance as are regular, intensive contact and discussions between parents and teachers. If necessary, teachers or parents will arrange interpretation. Schools often carry out intercultural projects. By joining the European Coalition of Cities against Racism (ECCAR), the City of Zurich has committed to regularly present a report on racism. The mandatory school subject ‘religion and culture’ (Religion und Kultur) plays a central role regarding intercultural questions and societal diversity. Zurich has a policy to increase ethnic/cultural mixing in schools. The schools in the City of Zurich are divided into seven school districts. The allocation of pupils within those school districts takes place by the district school commissions. In the City of Zurich, this allocation happens according to the place of residence of the pupil. Within the school districts, aspects of cultural mixing and reasonableness are considered when allocating pupils to school buildings and school classes. Schools also give great importance to the social integration of pupils in their neighbourhood trying to avoid an interchange of pupils between school districts. Nevertheless, the ethnic/cultural, as well as the socio-economic, composition of the respective school districts may vary. This differentiation is, however, far from a systematic segregation. The city and quarters’ development policies, as well as the housing policy, aim at a good social mixing of the population to counteract any potential systemic segregation or “ghettoization”. Accessibility of all city quarters

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by public transport also counteracts any potential disconnection of some quarters from the city.

5.2.4 Inclusive Housing and/or Neighbourhoods Most districts in Zurich are ethnically and culturally diverse. The city has a policy to increase the diversity of residents in the neighbourhoods and avoid ethnic concentration. The City Council housing programme aims, among other things, at a good social mixing within the City of Zurich. The majority of the city population lives in rented apartments. 25% of these apartments are owned by the City of Zurich or by non-commercial housing associations. The city and the housing associations have adopted a rent policy, which considers the cultural mixing within the neighbourhood. Moreover, the City of Zurich’s policy on socially acceptable inner development looks at future building sites and seeks to create societal cohesion and cultural mixing. The city encourages actions where residents of one neighbourhood meet and interact with residents with different migrant/minority backgrounds from other neighbourhoods. More specifically, projects that promote an improved cohabitation of ‘locals’ and ‘foreigners’, can sometimes be financed by the City of Zurich. Speaking from housing and neighbourhood project of the Stiftung Domicil (Domicil Foundation) in Zurich, Glaser and Hugentobler (2019) was of the view that the city remains a socially mixed city owing to high proportion of non-profit housing construction. The view of their role was that the non-state provisions for housing support were critical to providing safeguard adequate housing for socially or economically disadvantaged people through various non-monetary forms of support (or in combination with financial support). It was documented that the Stiftung Domicil (Domicil Foundation) is a relevant actor on the Zurich housing market with regard to finding and maintaining housing for, and integrating, low-income households who have hardly any chance of finding a suitable flat on their own. The author further narrated that in Zurich, a broad participation in neighbourhood and building process was set in motion in reaction to problems on the community, neighbourhood and estate. This led to an improvement in the intercultural life in the community, promoted participation and supported the empowerment of all participants/resident. Glaser and Hugentobler (2019) iterate that integration in housing is not a category that relates only to migrants or to special, particularly targeted housing projects. Integration is a two-sided process of approach and negotiation that is part of the everyday reality of our lives. The challenges are increasing migration from all parts of the world, migrants with sometimes extremely traumatic experiences of fleeing conflict and greater social heterogeneity. This is one main success story towards inclusion, integration and participation that the Zurich housing project was able to achieve.

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5.2.5 Access to Opportunities and Public Service The City of Zurich has statistics on the ethnicity of its employees. From the roughly 29,600 employees, almost every fifth employee has foreign citizenship. This is reflective of the city’s population but only at the lower levels of staff. The city has a recruitment plan to ensure an adequate rate of diversity within its workforce. The personnel law of the City of Zurich promotes the tolerance and acceptance of employees, who may be disadvantaged due to their gender, age, sexual orientation, gender identity, origin, citizenship, language, religion or disability. A large number of the companies in Zurich are internationally oriented and have employees with very diverse language skills and backgrounds. This is demonstrated, for instance, by the fact that every third person uses English as their work language. The foreign population in Switzerland, and especially in the City of Zurich, is characterized by a high level of labour market integration. The City of Zurich has so far not implemented any direct measures to promote the intercultural mixing in private sector enterprises but several measures seek to facilitate access to the labour market for the foreign population (e.g. access to vocational training for young people). For companies that have questions regarding intercultural conflicts and discrimination or for victims of discrimination in the labour market, there is an advisory service free of cost. The City of Zurich regularly makes public statements about the sometimes, insufficient protection against discrimination (e.g. report on racism, statements on law revisions, etc.). The city takes into consideration the migrant/minority backgrounds of all residents when providing services. For example, the City of Zurich provides burial ground for Muslims.

5.2.6 Business and Employment Large parts of the economy and the labour market may be beyond the remit and control of the city authority, but they may still fall within its sphere of influence. Because of nationally imposed restrictions on access to the public-sector labour market, the private sector may provide an easier route for minorities to engage in economic activity. In turn, such activity (e.g. shops, clubs, restaurants but also high-skill industry and research) may provide a valuable interface between different cultures of the city. Whilst barriers for entry usually concern migrant/minority groups, in some cases, it could be the other way around. In the city, there is no umbrella organization to promote diversity and nondiscrimination in the labour market. However, there exist several initiatives at the local and national levels. At the local level, the career centre of Zurich offers free counselling for migrants. The city also offers integration courses and vocational preparation classes as well for teenage newcomers. On the national level, there is a ‘specialists initiative’, which supports the labour market integration of refugees

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through seeking to better use the potential of recognized refugees and temporarily admitted persons and reduce their dependency on social assistance. The city works in partnership with others to encourage businesses from ethnic minorities to move beyond the ethnic economy and enter the mainstream economy and higher value-added sectors. The Office for Economic Development of the City of Zurich has no budget to support business creation. However, the ‘Go!’ association was launched in co-operation with the City of Zurich in 2019 and provides microcredits for business creation and advice in the process of business development. Among borrowers, 45% have a migrant background.

5.2.7 Diverse Culture, Languages and Civil Life Projects that promote an improved cohabitation of ‘locals’ and ‘foreigners’ can sometimes be financed by the city of Zurich. The city regularly organizes events and activities in the fields of arts, culture and sport that aim to encourage people from different ethnic/cultural backgrounds to interact. The city of Zurich actively promotes good framework conditions in the context of sports. The goal is that children, young adults and adults can play sports economically and according to their wishes so that as many people as possible can benefit from the sports programmes. The city of Zurich puts a special focus on the promotion of sports for children and young adults. The urban culture model of the City of Zurich 2016–2019 names diversity explicitly as one of the societal challenges. This means that, in a modern society, diversity should be accounted for. The City of Zurich holds occasional debates and discussions on interculturalism and living together. Yearly information and networking event for migrant organizations and representatives of religious communities are held, as well as sporadic events on topics, such as integration, migration, flight, volunteering and anti-discrimination. The learning of the language of the host country by migrants is key issue for integration. However, there are other considerations in an intercultural approach to language. In the city of Zurich, over 100 languages are spoken, and a significant part of the population speaks more than one language at home. 64% of the population of the City of Zurich speak Swiss German (the local dialect) at home, more than 25% of speak high German at home and more than 10% speak English at home. In public schools, the teaching of one additional official language, as well as English, is mandatory for all schools. In Zurich, the standard language is German. Also, French and English are taught as mandatory subjects. The City of Zurich itself does not offer mother tongue language courses.

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5.2.8 Access to Public Space Zurich encourage meaningful intercultural mixing and interaction in public space including in public libraries, museums, playgrounds, parks and in squares. The social culture brings people together, promotes their life together and ways of participating in society and strengthens people’s identification with their quarter in the city. Several community centres offer playgrounds for the local population. The yearly run against racism supports organizations that provide legal advice, as well as support in the process of social and cultural integration to migrants, independently of their resident status. Applying the triangulation of report evidence, Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies (2005) recorded that the ability of Zurich to function as an independent diverse and democratic state that embraces diversity across all ethnic lines have been critical to inclusiveness. It was reported the respect for small groups in policy recommendations, strong regional planning, broaden urban mobility thinking that supports citizens social contrast and drive for social interaction and integration are considered to be essential in the city framework for inclusiveness. There are frequent activities in public squares. The diversity of the population is considered in the context of the office for social space and city life. There are few if any spaces or areas of the city that are dominated by one (majority or minority) ethnic group and are considered unwelcoming or unsafe. Every four years, the City of Zurich conducts a population survey. Among other things, this survey includes questions about the sense of security in certain areas of the city. Based on this survey, special measures are taken, if required. The 2015 survey finds that the subjective security feeling is at its highest level since the first launch of the population survey in 1999. In the city as a whole, 85% of the interviewees state that they feel very safe or rather safe, when they are on their way by foot in their quarter at night. Subjective feelings of security in different quarters of the city range from 74% in Seebach to 92% in Witikon.

5.2.9 Tolerance to Newcomers and Anti-discrimination Zurich has a designated agency, unit, person or procedure to welcome newcomers, and there is a comprehensive city-specific package of information and support for newcomers in around 14 languages. The City of Zurich organizes six welcome events for newcomers per year. They take place in the Town Hall and include short information in various languages about life in Zurich, a multilingual city tour, and an aperitive. In the framing for ‘respect and appreciation’ of people identity in city, Glatz and Komlósi (2018) allude that why marginalized groups might find it difficult to access cities, the experience from Zurich as it relates to urban refugee calls for new strategies, tools and languages to be developed for a common future in peace,

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where inclusivity through equality, diversity and togetherness is the basic foundation. The study generates the notion that development in a collaborative form in the city has promoted inclusion of people which directly empower all the stakeholders to develop new place attachment and identity. The preposition was that identity of new comers and residents in destination (Zurich) within a complex city setting was critical to collaborative development. The view that the respect of people tradition, culture, language, places and even their financial independence were all essential to birthing a community that inclusive for migrants and also indigenous residents. Zurich has made great efforts to ensure non-discrimination in all of its policies, programmes and activities. Interestingly, why Groenewold and Lessard-Phillips (2012) perceived it as a disadvantage to their study is that the administrative records of Switzerland have been shaped such that the parental birthplace is not recorded. This indirect event somewhat cultures place identity and inclusion. Also, the Integration Delegation and the inter-departmental working group ‘Racism’ regularly review and check discrimination-free access to public services. The personnel law of the City of Zurich promotes the tolerance and acceptance of employees, who may be disadvantaged due to their gender, age, sexual orientation, gender identity, origin, citizenship, language, religion or disability. The equality strategy (2014–2018) of the City of Zurich’s Office for Equality defines six focus areas to improve gender equality. The Integration Office’s Integration Policy promotes equality of persons on grounds of race, colour, language, religion, nationality or national/ethnic orientation. However, the personnel law of the City of Zurich is the only binding document. Private organizations or services are sponsored by the City of Zurich information and counselling for victims of racism, discrimination, intolerance or structural violence.

5.2.10 Conclusion The City of Zurich is a committed inclusive city that has a wealth of experience to share with others. The city has had high index results consistently since 2011 and is particularly proud of its pioneering welcoming activities, as well as its work to include the participation of members of the resident population who may be irregular or without documentation. Areas that the city excels in are Commitment, Mediation, Welcoming, Education, Neighbourhood and Cultural and Civil Life. The city could look again at previous and current performance in the areas of Public Service, Business and the Labour Market and International Outlook. The city has also made improvements particularly in the areas of Welcoming and Governance, and it is sustaining excellent in Education and Neighbourhood/housing.

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5.3 Oslo, Norway With a history dating back to around 1000 AD, the city of Oslo is the capital of Norway and its political and economic centre. The city is growing, with the population of 670,000 people in the municipality of Oslo, and around one million people in the wider urban area. For many years, it was primarily a country of emigration as people left behind poverty for a new life in the USA and Canada. Only in the 1970s, with the revival of the economy led by offshore oil production, did the tide turn and Norway became a place of attraction for immigrants and the majority of them have settled in the capital, Oslo, adding a cosmopolitan touch to this quiet capital of the North. The city is growing like never before, but at the same time, growing apart. As gaps grow, so does distrust. Estrangement increases between groups, and the result is a city that is divided. Today, worry for increasing inequality spreads in Oslo. Those who are struggling worry about being squeezed out from their neighbourhoods by rising housing costs and the well-off also show concern about the direction society is taking.

5.3.1 Demographics The majority group makes up 74% of the city’s inhabitants. This group can be further divided by place of birth: 40% were born in Oslo, 40% were born in another part of Norway and moved to Oslo, whilst only 20% were born abroad. 26% of the city’s total population are foreign-born. Out of these, 19% are first generation, whilst second generation make up 7%. The ethnic composition of the city’s population in descending order comprises: Pakistani—3.60%; Pakistani descedent—3.6%; Somali—2%; Swedish—1.5%; Polish—1.5%; Tamil—1.2%; Iraqi—1%; Turkish— 1%; Morrocan—0.9%; Vietnamese—0.9%; and Iranian—0.9%. The City of Oslo’s cultural policy is designed to ensure an inclusive city which promotes community cohesion and which facilitates a diverse cultural scene and space for culture as it develops.

5.3.2 Oslo, a City for All Oslo is an international and ethnically diverse city where 27% of the population and 50% of the children have a minority background, with origins outside Norway from more than 150 countries whilst half of children and adolescents in Oslo have a minority identity through their own or their parents’ immigration history. Oslo has been receiving significant numbers of foreign migrants for over 40 years and has developed a large body of knowledge and expertize in managing the process of integration. With the outlook for the economy remaining buoyant, and with the

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maintenance of an open labour market, Oslo is well on the way to being one of Europe’s most diverse cities. This is exemplified by the fact that Oslo is placed second in the Intercultural Cities Index and is the highest placed of the larger cities. The index particularly favours cities which have established a rational and robust policy framework across a wide-ranging agenda, with clear political backing and which can demonstrate the resources and competence to deliver it into practice. However, it is unlikely to become a ‘multi-minority’ city as continued in-migration by ethnic Norwegians is likely to ensure this group maintains its majority. Although government policy has been to disperse migrant settlers around the country, and all the main cities are becoming increasingly diverse, it is clear that Oslo is a unique phenomenon within Norway for the size, diversity and sheer dynamic energy of its population. Diversity is a comfortable part of the city landscape and, thanks to the city’s standards-based approach, an increasingly important part of its structures and institutions. In 2009, 20% of the Oslo city council (12 of 59 members) had minority background, and five out of the seven political parties in the council included minority representation. Oslo’s Council of Immigrant Organizations (RiO) has been in existence since 1988. The leader of this consultative body is elected by the city government, and its 300 members are elected by migrant-serving organizations to represent community interests. Since 2004, all municipal agencies, city districts and the city government itself are obligated to consult RiO in all matters regarding the development of public services to ensure the needs of users with minority backgrounds are met. Further, non-citizens who have resided legally in Norway for three years have the right to vote in local elections, and Oslo’s City Hall has been used for citizenship ceremonies since the revision and expansion of the Citizen Act in 2006. Other changes that have occurred under the OXLO campaign include: • Public agencies must address 15 mandatory criteria when recruiting, including the requirement to interview at least one qualified ethnic minority for the position; • A city-wide crisis management task force was established in 2005 with representatives from 15 different organizations to provide rapid response to incidents of youth, violence and racism; • The establishment in 2005 of the Office of Diversity and Integration (EMI) provides oversight to the OXLO Campaign and supports consultations with minority groups and NGO service providers; • A proactive approach to city-wide intercultural competence, including tools such as the “Diversity Mirror”, a benchmarking device used by public services to develop an organizational culture and profile representative of a diverse society. The DM is now used by schools, kindergartens and offices for employment and social welfare to develop a diversity profile which can be used to monitor and improve attitudes and non-written codes of action and plan how to make their services better suited for users with minority backgrounds. • Dedicated communication tools such as an Internet-based newsletter called the “OXLO Bulletin” highlights OXLO campaign successes and a city website for

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“Cultural diversity in the media” that features concerts, exhibitions and festivals organized by artists with minority backgrounds. A consistent city effort is made to recognize, monitor and celebrate diversity, from the weekly OXLO bulletin featuring theatre performances to community information booths to the annual OXLO Prize awarded by the municipality for special achievements in anti-racism activities. The commitment of the City of Oslo to the integration of migrants is undeniably sincere and the expertize of its officials in putting this into practice is admirable. Oslo scores highly in comparison with many other cities across a wide range of integration policies and practices… and a broad range of partners from civic society are included in the development and implementation of policy.

5.3.3 Inclusive Initiative—OXLO—Oslo Extra Large After a racially motivated murder, the City of Oslo began a high-level campaign to cultivate and promote cultural diversity. The city unanimously passed a resolution and adopted a charter that recognized the equality of all citizens and entrenched a commitment to tolerance, mutual respect and understanding. Based on the City of Oslo’s special values document, “Oslo—a city for all”, the OXLO campaign became an essential part of larger city planning strategy. It became a cornerstone documents to the City of Oslo’s Plan of Action Against Racism, Nazism and Intolerance, as well as the Action Plan for Equal Treatment in Municipal Employment—all measures designed to make the city more tolerant and freer from racism and prejudice. OXLO is a long-term awareness-raising campaign designed to make Norway’s capital a more tolerant city through a focussed effort on both citizen and municipal activities: “The municipality of Oslo aims to mirror the diversity of its population, among its public servants and leaders and in the service, it provides”. Originally focussed on youth, activities included subsidized kindergartens, school-based activities, immigrant recognition awards and cultural newsletters, among others. Preparing the next generation for the intercultural city of the future was part of the initial strategy, along with the recognition that child and youth social networks were vast— friends, families, schools—and that schools themselves are important community information hubs. The OXLO campaign and its large-hearted, “one size fits all” approach to diversity received a renewed mandate from the city to move beyond good will and symbolic gestures to make the city accountable to its policies. The city introduced several city-wide measures to increase diversity through active city governance, such as addressing city government hiring criteria, emphasizing political participation through active citizenship and supporting increased co-operation among agencies, local government and other service providers.

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5.3.4 Inclusive Education Policy The City Council has introduced various education policies which have fulfilled their desired outcomes. Local schools make considerable efforts to involve parents from migrant/minority backgrounds in daily school life. For instance, they exhibit pupils’ art work to attract parents to meetings or hosts the “Minority Parents Resource Network”. Only in certain local primary schools, all the pupils come from the same ethnic background. However, there is a need for future improvements on various policies in the education system. For example, the ethnic background of teachers rarely reflects the composition of the diverse population. The local authorities have implemented few initiatives to increase the level of ethnic cultural mixing in schools. Providing equal educational opportunities regardless of gender, social class and geographical background has been a fundamental idea in the Nordic education policies during the major part of the twentieth century (Arnesen and Lundahl 2006: 285). It was documented that the idea of comprehensive education has been firmly rooted in the Nordic countries for the whole post-war era. In particular, the Norwegian and Swedish education policies stressed the social motives of education, that is, of citizenship and social integration (Arnesen 2004 in Arnesen and Lundahl 2006). Serving as social melting pots where children from different backgrounds met and worked together, schools would promote social equality and democracy and erase social barriers. The formal divisions within the Nordic education systems are generally few and, in some cases, have become less pronounced, for example between academic and vocational programmes of upper secondary school. In Arnesen and Lundahl (2006), it was mentioned that various reforms entailing changed legislation and curricula, economic support and introduction of new institutional practices in school have been enforced and widely agreed upon. Today, almost all pupils receiving special education are integrated into the ordinary classes or attend special classes at ordinary schools in all the Nordic countries.

5.3.5 Inclusive Neighbourhood Policies Residential areas must not act as barriers to an inward and outward free flow of people, ideas and opportunities. The majority of residents in almost a quarter of Oslo’s neighbourhoods comes from the same ethnic background. In a couple of the city’s neighbourhoods, a vast majority of inhabitants come from minority ethnic groups. It is worth noting however that the local City Council is currently devising new policies to increase the diversity of residents in neighbourhoods. This is to avoid ethnic concentration.

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5.3.6 Public Service Policies The local authorities have put into practice several public service initiatives. The ethnic background of Oslo’s public employees mirrors that of the city’s inhabitants. This is achieved through a specific recruitment strategy. Non-Norwegian citizens can seek employment in the local public administration. The city provides services which are tailored to the needs of the ethnic/cultural background of its citizens. The municipality offers funeral/burial services, specific sections and times for women in sports facilities, as well as senior centres which provide activities and food catered to the needs of specific groups. However, Oslo City Council could increase its future commitment to provide public services. The city could achieve this by encouraging diversity in the private labour market, a policy approach which it does not implement at present.

5.3.7 Business and Employment Market Policies The city has set up an umbrella organization that promotes diversity and nondiscrimination in the workplace. The local government has signed a charter which outlaws discrimination in employment. Oslo encourages ethnic/cultural minorities businesses to move beyond localized economies to enter into the main stream and higher value-added sectors. The local City Council does encourage “business districts/incubators” to facilitate inhabitants from different cultures to mix more easily. However, Oslo City Council can introduce other initiatives to further strengthen its business and labour market policy. The city could give priority to companies which implement a diversity strategy when procuring its goods and services. This is policy which Oslo may consider adopting in the future.

5.3.8 Diverse Culture, Language and Civil Life The municipality does organize events and activities in the fields of arts, culture and sport to encourage inhabitants from different ethnic groups to mix. Cultural organizations which deal with diversity and intercultural relations in their productions are also promoted. Finally, Oslo’s local government organizes public debates and campaigns around the topics of diversity and living together. The teaching of migrant/minority languages is part of the national school curriculum. Migrant/minority languages are taught as a mother tongue for foreign children only. The local authority provides financial support to minority newspapers/journals and radio programmes. The city also encourages projects which give a positive image to minority/migrant languages. These initiatives may comprise a day

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devoted to migrant languages, readings, poetry evening as well multilingual cultural events.

5.3.9 Access to Public Space The local government promotes diversity in public libraries, museums and squares. Oslo also encourages this in the State Opera and the Nordic Black Theatre. When designing and managing new public spaces and libraries, the local authorities take into consideration the ethnic/cultural backgrounds of the city’s citizens. When reconstructing an area, Oslo’s City Council proposes different forms and places of consultation to reach out to its ethnically and culturally diverse inhabitants. Drawing from Oslo experience, Andersen and Røe (2017) mentioned that the well-known and much investigated rise of urban entrepreneurial policies has fueled a transformation of urban spaces and landscapes and has led to changes in the social composition of city centres. It was traced that the increasing urban policies in Oslo are designed to attract transnational companies and those in the creative class.

5.3.10 Tolerance to New Comers People arriving in a city for an extended stay (whatever their circumstances) are likely to find themselves disorientated and in need of multiple forms of support. The degree to which these measures can be co-coordinated and delivered effectively will have a significant impact on how the person settles and integrates. The City Council has published a comprehensive package of information to aid newly arrived foreign residents. The local government has launched city services and agencies which provide support tailored specifically for refugees.

5.3.11 Conclusions Oslo City Council has introduced several best practice recommendations in its education system. The local administration has initiated various public service initiatives to include all citizens/residents. The city has introduced numerous inclusive initiatives in the business and labour market. Its public spaces policy encourages mixing for people from diverse background. Oslo City Council has also adopted several best practice recommendations in languages. They also have initiated several welcoming initiatives to newcomers.

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5.4 Copenhagen, Denmark Copenhagen is the capital city of Denmark. It aims to be the most inclusive city in Europe. This ambition is based on the belief that ‘an integrated city is a better city’. The key definition is that ‘if you feel you are a Copenhagener, this means you are included in the city’. Inclusion means partnership, shared responsibility, mutual respect and recognition of the value of diversity. Thanks to an innovative and ambitious revitalization scheme, the city has managed to reverse the dangerous trend where declining fiscal resources and high social and infrastructure maintenance expenditure can lead cities to bankruptcy. The city has launched the revitalization of several declining neighbourhoods to build a liveable city: one with ambitious economic, social and environmental objectives and that offers every citizen a homogenous urban and social fabric. The liveable city as conceived in Copenhagen is aligned with what is generally meant by resilience.

5.4.1 Demographics Copenhagen has a population of 548.443 inhabitants. The most important ethnic group—people of Danish origin—makes up 77.7% of the city’s inhabitants. In October 2011, non-nationals accounted for 14.12% of Copenhagen’s total inhabitants, which represents a rise of 1% compared to the data of January 2011. The largest minority groups originate from Pakistan and Turkey and represent, respectively, 1.63% and 1.45% of the city’s population. Foreign-born nationals and second-generation migrants make up, respectively, 4.56% and 5.47% of the city’s population.

5.4.2 An Integrated City is a Better City—Copenhagen In the 1980s, the city of Copenhagen was suffering from the decline of its port and its industries. Unemployment reached 17.5% in the city and its annual deficit hit $750 million. The city was stuck in a vicious circle of deindustrialization, unemployment, high welfare costs, suburbanization, an outdated housing market and strong segregation. Today Copenhagen and Denmark as a whole have a remarkably low unemployment rate, of 4.4% at the end of 2017. The financial and economic crisis starting in 2008 had a relatively low impact on the city compared to other European cities and it recovered quite quickly. In 2008 and 2009, GDP shrank by, respectively, 1.8% and 1.1% and started growing again in 2010. Copenhagen, like other major cities in northern and western Europe, is expected to grow in the coming years. The population growth is today and for the nearest future expected to be driven by increased migration to the city: both national and

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international. Copenhagen’s appeal to migrants can be explained by the interesting urban development that the city has undergone in the recent years, supplemented by the attractive living and working conditions that the city offers. Copenhagen has become one of the “best cities” to live in according to international rankings. It is often on the top of lists of most liveable city, whether it is the UN’s happiness index or the most liveable city ranking by the magazine Monocle. This is generally explained by its scale, its architecture, green public spaces and its efficient transportation system and bicycles. But the key to the city’s transformation is a comprehensive urban strategy that mixes economic dynamic, social inclusion and environmental concerns coming together in the concept of “liveable city”. As Copenhagen becomes a more heterogeneous city, with inhabitants of different ages, cultures and lifestyles, the increased diversity will present opportunities for innovation and help foster economic growth. However, it can also increase the socioeconomic segregation that currently exists at city level between low-income groups and high-income groups and different urban areas. The analysis of the city’s socioeconomic development over the last 15 years shows that problems have accumulated unevenly, leaving some urban areas disadvantaged compared to the city as a whole.

5.4.3 Education Policies School has a powerful influence in society and has the potential to either reinforce or challenge prejudices in many ways through the social environment it creates, the guidance it provides and the values it nurtures. Since 2007, the city has put into practice an initiative to increase diversity in the city’s schools: schools with a majority who are immigrants are trying to reach out to ethnically Danish parents to have them enlist their child, schools with a Danish majority, on the other hand, are trying to attract immigrant parents, by for instance guaranteeing an integration worker, or a translator of an ethnicity other than Danish to be employed at the school. However, Copenhagen is advised to consider ameliorating its intercultural education approach by ensuring that the ethnic background of teachers mirrors the diverse population in a larger proportion of local schools. In Denmark, educational practices and policy-making in Denmark reflect the character of Danish society, as well as the national political system and culture. Denmark has a political culture with a strong emphasis on collaboration and pluralism, both in national and local matters (Rasmussen 2002: 628). The identification for a pluralist state speaks to the policy and country configuration towards respecting peoples identity. Engsig and Johnstone (2015) noted that Denmark’s inclusive education policy narrative appears to be informed by multiple global influences. The view was that the Salamanca Statement has had a significant influence on the development of inclusive education in the Danish public school system as a landscape, and more specifically it has strengthened the rights and ethics discursive underpinnings of inclusive education. Equity is a fundamental value and ideology in the Danish welfare system and is furthermore a central value in the Danish school system. Danish schools used

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tracking and divided students into categories that marked them after their academic abilities (p. 481).

5.4.4 Neighbourhood Policies The spatial ethnic segregation creates risks of exclusion and can act as a barrier to an inward and outward free flow of people, ideas and opportunities. There is no neighbourhood in Copenhagen where people from minority ethnic groups are in the majority. Copenhagen encourages interaction between diverse neighbourhoods and has put in place policies to ensure this (Metropolis for People, Engage in the City and Policy for Exposed Urban Areas). An agreement between the City and relevant housing organizations has been reached in 2007, and it is regularly evaluated and renewed. The agreement aims to prevent the concentration of large-scale social problems and residents outside the labour market, among which ethnic minorities are overrepresented. The city has put into practice a policy to prevent ethnic concentration. In 2007, the city signed an agreement with the city’s housing associations to this end. According to Baldwin (1990), historically, the Danish/Nordic Welfare State is known for its strong interventionism, and at the same time, it is an example of promoting social citizenship the Dualism of Urban Governance in Denmark 1357 and “socially balanced” development. Callagan (2004) wrote that community empowerment and participation remain a critical element of social policy inclusion interventions. This was perceived because it enhances positive collaboration and outcomes between communities and stakeholders. The example of the design of the first multidimensional Denmark Urban Social Action Programme in 1993/1994 was a manifestation of attempts to stimulate bottom-up empowerment orientation in deprived urban areas. Andersen and Pløger (2007: 1352) wrote that the programme was inspired by EU Poverty 3 (1989–1994), which emphasized experimental local action against social exclusion. It was the first time, in Denmark, that a large-scale urban programme was launched based on principles of multidimensional area-based action, participation (including participation of the Social Housing Associations) and partnership. The programme quickly became an innovative and experimental part of public planning and welfare policy. Due to the general support the policy enjoyed, the programme was a success in managing social segregation and “ethnic ghettoes” in social housing estates. This was further evident in the promotion of social housing and municipally owned housing was, from the beginning of the century, an important part of Social Democratic housing policy, and “good affordable housing” was a crucial dimension to the post-war welfare planning policy (Andersen and Pløger 2007).

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5.4.5 Public Service Copenhagen provides numerous services which are tailored to the needs of its diverse citizens: it offers funeral/burial services, school meals, as well as women only sections and times in sports facilities in response to culturally based requests. It is noteworthy that Copenhagen’s Inclusion Policy 2011–2014 has set the target that city employees at all the levels should reflect the general population. This was to focus on how to increase representation of leaders with a minority background. In the same spirit, Copenhagen may also wish to foster intercultural training among its public service employees across all seniority levels.

5.4.6 Business Opportunities and Labour Market Policies The city encourages businesses from minorities groups to move beyond localized economies and enter the mainstream and higher value-added sectors. On this latter point, an interesting practice was implemented in Copenhagen. The city’s Business Centre now offers courses on entrepreneurship and business development to people from non-Danish background. These courses mainly focus on starting up a business in Denmark and using cultural/international competencies to launch a business with a global mindset, such as exports, services for Danish and transnational companies. Beyond that, since 2006, Copenhagen has prioritized companies implementing a diversity strategy in their procurement of goods and services, namely by including hard or soft clauses in the procurement contracts. Hard clauses require that the supplier recruit a certain number of unemployed, trainees or people in “supported employment”. Soft clauses require that the supplier weave diversity management practises into his/her human resources. Moreover, Copenhagen has developed an incubator project for young entrepreneurs in vulnerable neighbours, courses and counselling for entrepreneurs, as well as start-up camps. The city has also an agreement with Beijing, as well as two Memorandum of Understanding on Urban Planning and Tourism, intending to create an incubator environment for fashion designers to attract Chinese fashion makers and help them into the Danish labour market.

5.4.7 Diverse Cultural, Language and Civil Life In 2012 and 2013, in line with our recommendations, Copenhagen enhanced its cultural and civil life policy by regularly organizing events that contribute to intercultural exchange in the fields of arts, culture and sports, and encouraging cultural organizations to deal with diversity and intercultural relations in their productions. The city organizes, for example, the diversity festival Taste the World with food and culture from around the world and participation from a large number of minority

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organizations. Moreover, there is a Street Football Competition with teams representing different countries in the world. Another example is the Integrated Urban Regeneration Projects that organizes local activities in the neighbourhoods aimed at creating relations across ethnic, cultural and social differences.

5.4.8 Public Space Policies Copenhagen has implemented several public spaces policy instruments. For instance, when reconstructing an area, Copenhagen’s City Council proposes different forms and places of consultation to reach out to its diverse inhabitants. Moreover, in the design and management of some new public buildings and spaces, the City Council considers different backgrounds of citizens. Thus, as part of city renewal projects, great care is taken to involve the local population in all its composition. Copenhagen’s government promotes mixing of people from diverse background in public libraries, museums, squares and playgrounds. For instance, some of the city’s libraries host events include reading, discussions on foreign literature, poetry competitions and movie screenings. These events may take place in various minority languages including Turkish, Persian and are in principle open to all citizens regardless of their origin. The city provides specific language training in Danish for hard-to-reach groups and learning migrant/minority languages as a mother tongue course for migrant/minority kids only. The municipality also offers Danish as a second language as part of the regular curriculum at local schools. Night schools are supported and in turn they provide access to minority language classes as an option open to everyone at a reasonable price.

5.4.9 Tolerance to Newcomers International House Copenhagen opened its doors to welcome international citizens in Greater Copenhagen. The house provides citizen services in English, a one point entry for all paperwork, networking activities, help with job seeking and much more to help newcomers settle in the best possible way into Danish society and labour market. Copenhagen published a comprehensive package of information to aid newly arrived foreign residents. At CPH International Service (part of International House Copenhagen), newly arrived citizens will find all the authorities that they typically need to contact, as well as private actors ready to help them settle in the best possible way. The city’s services and agencies provide support tailored specifically for students, family members, refugees and migrant workers. Furthermore, twice a year, a Welcome Reception and Copenhagen Expat Fair is held at the City Hall by city officials. All international residents, including students and newcomers, can participate in the reception. In Copenhagen, newcomers from the

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European Union, Iceland and Norway are eligible to vote in local elections “immediately after registering as residents”. Non-EU citizens are eligible to vote in local elections after 3 years of regular residence. Larsen (2011) speaking to spatial inclusion of migrants in Denmark reported that social integration programmes of the welfare state are highly regulatory and tend to intervene deeply in refugees’ private spheres and, on the other, cultural homogeneity is emphasized and regarded as closely related to equality. This development has brought about improved adaptation for migrants in Denmark.

5.4.10 Conclusions Copenhagen’s Municipal Planning Strategy 2014 presented an ambitious vision for the city to become more diverse, yet cohesive and safe, with enough space and adequate services for all its citizens. To achieve this vision, a multi-faceted active inclusion scheme was needed to alleviate the social and spatial segregation of the disadvantaged areas of the city. This would reduce social exclusion, for example, by improving access to employment, education and health. This vision resulted in the publication of a municipal Policy for Disadvantaged Urban Areas of Copenhagen. This active inclusion policy builds on the joint responsibilities and co-ordinated efforts of all seven administrations in the municipality. The policy is a ground-breaking achievement, considering the administrative structure in Copenhagen. The city has seven separate specialized administrations (e.g. education, health, etc.), each overseen by their political committees; and each mayor has their separate jurisdiction. This structure can make it difficult for the city authorities to work in an integrated way. For Copenhagen, therefore, this city-wide policy is an example of a fully integrated and co-ordinated framework for dealing with the complex challenges of active inclusion. The aim is to actively include all the disadvantaged urban areas and the residents living there. It is particularly encouraging that significant improvements are made for Copenhagen to an inclusive city. The leading inclusive practices of Copenhagen can provide useful insights and examples to other cities in the fields of education, neighbourhood, public services, business and employment, cultural and civil life, public spaces, language and tolerance.

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Arnesen A, Lundahl L (2006) Still social and democratic? Inclusive education policies in the Nordic welfare states. Scand J Educ Res 50(3):285–300 Baldwin P (1990) The politics of social solidarity. Class bases of the European welfare state 1875– 1975. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Callagan P (2004) Community participation. In: Andersen J, Siim B (eds) The politics of inclusion and empowerment. Palgrave, New York Dessemontet R, Bless G, Morin D (2012) Effects of inclusion on the academic achievement and adaptive behaviour of children with intellectual disabilities. J Intellect Disabil Res 56(6):579–587 Dlabac O, Devecchi L, Gisiger J (21–22 Jan 2016) Leading the inclusive city in Switzerland: cooperation, strategy, or both? Annual Congress by the Swiss Political Science Association, Basel. https://dlabac.files.wordpress.com/2017/02/swisspsa_2016_dlabac_devecchi_gisiger.pdf Engsig T, Johnstone C (2015) Is there something rotten in the state of Denmark? The paradoxical policies of inclusive education–lessons from Denmark. Int J Incl Educ 19(5):469–486 Glaser M, Hugentobler M (2019) Actions towards social integration and sustainable neighbourhoods in Zurich, Switzerland. In: Our city? Countering exclusion in public space, pp 405–409 Glatz Z, Komlósi B (2018) Identity and space collaborative developments for inclusive cities. In: Pedata L, Porfido E, Rossi L (eds) [CO]HABITATION TACTICS Imagining future spaces in architecture, city and landscape, TAW2018 international scientific conference from 20th to 23rd September 2018/POLIS University Groenewold G, Lessard-Phillips L (2012) Research methodology. In: Crul M, Schneider J, Lelie F (eds) The European second generation compared does the integration context matter? IMISCOE Research Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam. e-ISBN 978 90 4851 692 6 (pdf) Hoxha E (2018) Satellite city—the social and cultural survival of Kosovo Albanians during the 90s. In: Pedata L, Porfido E, Rossi L (eds) [CO]HABITATION TACTICS imagining future spaces in architecture, city and landscape, TAW2018 International Scientific Conference from 20th to 23rd September 2018/POLIS University https://www.coe.int/en/web/interculturalcities/home Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies (2005) Sustainable cities, regions, and countries: strategic spatial planning for social inclusion, economic prosperity, and life-sustaining environment in Switzerland and beyond. In: Proceedings of the 35th annual conference international urban fellows program. Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies June 11–15, 2005 Zurich, Switzerland. http:// iua-global.org/docs/IUFA/IUFA_2005_Conf%20Zurich.pdf Larsen BR (2011) Drawing back the curtains: the role of domestic space in the social inclusion and exclusion of refugees in rural Denmark. Soc Anal 55(2):142–158 Lee N (2019) Inclusive growth in cities: a sympathetic critique. Reg Stud 53(3):424–434 Luder R, Moretti M, Kunz A, Deizi-Duplain P (2011) Individual educational planning in inclusive education in Switzerland. Spec Educ 2(25):164–170 Rasmussen P (2002) Education for everyone: secondary education and social inclusion in Denmark. J Educ Policy 17(6):627–642 Storper M (2013) Keys to the city: how economics, institutions, social interaction, and politics shape development. Princeton University Press

Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy.

Chapter 6

Continuities and Discontinuities in Urban Population Policies in Post-colonial Southern African Cities: Towards a Sustainable and Inclusive Framework Innocent Chirisa, Tafadzwa Mutambisi, Tinashe Bobo, and Verna Nel Abstract The chapter maps urban policy in Southern Africa with a view of building a sustainable and inclusive framework in which children, women, the elderly and disabled are embraced. It is premised on the observation that colonial urban policy was very explicit on who could live in the city and who could not. The colonial city for the Africans was more for the economically active males and less for the children, women and disabled. The landscape soon changed with attainment of independence and democracy, enabling families to live together in the city. But democracy had unintended consequences, such as the detriment of critical aspects of health, and on the adequacy and efficacy in general service delivery. If sustainability and inclusivity are to be a priority today, in most cases, retrofits are necessary. However, the costs of retrofits are in themselves a huge challenge on the basis of acceptability, affordability, cultural acceptance and political patronage. Using case studies and comparative policy analysis, the chapter illustrates the aforesaid manifestations and nuances in the dilemmas of achieving inclusive and sustainable cities in Southern Africa. Keywords Sustainable · Inclusivity · Policy · Continuity · Discrimination

6.1 Introduction This chapter assesses the form and structure of African cities, pre- and post-colonial urban policies in light of the need to build sustainable and inclusive urban settlements. It is premised on the observation that colonial urban policy was very explicit on who could live in the city and could not. The colonial cities only allowed economically I. Chirisa (B) · T. Mutambisi · T. Bobo Department of Demography Settlement and Development, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe I. Chirisa · V. Nel Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_6

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active males to live and work in cities during their productive and working periods. It can safely be argued that children, women and the disabled had no place in the city. With the attainment of political independence, most Southern African cities became places for all as children, women and other previously marginalised groups of people were given the right to live in and travel between cities. Some schools of thought argue that this was a populistic stance pulled by black governments to compensate for periods of black marginalisation by the colonial masters. However, democracy had unintended consequences such as the detriment of critical aspects of health, and on the adequacy and efficacy in general service delivery. This chapter realises the importance of sustainability and inclusivity, and it argues that for these to be achieved, there is need for some retrofits. However, the costs of retrofits are in themselves a huge challenge on the basis of acceptability, affordability, cultural acceptance and political patronage. Using case studies and comparative policy analysis, the chapter illustrates the aforesaid manifestations and nuances in the dilemmas of achieving inclusive and sustainable cities in Southern Africa. Results of the study will be premiered from an analysis of the issues in context in countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania, Namibia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

6.2 Conceptual Framework Concepts are ideas that support a discourse. Seeming disparate concept can weave into an intractable conceptual framework that becomes a reference point for the connectedness of the concepts. The chapter is based on a study that pillared its argumentation on three concepts: African coloniality and post-coloniality, inclusive and sustainable cities and urban population policies. These concepts give a philosophical foundation on the structural and institutional explanations on the current structure of African urban areas. African coloniality is the exploitation of African resources by European settlers through the establishment of rule over the Africans (Bluwstein 2018). European’s authoritative power in Africa helped them establish themselves as superiors in culture and wealth. The impact of this was felt by Africans during and even after colonisation. Post-coloniality concept refers to the impacts of European colonial rule around the world in the eighteenth and twentieth century (Bluwstein 2018). This includes political, aesthetic, economic, historical and social impacts of colonisation. The emergence of global mass poverty is widely understood to be correlated with the histories and geographies of capital and empire. Drawing on the key insight of political ecology that global poverty, inequality and powerlessness usually under-lay water poverty, there is need of understanding the historical rise and spread of world capitalism to grasp water poverty as it exists today (Makoni et al. 2006). It goes without saying that historical sensibility is necessary to the understanding of the contemporary lived experience of class in post-colonial Africa. The processes of decolonization were able to achieve de-racialisation but not democratisation. The bifurcated colonial state was

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thus dismantled only partially, and tensions have continued between containerised ethnicities, and between rural and urban populations. Inclusive and sustainable cities foster equality and resilience in the face of calamities (Cartwright et al. 2018). There are cities that cater for the needs of the present and future generations. The belief in inclusive cities stems from trickledown economics. The philosophical orientations of inclusivity are that prosperity of a nation filters throughout the whole society at large if competitive markets, macroeconomic stability and fiscal discipline are sustained (Turok and Visagie 2018). The concept of inclusive and sustainable cities has gained worldwide recognition amongst policy and decision makers. This came after the realisation that many communities and groups are failing to fairly distribute the benefits of technological change, economic growth and globalisation. Inclusion is concerned with root causes and active processes, and not simply with describing outcomes (African Development Bank 2011). Making cities sustainable implies creating areas that are inclusive in offering safe and affordable housing for all, career and business opportunities as well as building resilient societies and economies. Strategic development is very essential in building urban areas. It can ensure that population growth, economic productivity and better quality of life are dovetailed towards the creation of inclusive and sustainable cities (Turok and Visagie 2018). Urban policies are coherent sets of decisions made through coordinating government-led processes with the participation of various actors for a common vision and goal that is aimed at promoting productive, inclusive, transformative and resilient urban development for the long term (Lang et al. 2017). Urban population policies are government actions that are meant to monitor and evaluate population growth, its dynamics and its needs. Trends in population growth and migration patterns have led to various urban population policy initiatives across the globe. Migration to cities in search of work appears to be a sensible strategy for many adults living in rural areas, bearing in mind the superior labour market prospects in urban areas (Moyo 2014). There is need for urban strategies that cater for population dynamics to reduce pressure on land, infrastructure as well as help promote sustainability of urban areas. Government has an important role to play in establishing the foundations for all-round development in this area as the globe is experiencing population growth as well as rapid urbanisation (Blackman 2013).

6.3 Literature Review Urban policies in Africa have always been changing since colonial times. They have changed to the effect of transforming the people and the spaces they live in—the habitats. Therefore, the chapter serves to critically assess the form and structure of African cities, pre- and post-colonial urban policies in different cities across Africa. Comparing the formation growth and the current urban policies of today’s Arica cities will assist the chapter to highlight explore and discuss the challenges being faced by African governments in creating sustainable urban settlements. It is acknowledged

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that inequality is a major setback to inclusivity and sustainability in the developed world and it is influenced by pre-colonial urban policies (Swilling and Annecke 2012). A distinct dual nature in the colonial era was developed in urban areas (King 2012). The duality was characterised by separate sections catering for the capitalists or European inhabitants (the most favourable places), and the other poorly planned and built areas which were undesirable were reserved for the African native inhabitants (Maliehe 2014). Therefore, the initial urban form and structure tend to be inefficient and cannot match with the increasing residential density, in particular, for high market accessibility locations and diversity of the urban population (Xu 2017). Thus, they have tended to disadvantage the marginal groups in pre- as well as post-colonial eras. There is the recognition that developing countries are urbanising faster. Thirty years ago, Latin America was urbanised, with two-thirds of its population living in urban areas (Rodriguez and Martine 2008). High population density tends to create crowded housing decreasing life quality. The most affected by poor policies and effects of rapid urbanisation and population growth are the urban poor or the disadvantaged groups, these groups include women, children, the disabled and unemployed. Colonial urban policies shaped African cities in sections (Lang et al. 2017). Colonial urban planning gave European sections landownership rights and proper tenure as they had freehold ownership of both land and property. Land ownership for Europeans was open in city centre, commercial, residential and industrial areas. For Africans, it was a different scenarios as tenure system was only open for rented property, this highlights the presumed temporary nature of the African residents. The central and local government placed major emphasis on the development of housing and amenities for single Africans in the assumption that the families of urban workers would normally reside in the rural area (Wekwete 1992). Colonial urban policy has been the core instrument in shaping urban areas in many African cities. Colonialism was a system of governance that was fashioned after the British governance system (Karmarkar 2017). Local authorities in the colonial period functioned in an autonomous manner and they were given a wide range of powers by the central government. Policies enacted by local authorities were mainly implemented in support of the capitalist’s interests. Therefore, the African urban dweller was not included in urban development plans. Africans were merely treated as temporary residents who were only needed for labour in factories and commercial enterprises. They were expected to retire back to their villages/ rural areas at the end of their working lives (Kalusa and Phiri 2014). Therefore, land reserved for black people was limited and developments included only bachelor’s quotas and hostels in urban areas. Racial discrimination led to major implications and detrimental effects on the organization of local government, the financial administration of the towns and the structure and form of the built environment (Wekwete 1992).Therefore, cities were not inclusive and sustainable as only males were only catered for in the city excluding women, children and the disabled (UN 2020). With the attainment of political independence, policies regarding access and utilisation of the urban environments shifted to include then discriminated black populace. This opened gates to the urban areas such that there was widespread rural–urban

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migration. High rates of rural to urban migration led to rapid population growth and urbanisation in the cities. Between 1950 and 2015, sub-Saharan Africa had the fastest urban population growth rates among the world’s regions driven by high rates of natural increase and net rural to urban migration (van Noorloos and Kloosterboer 2018). Despite efforts to foster inclusivity after independence most former colonial developing nations, planning laws, have been largely borrowed or transferred from the experiences of the former ‘mother countries’ (Wekwete 1989). Such legal frameworks reflected primarily the colonial interests and needs in most cases it was a wholesale transfer of laws regarding property, business, land and constitutions (Wekwete 1989). The failure of colonial urban policy to cater for all groups has caused contemporary urban problems, such as slum and squatter settlements, overcrowding, traffic jam, diseases, such as cholera and even settlement in wetlands (Gonzalez et al. 2017).There is need for African governments to come up with urban strategies that will foster development for all people. This requires the modification of planning laws to fit the contemporary trends as well as make urban cities sustainable for the future generations to come. Urban strategy entails focusing on the urban region, its problem and creating institutional framework that maintain the strategic framework (Shumba and Moodley 2018). Therefore, there is need for a holistic approach in planning that draws together different actors and participants who are important in developing inclusive and post-colonial cities. Different actors are important in enabling a strategic concept that will give African countries an opportunity to reshape the use of regulatory powers and resources in the urban development process. African countries have been failing to fully achieve sustainability in their regions due to a number of political, economic and social factors (Aghimien et al. 2018). African countries are characterised by extreme poverty and hunger, economic instability, civil wars and political instability.

6.4 Research Methodology The chapter is a product of a phenomenological study. In a phenomenological study, the meaning and essence of a concept or event or development are at the centre of focus. To draw conclusions, one would have sought to understand the question why developments took the trajectory they took. Evidence to engaged from the phenomenological inquiry came largely from secondary sources (archives and documents). Documentary analysis was used to evaluate urban population policies across various cities of Southern Africa. Documents reviewed include journal articles, books, websites, policy papers and reports. Information obtained on these sources was crystallised into case studies, and comparative policy analysis became applicable.

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6.5 Results Results of this study were obtained through a wide study of selected Southern African countries and comparative policy analysis which illustrates the manifestations and nuances in the dilemmas of achieving inclusive and sustainable cities in southern Africa. In this order, different selected countries from Southern Africa are analysed. Depending on what country was the colonial master, certain policy convergences can be imparted. For example, pre- and post-independence urban and land policies in both Namibia and Tanzania have led to the development of African suburbs that were once occupied by the colonialists. Indeed, colonialism has influenced the building styles and architecture in many cities and towns in the region.

6.5.1 Zimbabwe Zimbabwe was a former British colony. The establishment of British rule in the late nineteenth century brought a familiar pattern of changes to the urban areas and the countryside. Racial segregation was the chief policy in urban development in the colonial period. High density areas and hostels were meant for the blacks while the favourable areas for the Europeans. This led to an increase in rural poverty, inequality and landlessness the setting up of estates and native reserves. Government programmes that are inclusive that involve a participatory approach community empowerment, promotion of gender equality and equity in disability programmes were implemented in Zimbabwe. Since the attaining of independence, Zimbabwe has pursued a broad shift in economic policy, which helped usher in a period of economic and social recovery. Inclusion has been highlighted in all the countries’ constitutions. In Zimbabwe, there is an inclusive education policy curriculum that recognise the right to education for all children as well as the disabled which has been actively considered since 1994. In Zambia, the inclusive growth initiatives were implemented and they emphasise strategies to increase the number of decent employment opportunities for women (Kalusa and Phiri 2014). The adoption of a decentralised system in Zimbabwe has also tried to foster growth towards sustainable and inclusive cities. Service delivery in Southern Africa is still facing challenges as there is an accelerated inequality in areas, such as water provision. Water provides an immensely useful lens for understanding the intricacies and the dynamics of the colonial and post-colonial eras, both in general terms, and in the historical (Muzondi 2014). In Zimbabwe, challenges in urban local government finance are evidence of postindependence challenges confronting local government. However, this shows that both central and local government are making serious efforts to cope with the everincreasing problems that are coming with population growth and urbanisation. To date, Harare has performed really well but many problems still persist and great challenges still lie ahead (Wekwete 1992). Inequalities in access to water create

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opportunities for political patronage and manipulation. Fundamentally, the challenge comes from the fact that availability and distribution of services are uneven across space and class due to form and structure of urban areas as a result of colonial policies. Corruption has been the greatest threat to proper service delivery in all three countries… Mozambique was a Portuguese colony, and it was used for its close proximity to the sea. The Portuguese used Mozambique as a trading centre. The causes of poverty in Mozambique are both historical and structural (Meneses 2006). Under Portuguese rule, Mozambique, like most other colonies, suffered from the systematic exploitation of its resources to balance colonial budgets. Indeed, one of the principal objectives of colonial policy was to extract wealth from Mozambique’s predominant peasant society, either through taxation or through the forced implementation of a cash-crop economy to service exports (Chabal 2001). Urban infrastructures in both Portuguese colonies were mainly built for European and Portuguese settlers. The Africans were treated as labour and were not planned for. They were sent to unwanted regions in the communal areas. Mostly women and children were sent to the rural parts of the country, and others were used as slaves. For instance in Maputo, Mozambique, the city displays a dualist structure characterised by the rich city and a belt of a poor city (Alexopoulou and Juif 2015). The rich city was meant for the Capitalist and the poor cities for labourers which were the blacks. Most of the people who live in peri-urban developments are women, children, the disabled, the poor and the unemployed. Therefore, despite the impressive economic growth and poverty reduction in Mozambique gender equality has been high on the agenda in the country. Most Mozambican citizens are mostly Muslim and Portuguese immigrants, and they have a high social influence in the country. Most of these societies favour male dominance; however, the government has placed policy initiatives to ensure inclusivity of women in development. Policies such as family and the law against domestic violence were implemented. In the late 1980s, the Mozambican Government launched a programme of economic and social recovery. The aim was to boost job creation and combat poverty, especially among the rural population, as well as to ensure a minimum income and level of consumption (Alexopoulou and Juif 2015). This entailed a decision, among others, to privatise and restructure the state enterprise sector. Privatisation was formally endorsed in 1990 by the country’s new constitution. However, the introduction of the free-market economy has inflicted a heavy burden on Mozambicans, most of whom have experienced little improvement in their living conditions. Low levels of poverty are causing women and young girls into prostitution in Mozambique. It is estimated that up to 25 percent of Mozambican households depend on remittances from abroad and could also be vulnerable through migrant workers, who are a particularly high-risk category (Chabal 2001). This has led to projections of increased mortality among female heads of such households, and concomitant increases in the number of child-headed households and orphans. Vulnerable children are less likely to attend school and often end up on streets,

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where they pursue survival strategies that put them at great risk of contracting HIV themselves. Service delivery in post-colonial Mozambique has improved due to decentralisation. However, financial and climatic constraints have seen local authorities failing to fully deliver services to all their citizens fully and fairly. In February 2000, Mozambique was hit by the worst floods which caused damage estimated by the UN at US$520 million in lost assets and production. This slowed down development leading to the marginal groups (women, children and the disabled) vulnerable to a number of threats, such as poverty and diseases (Alexopoulou and Juif 2015). Floods have caused displacement of people and destruction of infrastructure. Urban areas which have borne the brunt of migration from the rural hinterland have poverty levels reaching 62%. A recent investigation estimates that the vast majority of Mozambique’s urban population lives on the verge of absolute poverty. Mozambique’s crippling poverty has made it heavily dependent on foreign aid despite far-reaching structural reforms, which have boosted growth since 1993. In the period 1993–1998, Mozambique received a total of US$4.8 billion, making it the largest recipient of international development assistance in sub-Saharan Africa. Disaster management is an emerging issue that needs attention in these coastal countries in Africa as it draws back and hinders development.

6.5.2 Namibia Tanzania and Namibia before the onset of colonial rule were German colonies. Tanzania was taken over by Britain after the First World War, and Namibia was mandated to South Africa to manage the territory (Shumba and Moodley 2018). The colonialists’ main priorities were economic, yet colonial indirect rule had multiple and at times contradictory objectives. The effects of government and territorial control resulted in ambiguous and conflicting land and resource access laws. The same western rationality of a nature-culture divides through spatial separation. Erosion of African land rights in Tanzania was furthered when the 1959 National Park Ordinance extinguished customary rights to residence and resource access within national parks. In Namibia and Tanzania, the first suburbs were built by colonial urban planners attempting to segregate urban space along racial lines (Bluwstein 2018). In Dar es Salam, the colonial legacy in the city centre cements the commercial and residential spaces as areas marked out for use by different racial groups by the German and British colonial governments (Wandela 2014). In Tanzania (Bunda), it is observed that in 2002, only half of the population was served with a piped water system and water was only available for eight hours every two days. This led many inhabitants to look for alternative sources of water, such as wells and lakes or from street vendors. In 2004, only 365 connections of water were present and of those 365, 191 were metered. Sewerage systems were also an issue, and thus, most people use and still use septic tanks. Public provision for solid waste is scarce in residential areas, and there is an inadequate drainage system.

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6.5.3 Tanzania Service provision in Namibia is guided by the Constitution (Republic of Namibia 2010) which provides that: every citizen has a right to fair and reasonable access to public facilities and services in accordance with the law (Article 95). Namibia inherited a fragmented, urban- and curative-based health system with a limited preventative health care component. Health services in rural areas, in particular in the northern parts of the country, were provided mainly by the Catholic and Lutheran churches (Shumba and Moodley 2018). To redress this deficit and imbalance, the primary health care approach was adopted to focus on areas of prevention, health promotion, rehabilitation and also curative care. In Tanzania, inclusivity has been promoted through many policies following guidelines of the United Nations and the SDGs. Service delivery is an initiative that still needs proper consideration and guidelines in local authorities in Africa.

6.5.4 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) The DRC was colonised by Belgium and largely exploited for its diamonds. Capitalist in the colonial era was mainly focused on the repatriation of resources to their mother countries; therefore, they developed sustainable cities in DRC. Most of the country’s urban problems have a long history dating as far back as the colonial era. In particular, the colonial administration established a system of state-condoned exploitation of national resources for personal enrichment of the rulers, a practice that was passed along from King Leopold II to the Belgian colonial administration and to the postindependence regimes. The colonial system deliberately excluded and denied space to the middle class in the DRC. This suffocated the civil society’s strength as an avenue for democratic expression, a well denying the majority access to land thereby creating the urban and rural poor (UNECA 2015). The DRC after attaining independence has had a series of longstanding civil wars which have affected urban development. The institutions established under the colonial regime and in the postindependence era generated and perpetuated antagonisms around the control of the state and national resources while sowing seeds for inter-regional and interethnic conflicts. The disputes around the configuration of the state—federalism vs. centralised state which characterized the political discourse during the struggle for independence and in post-independence era remain a key subject of contention even in today’s politics in the DRC (World Bank Group 2018). The establishment of liberal democracy has not resolved this fundamental issue, and this remains a fundamental constraint to the consolidation of the state in the DRC. The conflicts in the DRC have been a major cause of concern at the national, regional and international levels, especially due to the heavy death toll and the massive abuses of human rights orchestrated by warring factions against innocent civilian population.

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Internal conflicts in the DRC are caused by prevalent inequalities in the country, such as land scarcity. Scarcity of land is attributed to population pressure alone and the colonial system. Policies, such as the Bakajika Law, promulgated on 7 June 1966, by which the Congolese state, took possession of all lands. It was followed by the General Property Law no 73-021 of 20 July 1973, which remained the cornerstone of land tenure in the post-colonial period (Muraya and Ahere 2014). These internal conflicts have caused human rights violations and have made women, children and the disabled vulnerable to domestic violence, poverty and death. Civil wars and impacts of the colonial structure and lack of financial resources have led to the diminishing of the role of the central government. This has resulted in poor service delivery as the government cannot monitor the performance of different stakeholders. The development strategies pursued since independence have failed to produce consistent improvement in the wellbeing of the Congolese people, while at the same time enabling accumulation of personal wealth by the political and economic elites (Hesselbein 2007). These policies have also enabled the rulers to sell off the country’s natural resources to foreign commercial interests. Recent population growth dynamics have led to very low and even deteriorating living standards, even in regions that have not been directly affected by the conflicts, including lowincome parts of Kinshasa. Conflicts seem to have worsened inequalities, destroying sustainable and inclusion efforts in the state.

6.6 Discussion This section of the article sums and discusses the common trends of challenges being faced by African governments in creating sustainable settlements. Much focus is given to the changing or transformative policy environment regarding access and inclusion of certain groups of people in urban affairs who have been left out before political independence in Africa. Continuities and discontinuities in the policy environment are also spelled out in terms of Southern African cities have transformed their urban policies in light of their changed urban environments, especially considering the inclusion of children, women and the disabled. There is a recognition that urbanisation presents special opportunities and challenges for women, especially among the urban poor. Most African countries have come to the realisation of human rights and human development. The special needs of children, women and the disabled are now widely recognised in Africa through the realisation that most of these groups have been living in poverty in all its dimensions like poor health, lack of education, inadequate living standards, lack of income, disempowerment, and poor quality of work and threat of violence. There is also a wide recognition that urbanisation presents special opportunities and challenges for women, especially among the urban poor. Poor women face special challenges and opportunities in urban areas as a result of their changing roles (frequently they are heads of households and important bread winners), their greater freedom from traditional cultural restrictions, the tensions of their dual roles of parenting and working,

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the special risk they face in terms of violence, exposure to HIV&AIDS, being drawn into sex work and the daily indignities associated with bad sanitation. At the same time, they have potentially greater access to education and health services, to jobs, and to a better future for their children. Young children, from conception through birth and early childhood, are subject to special risks from poor maternal health and nutrition, inadequate attention during birth, and poor nutrition, health care, socialisation and parenting for the first four to six years. Decolonisation considers the way in which a country is economically organised, structures of government as well as other institutions. The trail in which former colonial subjects are encouraged to think is often determined by the colonisers’ powers in post-colonial countries. Urban land is an extremely valuable resource for households and firms, but rising land and property values can also be a serious barrier to inclusion. The continuity view states that change is gradual while discontinuity view states that development is more abrupt, a succession of changes that produce different behaviours in different age-specific life periods called stages. The dynamic of population growth over the years has seen changes in populations policies (Allen 2010). At any given point-in-time law is being shaped and reshaped by the needs or different needs of society. Planning law and policing are an outcome of social processes which are based within the context of overall societal development (Wekwete 1989). Population policies first implemented were to reduce the increase in population growth through birth control measures. For instance, in China, the one-child policy and benefits that came with one-child families were meant to minimise and control population and to ratio out population and resources available. Urbanisation has kept up even with the introduction of various migration policies (Swinkels et al. 2019). Therefore, there has been a realisation by many governments of directing population policies towards making the urban area accommodative for the growing population. In Africa, most national governments have been reluctant to fund urban initiatives or urban governments, sometimes for political reasons and sometimes for spurious reasons (Maliehe 2014). International funding agencies have also given a low priority to addressing urban problems and the lack of capacity among urban governments in the region. This helps explain why large sections of sub-Saharan Africa’s urban population face very large health burdens associated with a lack of risk reducing infrastructure and services, including very high infant, child and maternal mortality rates (Linn 2010). Most developing countries do not have a separate population policy for urban and rural areas. Population growth has greatly caused higher rates of poverty. Therefore, there is need to look at urban population policies as part of human development initiatives (UNDP 2019). Colonialism is one of the acceptable explanations of poverty in the developing world and the central argument to support this claim is that third world poverty is a legacy of having been colonised, exploited and robbed of the riches by the colonising powers. Urban population policies that have been implemented in different former colonies as prescriptions towards inequalities that existed between the colonisers and the colonised (UNECA 2015). Colonisation left most of the independent nations in Africa unable to function in the modern global nation system (Hill and Katarere

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2002). This opened up Africa countries to outside influence and pressure as they did not have solutions. Post-colonial South Africa points to the continuation of class inequality along the same well-worn grooves (Turok and Visagie 2018). To date, there still exist high levels of inequality in many African countries, such as Zimbabwe, South Africa and Mozambique (Posner 2003). The racial economic disparities that contemporary neo-liberal South Africa have inherited from its apartheid past. In post-colonial Africa, there exist income/wealth inequality, gender inequality and political inequality which found its roots in colonialism (Binelli et al. 2015). Class inequalities are literally inscribed in the landscape, with spatial inequalities showing that the poor are settled in marginal areas in slums and squatter settlements (Swinkels et al. 2019). There is the exclusion of children, women and the disabled as they lack access to basic needs, such as education, water and proper housing. The post-colonial feminism theory substantiates this as it accounts for the way that racism and longlasting political, economic and cultural effect of colonialism affect non-white women. However, the literature does not fully address this theory in the view of an African woman living in a poor marginal area in Africa. There is need for the inclusive and sustainable policies as the main priority of many African governments to eradicate hunger and promote equality and human development. The goal of inclusivity features frequently in the national discourse and from right across the political spectrum (Cartwright et al. 2018). Poor communities in many urban townships and rural areas have grown impatient at the faltering social progress and the persistent skewed distribution of wealth, opportunity and privilege, except for the emergence of small black elite linked mainly to an enlarged public bureaucracy and to black economic empowerment schemes in the private sector. It requires deconstructing active forms of discrimination, such as inequality before the law, while also recognising passive forms of discrimination, such as unequal access to schools and health care or even unrealistic norms and standards set by governments, which serve to perpetuate poverty and exclusion (SIDA 2014). Hence, inclusion incorporates the concept of justice or fairness, not only through rights as they appear on paper, but also as they operate in the real world and whether or not people have recourse for being excluded. The post-colonial period has been characterised by government attempts to come up with inclusive cities. These initiatives were implemented through one city strategy meant to restructure the colonial local government systems in pursuit of the reversal of segregation systems (Gee and Ford 2011). However, these efforts have not been easy to implement due to the evolution of the built environment in many post-colonial cities in support of the segregated system (Posner 2003). Presently, most towns still carry distinctive features of low density areas that were meant for the European settlers and the high density areas meant for the Africans (Mabogunje 1990). Efforts to create new infrastructure and to effectively maintain existing equipment and facilities have been complemented by the repeal of segregation policies (Wekwete 1989). At the same time, there is distinct evidence of increasing central government mandates for expenditure in local authorities without the provision of additional sources of revenue. Urban budgets have been strained, and there has been an inability to service outstanding local authority loans due to the effects of these trends

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(Wekwete 1992).The large annual increment in the urban population should not be a problem if government competence and capacity grow. Most cities in sub-Saharan Africa have very limited revenue bases. This has been one of the major reasons for the failure of inclusive cities in Africa. The focus is on people, institutions and arrangements for effective governance, although it could usefully be extended to incorporate matters of space, place and geography (Wekwete 1992). For example, urban land and infrastructure, public spaces and state regulations exert a major influence on the creation of inclusive human settlements and productive local economies. Urban population policy is a complex phenomenon for any government to tackle. However, the dismantling of European planning did not come just because of the decolonisation of African countries (Lakhan 2015). The majority of European planning legislation and instruments still remained intact and centralised in post-colonial African states. In African, cities planning is often seen as a failure. Africa has the fastest rate of demographic growth in the world (Statistics Botswana 2018). Zimbabwe under the provisions of the Urban Councils Act states that urban governments have wider range of powers and responsibilities than their counterparts in most other sub-Saharan Africa as most central governments in the region often play the dominant role in the provision of local services (Wekwete 1992). Population growth is an important aspect of migration dynamics on the continent. The population of Africa in 2017 was 1.2 billion, up from 477 million in 1980, and is forecast to rise to 2.5 billion by 2050. The majority of the world’s population growth will take place in Africa (van Noorloos and Kloosterboer 2018). The establishment of British rule in the late nineteenth centuries brought a familiar pattern of changes to the countryside of most Africa cities where Africans were sidelined in urban policing and planning (Mogalakwe 2006). Creating inclusive cities depends on economic participation as living standards and social stability. Urban research and policy have in recent years also focused more on specific subgroups among the urban population, especially women, but also on children, youth, disabled and the aged (Shumba and Moodley 2018). It is very concerning that on the Africa continent, children with disabilities face barriers in the education system for a number of reasons. It is now also recognised that these groups are particularly at risk during economic crises, such as the current global economic crisis (Lord et al. 2010). Inadequacies in water and sanitation provision in sub-Saharan Africa’s urban centres is astonishing, especially given the many commitments governments have made to the United Nations for universal coverage over the last forty years (Aghimien et al. 2018). Most cities in sub-Saharan Africa have very limited revenue bases and so depend on national government and international agencies for funding that is scarce. Despite development in the education sector through inclusive education policies, progress is still thwarted by limited teacher skills in adapting the curriculum to satisfy range of learning needs (Armstrong Associates Consulting 2012).

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6.7 Conclusion and Policy Recommendations Continuities and discontinuity in urban population policies in pre- and post-colonial Africa have given rise to inequalities in different parts of the continent and in different sectors of development. It is noted that inherited colonial landscapes have had a huge impact on Africa’s challenges. However, the post-colonial cities have faced challenges of their own that stem from colonialism. The negative outcome of these urban population policies in Africa has been extreme urban and rural poverty. The magnitude of inadequacies in provision for water and sanitation in sub-Saharan Africa’s urban centres is astonishing, especially given the many commitments governments have made to the United Nations for universal coverage over the last forty years. Instability remains a critical challenge for some nations, especially in the Great Lakes region. Thus, there is need for full-fledged decentralisation that is able to curb institutionalized corruption which was inherited from the colonial era and perpetuated under the post-independence regime, which alienated the population and corrupted private sector practices. It will be necessary to not only fight public sector corruption but also increase effectiveness in the delivery of the fundamental functions of the state, namely public service delivery, revenue mobilisation, security and law and order. Arguments raised in the chapter points to the sustainable and inclusive framework for cities to create a favourable environment for everyone, meaning that once marginalised groups like children, women and the disabled have a place in the city. It has been highlighted that inclusive and sustainable cities foster equality and resilience and that the prosperity of such cities filter throughout the whole society if competitive markets, macroeconomic stability and fiscal discipline are sustained. Hence, this chapter tries to shift policy making in the developing cities towards the sustainable and inclusive city framework which is based on the following elements: • Participation: there is need to shift from a model of children, women and the disabled as passive recipients, consumers and users to an active model of citizenoriented engagement in innovation and change based on processes of collaboration and coordination in development issues in the cities. • Motivation: there is need for a shared understanding of a ‘highly desirable and attracting’ unified social, economic, environmental and ethical framework for ‘inclusivity’, that recognises and values the active and passive contribution of children, women and the disabled to the evolving future within and beyond employment. • Inclusive design: Promotion of social and functional inclusion which embed the principles of inclusive design into the fabric of social, technical, political and economic processes that underpin place-making. • Desirable and shared urban places: there is need for places that are desirable to all and shareable by all. This comes after the realisation that people have different demands and expectations in their urban living between day and night, across the seasons, across

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• communities and across generations. It is important to focus on how to fuse these demands together to create dynamic, living and life-enriching places for all. • Sustainable neighbourhoods for all: neighbourhoods or rather cities should be life-enhancing, vibrant, diverse, safe, inclusive and trust-based that are also sustainable environmentally, economically, socially and emotionally for everyone. The sustainable and inclusive framework brings different dimensions of sustainability and inclusivity into a common framework. Social inclusion and the problem of combating poverty, economic participation and emancipation need to be seen in relation to functional exclusion and the challenge of inclusive environments. This is supported by the common adage, ’not for some, or for more, or for most, but for all’. Sustainable and inclusive framework is highly recommended as a policy option for cities in the developing world, and particularly Southern Africa.

References African Development Bank (2011) Infrastructure and GROWTH in Zimbabwe an action plan for sustained strong economic growth. African Development Bank Group, Zimbabwe, 25 June 2020. https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Generic-Documents/Zim babwe%20Report_Book22.pd. Aghimien D, Aigbavboa C, Ngwari T (2018) Challenges of sustainable low-income housing delivery in Harare, Zimbabwe. In: Proceedings of the international conference on industrial engineering and operations management Washington DC, USA, 27–29 Sept. Alexopoulou K, Juif D (2015) Colonial origins of the threefold reality of Mozambique: fiscal capacity and labour systems. In: African economic history workshop, Wageningen. Allen A (2010) Neither rural nor urban: service delivery options that work for the peri-urban poor. In: Peri-urban water and sanitation services. Springer, Dordrecht, pp 27–61 Armstrong Associates Consulting (2012) The role of the education sector in providing care & support for orphans & vulnerable children in Lesotho & Swaziland Binelli C, Loveless M, Whitefield S (2015) What Is social inequality and why does it matter? Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe. World Dev 70:239–248 Blackman T (2013) Urban policy in practice. Routledge, London Bluwstein J (2018) From colonial fortresses to neoliberal landscapes in Northern Tanzania: a biopolitical ecology of wildlife conservation. University of Copenhagen, Denmark 25:145–168 Cartwright A, Palmer I, Taylor A, Pieterse E, Parnell S, Colenbrander S (2018) Developing prosperous and inclusive cities in Africa-National Urban Policies to the rescue. Coalition for Urban Transitions, London and Washington DC Chabal P (2001) Mozambique: prospects for stability. UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research. http://www.unhcr.org/ Gee GC, Ford CL (2011) Structural racism and health inequities. Du Bois Rev 8(1). https://www. ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4306458/ 4 July 2020 Gonzalez CE, Prasanna DR, Sakai T (2017) The potential of participatory design to improve urban spaces in the Slums of Caracas, Venezuela. WIT Trans Ecol Environ, 226. www.witpress.com, ISSN 1746–448X (on-line) Hesselbein G (2007) The rise and decline of the congolese state: an analytical narrative on statemaking. Crisis States Research Centre, Working Papers Series No.2: 80 Hill R, Katarere Y (2002) Colonialism and inequity in Zimbabwe. In: Matthew R, Mark H, Switzer J (Eds) Conserving the peace: resources, livelihoods, and security, IISD/IUCN, 247–271

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van Noorloos F, Kloosterboer M (2018) Africa’s new cities: the contested future of urbanisation. Urban Studies 55(6):1223–1241 Wandela EL (2014. Tanzania post-colonial educational system and tanzania post-colonial educational system and perspectives on secondary science education, perspectives on secondary science education, pedagogy, and Curriculum: A Qualitative Study. Doctorate Thesis. DePaul University, Chicago, United States of America. https://via.library.depaul.edu/soe_etd/71?utm_source=via. library.depaul.edu%2Fsoe_etd%2F71&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Wekwete K (1989) Planning laws for urban and regional planning in Zimbabwe—a eeview. Department of Rural & Urban Planning University of Zimbabwe. (RUP Occasional Paper No. 20), 24 Wekwete K (1992) Urban local government finance in Zimbabwe: the case of Harare City council. Public Adm Dev 12(1):97–110 World Bank Group (2018) Democratic Republic of Congo urbanisation review productive and inclusive cities for an emerging democratic Republic of Congo. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank, Washington, DC. https://doi.org/10.1596/978-14648-1203-3 Xu H (2017) spatial reorganization in urban redevelopment: evidence from an earthquake in a Metropolitan Area. Available online: https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/78986/1/MPRA_paper_7 8986.pdf

Innocent Chirisa is a renowned Professor of Town and Regional Planning at the Department of Demography Settlement & Development—University of Zimbabwe. He is an active researcher and prolific writer who has contributed immensely to discourses on housing, rural and urban development through books, journal articles, conference proceeding and press releases. Verna Nel is a registered urban and regional planner and a Professor who lectures at the University of the Free State. Her undergraduate studies were at Wits University and she completed he postgraduate studies through Unisa. Professor Verna Nel key research interests are spatial governance, urban resilience and local economic development and their application in various contexts such as in mining communities and secondary cities

Chapter 7

Urbanisation, Inclusive Cities and the Plight of the People with Disability Joseph Kamuzhanje

Abstract The new millennium has ushered in unprecedented levels of urbanisation in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Between 1990 and 2015, the rate of urbanisation has increased from 33.9 to 57.1% and is projected to continue increasing as rural poverty continues to manifest itself. Urbanisation brings with it massive pressure in terms of service provision in the form of jobs, housing and other social infrastructure, physical infrastructure such as roads and electricity. With the focus put on ensuring that the urban areas are functional, orderly, and convenient in line with Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 (Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable), the plight of people with disability, what Chipungu and Magidimisha refer to as the “invisible class” largely goes unnoticed. With poverty levels increasing in most urban areas, the number of vulnerable and disadvantaged people will also increase and with it, the challenges of making the urban areas as inclusive as possible. This chapter seeks to have a deeper understanding of the challenges that people with disability are facing as cities struggle with inclusivity. The paper will combine both primary and secondary data which will be collected through key informant discussions with the city officials, institutions and organisations that work with people living with disabilities and the people living with disabilities themselves. Data will also be collected through direct observation in areas where people with disabilities frequent. The data collected will be analysed and used to develop strategies that can be used by cities and other urban local authorities to ensure that the dream to make cities truly inclusive is realised. Keywords Inclusivity · Inclusive cities · Disability · Sustainable development

J. Kamuzhanje (B) Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_7

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7.1 Background Historically, cities have developed in tandem with the political economy of the different countries. In Sub-Saharan Africa for example, most cities developed with an interest to further the interests of the colonial masters. This is true of countries such as Zimbabwe, South Africa, Kenya and Zambia. In Zimbabwe, in almost all the urban areas but specifically in Harare, the city was divided along racial lines. As a result, the northern and eastern suburbs (Borrow dale, Mount Pleasant, Highlands) were predominantly white, whilst the western and southern suburbs (Mbare, High fields, Mufakose) were black. In South Africa, due to the apartheid system, there were some designated areas in cities were Africans were not allowed to go. The discussion on the evolution of the city has graduated from focusing on a smart city to an inclusive city. Besides the racial divide, the city was also designed to serve four critical purposes: order, safety, convenience, and aesthetics. As cities continued to develop, it became important to broaden the mandate of urban areas to make sure that they would also become more functional and sustainable. This led to the concept of the “smart city”. The concept of the smart city focused on developing an urban environment that, according to Chourabi et al. (2012), is well performing in a forward-looking way in economy, people, governance, mobility, environment, and living, built on the smart combination of endowments and activities of self-decisive, independent, and aware citizens. This also includes a city that monitors and integrates conditions of all of its critical infrastructures, including roads, communications, water, power, even major buildings, can better optimize its resources, plan its preventive maintenance activities, and monitor security aspects making it more efficient, sustainable, equitable, and liveable. This concept has been widely criticised for being too mechanical, almost stoic. One of the key areas of concern has been the failure of the smart city to promote inclusivity. In this instance, an inclusive city is defined by UN-Habitat as one that as a place where everyone, regardless of their economic means, gender, race, ethnicity, or religion is enabled and empowered to fully participate in the social, economic, and political opportunities that cities have to offer. Participatory planning and decision making are at the heart of the inclusive city (UN-Habitat 2001). In this case, the concept of inclusivity is built on four pillars (Asian Development Bank 2017). The four pillars are: accessibility, affordability, resilience and sustainability. The pillars can be represented diagrammatically as in Fig. 7.1. An inclusive city, therefore, creates a safe, live able environment with affordable and equitable access to urban services, social services, and livelihood opportunities for all the city residents and other city users to promote optimal development of its human capital and ensure the respect of human dignity and equality. Within a wider context, inclusivity also builds from the work done by DFID (2013) and UNDP (2018) on developing the concept on “Leave No One Behind” (LNOB). According to UNDP, people get left behind when they lack the choices and access to opportunities (author’s underlining and bolding) to participate in and benefit from development progress. Therefore, according to SDG 1 (End poverty in all its forms

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Affordability

Inclusivity Sustainability Resilience

Fig. 7.1 The four pillars of inclusivity (Source Author’s construct, August 2020)

everywhere), (United Nations, 2015), all persons living in extreme poverty can thus be considered ‘left behind’, as can those who endure disadvantages or deprivations that limit their choices and opportunities relative to others in society. The Department for International Development (DFID) further elaborates on this concept of leaving no one behind by stating that “…The interests of the poorest and most vulnerable populations must be prioritized; this includes the world’s most disadvantaged people; the poorest of the poor, and those people who are most excluded and at risk of violence and discrimination”.

7.2 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), Inclusivity and the Right to the City The word “inclusive” appears more times (7) than any other word in the 17 SDG goals. This does not include the number of times when it is indirectly referred to and replaced by words such as “all”. If anything, this points to the focus of the sustainable development agenda till 2030, which is to ensure that every person gets an equal chance and opportunity in every sphere of life. SDG Goal 17 “Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable” is very clear about the direction that cities and city authorities should take in promoting a city that does not discriminate against any citizen. What is important is to understand that this concept extends far beyond just ensuring that there is social inclusivity which aims at empowering the poorest through investing in human capital and enhancing the opportunities for participation. It is non-discriminatory and is age, gender, caste, sect and creed sensitive in terms of income, assets and the opportunities for employment (Gupta et al. 2016). The key is to understand that inclusivity also focuses on political,

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economic, and environmental. This concept has to be understood in the context of inclusivity being a human right. Inclusivity also has to be viewed in the context of the “right to the city”. The concept of the right to the city was popularised by Lefebvre (1968) and in later writings by, Purcell (2002), Harvey (2008) and Schmid (2017). According to Lefebvre, the right to the city was far more than the individual liberty to access urban resources: “it is a right to change us by changing the city. It is, moreover, a common rather than an individual right since this transformation inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power to reshape the processes of urbanization. The freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights”. The advocacy for the right to the city was a rejoinder to what was seen as a “crisis of the city”. The crisis consisted primarily of a tendency towards the homogenisation of lifestyles and an engineering and colonization of daily life. According to Lefebvre, this situation was untenable, and he therefore “demanded” the right to the city which meant that every citizen had the right not to be displaced into a space produced for the specific purpose of discrimination. According to Harvey (2008), the right to the city is more than just people being able to access the goods and services that city offers. He contends that the right to the city is a right “to change ourselves by changing the city more after our heart’s desire. It is, moreover, a collective rather than an individual right since changing the city inevitably depends upon the exercise of a collective power over the processes of urbanization. The freedom to make and remake ourselves and our cities is, I want to argue, one of the most precious yet most neglected of our human rights”. Habitat III (UN-Habitat, 2016) takes this argument even further by making the observation that in the concept of cities for all (right to the city), “there is need) to promote inclusivity and ensure that all inhabitants, of present and future generations, without discrimination of any kind, are able to inhabit and produce just, safe, healthy, accessible, resilient, and sustainable cities and human settlements, as a common good that essentially contributes to prosperity and quality of life. This is based on a people-centred vision of cities as places that strive to guarantee a decent and full life for all inhabitants” (page 2). According to Magidimisha (2019), the concept of the right to the city should be supported in no small measure by the idea of social justice. Discussing the city and housing development, and quoting Rawls (1971) the authors contend that social justice should be viewed as a systematic form of justice applied to society as a whole with an emphasis on equal distribution of resources on the basis of individual requirements, but with a focus on the disadvantaged and equality of opportunities. The key point about this view of social justice is the emphasis on the disadvantaged. This is important because the disadvantaged have normally been left out of the discussions that decides how the city should be developed and what services should be offered and in what form, and this has meant that their issues have not been adequately addressed.

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7.3 Inclusivity and Disability Whilst there are so many categories of the disadvantaged and vulnerable whose right to the city is compromised, people with disability (PWD) are the most affected. This is because in terms of both concept and design, the city in its current form lacks the necessary ingredients to make it accessible to most PWD. In the context of this chapter, disability is defined as the umbrella term for impairments, activity limitations and participation restrictions, referring to the negative aspects of the interaction between an individual (with a health condition) and that individual’s contextual factors (environmental and personal factors) (WHO 2011). The World Bank (2011) estimates that over 1 billion people (15%) globally live with some form of disability. This is up from10% in the 1970s. This means that more focus should be placed on the plight of the disabled in their attempt to access the city and its services. Victor Pineda (in UNICEF 2008 and Perry 2017: 5) puts all the blame for the challenges that people with disability meet in their efforts to access the city: Accessible, inclusive cities allow everyone to participate equally. Cities often burden people who have difficulties walking, hearing, seeing or remembering, [and prevent them] from participating equally in public life. The problem is not with the person, but with the way the environment is designed. Planners must engage with a diverse set of people with disabilities – and there should be a strong commitment to universal design as well as robust enforcement and monitoring mechanisms.

Even then, Rebernik et al. (2020) argue that the planning and designing system to promote inclusivity in cities needs to be measured and evaluated. This is because of a number of reasons: i. ii.

iii. iv.

v.

Cities and governments still struggle with understanding the diversity of citizens’ needs. Consequently, cities are not able to fully understand what disability inclusion means, how complex and important it is and how it can contribute to the quality of lives of a wider population of citizens, not only those with impairments. Cities lack a holistic and systemic approach, and disability inclusive measures are still greatly of an ad-hoc nature. Cities lack awareness and knowledge about disability inclusion, which is evidently reflected among relevant stakeholders, such as politicians, local authorities, architects, designers, planners etc. Consequently, cities still tend to be designed in a non-inclusive manner. Hence, vulnerable groups with a set of needs that differ from the norm get excluded.

The authors have therefore come up with the Disability Inclusion Evaluation Tool (DIE Tool) and its corresponding Disability Inclusion Performance Index (DIPI). The DIE Tool is a self-evaluation system allowing cities to measure their disability inclusion performance. On the other hand, the Disability Inclusion Performance Index (DIPI) was designed to guide cities through a maze of accessibility and disability inclusion related requirements set within the political, legislative and standardisation frameworks.

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7.4 Inclusivity and Universal Design One concept which is very important in understanding inclusivity in urban environments is that of universal design. This is a concept popularised by Ronald Mace. According to Mace, universal design ensures that products and buildings can be used by virtually everyone, regardless of their level of ability or disability. Urban design means designing all products, buildings, and exterior spaces to be usable by all people to the greatest extent possible, and is based on the following widely accepted principles: • • • •

Disability is not a special condition of a few. It is ordinary and affects most of us for some part of our lives. If a design works well for people with disabilities, it works better for everyone. Usability and aesthetics are mutually compatible.

The concept of universal design suffers from a number of challenges, the primary one being that in most countries, most buildings, both public and private were not designed with disability in mind (CBM 2015). Whilst the laws of many countries make provisions for adjustment orders, there is rarely the political and economic will to enforce these provisions. In most cases, it is the same governments that fall foul of their own laws because they do not have the resources to put in place the necessary and appropriate adjustments and measures. The implications for adhering to the concept of universal design are that this has to be done whilst respecting the seven common principles that are used to assess whether universal design has been achieved or not (Vermont 2015): (i) equitable use, (ii) flexibility in use, (iii) simple and intuitive use, (iv) perceptible information, (v) tolerance of error, (vi) low physical effort and (vii) size and space for approach and use. The interesting observation about these principles is that if they are applied, they actually improve the performance of the city. These principles dovetail very well with the four key design principles for urban areas: safety, convenience, order, and aesthetics.

7.5 Inclusive Cities and the Corona Pandemic The Covid-19 outbreak in the latter part of 2019 caught many countries by surprise. Countries were not prepared to deal with the nominal disease but also for its socioeconomic impacts. According to Pineda and Corburn (2020), the biggest burden would fall on the people with disability. According to Pineda and Corburn, persons with disabilities (PWDs) living in cities during the COVID-19 pandemic response would be four times more likely to be injured or die than non-disabled persons, not because of their “vulnerable” position but because urban health policy, planning and practice has not considered their needs. This assertion comes from the fact that, in any disaster, the plight of the people with disability would normally be considered and prioritised last.

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Pineda and Corburn (2020) argue that the plight of those living with disability is worsened by the fact that living in cities may already present health-damaging challenges for PWDs, such as through lack of access to services and employment, physical barriers on streets and transportation, and smart-city technologies that are not made universally accessible.

7.6 Disability and Inclusion in Zimbabwe One of Zimbabwe’s pieces of legislation, the Disabled Persons Act Chapter 17: 01 of 1992, defines a person living with disability as: ...a person with a physical, mental or sensory disability, including a visual, hearing or speech functional disability, which gives rise to physical, cultural or social barriers inhibiting him from participating at an equal level with other members of society in activities, undertakings or fields of employment that are open to other members of society (Section 2).

The rights and privileges of the people with disability in Zimbabwe are enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013). According to Section 22 of the Constitution, Zimbabwe has committed itself to… (1) recognise the rights of persons with physical or mental disabilities, in particular their right to be treated with respect and dignity, and (2) …within the limits of the resources available to them, assist persons with physical or mental disabilities to achieve their full potential and to minimise the disadvantages suffered by them. Specifically, clauses 22(3)(b) and 24 focus on consider the specific requirements of persons with all forms of disability as one of the priorities in development plans and take appropriate measures to ensure that buildings and amenities to which the public has access are accessible to persons with disabilities, respectively. Whilst there is no direct reference to inclusivity in urban areas, at least the Constitution recognises the rights of the people with disability in all facets of life. This is supported by Mugumbate and Nyoni (2013) who did an analysis of the demands that the people with disability made through their representative organisations during the crafting of the 2013 Constitution. The demands ranged from the provision of assistive devices to acceptance and recognition. However, Manatsa (2015) argues that Zimbabwe’s legislative framework on disability does not go far enough. For example, the author contends that the Disabled Persons Act does not accommodate the principle of “nothing for us, without us” which is critical in the Leave No One Behind approach.

7.7 Research Methodology The research methodology used in developing the chapter was mainly qualitative. This involved reviewing primary sources of data ranging from global to national documents relevant to the subject. The literature review was balanced with discussions with key informants from the relevant Government departments, i.e. Ministry

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of Public Service and Social Welfare, Ministry of Local Government, relevant local authorities such as City of Harare and City of Chitungwiza, the Midlands State University School of Social Work, and the University of Zimbabwe School of Social Work. These institutions were selected on the basis of the work they do with PWD, and the insights that they have on issues pertaining to PWD. A list of the institutions was drawn up and those institutions and their representatives who were available for the discussions were engaged with. Ethical clearance was sought as part of the data collection process. Whilst those who were not interested in being part of the research were free not to participate, all those approached expressed a willingness to participate, and did so without any other expectations. Discussions were also held with the organisations representing people with disability. In addition, there were also discussions with people with disability on their views, opinions, and priorities within an inclusive urban environment. In some instances, the PWD actually worked for the institutions that were engaged as part of data collection and this made it possible to get both institutional and personal insights into the issues affecting PWDs. A greater part of the research also involved observations especially on facilities and services meant to support the people with disability. The observation centred on public buildings and transport facilities.

7.8 Findings and Discussions This section of the paper summarises the findings from the fieldwork that was carried out in collecting data for the chapter. The fieldwork was meant to support and validate the information provided in the literature review.

7.8.1 Disability, the Law and the UNCRDP Zimbabwe was one of the first countries in Sub-Saharan Africa to put in place legislation on protecting the rights of people with disability. In 1992, the Government enacted the Zimbabwe Disabled Persons Act. However, according to Mtetwa (2013), this Act was put in place mainly as a way of attracting to Zimbabwe the African Rehabilitation Institute (ARI). The ARI was established so that it could provide rehabilitation facilities for victims of the liberation struggle in Africa. However, the Act still had flaws that made it impossible to implement its provisions. Whilst there is reference to universal design, the major drawback is that it is very difficult to put into practice. This is mainly due to provisions within the same Act that insulate the Government especially from the issuance of adjustment orders. According to the National Disabled Persons Organisation (NDPO), the key problem with this is that it is mainly to do with the Government institutions that are not disability friendly. The fact that the Act states that the “Government may…”

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means that it does not have an obligation and can use the Act to justify its nonperformance. This in turn makes it difficult for PWD to claim their rights to social and other services. A point to note is that since 1992 up to the 2013 Constitution, there has been no promulgation of a major disability framework. A process to develop a Disability Policy was initiated in 2006 but has not been finalised yet. As has already been mentioned, the 2013 Constitution has been described as one of the disability friendly pieces of legislation that Zimbabwe has seen. It has a number of sections that promote the rights and interests of PWD such as Section. 6 (promotion of sign language), Section. 3 (self-representation), Section. 22 (disability) and Section. 83 (Bill of Rights). In September 2013, the Government of Zimbabwe ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disability (UNCRDP). However, there has been no domestication of the UNCRDP, and this has had the impact of deeming the Disabled Persons Act archaic, null and void.

7.8.2 Disability, Women and the Youth Up to this point, the discourse on disability has assumed that PWD have common challenges, needs and priorities. This is definitely not the case. During the research for this chapter, it became quite clear that women and the youth, whilst affected in the same manner as other PWD, they actually have a double jeopardy. In the case of women with disability, they are still expected to carry out the chores that ordinary, normal, and able-bodied women are supposed to do. The women with disability still have to look after their families, ensure that there is enough food in the house that children have gone to school (if they do) and that health and other bills are paid. This means that they have to go into the city where the environment does not consider their disability challenges. Most of the women resort to begging at street junctions that do not protect them from the motorists or the inclement weather. In addition, in the spots where they beg from, they do not have facilities for the provision of water or ablutions. The cycle for youth is particularly devastating. Being born into a family with PWD, the children do not experience the normal growth patterns of childhood as they are asked to take up responsibilities that are far beyond their age and capability. If they do not remain behind looking after their even younger siblings, they accompany their parents into the city. Besides suffering from the inadequacies of the city together with their parents, the children are also prone to abuse from either other “street kids” or city inhabitants. Even if they, themselves are not disabled, these children are already entangled in a web of poverty which they are scarcely able to move out. As they grow older, and without the necessary education and grounding, economic opportunities evade them.

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7.8.3 Disability and Economic Inclusion in the City More than anything else, the city is an economic hub. As such, it operates on economic, even capitalist, principles. These principles are driven by making profit, and this is done through reducing the costs of production as much as possible. Most urban systems do not respect the principles of universal design. So, to accommodate the needs of PWD requires a huge investment into restructuring buildings, roads and parking spaces. This contentious issue has been about the responsibility for the costs. There are quite a number of examples of how this stalemate actually disadvantages and excludes the PWD from actively participating in the economic activities offered by the city.

7.8.3.1

Access to Buildings

Most of the buildings that were constructed prior to the enactment of the Zimbabwe Disabled Persons Act do not have the facilities that allow them to be easily accessible to PWD. These buildings do not have escalators, lifts, wheelchair ramps and rails. For those buildings that have escalators for example, they have no floor identification systems so those with visual impairment have to depend on the magnanimity of those around them to identify the floor that they are on. There are also classical cases of buildings that have fire escape doors and stairs with no provision for wheelchairs (Fig. 7.2). So, in the unfortunate event that there is a fire, it is quite obvious that PWD who may be in the building at that particular time will have serious challenges leaving the building.

7.8.3.2

Access to Social Amenities

In most urban environments, social amenities are not designed with disability in mind. Most of the amenities are not physically accessible and where they are, PWD may still not be able to use them. A good example are ablution facilities. In Harare, the municipality used to provide these services in the central business district for a fee. However, as can be seen in the photograph, people with physical disability would not be able to access the ablution facilities because they do not have the proper structures, in this case, a wheelchair ramp (Fig. 7.3). This situation is common across the city. The authorities do not seem to be aware of the principles of universal design, and if they do, they are not willing to invest into revamping the current infrastructure to respond to the needs and priorities of PWDs.

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Fig. 7.2 A building in Harare with a fire escape but without a provision for the safe escape for PWD (Source Author, 20 October 2020)

7.8.3.3

Access to Transport Services

Mobility is a key requirement within the city. Most of the economic activities depend on the ability of people to move from one point to the next. In most cities, including Harare, this is made possible by the use of public transport such as commuter omnibuses and buses. There are two challenges in this regard. First, at most termini, there are no facilities that are designed to accommodate the needs of PWDs. Second, the buses are not designed with PWDs in mind. For example, there are no ramps or other such facilities at the entrance for wheelchairs. This is critical if a PWD wants to access the bus, but they do not have someone to help them lift the wheelchair (Fig. 7.4).

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Fig. 7.3 Ablution facilities in central Harare with a staircase which makes it difficult for those using chairs to access its services (Source Author, October 2020)

People actually have to lift the wheelchair on to the bus. If for example a PWD does not have someone accompanying them on the trip, they have to rely on the other commuters who may or may not be willing or able to help. In Harare, there is a third challenge: the driving habits of most of the motorists. With the collapse of the public transport system, there has been a preponderance of “pirate” taxis, popularly known as “mushikashika”. The taxis operate the same way as the “matatus” in Kenya and the “bhodha-bhodha” in Uganda. The drivers have little or no regard for the rules of the road and pedestrians, and other motorists are at their mercy. The situation is even worse for PWDs as they may not be able to navigate the roads at a pace that guarantees their safety. In addition, with the cities and other urban areas becoming more informal, vendors are selling their wares on the street pavements. This makes it difficult for PWD to walk about in the city without exposing themselves to injuries and other dangers.

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Fig. 7.4 A bus waiting to pick up commuters in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe (Source Author, October 2020)

7.8.3.4

Road Signage

Zimbabwe has revamped its road signage system to be in line with the SADC requirements for standardisation. However, now, and even before then, PWD especially those who are visually impaired are still not able to make use of them. During data collection for this chapter in Harare, a PWD narrated how they fell into a trench in an area that they frequently walked about and were not warmed that the authorities had dug the trench. They went into detail about the problems that they encountered in getting recourse for the injuries that they suffered from the mishap. This particular PWD was able to get recourse from the authorities because they are aware of their individual and civil rights. However, most of the PWDs would not have the information, the bravery, or the resources to fight an injustice of this nature. In some European countries, they have developed “voice-over” systems which has audio recordings of the signs. This allows the affected PWD to understand the rules and take corrective measures should there be need.

7.8.3.5

Focus on Physical Disability

Most of the issues that have been discussed in the chapter affect people with physical disability. However, the challenge is bigger than that (Rebernik, 2020). The people with other forms of disability, for example, the deaf, the dumb and the mentally disturbed have an even bigger problem. The nature of their disability is very difficult to address, and so it appears that local authorities and other stakeholders take the default approach of not doing anything. The Covid outbreak provides very difficult

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scenarios where the visually impaired could not access the awareness information because none of it was produced in Braille. It was the same with those who have hearing impairment who could not access the information that was being spread through the many roadshows that were conducted to spread the message about the virus. Even the economic opportunities that could be made available to PWD would still be difficult to be accessed by people with other forms of disability.

7.9 Key Recommendations The plight of PWD has become even more protracted with the increasing economic, political, cultural and social problems that most of the poor and underdeveloped countries are facing. At a global level, the attention towards issues of disability has seemingly been pushed aside by other demands such as natural disasters, internal strife and lately the Covid-19 pandemic. It is interesting to note that even in those “distractions”, PWD are still affected even more than the able-bodied people. Issues of PWD have to be addressed in a holistic, integrated, multi-stakeholder, multisectoral approach. This is on the understanding that PWD desire and deserve all the services that the city offers. All the stakeholders that provide services in the city should therefore ensure that these services are inclusive and can be enjoyed by all citizens in spite of their circumstances. This allows for all angles to be covered and adequately. In the case of Zimbabwe, this starts at the policy level. Whilst there are efforts to put in place a Disability Policy Framework, this process has taken too long (since 2006), and has already been overtaken by events, especially the 2013 Constitution. However, the efforts that are being made by the Department of Disability in the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Services to bring in all stakeholders to participate in the process are the right way to develop the framework. However, this starts with the domestication of the UNCRPD and its relevant provisions. This process would lead to the revamping of the Disability Act so that it reflects the situation that currently obtains in terms of PWD. There is a recognition that for a number of reasons, the voice of PWD is not being heard as loudly as it was especially before 2000. During that period, the representative bodies of PWD had a lot of clout and commanded the attention of Government authorities at all levels. However, this does not seem to be the case, and this has compromised their ability to influence processes. There is a school of thought to the effect that the PWD are being represented by so many organisations, and it is difficult for the authorities to listen to all of them. All the practical challenges that PWD face in the city hinge on three main issues. The first is the lack of universal design. Even now, when the issues of PWD are more commonplace than a few years ago, some of the designs of buildings in the urban areas still do not conform to or respect the principles of universal design. Aligned to this is the issue of adjustment orders. The reluctance on the part of the authorities

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to effect these on the basis of resource constraints and other reasons needs to be addressed. If not, then the plight of PWD will continue to worsen. The issues of PWD-friendly infrastructure should be addressed at the planning stage. There is need to disability-proofed before they are approved for construction. This will ensure that attention is paid to menial issues that ensure that the urban environment is inclusive, especially for PWD.

7.10 Conclusion The UNCRPD provides a global framework for ensuring that PWD are active participants in the growth and development of cities. With the 2013 Constitution, Zimbabwe has shown that it is committed to improving the circumstances of the PWD. However, it is also quite clear that there is a big gap in what is currently in place to lessen the plight of the PWD and what needs to be done. The message is loud and clear: urban environments have to be truly and wholly inclusive. This is in line with the globally accepted development ethos and guidelines such as the Sustainable Development Goals, the Leave No One Behind and the Do No Harm approach. Perhaps the most important of these guiding principles should be the “Nothing for us without us” which seeks to place the PWD right at the centre of any discussions that are meant to alleviate their plight. This comes from the observation that the people who make policies disability are not themselves disabled, so they do not have a complete understanding and appreciation of the issues at stake.

References Asian Development Bank (2017) Enabling inclusive cities. In: tool kit for inclusive urban development. Asian Development Bank, Mandaluyong City, Philippines CBM (2015) Dialogues on sustainable development. In: A disability-inclusive perspective Chipungu L, Kamuzhanje J, Magidimisha H (2019) Densification, right to the city and developments in Harare Chourabi H et al (2012) Understanding smart cities. In: An integrative framework 2012 45th Hawaii international conference on system sciences DFID (2013) Defining marginalised; DFID’s leave no one behind agenda Government of Zimbabwe (2013) The constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe Government of Zimbabwe (1992) The disabled persons act Gupta J et al (2016) (10) (PDF) Sustainable development goals and inclusive development. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/301480231_Sustainable_development_goals_and_inc lusive_development. Accessed 30 Aug 2020 Harvey D (2008) The right to the city Manatsa P (2015) Are disability laws in zimbabwe compatible with the provisions of the United Nations convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (CRPD)?. Int J Humanit Soc Sci Invention. ISSN (Online) 4(4):2319–7722, ISSN (Print): 2319–7714. www.ijhssi.org Mugumbate J, Nyoni C (2013) Disability in Zimbabwe under the new constitution: demands and gains of people with disabilities

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Perry, F (2017) Cities for all. In: Why inclusivity matters to planners Pineda V, Corburn J (2020) Disability, urban health equity, and the coronavirus pandemic: promoting cities for all. J Urban Health 97:336–341 Purcell, M (2002) Excavating lefebvre: the right to the city and its urban politics of the inhabitant Rawls J (1971) A theory of justice. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Mass, Cambridge Rebernik N et al (2020) Measuring disability inclusion performance in cities using disability inclusion evaluation tool (DIETool) Schmid C (2017) Henri Lefebvre, the right to the city, and the new metropolitan mainstream United Nations (2015) Open working group of the general assembly on sustainable development goals. http://undocs.org/A/68/970 UNDP (2018) What does it mean to leave no one behind? A UNDP discussion paper and framework for implementation United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and OptionalProtocol UNHabitat (2001) Inclusive cities initiative-the way forward. www.unhabitat.org/.../docs/2115_1 346_way_forward_29.May.doc UN-Habitat (2016) Habitat III: the new urban agenda, Quito UNICEF (2008) It is about ability. In: An explanation of the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities Vermont Health Care Project (2015) Vermont agency of human services WHO (2011) World report on disability

Joseph Kamuzhanje is an international, regional, rural and urban development practitioner and expert. He has over 30 years of development experience in Government, NGOs, private sector and academia. Professor Kamuzhanje has published papers in respected journals and contributed chapters to 10 book projects.

Part III

Recounting Challenges of Inclusivity in South African Cities

Chapter 8

Excluding the Poor in Urban Developments Edmore Mutsaa and Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha

Abstract Many cities in the global south are experiencing rapid and unprecedented urban expansion, while they are not being built to be inclusive and equitable places where all citizens can thrive. The result is often further disenfranchisement of the poor from the urban spaces which they call home. Compounding the problem, cities are struggling to understand and respond to the needs of their populations and particularly the poor. Informality is often the only way the poor can afford to live and often their best source of livelihood. Informality is a vital component of the social and economic life of the city, yet the urban poor who drive this sector often have no political voice and little access to basic services. Without political voice, the urban poor frequently has little leverage to influence urban planning decisions, particularly for basic service delivery and economic development, and the result is often increased corruption and social unrest. The social unrests are fanned by overtones of the paucity of opportunities to succeed by a growing share of the urban population. The urban poor population groups are being kept out of jobs, schools and opportunities they need to move up the social ladder, leaving them stuck in poverty for years or even for generations. From the outlook, new approaches to urban development like smart cities are promising very little for the benefit of the poor and posing a high risk of excluding the urban poor and exacerbate the already well-defined social inequalities. It is therefore imperative for cities to come up inclusive solutions and innovative new approaches, and rethink the ways to govern around issues of exclusion. Keywords Inequality · Exclusion · Inclusion · Urban poor · Class

8.1 Introduction When handled properly, urbanisation has the potential to create opportunities for a better life, provide a pathway out of poverty and act as an engine of economic growth. In South Africa, while urbanisation is moving the economy forward, there E. Mutsaa (B) · H. H. Magidimisha Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_8

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is also rising exclusion of poor people within cities, which is certainly adding to the problems of the urban poor population. Two-thirds of South Africa’s population live in urban areas. This is one of the highest proportions in Africa (Turok 2014). The urban poor interact as they seek to make new lives for themselves and for their children. Their success will largely depend on their participation in the common resources and values of the emerging society and culture. The inequitable form of urban settlements in South Africa has been reproduced rather than reshaped. Informal housing continues to grow in inhospitable locations as population growth outpaces formal house-building (Abrahams 2018). Most urban poor live in slums that are unregulated, have congested conditions, are overcrowded, are positioned near open sewers and are restricted to geographically dangerous areas such as hillsides, riverbanks and water basins subject to landslides, flooding, or industrial hazards. A large number urban poor work in the informal sector where entry is easy, requiring less skill, less education and less capital. Ohila (2017) states that opportunities are obtained through the accumulation of education, wealth and social connections, yet the urban poor seem mostly deprived of these and consequently excluded from the mainstream urban fabric. Exclusion of urban poor relates to and often an outcome of relative deprivation and is an important aspect of urban poverty. This can take the form of economic, political, natural resource, basic services and/or social exclusion (restrictions on participation ‘on fair terms’ in local and national social life) (Dinesha 2017). Exclusion is a multidimensional process in which particular groups are prevented from participating fully and equally in the political and socio-economic life of their city or metropolitan area. It occurs when people experience acute socio-economic disadvantage over an extended time and results in an inability to improve one’s circumstances or enable one’s children to escape them (Levitas et al. 2007). In South Africa, exclusion of urban poor stems from a deep legacy of disadvantage that continues today. Exclusion keeps residents of poor neighbourhoods isolated from jobs and deprived of decent housing, schools and services. Discrimination in housing, employment and financial services prevents poor people from moving up the social ladder and improving their lives. The urban poor live in separate neighbourhoods from those who are better off and this has been normalised since the apartheid-era in South Africa. A relatively passive policy in relation to the urban land market has meant limited provision of low-cost housing in good locations. Efforts to integrate the urban poor, spatially, socially and economically, have been half-hearted rather than thoroughgoing, failing to address the deep-seated character of socio-economic and spatial exclusion of urban poor within cities. New approaches to urban development like smart cities might cause a high risk of excluding the urban poor, especially in the labour market if labour force is to be replaced by automated machines, and this may exacerbate the already well-defined social inequalities. In that context, the international community has acknowledged the need to create more inclusive cities and to make sure that people can reap the benefits of urbanisation. The World Bank’s twin goals—ending extreme poverty and promoting shared prosperity—place the topic of inclusion front and centre. Likewise, sustainable development goal 11 calls for ‘inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable’ cities. The purpose

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of this study is to explore the phenomenon of exclusion of urban poor in South Africa which worsen their dilemma in the city fabric. Following this aim, a particular focus shall be directed on the pernicious aspects of socio-economic and spatial exclusion of urban poor in South Africa. Based on the findings, recommendations shall be provided.

8.2 Research Methodology Understanding exclusion of the urban poor presents a set of issues distinct from general analysis of discrimination which happened in the apartheid South Africa. This article employed both qualitative and quantitative approach to gather and analyse data. Under quantitative approach, meta-analysis was used to analysis data from the results of multiple scientific studies, primarily from Statistics South Africa. For the qualitative approach, the research employed a transparent and rigorous approach to search the literature, selected publications according to a purposeful process of identifying relevant data and analysed (synthesised) the data using a systematic approach which entails searching, selecting and managing the best available evidence for the purpose of addressing the research problem. The rationale behind this approach is to overcome the limitation of sample size considering that the research covers exclusion of urban poor across the entire country. It is easy to draw reliable and valid conclusions from a significant number of subjects and statistics already carried out at national level. The use of meta-analysis provides greater statistical power and more ability to extrapolate to the greater population. It is also considered to be evidence-based. Qualitative approach was employed to bring clarity and deeper understanding of the prominent concepts related to exclusion of urban poor. Specifically, the researcher interpreted the available information, commenting on areas lacking clarity, consistency or comprehensiveness. This was achieved by a critical analysis of publications under the study topic. Recommendations were therefore drawn from the discussion and analysis of statistics and an extensive body of literature.

8.3 Pushing the Urban Poor to the Fringes of the Urban Socio-Economic Fabric Social exclusion is not only a theoretical term, but also one with an empirical meaning. This is important for both researchers and practitioners whose task is to tackle social exclusion (Nowosielski 2012). The concept of social exclusion is a process that deprives individuals and families, groups and communities of the resources required for participation in the social, economic and political activity of society or city as a whole (Pierson 2002: 7). Exclusion of the urban poor, therefore, entails deprivation of the poor population groups of the city from participating fully in the economic,

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social, political and cultural life, as well as the process leading to and sustaining such a state. It results in unequal rights, capabilities and limited to no access to basic services and food. Marginalising the urban poor is not only used in the metaphorical sense, but is also used quite literally. Urban poverty and urban marginalisation tend to concentrate, hence leading to urban segregation (Musterd and Ostendorf 1998). This generally describes situations where there is a spatial concentration of the poor population groups across South African cities, who either choose or are forced to live in certain places (Andersen 2003) called Townships and informal settlements or ‘Mjondolo’. Urban poverty (Gotham 2003) can be one of the causes of urban marginalisation (Wacquant 1999), pushing away those population groups who do not have sufficient resources (economic, cultural, social, political, etc.) from participating in mainstream city life, which results in a lowering of their quality of life within the city. In the current South African urban areas, spatial segregation is often strengthened through socio-economic differences and the lines between race and socio-economic status are very blurred. There is a growing number of extremely poor and extremely rich residents, and their spatial concentration in enclaves of poverty and in affluence, respectively. The latter are gated communities (Blakely and Snyder 1997), with access restricted exclusively to those who meet high material and status standards. The former often refer to township and ‘mjondolo’, which are terms used in a very specific sense in terms of urban space-making and to describe the concentration of people of lower socio-economic status into one particular area and how these areas came about. Informal settlements and some townships are typified by the accumulation of bad conditions: economic, infrastructural, ecological and social. The poor inhabitants living in such places are mostly unemployed, or earn sufficiently little to benefit from social welfare. The shelters they live in are dilapidated and underdeveloped. There is lack of basic service such as water, sanitation, electricity, etc. (Mahajan 2014) Their surroundings are also underdeveloped—there is a lack of basic (or non-defective) infrastructure, with roads and pavements in bad condition; these area lack public spaces that could serve for recreation, such as children’s playgrounds, parks and sports grounds; and the commercial infrastructure poorly developed. The residents’ sense of security is relatively low (Brown-Luthango et al. 2017). The institutionalised injustices of apartheid were abolished two decades ago when a democratic government committed to universal human rights and redistributive social policies was elected. Spatial patterns have not received much overt attention because of the desire to treat different places even-handedly and because territorial issues are politically sensitive and complicated to address. Dimensions for exclusion of the urban poor are distinct and may vary by degree across cities. Recent trends in urban developments are reinforcing exclusion and making it more widespread. As the urban population grow, growing demand for urban housing, transportation and services are widening affordability gaps in many cities. Despite, South African cities making strides to include the urban poor, the attempts are lagging behind in answering specific questions such as where the poor are located in the city, whether there are differences between poor areas, if access to

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services varies by subgroup, whether specific programmes are reaching the poorest and how to design effective poverty reduction programmes and policies. Answering these questions is critical, particularly for cities with highly diverse populations and growing problems of urban poverty. Despite these challenges, there is cause for optimism as momentum is building to overcome economic exclusion and improve opportunities for excluded groups. Data on the areas of exclusion in urban spaces will assist professionals and policy makers in address the issue. The following data present the extent of exclusion for the urban poor with regards to basic service and economic opportunities.

8.4 Data Presentation and Discussion According Statistics South Africa (2020), the mid-year2020 population estimate is 59,622, 350 (59.6 million). World Bank (2019) estimates that about 39,147,717 (39.1 million) people in South Africa live in urban areas, which almost 67% of the total population. The statistics will rise to 71% by 2030. By 2050, eight in 10 people will be living in urban areas and this will increase demand on services and strain the infrastructure and economy of cities. This has dire consequences on the urban residents, particularly the poor population group. The urban poor is rendered vulnerable and bear the brunt of exclusion. They are excluded through poor living condition, unemployment, lack of proper housing and increase in cost of living (utilities and services).

8.4.1 Housing the Urban Poor The increase in the urban population in South Africa means that the government is prone to face a challenge in keeping up with the demand for housing, particularly for the poor. Approximately, 13.6% live in RDP dwellings. However, the provision of housing has not kept pace with the rapid growth of the urban poor population. The extensive waiting periods for government-subsidised or RDP housing are leading to housing backlogs. Due to the critical lack of affordable housing and serviced land in locations that offer easy access to income earning opportunities, a large percentage of the impoverished and low-income urban households have had to resort to living in South Africa’s growing informal settlements with inadequate services. It is estimated that 13.6% of South Africans live in informal dwellings (StasSA 2017). As provided in South Africa’s National Housing Code, informal settlements are typically identified on the basis of the following characteristics: illegality and informality; inappropriate locations; restricted public and private sector investment; poverty and vulnerability; and social stress (DHS 2009). Perhaps the biggest issue faced by informal settlements in South Africa is the insufficient access to running water and health, education and wellness.

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Informal settlements or slums have grown dramatically in number and size on the outskirts of South Africa’s economic centres in order to satisfy urban unskilled and semi-skilled labour demand. The figures indicate that in 2016, approximately 1 in 7 households in South Africa lived in informal dwellings (this figure is higher in metropolitan areas, where 1 in every 5 households lived in an informal dwelling) (Napier 2017). Moreover, these figures are likely to under-represent informal dwellings in backyards or adjoined to other formal dwellings due to issues arising from outdated survey sampling frames or the non-inclusion of newer settlements (HDA 2013). These figures show that the majority of urban poor and lowincome people in South Africa continue to exclude accessing proper basic services and economic opportunities by means of living in informal settlements or slums. It is unclear whether or not slum settlement allows for social mobility in the urban environment (Eldridge Moses 2018). There have been several studies on subsidised housing that have challenged the quality of housing product delivered. A study done by Narasi et al. (2013) found that RDP houses in Durban were only marginally less crowded than informal dwellings (±4.2 occupants per a room), and levels of dissatisfaction were roughly the same for informal dwellings and RDP houses with regards to dwelling, kitchen and bedroom size, and also on issues of overcrowding, noise and crime. This was similar to the findings of Kang’ethe and Manomano (2015), who found that residents of RDP houses in their study area perceived their dwellings to have poor quality roofs (72% of respondents), windows (74%), walls (76%), toilets (58%), floors (72%) and doors (82%); as well as finding a general dissatisfaction with dwelling size (80% of respondents). Since 1994, there has been also noticeable class-income dimension shift; some black South Africans are able to afford properties in the market, but poorer (ones) remain excluded. Some wealthy blacks now live alongside whites in luxurious, leafy suburbs, often behind electric fences. But the poor majority remain in dusty, cramped townships, commuting long distances to city centres where they can work and use services. Across cities of South Africa, the negative conditions of the dwellings that black people occupy can be ascribed to poor levels of affordability.

8.4.2 Urban Poor and (Un)Employment Exclusion from the labour market usually entails exclusion from both adequate income and from some social relations (especially in the case of long-term unemployment). Stats SA (2020) states that the South African economy shed 2.2 million jobs in the second quarter of 2020 (Fig. 8.1). Unemployed persons in South Africa averaged 5039.26 thousand from 2001 until 2020, reaching an all-time high of 7069.65 thousand in the first quarter of 2020 and a record of 3873 thousand in very the fourth quarterinofunskilled 2008 (Fig. 8.2). Blacklow urban residents earned low wages jobs and, therefore, did not have enough money to meet basic needs. Africans struggled to compete for

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Fig. 8.1 Source (StatsSA 2020)

Fig. 8.2 South African unemployed persons

employment because of poor educational levels associated with inferior, segregated education (StatsSA 2020). The structure of urban labour has undergone changes (smaller demand for industrial workers, greater demand for service workers, a growing number of low-skilled jobs, growing unemployment), which has brought about social polarisation and the development of social inequalities (Musterd and Ostendorf 1998: 2). There are people

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who benefit from these changes (Sassen 1991), but there are some who are because of it deprived of their life chances and do not fully participate in the social, political and cultural systems.

8.4.3 Poor Basic Service Delivery Providing access to basic water, sanitation, electricity and refuse removal can make a major contribution to enhancing the well-being of poor households. The free basic services (FBS) policy was first announced in 2000 and aimed to support low-income households to access free basic services, including water, sanitation and electricity services.

8.4.3.1

Access to Potable Water

The policy for free basic water promotes sustainable access to a basic water supply by subsidising the ongoing operating and maintenance costs of a basic water supply service (Masindi and Duncker 2016). The basic water supply service refers to the infrastructure necessary to supply 25 L of potable water per person per day from a source within 200 m of a household and with a minimum flow of 10 L per minute (in the case of communal water points) or 6000 L of potable water supplied per formal connection per month (in the case of house connections) (Madi 2016). Free basic water is financed from the local government equitable share and through crosssubsidisation. Although the free basic water policy is not legislated per se, it is based on sections of the Water Services Act and the Compulsory National Standards (Regulation 3[b]) (Republic of South Africa 1998). Table 8.1 shows that the total number of consumer units receiving a basic water service has increased on an annual basis since 2011. The consumer units that received a free basic service, however, grew rapidly until 2013, before starting to decline. The percentage of consumer units that received free basic water (FBW) declined from 44% in 2013 to 36.7% in 2015. This could most likely be attributed to better targeting of indigent households and poor households that are eligible to receive the service. If the backlog is calculated in terms of access to an improved source of water by municipal category, the backlog is approximately 3.8% in secondary cities and 6.4% in large towns (StatsSA 2016). With regard to water, the issue seems to be less clearly understood and more nuanced. The reliability crisis seems to relate to the time it takes for the municipality to fix breakdowns in water supply. In one study in Limpopo, it was found that the municipality took around three to five weeks to restore the water supply, and on average, the system broke down twice a year. The other issue is the effect that water storage and transfer devices (buckets, tanks, etc.) have on water quality. Specifically, the containers used to store and transport water can result in the contamination of drinking water (Strategic Framework for Water Services 2003).

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Table 8.1 Number of households that received free basic water, 2011–2015 Province

Basic water services 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

1,023,117

1181,091

1,202,348

1,207,845

1,267,789

Eastern Cape

1,496,300

1,496,754

1,494,344

1,543,859

1,590,824

Northern Cape

240,435

247,260

271,919

283,657

291,970

Free State

725,191

718,802

770,967

737,134

756,054

KwaZulu-Natal

1,919,351

2,004,198

2,068,512

2,115,411

2,168,885

North West

713,21$

767,839

840,751

887,356

907,922

Gauteng

2,799,716

2,790,624

2,850,080

3,161,842

3,201,590

Mpumalanga

940,433

1,008,688

1,021,837

1,049,447

1,082,471

Limpopo

1,169,483

1,207,169

1,140,537

1,221,715

1,250,675

South Africa

11,027,242

11,422,425

11,661,295

12,208,266

12,518,180

Province

Free basic water 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

824,571

958,079

944,844

926,007

1,019,484

Eastern Cape

752,338

690,093

678,014

610,690

688,459

Northern Cape

89,165

87,145

91,240

68,700

93,856

Free State

311,299

309,315

272,151

169,695

151,112

KwaZulu-Natal

700,904

821,118

814,266

856,225

764,438

North West

301,603

323,705

188,894

196,766

133,443

Gauteng

373,448

819,931

1,077,660

950,551

930,300

Mpumalanga

429,102

435,729

581,307

433,979

357,417

Limpopo

440,368

451,424

480,787

459,973

450,281

South Africa

4,222,798

4,896,539

5,129,163

4,672,586

4,588,790

Per cent FBW

38.3

42.9

44.0

38.3

36.7

Source Non-financial census of municipalities for the year ending on 30 June 2015

8.4.3.2

Access to Proper Sanitation

According to StatsSA (2016), sanitation the backlog is lowest (12.7%) in metropolitan municipalities and highest in the largely rural municipalities (50.6%). Although the backlog is relatively low in metropolitan municipalities (on average 12.7%), large backlogs are particularly notable in eThekwini (22.7%), Mangaung (21.1%) and the City of Tshwane (18.7%) (StatsSA 2016). This backlog directly translates to lack of sanitation which mean the absence of sanitation services. Households without access usually revert to open defecation, and this represents a serious health risk which contributes significantly to the burden of disease and which necessitates concerted interventions.

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The policy for free basic sanitation promotes affordable access of poor households to at least a basic level of sanitation service. The service targets the indigent households, identified based on targeting approaches in the water services Act and involves ensuring basic services to households that are unable to pay for it by addressing the cost associated with the ongoing operation and maintenance of any type of sanitation system as well as ongoing hygiene Education. Basic sanitation services involve the provision of a basic facility that is easily accessible to households, which can be operated sustainably (Department of Water Affairs and Forestry 1994). In order to provide this service, water services authorities must ensure that the costs of providing the service are covered by the local government equitable share and/or through crosssubsidies within the water services authority area. The funds must be paid to the water services provider who operates the service or directly to the households (Table 8.2). Stats SA (2016) reported that municipalities provided basic sanitation and sewerage services to 10.9 million consumer units, of whom 3.3 million (30.4%) received the basic services free of charge. Since this service is only available to households in that area already connected to the sewerage networks, this policy does not benefit poor vulnerable households living in rural areas and in dense informal settlements (Tissington 2011).

8.4.3.3

Refuse Removal Services

Effective solid waste management services are important to preserve public health and to enhance environmental quality by preventing illegal dumping and littering and to supervise the recycling or disposal of solid waste. Solid waste management is primarily a local government function in South Africa. The National Policy for the Provision of Basic Refuse Removal Services to Indigent Households (DEA 2010) aims to facilitate the provision of at least basic refuse removal services to poor households. From Table 8.3, the number of consumer units that received the services for free actually declined since 2012. According to the Treasury (2011), this should be attributed to better control over the classification of indigent households. Increased income from the service would also assist to make refuse disposal services, which are commonly cross-subsidised by more lucrative municipal services, to become more financially self-sufficient. According to StatsSA (2016), although refuse removal services were generally more common in metros, variations exist between metros. The backlog of refuse removal services identifies the municipalities in which the largest need for refuse removal services exists. In these areas’ large distances and low population densities make the provision of these services impractical and expensive. The implication is that many of the observed backlogs would be addressed instantaneously as on-site disposal is accepted as a form of refuse disposal.

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Table 8.2 Number of households that received free basic sanitation and sewerage services by province, 2011–2015 Province

Basic sanitation services 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

1,014,527

1,036,963

1,061,682

1,085,493

1,116,636

Eastern Cape

1,021,752

1,041,070

1,142,293

1,344,641

1,421,781

Northern Cape

237,708

244,210

256,976

260,464

272,595

Free State

665,955

663,630

718,743

699,689

735,661

KwaZulu-Natal

1,675,267

1,739,073

1,867,052

1,982,765

2,024,193

North West

588,158

609,845

679,569

726,637

752,275

Gauteng

2,708,004

2,511,510

2,459,296

2,564,540

2,617,211

Mpumalanga

820,665

872,629

906,416

969,952

1,104,528

Limpopo

635,586

681,752

761,966

800,403

825,580

South Africa

9,367,622

9,400,682

9,853,993

10,434,584

10,870,460

Province

Free basic sanitation 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

744,467

699,058

738,830

749,909

776,682

Eastern Cape

504,772

464,771

501,222

538,619

631,086

Northern Cape

72,107

73,863

58,353

56,013

64,872

Free State

158,548

154,896

144,716

146,197

133,958

KwaZulu-Natal

508,754

233,026

397,867

457,573

452,409

North West

81,645

98,439

97,872

102,935

87,165

Gauteng

318,790

733,368

891,986

905,429

866,635

Mpumalanga

102,851

139,392

97,053

102,273

91,989

Limpopo

189,941

216,694

207,705

226,445

204,041

South Africa

2,681,875

2,813,507

3,135,604

3,285,393

3,308,837

Per cent FBSan

28.6

29.9

31.8

31.5

30.4

Source Non-financial census of municipalities for the financial year ending 30 June 2015

8.4.3.4

Access to Electricity

The provision of electricity can contribute significantly to the improvement of human quality of life. Municipalities are responsible to provide free basic energy within the parameters of the Electricity Basic Services Support Tariff (EBSST) policy which entitles indigent or poor households to 50 kWh of free basic electricity per month, although municipalities might choose to provide more at their own cost (Table 8.4). Consumer units that received free basic electricity, as a percentage of all consumer units that received a basic service, decreased from 27.2% in 2011 to 25.2% in 2015. This is much lower than the equivalent figure of 46.5% reported in 2006 (Treasury 2011: 120). The decline could be attributed to improve targeting of indigent households.

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Table 8.3 Number of households that received free basic solid waste removal services by province, 2011–2015 Province

Basic solid waste disposal services 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

1,257,378

1,176,365

1,172,648

1,173,602

1,205,458

Eastern Cape

752,350

766,347

766,131

783,518

793,872

Northern Cape

209,947

215,811

221,478

229,610

237,440

Free State

526,830

563,273

628,430

648,177

663,798

KwaZulu-Natal

1,429,068

1,442,130

1,423,290

1,450,055

1,512,930

North West

465,048

464,993

491,175

519,646

550,051

Gauteng

2,513,354

2,574,182

2,763,184

2,813,594

2,986,330

Mpumalanga

405,734

420,509

513,075

540,668

624,148

Limpopo

363,391

384,973

412,282

416,232

453,545

South Africa

7,923,100

8,008,583

8,391,693

8,575,102

9,027,572

Province

Free basic solid waste disposal 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

610,199

609,706

553,379

625,246

561,755

Eastern Cape

260,773

230,890

224,769

223,579

223,940

Northern Cape

76,803

66,983

59,073

56,000

64,327

Free State

114,046

146,937

146,547

125,460

133,947

KwaZulu-Natal

535,828

802,172

698,875

691,111

683,842

North West

81,701

98,812

97,866

103,291

89,716

Gauteng

318,790

331,127

482,053

343.713

360,154

Mpumalanga

103,890

134,989

88,370

95,002

92,161

Limpopo

69,864

132,443

77,457

95,963

96,194

South Africa

2,171,894

2,554,059

2,428,389

2,359,365

2,306,036

31.9

28.9

27.5

25.5

Per cent FB service 27.4

Source Non-financial census of municipalities for financial year that ended 30 June 2015

8.5 Emerging Inequality Through Digital Divide South African cities have entered a new era of human history, what some have called the ‘fourth industrial revolution’. This is an age characterised by rapid and wide-reaching technological innovations, including robotics, artificial intelligence, 3D printing and self-driving cars. These innovations will profoundly reshape the way we live, work and interact with each other. It is difficult to accurately predict the longterm implications of this rapid transformation, but several things are already clear. These changes will have wide-reaching ‘ripple effects’, both positive and negative. On the upside, these changes promise to increase the efficiency of communication, production, management and drive economic growth. The downside, however, is their

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Table 8.4 Number of households that received free basic electricity services, 2011–2015 Province

Basic electricity services 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

1,215,410

1,236,228

1,241,350

1,253,953

1,309,171

Eastern Cape

997,571

1,116,022

1,144,731

1,201,152

1,239,611

Northern Cape

248,465

263,969

267,951

272,534

282,298

Free State

656,332

667,310

697,926

710,420

729,206

KwaZulu-Natal

1,526,952

1,539,986

1,609,718

1,660,276

1,722,779

North West

775,743

834,074

876,531

903,494

929,815

Gauteng

1,925,463

2,137,638

2,182,341

2,392,766

2,519,827

Mpumalanga

670,271

784,485

788,862

818,561

905,790

Limpopo

1,103,549

1,169,008

1,188,629

1,227,732

1,247,023

South Africa

9,119,756

9,748,720

9,998,039

10,440,888

10,885,520

Province

Free basic electricity 2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Western Cape

538,083

542,230

560,877

565,442

549,590

Eastern Cape

355,200

308,780

313,343

300,888

329,928

Northern Cape

97,397

96,914

68,292

64,961

68,528

Free State

305,454

210,373

171,847

169,170

144,663

KwaZulu-Natal

193,048

215,287

180,181

238,732

282,547

North West

144,645

162,724

152,030

171,714

156,862

Gauteng

344,709

548,372

677,341

784,362

888,748

Mpumalanga

271,474

276,172

262,848

176.270

166,430

Limpopo

226,922

199,398

141,913

151,804

160,194

South Africa

2,476,932

2,560,250

2,528,672

2,623,343

2,747,490

Percentage of BE

27.2

26.3

25.3

25.1

25.2

Source Non-financial census of municipalities for the financial year ending 30 June 2015

potential to disrupt almost every industry and cause greater levels of unemployment and inequality. In preparing South Africa for an increasingly digitised world, a great deal of emphasis has been placed on the benefits of digital technologies. These have also, more often than not, been framed within the context of developed societies and modern cities. In the case of South Africa, the unequal distribution of these advances intensifies a stark digital divide. It does not take much to see that Internet access, education, skilled-employment and technological innovation are stratified along class and racial lines, thus reinforcing apartheid-era inequality. Many historically disadvantaged South Africans still experience an overwhelming lack of access to basic services, skills training and employment opportunities. Moreover, a digital divide exists not just between those people with and without Internet access. A divide also

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exists between those with digital literacy skills, the ability to produce content online, the financial resources for optimal internet usage and those without these. Access to digital skills as well as affordable and quality Internet coverage remains unevenly distributed in South Africa. If predictions of decreasing demand for lowskilled labour are anything to go by, this is a valid cause of concern. South Africa’s high levels of unemployment (sitting at 29.1%) and lack of viable skills for future employability spell out an urgent need for change. Those that are impoverished often experience a lack of expectations as they feel they cannot take decisions, given their limited resources, and are forced to just drift along.

8.6 Recommendations New and influential research has helped reframe exclusion as a problem that hurts economic growth and has consequences for everyone, not just those at the bottom— making it an economic imperative for cities to overcome exclusion (Piketty 2014). The private sector increasingly recognizes that it has a role to play, and some employers have made moves on their own to improve job quality and access for low-income workers. And across cities in high-income countries, movements and protests opposing exclusion have grown, spurring action. Many city leaders are building off this momentum by doubling down on well-tested solutions, such as apprenticeships to improve workers’ skills and connect them with jobs, subsidies that preserve housing opportunities in gentrifying areas and enterprise zones that offer tax credits and other benefits to encourage employers to locate in distressed areas. City leaders should go beyond established solutions and experimenting with new approaches, either by choice or necessity. They should realise that established solutions typically address only one dimension of exclusion, and more comprehensive approaches can have a deeper impact. As a result, outdated bureaucratic structures and strict divides between the public and private sector are giving way to new forms of governance that can address exclusion more efficiently and across its several dimensions. One promising trend is a shift from competition to collaboration at the regional level. With an explicit emphasis on inclusion, local stakeholders should partner formally and informally to address issues—such as housing, transportation, and infrastructure, and basic service delivery—that spill across jurisdictional lines. Some cities are developing integrated solutions that are explicitly designed to address jobs, economic security and the housing needs of excluded groups simultaneously. In Europe, where national governments have not met growing demand for immigrant services, several cities have created local integration policies and coordinated service centres for new immigrants (Gebhardt 2014). They have also generated new models of interagency, place-based programs, such as the Socially Integrative City in Germany and the politique de la ville in France (Tosics 2015).

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City leaders should also recognise that they can no longer afford to assign all or most of the responsibility for addressing poverty, unemployment, low wages and segregation solely to the public sector, so they are finding creative ways to enable the private sector to play a more robust role in addressing exclusion (Spaulding and Martin-Caughey 2015). It is necessary for government to act with foresight in embracing digital advances. While the task of empowering the disempowered is one that ought to be realised through public–private collaboration, it is important for the government to take the lead in informing the agenda and leading the conversation. If South Africa wishes to seize the 4IR as a tool for development, inclusivity should be the overriding principle in policy choices.

8.7 Conclusion There has been the further deepening of inequality, poverty and exclusion in the postapartheid period urban South Africa. While it is always possible to argue that these trends are the temporary aberrations of structural adjustment, this paper explored the idea that they represent a deeper and more systemic component of the South African social and economic reality, arising from poverty traps. Beyond the veneer of sophisticated urban shopping precincts, street lighting and waterborne sewerage of the apartheid Bantustans’ administrative centres lay a very different reality. Across South Africa, tens of thousands of people are clustered in the settlement camps that were laid out without access to work, services or viable rural production. Displaced urbanisation led to housing being created far from places of employment with backlogs in service delivery. Issues around migrancy and land tenure are difficult to address. Not only does defining an urbanisation policy demand extensive interdepartmental discussion, but also challenges the interests of political constituencies such as traditional leadership. The fact that a major portion of the income of the poor has been devoted to unproductive investment in transport between town and countryside, rather than in consolidating their already tenuous positions in either place, makes little or no economic sense. On the other hand, the rate of technological change is the defining characteristic of our generation. Its impact on work, labour, how people live, our social and political interactions have all been and are being transformed by the digital revolution. Increased digitalization and automation are thought to affect both the quality and quantity of jobs. The future impact, especially in South Africa’s manufacturing industry, is unclear as machines are indeed foreseen to take over a range of mundane and repetitive tasks currently performed by workers. This is especially the case in the automotive and garment and textile industry where automation has increasingly replaced human labour. However, the government’s focus on labour intensive job creation to address the triple challenge may in the short term mitigates the negative impact of technological change since investments in new technologies might remain at least as profitable as existing (labour intensive) alternatives in some industries.

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Edmore Mutsaa is currently carrying out his Ph.D. Research in the Department of Town Planning at the University of KwaZulu Natal, where he is currently researching of the lines of interlink within urban poor and inclusivity. Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy.

Chapter 9

Diversifying Inclusivity Through the Night Economy: An Observation from the Terraces of Durban and Cape Town Lovemore Chipungu Abstract Since the advent of democracy in 1994, the bid to bridge inequality in the country saw the government’s endless investment into the urban economy’s infrastructure and space. However, relentless challenges which South African cities are experiencing require thinking in other terms in order to close the economic divide. Growing and strengthening urban economies is a process not an event—as such, it requires experimenting with innovative possibilities that can drive and bring change. In this regard, growing urban economies through creating sleepless cities can be one of those possibilities that could bring such much needed change in the urban economy. Sleepless cities are envisaged as cities whose economic activities operate for 24 h—thus allowing productivity throughout the day and the night. This approach rests on the notion that a fully operative 24-h city utilizes available spaces, infrastructures, manpower and technology to enhance productivity. This in turn elevates the city to a more competitive position as opposed to current trends where they remain idle without any productive activity at night. It is from this perspective that this paper aims to explore the extent to which cities can be transformed into creating sleepless economies. In order to achieve this aim, a comparative study was under taken on two South African cities of Durban and Cape Town. The focus was on specific areas where night activities normally operate. Hence both secondary and primary data were used to provide information for this research. Secondary data sources were mostly used to conceptualize and review the literature on 24-h cities around the world. Primary data, which are key to the South African context, were collected from specific areas where night activities are practised. Common research tools such as observation, mapping and interviews with both key informants and workers were used during fieldwork. Some preliminary findings based on data collected show that there is overwhelming evidence to suggest that some pockets of the city are very active during the night. These pockets include traditional night activities such as health facilities and some industrial activities as well as new entrants in the form of restaurants. This emerging evidence also seems to suggest that these restaurants are on the increase and are L. Chipungu (B) Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_9

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largely supported by sound infrastructure in the form of electricity and other innovative interventions such as public transport through Uber. Despite negativities that surround some of these activities, it can be argued that although these night activities cannot turn around the fortunes of cities over night, their presence and gradual growth are all pointers to the significant role they can play in contributing to the growth of urban economies in the long run. Keywords 24-h city · Sleepless city · Night economy · Cities · Inclusivity · Terrace

9.1 Introduction Cities are undoubtedly the most complex human creation. Academics argue that cities are places where density meets diversity, order meets chaos, innovation meets tradition, communication meets anonymity, change meets inertia, fight for liberation meets economic oppression. The economic tussle is one of what this study is investigating (Watson and Agbola 2013). The study examines the state of readiness of South African cities to implement the 24-h city concept in order to grow urban economies. The potential of a city that never sleeps was summed up in the description of a city by Agbola (2013). He identified that cities are a place of economic activities which reflect advanced or improved polarized socio-economic systems and patterns of land use. In his land-use composition of cities, he identified that from a series of streets, avenues, houses, plazas, monuments, theatres, cinemas, sports courts, gas and water pipes, electricity, telephone, TV and internet cables, arranged in such a way so as to make possible the coexistence of thousands, even millions, of humans are what make cities unique. These land uses present a basis upon which the efficiency and effectiveness of the urban economy can be established.

9.2 Conceptualizing the Evolution of 24-h Cities This section gives an insight into sleepless cities by providing a brief theoretical perspective of cities as well as an overview of the evolution of 24-h cities.

9.2.1 A Theoretical Perspective of Cities The conceptualization of a 24-h city lies in the understanding of the city as a living organism which responds to dynamic forces of itself (as a structure) and agencies (who in essence are different actors who operate in the context of the city). This brief epitomizes the understanding of the city from a purely progressive systems approach

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which embraces the fact that cities (as structures) are dynamic, and as such, they change with time. The approach discards the traditional belief where the perception of stability in structures was associated with static existence. Hence the argument by Gibbs (2011) that the structuration theory is based on the understanding that in any structure, there is interaction which posits a dynamic relationship between and among different facets—hence the city has to be seen and understood from this perspective. Calafat (2010) makes an interesting analytical insight into cities by expanding on the traditional structure-agency theory through the progressive systems approach. The argument is directed towards the structure of the system and its evolution trajectories which hinges on two key aspects, viz. cities are open systems which change in response to the environment of the structure itself and that cities are semi-artificial systems whose structural evolution is shaped by public policy. However, the outcome of such an interface is highly dependent on the level of resistance or resilience of the structure as well as the effectiveness of policies which can lead to static or dynamic efficiency. While static efficiency is associated with the usual way of performance in the structure, dynamic efficiency, on the other hand, is the ability of the structure to respond positively to fundamental changes. However, achieving dynamic efficiency is a complex process which most cities fail to easily achieve due to their reliance on the influence of public policy and the failure to accommodate new drivers into their economies. Hence Calafat’s (2010) conclusion states that: In order to forecast cities’ future development trajectories……….it is necessary to focus on the structural evolution of cities, to monitor what kinds of changes are taking place and are expected to take place at this level and evaluate them with regard to the changing ‘environment’. When applied to the 24-h city, this theorization provides a point of entry into conceptualizing contemporary changes associated with the emergency and gradual growth of nocturnal activities that are competing in the cities’ economic landscapes. The historical evolution of 24-h cities provides such a platform to evaluate the emergency of this concept.

9.2.2 The Evolution of the 24-h City Concept Historically, the concept of a 24-h city applied to city centres that lacked safety and were in a state of “abandonment” at night because they had become spaces where people work and shop between the hours of nine and five during the day (Heath and Stickland 1997). The strategy was therefore to attract visitors back into the city during the evenings and night-times in order to revitalize urban nightlife and improve the urban economy (Bianchini 1995). Hence the definition of the 24-h city as a “pulsating glamorous place where something is always happening on the streets” emerged in order to elevate cities’ night status through activities such as shop-top and apartment living, innovative restaurants, high-tech hubs, bohemian cafes and late-night bookshops (Holmes 2007).

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Heath (1997) further concurs that the limitation of time accorded to a few urban formal and informal working populace has resulted in the night-time exploration of the denied daytime activities. It was argued that the 9 am to 5 pm work schedule denied urban dwellers the privilege of exploring activities beyond these traditional working hours. Hence this conceptualization was born as an avenue to improve primary activities at night. However, the transformative agenda of the 24-h city during the post-industrial era was to bring light to urban dark zones, safety to insecure streets, activities and life to ghost zones, closeness to abandonment of city centre for the suburb (Heath 1997). It is therefore not by coincidence that the 24-h city concept was not just a drive for an urban social satisfaction by a government-driven series of initiatives that focused on reviving the night-time civic lifestyle. Seijas (2015) identified five benefits of policy interventions that would enhance nightlife economies (sleepless city), and these included the increase and creation of more jobs; revitalization of public spaces; urban safety improvement, increase in tourism and improvement in the sense of belonging. It was therefore concluded that all these have an indirect effect on the perception of potential tourists who are said to be attracted to nightlife that support night trading, movement and transportation— thus creating a city for all. This perception is put more succinctly by Stickland (1996) who argued that the intentions of a 24-h city is to develop the evening and nighttime economy of a city, improve the level of investment of the city through improved internal and external investment, create buildings and provisions of a safer city centre that dislodges the fear of mobility, recreation, sightseeing and relaxation. This concept presumes the following: • Firstly, if people are involved in a diverse range of leisure activities beyond the traditional hours of 9am to 5 pm, the peopling of the city centre increases and more can be attracted to new sites, thus creating an indirect multiplier effect for the city through visitation and relaxation; • Secondly, changing employment patterns combined with increasing disposable income provides the potential for places to become consumption points, thereby generating employment opportunities in the predominantly evening-based leisure industries; • Thirdly, a vibrant city centre at night is regarded as a positive attraction to inward investment (Heath 1997: 3). This concept of a sleepless city is in line with the New Urban Agenda which argues that by the year 2050, over 70% of the global populace will be residing within urban areas and mainly cities of the world. Therefore, promoting a 24-h city allows productivity throughout the day and the night. It is perceived that the roles played by well-coordinated public–private supported initiatives would promote and utilize available spaces, infrastructure, manpower and technology to enhance productivity during the day and night. This study identifies with the idea that a 24-h city helps to promote a competitive city (across day or night) as opposed to current trends where cities remain idle without much productive activities at night. It is therefore within the scope of this study to argue that there is need to maximize the activities of the urban economy through the optimization of the silent-potential

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the night economy can provide. Such a city is envisaged as to be creative (Greater London Authority 2017), refreshing and inspiring in such a way that it leaves a trial of nightlife culture on the mental image of users of such space. If so, then what are the underlying drivers that need to be in place for urban dwellers to adopt to nightlife as a culture? Through examining case studies across the globe, various authors (such as Eastham 2010; Murphy and Gardoni 2007; Gupta and Satwick 2004) identified drivers that are critical in activating the night economy and these include: • Availability of idle night infrastructure: Infrastructure is the backbone of any economy. But key to the night economy is lighting which is crucial in increasing night activities. Eastham (2010) proffers that urban planners could use lighting schemes and zones to encourage low-key activities such as shopping and dining at night. This strategy enhances the creation of a safer environment while at the same time diversifies products offered for multiple–cultural consumers. • Innovative and variety urban public transport: Easy mobility for night economies is crucial. Therefore, the success of the night economy equally hinges on the availability of a variety of urban public transport such as conventional buses and meter taxis. The availability of cheap public bus services late at night makes night economies to function by allowing people to make use of cities thereby bringing life to streets at night. • Increase in urban population: The increase in urban population has two major contributions to the night economies. One dimension is based on the postulation that the urban population contributes towards labour pooling which is essential for the night economy. On the other hand, it is also a well-known phenomenon that the night economy is in essence a consumerist economy; largely driven by sectors of the urban population who visit dotted eateries and other entertainment spots at night. • Availability of pockets of night economy: The night economy thrives on the identification of potential and existing domestic and global markets for extra goods and services. These include both formal and informal sectors that find the night a place to thrive in. Hence the onus is on stakeholders to develop integrated national plans/policies that promote this sector of the economy. Incentives to public sector business can be put in place to entice and attract investment into the night economy. • Availability of Security at night: Wolfe (2016) observed that public safety issues concerning urban areas, law enforcement which includes neighbourhood police and social service initiatives, design (pedestrian and bicycle infrastructures) and planning are all important in a 24-h city thinking. These are associated with the concept of “Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED)” which are essential in the designing of a city. • Promoting flexible policies through governance: This aspect can be understood from two perspectives. The first one is the establishment of flexible times where employees customize their working hours in order to improve productivity through incentives such as rest days, annual leave and statutory holidays for employees

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working at night. The other aspect applies to flexibility in existing operational by-laws to extend working hours beyond the nine to five daytimes. It can therefore be deduced that while the role of these drivers is imperative, the policy support on the side of the government remains the propelling force behind the 24-h city economy. This is simply because the government’s institutional framework (comprising of both legislations and policies) provides the platform for operationalizing such activities by defining guidelines within which such activities can be undertaken. By-laws at city level, for instance, have a significant impact on how urban space is supposed to be utilized at any given time. The contribution of the night economy cannot be underestimated given that it contributes to job creation, income generation and investment into infrastructure as shown in selected cities around the world (see Table 9.1). However, is this experience similar to the South African context, which in essence, is a third world country with cities structurally polarized spatially, economically and socially? The response to this question is to be found in the following sections which analyse the nature of the night economy being experienced in South Africa by taking a comparative approach between Durban and Cape Town.

9.2.3 Methodology In order to prepare a holistic picture about the night economy, this study employed a qualitative approach. The study also made use of a number of case studies mainly drawn from Durban and Cape Town with the intention of establishing emerging trends of the night economy. These provided primary data which is extensively used in this paper. On the other hand, secondary data sources were also widely used in this paper especially in the conceptualization of the sleepless city and its associated background. Primary data were obtained through administering structured questionnaires to both night-time space users and workers. To eliminate bias, night-time spots and zones were purposively identified through preliminary studies which were conducted in Cape Town and in Durban 2019. These preliminary investigations provided the basis for familiarization with the geographical location and accessibility around and across the purposively identified night-time spaces. It was also during these preliminary investigations that informal discussions and approvals were obtained from business owners and managers. In addition, the snow-ball approach was used to identify other active night spots and zones for interviews and mapping. The municipality, taxi drivers and city dwellers also assisted in the identification of such night spots. A small sample of neighbourhood community dwellers was also interviewed in order to examine its perception of the effect of the 24-h service rendered in particular spaces on the housing environment. Two questionnaires were used in this study. The first questionnaire was meant for users, and this was to identify their night-time experience. Questions that were asked

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Table 9.1 Contribution of the night economy from selected cities London

Canada

California, Washington, Alberta, Miami, USA

Job creation

According to the Greater London Authority, London night economy has created over 200,000 jobs over the last three years Greater London Authority (2018) reported that over 1.6 million of the country’s 8.8 million population are engaged in the night-time jobs created by the 24-h city initiative

The Economic Impact Assessment reported that in Edmonton, the late-night economy created 5807 full-time jobs thereby contributing to an estimated economic output of over $680,000,000 Issid (2016) noted that the night-time economy can definitely fuel cities, as in the case of Montreal, where 52,000 people are employed in the 4000 restaurants and 400 bars across the city

Alliance for Innovation (2016) noted that nightlife industries in San Francisco witnessed a growth of 12,000 jobs in nightlife businesses between 2010 and 2015, a 25% increase to more than 60,000. Sales increased by 43% to $6 billion during the same period New York, nightlife is a $10bn industry, giving the so-called “city that never sleeps” a staggering 100,000 jobs

Infrastructure and Technology Investments

Robert and Turner (2005) noted that over £1.2 million has been invested into CCTV infrastructure to promote London’s night economy According to the Greater London Authority (2017). The night tube networks provided an estimated boost of £77 m a year and support around 2000 permanent jobs According to Raman and Tewari (2011), night-time banking through ATMs has been developed to support the night economy

Downtown Toronto has the highest concentration of cultural and entertainment facilities in the city, including a number of large-scale venues that draw huge crowds such as the Air Canada Centre, Four Seasons Centre for the Performing Arts, Massey Hall, and the TIFF Bell Light box This is supported by city services that work around the clock, such as Toronto Police Service, Toronto Fire Services and Toronto Paramedics Services In Montreal neighbourhoods corner supermarkets and even barber shops are now open until at least 11 pm!

Gatzlaff and Smith (1993). The Metrorail transport service infrastructure is one of the infrastructure that supports the capacity of the sleepless city. It navigates through 22 stops and tourist spots such as the South Beach of Miami In Washington, D.C., a more focused 2010 district analysis of the Mid-City Corridor showed more than $150 million in annual sales—a 90% after 5 pm among 90 businesses. The combined venue seating capacity of 11,000 supported more than 3000 jobs and added more than $6 million in sales tax (Alliance for Innovation 2016) (continued)

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Table 9.1 (continued)

Revenue and income

London

Canada

California, Washington, Alberta, Miami, USA

An estimated £5 m per annum has been generated from the nightlife The night economy of Amsterdam is put at £66 billion Williams (2018) identified that nightlife has been a major source of income for the taxi drivers who are mainly migrants

Ontario Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport (2015). In 2015, the Toronto region received 40 million tourism visits, with a record of 14 million overnight visitors A total amount of $6.3 billion was spent in industries such as transportation, accommodation, food and beverage, entertainment and retail, with about 70% of the total ($4.38 billion) spent by overnight visitors

According to Alliance for Innovation (2016), in Alberta city spent, $881 million was spent directly on dining and entertainment while $452 was indirectly circulated through the economy in other industries creating a total of $1.33 billion in combined economic output between 2010 and 2014. Full-time jobs doubled to 11,719 According to Poon (2018), in D.C, Nightlife generates $3.8billion

Author: Various Sources (2019)

included sense of security, socialization, identity (tourist or nationals), ethnicity, gender and other socio-economic and demographic variables. This was meant to establish the demographic composition of space users. The questionnaire also took into cognizance the origin and destination of users and their perception of the nature of activities being conducted in specific zones. The second type of questionnaire was administered to night-time space workers. This questionnaire was administered on the spot with workers with the support of managers. The questions focused on security, job welfare and satisfaction of working at night. Interviews were also conducted with key informants such as municipal officials, private security companies and the South African Police. Observation is one of the most effective tools that was used in this study. As a research tool, observation was used in conjunction with mapping and photographing. A combination of these tools allows for the capture of phenomenon in their natural state. In this regard, a wide range of issues associated with the night economy such as location, street furniture, aesthetics, façade, lighting, range of activities and assortments of items on sale were identified using this method. Pictures of some of the features observed were captured while sketch diagrams and maps were prepared to depict locations of some the night spaces. Admittedly, it must be acknowledged that getting to the bottom of the night economy is not an easy fit. The complexity of night operations makes it almost impossible to identify all of them while those associated with illegal activities view any form

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of intervention in their space with suspicion. Similarly, it was not easy to get information from high-income households such as those around Florida Road (Durban) and Green Point (Cape Town) who felt that their privacy was being violated. A similar veil of privacy was experienced from some business owners who felt uncomfortable to divulge their monetary business performance. Nevertheless, the data so obtained using the above-mentioned methods are highly representative of the nature of the emerging night economy being experienced in South Africa.

9.2.4 An Overview of South African Cities South African cities are gradually emerging from the shadow of the apartheid system, which for decades created cities that were divided and fractured socially and economically. The advent of democracy opened cities to the majority into urban areas in search of opportunities. However, the increase in urbanization and its associated challenges dampened the hopes of many as the urban economy is failing to accommodate everyone. With current unemployment rates hovering above 27%, there is need to create sustainable urban environments that are responsive to the needs and expectations of its populace. This paper advocates for innovative interventions that go beyond the traditional conventions in order to contribute towards stabilizing contemporary urban economies. It envisages the use of the night economy through investing into sleepless cities, as an alternative channel through which opportunities can be diversified in the urban realm, thereby making cities more inclusive spatially, economically and socially.

9.2.4.1

Exploring the Potential for Sleepless Cities in South Africa

Most cities by nature are economic hubs—for this reason, they strive to support private entrepreneurship in order to allow sustainable and inclusive growth. However, it must be noted from the onset that urban space in South African cities is regulated space whose use is determined and shaped by existing development plans and policies from municipalities. The hierarchy of plans in the form of Municipal Spatial Development Frameworks (MSDFs), Local Area Plans (LAPs) and Land Use Frames/Schemes has direct implications on what is supposed to be developed. Further emphasis on what is supposed to be developed is given in the Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) whose 5-year review intervals provide an avenue for not only implementing proposed developments but also for monitoring, to some extent, what have been achieved. More so, other proposed developments come through sector plans where financial resources from the national fiscus, at times find their way to the municipal local space. Equally important in promoting development are Strategic Focus Areas (SFAs) such as Dube Trade Port (which are special economic zones) and community level plans which respond to “need” in the form of employment or income.

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These economic activities are supported by all spheres of government through various policies and spatial plans. In eThekwini Municipality for instance, emphasis is in promoting investment through spatial implementation strategies such as nodes and corridors which operate as growth poles. It is within such town planning frameworks that sleepless cities emerge as innovative interventions that spatially take place at scheme levels. Their locational choice can be largely attributed to two factors: • Changing locational patterns arising out of suburban retail markets outside the CBD in residential areas; • Changing nature of economic activities such as the emergence of informal and small-scale economies around commuter hubs, public transport nodes and street trading (eThekwini MSDF, 2018–2019). Schemes, as spatial points of entry by some sleepless city activities, are subject to different development control requirements by local authorities such as submission of applications in order to comply with both town planning and architectural requirements and guidelines. Where minor complications in terms of compatibility of activities are concerned, some firms can even apply for special concert in order to legally operate in those designated areas. However, some activities defy such development control mechanisms resulting in parallel developments that operate illegally or informally. Guided by these town planning frameworks, most cities in South Africa are emerging as significant competitors in the night economy. Evidence from Durban and Cape Town, which were used as case studies, shows comparative emerging trends and patterns that directly point to significant growth in the night economy. These can be discussed under the following themes: (a)

The nature of the night economy

The nature of the night economy that emerges from the case studies takes different typologies based on the type of activities and the duration of operations. A comparative analysis of Durban and Cape Town shows that both traditional activities (such as hotels, hospitals and heavy industries) have been joined by a whole host of new entrants among which are leisure activities such as restaurants. (b)

Spatial dimension of the night economy

Night economies in South Africa take different forms and are largely moulded by locational advantages. Observations undertaken in Durban show three different spatial forms in the form of points/spots, zones and the CBD. It is important to note that these spatial forms are based on observation and their usage in this context is not in line with town planning terminology discussed above—but they are used to depict spatial dimensions in terms of operational size and location. It is therefore not surprising that some zones and points are found within the CBD. • Points/Spots: The word point, when used in a geographical context, can refer to a particular place. In the context of this paper, this word is extended to imply a particular lot/plot where night economies are undertaken. This is a common

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phenomenon associated with petrol service stations dotted around urban areas. Quite interesting in this particular aspect is the fact that these are strategic traffic locations where arterial roads are capitalized for their high traffic volumes. Such locations have good-wide roads with high pedestrian and traffic volumes—thus making economic sense for a business of this nature. Some of them are located at the intersection of major roads—thus further tapping into the high volume of traffic convergence. Their strategic location in conjunction to shopping malls in some cases, have made these points to have brisk business. Another interesting dimension to this locational issue is diversification in terms of services offered which come in the form of mini-supermarkets, restaurants and parking for minibuses. For instance, Woolworth convenience stores with food outlets mostly are co-located at Engen forecourts which is a national gasoline chain while Pick n Pay Express has also partnered with British Petroleum (BP). Similarly, Mug and Bean and Total (Bonjour) are also in a partnership while Caltex and Fresh Stop has equally joined the competition. An extended dimension of this service can be seen in townships where taxi operators use the forecourt to park their taxis overnight. More interesting is the emergence of night economies in the townships where similar points in the form of Eyadini Lounge and Maxi’s Lifestyles (in Durban’s Umlazi) are providing entertainment in the form of restaurants, among other activities. • Zones: There is overwhelming evidence to show that the night economy is active in certain zones of the city. Observations undertaken in Cape Town and Durban show that certain stretches of roads have been converted into night economies. The case of Long Street in Cape Town central business district, Florida Road in Durban’s Morningside area and Helen Joseph Road in Durban’s Glenwood area (among others) are emerging as competitive leading zones of the night economy. Equally interesting is the emergence of certain zones in Durban North (which traditionally is regarded as a high-income residential area) associated with the night economy. Swapo Road and Mackeurtan Avenue (which in essence are neigbourhood shopping centres) also have economic activities at night mainly in the form of eateries like most other parts of the city (Fig. 9.1). • The CBD: Traditionally, the emergence of a 24-h city was meant to address the dearth of the CBD which loses its vibrancy at the closure of business after five hours in the evening. In line with this need of revitalizing the city centre at night, Long Street in Cape Town, which stretches for 3.2 kms from the heart of the city centre to the periphery of the CBD is one such zone which is very active at night. On the other hand, in Durban, night activities are located in the Point Area and Albert Park (especially along Maudi Mfusi Street). The Durban CBD is also vibrant with a hive of activities on the waterfront (beach) where Dr. Prixley Kaseme Street intersects with OR Tambo. What further makes Cape Town and Durban unique is the presence of the waterfront where other activities beyond eateries such as industrial activities around the harbour are operative throughout the night (Fig. 9.2).

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Fig. 9.1 Florida road in Durban. Source eThekwini Municipality (2001)

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Fig. 9.2 Long street in Cape Town. Source Author (2019)

9.2.4.2

Operational Dimensions of the Night Economy

The night economy is largely responsive to demand and municipal regulations—as such, it is also time conscious. This in turn provides a platform upon which the night economy can be conceptualized from different time operational dimensions. There are several time-based dimensions that define the operational nature of the night economy in South Africa cities, viz. • 24/7 Operations: This is a common phenomenon among most petrol service stations some of which have convenient shops to cater for the needs of consumers beyond fueling vehicles. Equally found in this category are hotels, hospitals, industries and public transport operators in the form of Uber. Some eateries such as McDonald, KFC and Debonnairs also operate on the same basis. Other competitive players in this category are mini-supermarkets mainly owned by Pakistanis and Ethiopians, and these are commonly found in the city centre such as in Cape Town’s Long Street and in the CBD as well as along the beach in Durban. • 9 am–4 am Operations: This was observable in Long Street where the hive of activities transcends into the morning hours as per municipal regulations. Similar operational times are also observable in Durban around North Beach, South Beach and Florida Road. • 8 am–11 pm Operations: These are common operational hours among most eateries and supermarkets. In this regard, it is assumed that around 8 pm, business tends to be slow. But more so, it is a response to municipal regulations. In this same category, one would include activities that close briefly at 11 pm and re-open

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Table 9.2 Labels associated with the night economic activities Name

Brief description

Night economy Economic activities undertaken during the night Sleepless city

A city which is active at night

24/7

Refers to activities that are undertaken continuously both during the day and at night regardless of weekends

24-h city

A city associated with activities that are undertaken continuously both during the day and at nightly

Source Author (2019)

at 4 am—this is the case of a fitness centre in Durban North’s Gateway precinct whose operations capitalizes on its compact city model by attracting residents around the area. • Ad hoc Operations: At times, it is difficult to attach uniform time to some of these operations since they are responsive to demand. Most business owners concurred that the issue of service demand takes priority during certain times of the week (especially Thursday, Friday and Saturday); month (i.e. month ends) and festive seasons (such as Christmas). During such times, municipal rules are flouted as business owners try to capitalize on the presence of revelers. Most of these ad hoc operational times are associated with eateries. These diverse operational hours in turn determine the various labels (or names) attached to the night economy in the South African context as summarized in Table 9.2.

9.2.4.3

Typology of Activities Undertaken in the Night Economy

The night economy represents chain of variant activities that can be categorized in different forms. Services: It is interesting to note that traditional services such as hospitals, hotels and security have been associated with the night economy for a long time in the history of the urban economy yet little value has been attached to them. The casualty sections of health facilities observed during the study such as at King Edward and Entabeni Hospitals in Durban are in service 24/7 attending to patients. But more so, there are a lot of health personnel and support services operative at night attending to admitted patients. This similarly applies to the hospitality industry where hotels are open throughout the night though with a skeleton staff mainly manning the reception. The safety and success of these services (and other activities) depend on the availability of security services which are very active at night. While both Municipal and South African Police operate throughout the night, it is the deployment of private security guards which makes a difference. The visibility of such private security details on Long Street and Florida Road manning traffic on roads and car parks (while controlling revelers at the same time) has significantly contributed to the

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safety of these night spots. It is therefore not surprising that night spots and activities are becoming more popular due to such high levels of security as one Manager at Caltex Garage (Fresh Stop) in Westwood (Durban) observed We were robbed at 5 pm in the evening when robbers attacked under the cover of patrons. But at night, the visibility of security details and few patrons make it difficult for them to attack nowadays. Shops: These are among the most vibrant activities operating during the night economy. They are mainly represented by a variety of supermarkets and minisupermarkets as the main actors. Prominent brands such as Kwik Spar are among the main retailers while a chain of mini-supermarkets also belonging to prominent brands operate in the forecourts of fuel retailers. Equally worth mentioning are foreignowned mini-supermarkets that are very active in areas associated with entertainment such as Cape Town’s Long Street and Durban’s North and South Beach. Their popularity arises out of demand from night revelers after the closure of major supermarkets. Besides, their clientele at times is different in the sense that they are driven by certain types of products (such as airtime, condoms and fizzy drinks) especially for those in entertainment zones such as Long Street and South Beach. However, mixed residential and entertainment zones such as Albert Park and Point Area in Durban’s inner-city further show that these mini-supermarkets are also suppliers of grocery items to some households. This also applies to branded mini-supermarkets on fuel forecourts. Clothing shops on the Durban North Beach also operate till late as they take advantage of revelers. The most popular ones are women who man market stalls selling traditional clothes and assortments of traditional artefacts (such as beads) for 24/7. During festival seasons especially Christmas times in December, some shopping malls extend their operating times up to 11 pm—a strategy responsive to consumer spending sprees associated with the festive mood of the year. It is this same “consumer atmosphere” which prevails in most of these night eateries. Transport: This is a major component of the night economy which services other activities. There are basically three types of public transport operative during the night economy and these include: conventional buses, taxis and private taxis. The first two typologies are very active during the early hours of the night. For instance, taxis operate until 8 pm in the evening before they become erratic and cease their operations and only resume the following day around three in the morning. On the other hand, conventional buses operate till 11 pm and then resume their operations at 5 am in the morning. Included in this category are long-distance intercity longdistance buses which use the South Beach in Durban as one of their terminals for picking and dropping passengers. The cessation of their services at 11 pm leaves private taxis and Uber to dominate the market thereafter. What makes Uber (and other private taxis) even more aggressive is their ability to pick and drop passengers right at the door step and to penetrate secluded entertainment zones. Restaurants: Most case studies show that the night economy is dominated by restaurants. These have emerged as major actors which are taking the night economy by storm. A combination of dishes, entertainment and drinks means that revelers have access to a variety of activities to occupy them. Not to be out-done are certain

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eateries which provide playing facilities for kids—thus catering for family diners too. Night Clubs: This a traditional night activity which have been in operation for ages. The street lingo “clubbing” was actually born out of this night venture which offered a variety of catchy activities for night revelers such as food, drinks and music. However, some night clubs are also linked to illegal night activities associated with drug peddling and prostitution. Such “clubbing” points can be observed in the CBD of Durban, along Florida Road and Long Street in Cape Town. Industries: This is yet another traditional component of the night economy. The proximity of Durban and Cape Town’s CBDs to the waterfront for instance makes them important economic hubs for industrial activities some of which operate throughout the night. Fishing expeditions from the Durban harbour (ironically, thus where Wilson Wharf’s eateries are located) always go out to sea at night while the knocking sound from the heavy machinery at work throughout the night have become a common feature of residential areas in close proximity to the harbour. Others: Found under this category are a variety of night activities that include entertainment facilities (e.g. movie houses and playhouses), sports and physical fitness facilities such as stadiums and gymnastics and leisure sites. The Durban North Beach, which boasts of having one of the most active night economies, is well known for its leisure facilities. Apart from the beach itself being a major attraction, there are a variety of leisure facilities in the vicinity such as the popular promenade, the lunar park and the open-air gym which attracts people from different walks. These are magnetic activities which in turn pull revelers who combine their visit with other activities. Equally competitive in this category are indoor gyms such as the Fit24 gyms in Gateway (The Crescent) (Fig. 9.3). Above all, occasional night sports such as a soccer matches at the popular Moses Mabhida Stadium are known to boast night economies too. The proximity of the stadium to the beach and the city, in the case of Durban, impacts positively on the night economy as revelers extend their time through visiting night spots especially the Casino, the Blue Lagoon and North Beach.

9.2.5 De-mystifying the Night Economy For a very long time, the entertainment sector of the night economy and its associated night activities have been shrouded in myth largely because of the negativities which people attached to them. Issues of illegal activities such as drug peddling, prostitution, robberies and drunkards (among others) have been proffered as legitimate labels of the night economy. In as much as it can be argued that crime lurks in the dark, it is purely a misnomer to associate all nocturnal activities with such negativities. Contemporary emerging evidence seems to shrug off this perception and points to a myriad of positive developments that are of benefit to socialites and the economy at large. These are discussed below to some detail.

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Fig. 9.3 24-h gym in Gateway, Durban. Source Author (2019)

9.2.5.1

The Night Economy as a Tool for Urban Regeneration

Urban degeneration is one of the biggest threats of the urban environment which is associated with the dearth of activities followed by physical degradation of buildings in some cases. However, what emanates from the study is evidence pointing to the fact that the night economy is actually a tool for urban regeneration. This is usually the case where areas that were once experiencing decline are rejuvenated to accommodate new activities among which are those which benefit the night economy. There are instances where buildings that were in bad state are renovated to accommodate and match new activities thereby providing a competing edge over others. This breath of new life both in the physical realm of the space and the structure further lifts the face of the precincts with aesthetics that come with change. Regeneration so created is appealing both during the day and the night. Indeed, Florida Road in Durban has experienced a lot of facelifts on many properties—the latest being the 24/7 DriveThrough KFC. Similar colourful changes were also witnessed at the Florida Fields where buildings were transformed from cluster offices into individual eateries—thus creating a key attractive leisure point. Common areas have been renovated in such a way as to allow convenience and relaxation among statues and other decorations. All this points to the competitiveness that is associated with some of these night activities (Fig. 9.4).

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Fig. 9.4 Florida fields—a newly renovated complex of eateries. Source Author (2019)

9.2.5.2

The Night Economy as a Tool for Urban Preservation

The need to preserve and protect some features of the urban environment is critical to urban planners and city managers. In most cases, these urban environments (such as old buildings listed for their historical or architectural value) are physically not appealing and at times not compatible with modern activities. However, internal changes permitted in line with preservation regulations have allowed such buildings to accommodate certain activities that allow them to equally compete with other similar activities. Observations in Cape Town’s Long Street and Durban’s Florida Road have shown how such buildings have been internally transformed to accommodate new economic demands although the façade still remain intact. Quite intriguing is the over 2 km stretch of Florida Road which is lined with trees and displays restored Victorian and Edwardian buildings. Ironically, these are the very buildings which house most of the economic activities that transcend both day and night such as Nandos, Fishaways and Steers (Fig. 9.5). The night economy as a tool for social integration Night economic points (especially eateries and other entertainment areas) are gradually proving to be active points where revelers from different backgrounds interact. Long Street in Cape Town combines locals and tourists who come from both outside the city and the country to have an experience of nightlife. Durban’s Florida Road boasts of youthful revelers from different social, economic and racial background

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Fig. 9.5 Preservation of historical buildings. Source Author (2019)

who find common ground in these night activities. Similar observations were made in North and South Beach (Durban) where patrons of night activities are also from different backgrounds. However, it must also be pointed out that the level of social integration in Post-apartheid South Africa is slow largely because of the crippling apartheid laws that impacted negatively on society. Among others, so deep was social stratification especially on racial lines that the government is still struggling to integrate society. While a myriad of inclusive policies were put in place to address this issue, it has to be acknowledged that creating a socially inclusive society is a longterm process. However, at a spatial level, it must be acknowledged that night activities and social interactions are largely dependent on the economic status of people as seen in certain pockets of the city where foreigners (such as Congolese and Nigerians) picket in their own clusters reveling.

9.2.5.3

The Night Economy as an Economic Enabler

Growing urban economies is not an event but a process. It is a complex mix of social, economic and physical activities whose intensity cannot be easily qualified— let alone quantified at times. It is this similar mystery which is associated with the

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night economy. For this reason, the night economy (depending on its typology) can be labelled as an enabler of the urban and national economy because its activities are hidden in the ambits of the night. But debunking the shadows of the night shows that as an enabler, it significantly contributes to the national economic status quo. Hence the significance of this night economy is to be found in the following Employment: This is one of the most significant benefits of the night economy which responds to the creation of opportunities in different sectors. Employment benefits in this sector of the economy can be analysed from different perspectives among which is direct or indirect. Direct employment benefits are envisaged as those that arise out of the employment of people at the point of service within the night economy. This is the case with staff employed in different sections of eateries that are operative during the night economy. Hence within such direct benefits, there is a complex network of activities that link employees to clients and other service providers of the night economy such as those who provide public transport and even airtime or data bundles. Equally significant is direct employment created in the construction sector when buildings are erected or renovated to accommodate such activities. A rather complex indirect benefit through employment is equally realized during the chain of activities associated with the night economy. This is seen in the form of manufacturers and wholesalers who also employ more people in response to the increase in demand of their products at night. An overview of employment opportunities in restaurants in Florida Road (Durban) and at a BP Garage in Cape Town (with a convenience shop) is provided in Fig. 9.7. While the statics represent the total number of people employed by these outlets, a third of them work during the night shift (Fig. 9.6).

1 Cuban

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Fig. 9.6 Employment profile. Source Author (2019)

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Fig. 9.7 Parking along Florida road. Source Author (2019)

Consumption: Among the biggest players of the night economy are eateries. The increase in restaurants, mini-supermarkets and night clubs is pushing consumption rates in urban areas beyond their traditional levels. It must also be emphasized that the innovativeness associated with most eateries such as delivery of food to clients has also revolutionalized the market in the sense that families do not have to visit some of these restaurants. This is common in restaurants like Nandos, Fishaways and Steers. In addition, it must be noted that demand is not only felt by direct consumption of products at points of sale, but also by wholesalers who have to provide a sustained supply of stock to these retail points. It is this chain of activities which undeniably contributes significantly to the growth of the urban economy. It is

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therefore not surprising that the food and restaurant sector contributed 29% to the industry’s turnover of R587 billion in 2017 (https://www.bizcommunity.com).

9.2.6 The Night Economy and Housing There is a very strong correlation between the night economy and housing and household typology. An overview of the location of night spots and zones in Cape Town and Durban shows that they are located in close proximity to high-rise housing environments (such as town houses and flats). Such houses are mostly occupied by the young generation and households who do not have big families. The case of Durban’s Glenwood and Florida Road falls in this category where most of the young generations are students whose lodgings are found scattered around Glenwood, Morningside and the CBD. Their lifestyles, which is mainly outdoor at night, fit very well in such environments. It is therefore not surprising that similar night activities in areas like Kloof and Hillcrest are not very popular. The Manager for Steers at Kloof Village attested to this observation when he noted that: Households around this area enjoy indoor family life. We struggle to get clients in the evenings—hence we close our shops around 8 pm. It must also be emphasized that some of these clients who utilize these facilities do not stay in the area as the case of Florida Road in Durban and Long Street in Cape Town. The presence of hotels, holiday apartments and lodges in close proximity to some of these spots also speaks to the nature of the clientele that frequent these spots. However, Albert Park in Durban’s CBD presents a different dimension to the one painted above. On the contrary, it was observed that Albert Park, which to some extent is undergoing degeneration, is home to diverse low-income households (both of local and foreign origin) who make a living out of a diversity of activities too. Hence the night economy is part and parcel of this neighbourhood where some economic activities (such as hair salons) operate till the early hours of the morning. It must be emphasized that Albert Park is among those night spots where you find the highest pedestrian density at night.

9.2.7 Unveiling the Dark Side of the Night Economy In as much as there are a lot of positive aspects associated with the night economy, it must also be acknowledged that there are a number of negativities that emerge. The traditional label associated with the entertainment night economy is that it is associated with criminal activities. While it can be argued that not all criminal activities happen at night, it is true (to some extend) to note that the night provides the best under cover for such unethical ventures. These come in different forms among which are:

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Drug peddling—this is a common phenomenon in the tradition of criminality, and it has been associated with “clubbing” and other night spots where revelers frequent. Albert Park and the Point Area in Durban have been linked to such sinister activities. Some respondents linked this activity to some foreign nationalities especially in Long Street and Durban’s Point Area. In the case of Long Street in Cape Town, certain restaurants and night clubs were linked to this activity. Prostitution—This again is one of the activities associated with the night economy (though nowadays it is not unusual to see prostitutes soliciting clients on certain streets during the day). In the case studies, this activity was observed on some sections of Esther Robert Road in Davenport Square and along OR Tambo in South Beach while in Cape Town, it was also observed along Long Street. So-called safe houses (from which prostitutes operate) are common around Florida Road, Long Street and Davenport Square. In addition, the presence of hotels and lodges, combined with night entertainments around these areas, has also contributed to the increase of this activity. One of the revelers in Long Street also indicated that there are some night clubs that work closely with prostitution and drug peddling. Noise—The entertainment night economy is dominated by restaurants and other activities that generate noise arising mostly out of loud music. In Albert Park, the competing sound of music emanating from various spots inside buildings and on the street is ear-deafening. For some reasons (such as lack of access to affordable accommodation), this noise has become a norm among some residents especially in Albert Park. In Florida Road, residents complained about revelers who do not care about the peaceful environment. They complained that the peace and tranquility which their neighbourhood used to enjoy has been overtaken by noise and rowdy behaviour of revelers who go on until the early hours of the morning. Parking—One observable outcome of night activities is the increase in vehicular traffic around these areas resulting in congestion and parking problems. This has become a gross problem which is not only experienced during the night, but also during the day. A pharmacy owner along Florida Road bemoaned the loss of clients who find it difficult to access the pharmacy due to parking problems. Some residents argued that the situation is worse at night when revelers park their cars anyhow resulting in street blockages and congestion. Even existing onsite parking provided by some outlets (such as at Nandos and Florida Fields along Florida Road) is not adequate to accommodate vehicular traffic generated in these areas (Fig. 9.8). Similar observations were made on Long Street where police details were seen engaging with car owners who recklessly parked their cars. Harassment of night workers—Although some workers opted to work during the night due to some extra benefits they make during the day through taking up other part-time jobs, some felt that clients are abusive at night. At Steers (Florida Roads), some workers complained about drunkards who harass them especially after 2 am (normally after the closure of night clubs). This was substantiated by one of the managers from Cubana who argued that clients become difficult to manage after taking too many drinks. However, the presence of security guards (such as “bouncers”) help to manage such unruly behaviours.

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Fig. 9.8 Night traffic along long street in Cape Town. Source Wanderer Cape Town

Theft—This is also a common problem although its degree and magnitude differ. Information from security guards manning Long Street indicated that the street does not experience violent crime such as robberies and car thefts. This was attributed to the visibility of security details especially private security guards who are very active at night. A similar observation was made by respondents in most trading night spots. However, it was a different story in Durban where some respondents argued that security was inadequate. Incidents of car thefts and robberies on Florida Road and Esther Roberts were cited as some of the recent happenings in these areas. Although Florida Road has a private security street patrol personnel backed up by one car which monitors the street, some business owners argued that it was not adequate.

9.3 Concluding Remarks Are South African cities ready for a sleepless economy? Proceedings from the discussions above based on the case studies have shown that South African cities are home to zones, spots and clusters of different activities which cumulatively fall under the night economy. These are supported by town planning frameworks in the form of intervention strategies such as investment corridors and nodes which are envisaged as drivers of city economies. Operative SDFs, LAPs and town planning schemes together spatially define areas for investment while development control mechanisms are put in place to monitor such developments. Some of these activities (such

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as hospitals, heavy industries and petrol filling stations) are by and large, traditional night activities which have been operational over the years. However, there is evidence of increased activities in these traditional night spots especially in petrol filling stations which have diversified into convenient shops operative 24/7. On the other hand, there is overwhelming evidence of new entrants into the night economy largely dominated by restaurants. These new entrants are different from the traditional night clubs which were associated with drugs and prostitutions as the trend now leans towards night family diners. The eKasi economy through spots such as Eyadini Lounge is also emerging as movers in this economy. More so, the multiplication of these night dining and leisure spots points to great demands which, in essence, is quenching a particular sector of the urban market. The availability of infrastructure such as electricity at night is enabling growth to be registered in this night economy. This is also supported by the presence of new innovations in public transport in the form of uber which has taken the market by storm. In addition, transformative interventions by municipalities such as relaxation of by-laws in terms of trading hours and approving change of use in certain spatial areas are equally contributing to the gradual growth of the night economy. However, there are two key recommendations which must be considered. The first one is that spatial change is driven by flexible and accommodative public policies. The case of Florida Road, for instance, shows how the municipality changed the Berea North Town Planning Scheme (under which Florida Road falls) to accommodate higher impact uses such as restaurants, offices and residential buildings through conversion, conservation and redevelopment. This accommodative move was driven by yet another essential recommendation of anticipating change as development evolve with time. Hence any public authority should have the ability to observe, anticipate and embrace positive change. While statistical economic evidence is yet to be compiled to show the contribution of this economy, existing spatial changes are equally significant pointers to the growing trend of the night economy. It must be emphasized that the night economy is a hidden economy whose mystery goes beyond what an ordinary eye meets. It is associated with a myriad of activities whose complexity is tied to the chain of events that operate both at night and during the day. It is this chain of events whose impact goes beyond the localized space—thus stretching its tentacles into other viable economic conduits at city, regional and national levels. Hence despite its scale of operation at the local level, it cannot be ignored. Therefore, the night economy emerges as one of the major platforms that contributes significantly to the building of inclusive cities. On one hand, it provides a spatial dimension where diverse economic activities are conducted. In the ensuing process of conducting these activities, areas undergoing degeneration are resuscitated while those that were once marginalized are also recognized and reactivated. Thus, the whole process involved in this spatial dimension, which in essence, leans on the pillars of spatial inclusivity, is a major driver that unlocks economic opportunities. On the other hand, the night economy impacts on the human dimension—these being people from diverse backgrounds. This is one of the agendas the search for inclusive cities is trying to fulfil. The human dimension speaks to various issues among which

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is access to opportunities such as employment. Its breaks the yoke of one of the challenges which people who access the city are always failing to obtain—employment. Quite interesting about this phenomenon is that it cuts across the vulnerable pillars that the search for inclusivity is trying to achieve such as the status of women and migrants. These find comfort in the night economy where most of the restaurant workers are women and migrants. It can therefore be concluded that the night economy (despite some of the negativities associated with it) is one such economic strand that should be pursued. It is an innovative intervention that can contribute to the economy in its own way and at its own scale. In the process, it also contributes towards building sustainable and inclusive cities from both social and economic perspectives.

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Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

Chapter 10

Post-Apartheid Cities in South Africa: A Mirage of Inclusivity Calvin Nengomasha

Abstract Post-apartheid cities in South Africa such as Buffalo City, Cape Town, Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Mangaung, Nelson Mandela Bay, eThekwini, and Tshwane exhibit a high scale of inequality in land ownership and access to economic and housing opportunities. The attainment of independence offered public policymakers the opportunity to restructure the urban space economy through the redistribution of urban land and the provision of low-income housing and economic opportunities in strategic inner-city locations. However, urban local authorities have failed to restructure these segregated cities by delivering these opportunities at scale to the marginalised majority. Many of the marginalised urban residents who have been left behind by the train of economic development are trapped in endemic poverty and live in squalor. The cities remain segregated as traditional interventions have mostly been focused on cosmetic physical improvements such as in-situ upgrading without addressing the economic, social, and spatial causes of urban inequality. This chapter seeks to develop an inclusive economic development framework (IEDF) that integrates the dimensions of spatial inclusion, social inclusion, and economic inclusion into the urban development agenda seeking to resolve chronic unemployment, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and widespread informal settlements. To achieve this objective, the study gathered qualitative data through semi-structured interviews and a questionnaire conducted in eight metropolitans. The data were analysed using factor analysis and the results reveal criteria for economic inclusion that formed the centrepiece of the IEDF proposed in this chapter. Keywords Segregated city · Urban inequality · Inclusive cities · Post-apartheid cities · South Africa

C. Nengomasha (B) University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_10

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10.1 Introduction Post-apartheid cities in South Africa such as Buffalo City, Cape Town, Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Mangaung, Nelson Mandela Bay, eThekwini, and Tshwane exhibit a high scale of inequality in land ownership and access to economic and housing opportunities. The attainment of independence offered public policymakers the opportunity to restructure the urban space economy through the redistribution of urban land and the provision of low-income housing and economic opportunities in strategic innercity locations. However, urban local authorities have failed to restructure these segregated cities by delivering these opportunities at scale to the marginalised majority who are poor. Many of the marginalised urban residents who have been left behind by the train of economic development are trapped in endemic poverty and live in squalor. The cities remain segregated as traditional interventions have mostly been focused on cosmetic physical improvements such as in-situ upgrading without addressing the economic, social, and spatial causes of urban inequality. The historic urban inequalities make these cities vital actors in the process of socio-economic and spatial integration. During the past two decades, the high level of inequality has amplified an urgent demand by the marginalised majority for a real and deep transformative developmental agenda. As a result, cities have been placed at the centre stage of this agenda as they have a first-hand view1 of how national policies affect the marginalised majority who are poor and are in the best position to assess the needs of the urban poor and opportunities available to them. However, city-level policies have failed to integrate the majority into the urban space economy and create inclusive communities by adapting institutions and planning practices to reflect diversity, justice, fairness, and equality. As a result, the conflict between the rich and poor and among the poor in urban areas is becoming widespread and is gaining intensity as a result of economic, social, and spatial inequalities that are directly linked to the unfair distribution of economic, housing, and urban land resources. Hence, this chapter seeks to develop an inclusive economic development framework (IEDF) that integrates the dimensions of spatial inclusion, social inclusion, and economic inclusion into the urban development agenda seeking to resolve chronic unemployment, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and widespread informal settlements. The huge demand for housing and economic opportunities places extreme pressure on limited urban resources. The situation is exacerbated by large-scale rural-to-urban migration resulting from the displacement of people from communal farmland that is not viable for farming due to poor soils, small plot sizes, and climate change (Mulcahy and Kollamparambil 2016; Barrios et al. 2006). The lack of access, rights, and opportunities has raised the level of frustration among the urban majority who are poor and law enforcement authorities are witnessing a rise in violent protests, violent crime, and xenophobic attacks targeting African and Asian immigrants and their businesses. The violence and intolerance expressed towards local immigrants from a 1

Local governments in South Africa have the mandate of implementing developmental programmes while national and provincial governments deal with policymaking and supervision.

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different tribe and international immigrants from Africa and Asia in post-apartheid cities may reflect a low level of urban inclusivity. Urban municipal officials and public policymakers appear to be struggling to integrate the urban poor, the Youth, women, and immigrants into the urban fabric by giving them real and enforceable rights to the city. When urban residents cannot find adequate and affordable housing or are discriminated against because of where they live, their race, gender, ethnicity, and nationality, or lack the skills and education needed to find a decent job to support themselves, a pathway out of poverty needs to be found that transforms our cities into inclusive, safe, and resilient centres. However, such a pathway needs to consider the context that is shaping urban exclusion in South Africa.

10.2 Contextualising Urban Exclusion Inequality and exclusion in urban areas manifest in various dimensions that are spatial, social, and economic and the level of inequality and exclusion varies across cities in South Africa. The spatial dimension of exclusion results from the geographic segregation of low-income households due to several reasons associated with the land market. The high prices of urban land in strategic inner-city locations create shortages of affordable urban land and low-income housing, which pushes the urban poor to settle illegally on marginal urban land or land in the inner-city that is unsuitable for human settlement. Most of the urban poor who illegally settle on inner-city land do so out of necessity to remain in proximity to job opportunities. Unfortunately, the provision of reticulated infrastructure services in informal settlements built on such land is grossly inadequate as most lack water, sanitation, electricity, telephone and ICT services necessary for enhancing economic opportunities and maintaining the urban environment and good public health. Most of the urban poor who legally settle in marginal urban locations are resettled in these areas by planning authorities. Public planners often push low-income households into public housing built on cheap marginal urban land, but these inconvenient locations threaten the livelihoods of poor households and limit their opportunities to move out of poverty. The social dimension of urban exclusion in South Africa results from marginalisation based on race, socio-economic status, ethnicity, gender, age, caste, and nationality. A lack of positive relations among different social groups often increases prejudice and territorial stigmatisation (Sisson 2020) that present particular challenges to different social groups as they try to gain and secure access, rights, and opportunities. In urban areas, local migrants from rural areas and international migrants from Africa and Asia sometimes face discrimination when applying for jobs, at workplaces, and accessing public services, even though they also share many of the same challenges as longer-standing urban residents who are poor (Tacoli et al. 2015). In most cases, urban residents who are poor lack access to housing and economic opportunities, and face social marginalisation regardless of how long they have been resident in the city. Issues related to the social exclusion of the urban poor and the impact such exclusion has on their access to economic opportunities are rarely factored into the

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decision-making process on the geospatial location of low-income housing and key jobcentres. The selection process of such projects rarely considers at the same time economic, social, and spatial dimensions of exclusion. The economic dimension of urban exclusion results from the lack of economic opportunities that lead to inequalities in education, employment, housing, health care, and social participation. These inequalities are increasing and their interconnectedness leads to a vicious cycle of poverty that is structural and very visible at a spatial level of townships and cities. As a result of the inequalities in education and skills training, the majority of residents of deprived townships often end up in low-paying jobs or informal jobs that provide an inconsistent income and precarious working conditions (Scully 2016; Paret 2015). Lack of documentation required for employment may preclude access to formal jobs while a lack of education and poor health can also restrict access to higher-paying jobs. Also, unaffordable transportation costs and lack of access to the public transportation network further limits access to economic opportunities. As a result, a lack of access to the labour market exposes job seekers to exploitative work conditions and wages. Households that earn very low-incomes which barely cover expenditure on necessities have a very limited capacity to save or invest and have limited ability to withstand price inflation. Access to affordable finance is particularly difficult for those employed in low-paying or informal jobs as credit and micro-finance lenders levy high-interest rates and require regular monthly repayments, which low-incomes cannot cover. Income segregation that results from exclusion from labour and financial markets negatively impacts the disadvantaged urban majority by making them more and more vulnerable, thus contributing to their social and spatial exclusion. As a result, urban poverty and violent crime have become concentrated in low-income settlements (Meth 2017), which often increase prejudice and territorial stigmatisation (Sisson 2020). Research by Thorpe et al. (2017) and Cohen (2010) suggest that giving the marginalised majority access to economic opportunities helps reduce urban poverty and violent crime. However, redistribution of economic wealth is unlikely to produce real benefits with deep impact if city-level policies are not founded upon principles of justice, fairness, and equality. To realise ‘growth with equity’ and give the marginalised majority the ‘right to the city’, it is essential to address urban segregation that has reinforced economic, social, and spatial exclusion in South African cities. As alluded to earlier, most urban residents in South Africa often experience different forms of segregation depending on their income, race, ethnicity, gender, age, and nationality. As a result, urban segregation is reflected physically and spatially through the unevenness of urban development and its associated economic benefits. The high level of economic inequality reinforces social and spatial exclusion. Hence, to address socio-spatial exclusion this chapter focuses on addressing economic exclusion. But what is economic exclusion? According to Dertwinkel (2008), economic exclusion is the state of being prevented from participating fully and equally in urban economic activities or in the labour market for several years or generations and results in a person being unable to improve one’s economic circumstances to escape poverty. As a result, a person’s limited income is inadequate for that person’s household to access quality education, financial credit, housing, health care, leisure, and public services (ibid).

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However, the meaning of economic exclusion cannot be fully understood if the contextual mechanisms that contribute to economic exclusion are not considered. The contextual mechanisms contributing to economic exclusion and urban segregation are many, but this chapter focuses on seven different yet interdependent mechanisms and approaches to study economic exclusion and the behaviour of households as they select their preferred location of residence. Firstly, the labour market approach considers that exclusion from the labour market results in income inequality, discrimination and segregation, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and widespread informal settlements (Gerometta et al 2005). Secondly, the poor job quality approach considers that poor-quality jobs and their associated stagnant low wages, unpredictable work conditions, and lack of job security entrench economic, social, and spatial exclusion (Tacoli et al. 2015). Thirdly, the urban land and real estate markets approach considers how property developers and estate agents stimulate competition for housing in inner-city areas, which results in the self-segregation of high-income households and exclusion of low-income households from the housing market (Reardon and Bischoff 2011). Fourthly, the economic vulnerability approach considers that low-income households lack assets that they can use to insulate themselves from financial emergencies, such as a job loss or a health crisis, and that the ‘social protection’ for these households is inadequate (Briguglio et al. 2009). Fifthly, the isolation from opportunity approach stresses that segregation occurs when low-income households live in townships built far from jobcentres and public amenities (Harrell and Peterson 1992). Sixthly, the city-level policies and investments approach considers how municipal authorities permit residential segregation through exclusionary zoning regulations, unequal distribution of economic investments, and locating public housing schemes on marginal urban land (de Duren 2018). Seventhly, the personal preferences approach considers that urban residential segregation increases because people prefer to have neighbours of similar social status, income, race, and ethnicity (Scally and Tighe 2015). This is common among high-income households, who often self-segregate to protect their high social status and insulate themselves from poverty-related problems (Caldeira 2000). The seven dimensions are distinct and may vary by degree across South African cities, but they also influence and reinforce each other. For example, stagnant low wages and job insecurity (features of poor-quality jobs) make it difficult for low-income households to make savings or access adequate low-income housing (features of economic vulnerability). Studies that seek to understand urban economic exclusion have mainly focused on using classical optimisation and agent-based modelling approaches to understand household preferences for a residential location (Fossert and Senft 2004). These traditional approaches shy away from focusing on how the decision-making process at the municipal level affects the selection of capital investment projects. In most cases, municipal officials prioritise economic benefits when selecting investment projects while neglecting social costs and spatial segregation. Hence, urban development remains uneven because selected projects rarely consider, all at once, the economic, social, and spatial dynamics of development to achieve urban inclusion. Therefore, this chapter seeks to understand how the aforementioned mechanisms

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of economic exclusion influence social and spatial exclusion dynamics that emerge from the capital investment choices of urban local municipalities. Based on an understanding of these mechanisms, this chapter seeks to present an Inclusive Economic Development Framework (IEDF) that could, at the same time, address social and spatial exclusion in South African cities. This chapter presents an empirically based IEDF that is intended to support municipalities in the development of a local approach to economic inclusion of the marginalised majority and immigrants in cities as part of the municipal mandate to build inclusive cities for both immigrants and longer-standing residents. Whilst this framework is primarily intended for municipalities in their role as the custodians of urban development planning, its multi-dimensional approach to creating inclusive cities advocates for partnership with various stakeholders and practitioners. This implies combining urban economic investment initiatives with urban spatial reforms and community-driven development initiatives to sequence, prioritise, and scale-up economic investments and opportunities for the marginalised majority. This framework intends to harness communities’ potential as drivers of inclusion by giving them an ideal position to participate in development planning and implementation, which helps them prioritise and safeguard their development needs.

10.3 Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework presented in this section is used as the basis for formulating the IEDF. The formulation of the IEDF is based on three main components namely spatial intervention, social intervention, and economic measures because economic exclusion can manifest in three ways. Firstly, it acquires breadth when a large portion of the urban population is impacted on by one or several dimensions (Miliband 2006). Secondly, it gains concentration when geographic localities are affected by multiple dimensions (ibid). Thirdly, it gains depth when individuals or groups are affected by multiple dimensions (ibid). The three components of the IEDF and their interrelations are presented in Fig. 10.1. The economic measures intended to tackle urban inequality challenges and promote economic inclusion in South African cities have not been successful in providing low-income households with access to quality education, the job market, entrepreneurial opportunities, and affordable credit and finance. The huge unemployment is a serious problem that negatively affects generations (Vogel 2015). This problem is most evident in low-income settlements that are built far from jobcentres, mostly as a result of local government planning. The economic inclusion measures that are proposed in the IEDF are based on five core questions: What can financial regulators do to open access to affordable mortgages and small-business loans? How can the public and private sectors scale-up investment in small-business start-ups by individuals or groups from marginalised communities? What investment is needed in education to enable the marginalised majority to access high-quality jobs? How can land-use planners alleviate the geographic concentration of deprivation in areas

10 Post-Apartheid Cities in South Africa: A Mirage of Inclusivity Inclusive Economic Development

Inclusive Urban Governance

169 Restructure the Urban Spaal Economy

A1. Enable marginalised groups to access affordable small-business loans, mortgages and micro-finance

A6. Flexible and responsive municipal administraon

A11. Redistribute urban land via land ceilings

A2. Ensure under-served social groups have fair and full access to the labour market

A7. Promoon of local development iniaves

A12. Deliver affordable urban land

A3. Access to services that enhance economic opportunies by under-served social groups

A8. Decentralise decisionmaking mechanisms

A13. Strategically locate housing close to jobs

A4. Investments in small-business start-ups along different value chains

A9. Parcipatory local acon planning

A14. Parcipatory landuse planning

A5. Efficient ulisaon of resources by local municipalies

A10. Parcipatory budgeng and project impact monitoring

A15. Access quality infrastructure services

Fig. 10.1 The inclusive economic development framework. Source Author

largely occupied by Africans and people of mixed-race? What are economic development planners doing to equip and support individuals or groups excluded from the formal economy to become successful entrepreneurs? As a synthesis of the experience of economic exclusion in various South African cities, the chapter presents five initiatives based on these questions. Initiative 1 supports giving the marginalised majority access to affordable small-business loans and mortgages. Initiative 2 aims at giving the marginalised majority fair and full access to good quality jobs on the labour market that pay decent salaries and offer job security. Initiative 3 aims at giving under-served social groups access to services that enhance economic opportunities. Initiative 4 supports investing in small-business start-ups by individuals or groups from marginalised communities. Finally, Initiative 5 supports the efficient utilisation of resources by local municipalities to develop deprived communities. To tackle urban inequality challenges and to promote socially inclusive cities in South Africa, a new culture of participation that is real and deep needs to be introduced. The social measures proposed in the IEDF are based on five core questions: What development priorities do economically deprived communities have? How can community trust be built through quick and tangible investment success? How can under-served communities control the selection and implementation of projects in their localities? How can public and private economic investments at township and city levels be planned and agreed upon? How can the public, private, and civic partners monitor the impact of investment projects at township and city levels? As a synthesis of the experience of social exclusion in various South African cities, the chapter presents five initiatives based on these questions. Initiative 6 supports having a flexible and responsive municipal administration to enable networking and capacitybuilding of local stakeholders and participatory rapid appraisal of local community priorities and plans. Initiative 7 promotes community-driven development initiatives that are usually small and quick with highly visible and tangible results that correspond to the community’s priorities. Initiatives that are developed this way help to build trust between the public/private sectors and local communities to achieve

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an extraordinary degree of local mobilisation and community ownership. Initiative 8 aims at decentralised decision-making mechanisms that devolve decision-making power from municipal departments to local communities. Initiative 9 supports participatory local action planning approaches that use community planning workshops and community days through which municipal officials can regularly meet local communities and adjust local plans and budgets to reflect the priorities of local communities. Local action planning enables effective urban development through the coordination of local plans at the township and city levels. Finally, Initiative 10 suggests that participatory budgeting processes and project impact monitoring allow local stakeholders to follow up on the implementation of local plans and to report on improvements to their welfare and living conditions. Some of these initiatives may have been successfully applied to a limited degree in a few townships in cities across South Africa, but they have not been scaled-up to have an impact that transforms the urban space-economy. To address spatial issues that are causing our cities to remain fragmented or polarised, urban development initiatives need to focus on giving the marginalised majority access to affordable urban land and housing in strategic inner-city areas connected to infrastructure and services. Current public interventions are not offering real solutions that address spatial segregation in South African cities. As a result, the location of housing for different income groups and the location of industrial centres relative to housing has been determined to a large extent by the behaviour of monopoly landowners, big-business, and high-income households. The urban landscape in South Africa, as a result, remains a representation of a network of industrial zones and spatially segregated townships shaped by land-use zoning, land-value, infrastructure quality, and urban sprawl. The spatial interventions proposed in the IEDF are based on five core questions: What approach could or should be used to identify economic investment initiatives that could integrate the marginalised majority into the formal economy and the inner-city landscape? Is society changing such that urban inclusion requires more ‘space’ to participate in economic and social activities than ‘before’? And if yes, what does that mean for the relationship between infrastructure and the distribution of land-use activities required to restructure the urban space economy? How can land-use planners reconfigure the place where people are, the space they are in, the composition of the space they use, and the location they are in to improve quality of life for all urban citizens? Are economic opportunities significantly conditioned by the township where each individual is born, grows or lives in at present? As a synthesis of the experience of spatial exclusion in various South African cities, the chapter presents five initiatives based on these questions. Initiative 11 suggests redistributing urban land using land ceilings. Initiative 12 aims to deliver affordable urban land in inner-city locations to low-income households for residential and business activities. Initiative 13 aims to locate low-income housing close to employment centres to give the marginalised majority access to employment opportunities at the lowest transport cost and improve housing affordability. Initiative 14 aims to achieve participatory land-use planning that uses public planning visioning sessions and public displays/deposits through which municipal officials can regularly meet residents and seek community approval or adjustment of land-use

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plans to reflect the priorities of communities. Participatory land-use planning enables effective urban development through the coordination of local land-use plans at the township and city levels. Finally, Initiative 15 suggests that having access to quality infrastructure services that connects the under-served majority to various services grids helps unlock economic opportunities for the marginalised majority and improve their welfare and living conditions. To validate the conceptual framework presented in Fig. 10.1, the study solicited the opinions of economic, housing and planning practitioners with the view to assess its applicability as a guiding framework for the formulation of inclusive economic development criteria.

10.4 Data Collection and Analysis The objective of the chapter is to develop an inclusive economic development framework that integrates the dimensions of spatial inclusion, social inclusion, and economic inclusion into the urban development agenda to resolve chronic unemployment, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and widespread informal settlements. To achieve this objective, literature review and qualitative data collection were conducted. Qualitative data on economic, social, and spatial exclusion was collected from the research participants using a purposive sampling strategy. The study targeted economic, housing, and planning experts who are the heads of municipality departments and principals in private practice working in the eight metropolitans in South Africa namely Buffalo City, Cape Town, Ekurhuleni, eThekwini, Johannesburg, Mangaung, Nelson Mandela, and Tshwane. The study selected six participants from each metropolitan working as economic, housing, and planning professionals in both public and private practice. The selection of participants was deliberate and intended to obtain a balanced perspective of the opinions of experts in private and public practice. The study chose these participants based on their professional expertise and vast knowledge of the metropolitans they have been working in for several years. The study used a two-stage approach to collect qualitative data from the participants, which the study intended to use in the development of the criteria for urban economic inclusion in South Africa. Firstly, the study conducted semi-structured interviews with 12 economic, housing, and planning professionals in public and private practice in eThekwini and Johannesburg metropolitans. The participants were asked for their opinions on economic, social, and spatial exclusion in urban areas, including the criteria that they believe influence economic inclusion. Their suggestions reinforced some ideas identified in the literature and they were instrumental in the initial identification of the criteria used in the pilot questionnaire. Subsequently, a pilot questionnaire was emailed to the same participants who were given the opportunity as respondents to validate each criterion or even exclude some criterion from the proposed economic inclusion criteria. Furthermore, the respondents were allowed to suggest and rank additional criterion that they perceive has influence on economic

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inclusion. The feedback on the pilot questionnaire was used to consolidate the questionnaire that was eventually used to develop the criteria for urban economic inclusion in South Africa. Secondly, the study validated the 18 criteria identified for the urban economic inclusion criteria through a questionnaire emailed to 81 economic, housing, and planning experts working in the eight metropolitans in South Africa. Only 69 respondents completed the questionnaire to give a survey response rate of 85.6%, which ensured an overall ± 3% margin of error at a 95% confidence level was met. The respondents ranked each criterion according to its importance to urban economic inclusion. The respondents used their knowledge, experience, and perception to rank each criterion using a 10-point scale, where a ranking of 1 meant ‘not important at all’ and a ranking of 10 meant ‘most important’. Factor analysis was used to analyse the survey data to establish whether each criterion in the economic inclusion criteria has similar patterns of responses and whether the criteria has collective cohesion to create a construct? The study used factor analysis because it is best suited for analysing a collection of observed variables that have a set of underlying sub-variables that can explain the interrelationships among the main variables of economic inclusion (Kline 1994). The results of the analysis were then weighted to show the significance of each criterion to economic inclusion.

10.4.1 Presentation of Research Results This chapter sought to develop an inclusive economic development framework to resolve chronic unemployment, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and growing informal settlements. To achieve this objective, the study identified the 18 criteria of economic inclusion through literature review and semistructured interviews, and the criteria were verified using a questionnaire. The qualitative data obtained through the interviews and questionnaire determine the importance of the criteria to inclusive economic development. The data obtained using the questionnaire were analysed and are presented in this section. The mean score of importance obtained for each criterion and the ranking order of the economic inclusion criteria are presented in Table 10.1, descending in order of importance. The weights of the criteria are also presented in the table, descending in order of importance. Weights were calculated by dividing the mean score of each criterion by the sum of mean scores and presenting the result as a percentage. Figure 10.2 illustrates the mean scores of importance and standard deviation for each economic inclusion criterion. The results indicate that all 18 criteria are perceived to be important to economic inclusion of the marginalised majority, but varying in the scale of importance. Thus, each criterion identified through literature review and interviews has been validated by the research results. The results indicate that the criteria perceived to be of the highest importance to economic inclusion of the marginalised majority are access to employment (C1) and the availability of low-income housing close to job centres

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Table 10.1 Average scores and rank order of economic inclusion criteria Rank

Criterion

Criterion description

Variance

SD

Weight

1

C1

Access to employment (labour market) 8.8

Mean

0.5

0.7

6.9

2

C2

Availability of low-income housing close to jobcentres

8.8

0.5

0.7

6.9

3

C3

Availability of mortgages at affordable 8.1 interest rates

3.2

1.8

6.4

4

C4

Availability of low-income housing in inner-city areas

8.1

3.2

1.8

6.4

5

C17

Deprivation in a township

7.7

1.7

1.3

6.0

6

C8

Civic participation and engagement in decision-making

7.5

3.2

1.8

5.9

7

C18

Transition impact of projects

7.3

2.0

1.4

5.7

8

C5

Availability of affordable urban land for low-income housing

7.2

2.2

1.5

5.6

9

C9

Access to good quality education/schools

7.0

1.2

1.1

5.5

10

C6

Availability of small-business loans at affordable interest rates

6.9

3.3

1.8

5.4

11

C7

Investment in small-business start-ups

6.7

3.7

1.9

5.3

12

C12

Access to affordable health care services

6.6

2.4

1.6

5.2

13

C10

Access to affordable public transport services

6.5

2.2

1.8

5.1

14

C11

Access to reticulated infrastructure services

6.4

1.0

1.0

5.0

15

C13

Access to retail and non-retail services 6.2

1.4

1.2

4.9

16

C16

Economic vulnerability

1.2

1.1

4.9

17

C15

Quality of jobs

6.1

1.5

1.2

4.8

18

C14

City-level investment policies

5.6

1.1

1.0

4.4

6.2

Source Author

(C2). This is not surprising since economic inclusion is often defined and measured exclusively using access to jobs and the jobs-housing balance. Concerning the availability of low-income housing opportunities, the availability of mortgages at affordable interest rates (C3), and availability of low-income housing in inner-city areas (C4) were ranked as the second most important criteria, whereas availability of affordable urban land for low-income housing (C5) was ranked lower in the eighth position. However, deprivation in a township (C17) was ranked as the third most important criterion, whereas civic participation and engagement in decision-making (C8) was ranked lower in the fourth position. However, the difference in the mean scores between criteria C17 and C8 was very minor. Deprivation in a township may be perceived to be slightly more important than civic participation and engagement

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Mean score of importance

9

8.8 8.8 8.1 8.1

8

7.2

7

7.5 6.9 6.7

7.7 7

6.5 6.4 6.6 6.2 5.6

6

7.3

6.1 6.2

5 4 3 2 1 0 C1

C2

C3

C4

C5

C6

C7

C8

C9 C10 C11 C12 C13 C14 C15 C16 C17 C18

Economic inclusion criteria Mean

Standard deviation

Fig. 10.2 Importance of economic inclusion criteria. Source Author

in decision-making since the former is often considered more difficult to overcome for low-income households. The results indicate that in terms of access to key services, access to good quality education/schools (C9) was perceived to be of the highest importance to economic inclusion and was ranked in the ninth position overall. The rank may be attributed to the fact that access to good quality education has a direct impact on a household’s potential income and its ability to afford to pay for key services. Access to health services (C12), public transport (C10), reticulated infrastructure services (C11), and retail services (C13) obtained scores that were extremely close to one another as the difference in average scores between criteria C12, C10, C11, and C13 was only very minor. The results indicate that in terms of economic measures, economic vulnerability (C16) and quality of jobs (C15) were given lower scores of importance, with criterion 15 perceived to be the least important to economic inclusion and ranked in 17th position. Overall, city-level investment policies (C14) were ranked last with the lowest score of importance. The reason for such a low rank maybe that citylevel investment policies may have, on paper, noble policy strategies for achieving economic inclusion, but in practice, they have not produced real, deep and tangible results. Also, the 12 interviewees suggested several criteria they consider to be of importance to economic inclusion of the marginalised majority. About 36% of the interviewees suggested a balanced housing market offering different typologies and sizes of housing to meet identified needs of low-income households; 17% suggested redistribution of urban land to low-income households; 15% suggested community cohesion, tolerance, and acceptance of marginalised groups; 12% suggested regeneration, refurbishment and demolition of existing dilapidated industrial warehouses; 9% suggested the development of small-business incubators on brownfield land.

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10.4.2 Discussion of Research Results The meaning, importance and relevance of results presented in the above section of this chapter are discussed below. The results reveal that the 18 criteria for inclusive economic development integrate economic, social, and spatial dimensions of inclusion to enable investment projects to achieve transition impact, especially in marginalised communities. Thus, South African cities can only have a wellfunctioning and sustainable economy if investment projects meet transition impact qualities of being competitive, well-governed, inclusive, resilient, integrated, and resource-efficient. Therefore, municipalities need to conduct a systematic assessment of investment projects to ensure that municipalities prioritise approval of investment projects that can verifiably demonstrate that they can increase economic opportunities for the marginalised majority, particularly in localities where inclusion transition challenges are greatest. Investment projects could demonstrate the potential economic benefits that might trickle down into deprived communities, but if the communities lack knowledge and skills to harness these benefits, the benefits may be wasted and transition impact could be minimal. The research results reinforce the importance of good quality education in opening opportunities in the labour market. The results concur with the observation made by van der Berg et al. (2011) and Dobbie and Fryer (2011) that successful communities have good access to quality schools and tertiary education. The availability of a good education may in the future have a direct effect on an individual’s prospects of employment, running a successful business, and enjoying a high quality of life. This confirms the view of Kaseeram and Mahadea (2018) that the majority of early-stage entrepreneurs in urban areas in South Africa have at least some secondary education. However, the number of such entrepreneurs could have been higher if education institutions were adequately supporting entrepreneurial education initiatives from the primary school level up to the tertiary level. The research results rank access to the labour market as the most important criterion of economic inclusion. This reinforces the argument by King et al. (2017) that access to employment opportunities by deprived communities is extremely important as having little or no employment opportunities nearby such communities may put increasing strain on the ability of the residents to afford necessities and adequate housing. Thus, low-income housing opportunities must be available close to jobcentres to create a jobs-housing balance and reduce commuting costs (Biermann and Martinus 2020; Turok 2016). Research by Zhao and Li (2016) suggests that locating low-income housing far from jobcentres forces workers to commute long distances to work, which negatively impacts on household income and puts increasing strain on the ability of low-income households to afford necessities and adequate housing. Thus, locating low-income households in marginal areas contributes to deprivation and segregation in the majority of cases. The research results rank the highest access to employment opportunities and locating low-income housing close to jobcentres because achieving a jobs-housing balance is crucial to increasing economic opportunities for the marginalised majority,

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particularly in localities where inclusion transition challenges are greatest. Aslund et al. (2006) suggest that individuals who live in locations with poor accessibility to jobs are less likely to be employed. Hence, it is extremely important to create lowincome housing opportunities in inner-city areas where employment opportunities are greatest, and a well-connected transportation network in these areas offers low commuting costs to jobcentres, retail centres, and amenities. A shortage of affordable urban land limits low-income housing opportunities in inner-city areas. The price of urban land relative to income directly influences the ability of low-income households to purchase or lease urban land in strategic inner-city locations for residential and economic activities. Hence, inner-city areas where land prices are higher become unaffordable and less accessible to low-income households. Therefore, it becomes imperative to undertake urban land reforms to redistribute land to the majority who are poor and in need of affordable housing and land to establish small businesses. The urban land reforms could utilise land ceilings, land readjustment, communal land trusts, and transferable urban development rights as tools of delivering affordable urban land to the disadvantaged majority who lack the ‘right to the city’. The inclusive economic criteria rank highly the availability of affordable mortgages and small-business loans as essential to economic inclusion. Housing is a unique economic good whose price is not determined by demand and supply. Consumers of housing usually rely on financial credit to be able to afford the market price of a house. Availability of collateralised borrowing through mortgages has direct effects on household portfolio choice (Chetty et al. 2017; Cocco 2005), average house price (Favilukis et al. 2017; Ortalo-Magne and Rady 2006), homeownership rate (Gete and Reher 2016), defaults on mortgages (Corbae and Quintin 2015) and transmission of monetary policy (Keys et al. 2014; Iacoviello and Neri 2010). Hence, mortgage payments and interest rates have a direct impact on the ability of a household to purchase a house in a township they prefer to live. The interviews conducted with economic and housing experts reveal that public policymakers are not aware of the total number of low-income households that make bank inquiries about obtaining a mortgage or a small-business loan and how many eventually apply and secure a mortgage or a small-business loan at affordable interest rates. The marginalised majority in deprived townships lack the finance to secure housing or grow their small businesses and they struggle to obtain mortgages or small-business loans because they earn low-income, have limited savings, and lack financial literacy and the skillset to mobilise funding from financial investors. The fact that the majority in these communities remain trapped in poverty and squalid housing conditions indicates that very few of them have access to mortgages and small-business loans from finance institutions formally established to support small businesses. This raises a spotlight on the accessibility and effectiveness of funding programmes established by Development Finance Institutions in South Africa. The inclusion of reticulated infrastructure, education, health care, retail and nonretail, and transportation services on the economic inclusion criteria indicates the importance of such services to poverty alleviation and empowerment of under-served communities. The research results concur with the observation made by Kodongo and

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Ojah (2016) that access to affordable and essentially important services is necessary for urban economic productivity, opportunity, and inclusivity. Jerome (2011) and Swilling (2006) point out that the presence of reticulated infrastructure services, banks, shops, restaurants, post offices, hospitals, clinics, pharmacies has been found to enhance the attractiveness of a location for housing or business for home buyers and entrepreneurs. A lack of such services in under-served communities limits the transition impact that economic and social restructuring projects may have in these communities. For instance, Rentschler et al. (2019) suggest that high costs of reticulated infrastructure services force many small-businesses to operate and trade from home and many low-income households to have very limited or no access to these services essential for economic productivity and opportunity. The influence of investment in these services on small-business investment and housing development in urban areas is immense and municipalities need to prioritise investment in these services especially in under-served communities to enhance access to economic opportunities. The research results indicate that municipal officials consider city-level investment policies to be playing a marginal role in creating inclusive cities. This confirms the observation made by Wray and Cheruiyot (2015) that city-level investment policy has not taken centre stage in guiding investment decisions intended to transform deprived communities. Municipal authorities are perpetuating urban segregation through exclusionary zoning regulations, the unequal distribution of capital investments, and large-scale public housing projects that place low-income households in marginal locations. It appears municipal investment policies are not providing a strategic context for many tactical investment decisions that ought to be made in selecting investment projects that have transition impact in terms of restructuring the urban space economy to realise ‘growth with equity’ and give the marginalised majority the ‘right to the city’. To achieve this, public participation in development initiatives needs to be real and deep and rooted in existing formal and informal structures and social networks through which all members of the community engage and participate in decision-making. Turok (2013) supports this view arguing that municipalities must prioritise approval of investment projects that can verifiably demonstrate the involvement of marginalised groups in decision-making, planning, and design processes and implementation of projects in localities where inclusion transition challenges are largest. Municipalities would be able to make informed decisions on which projects to approve for implementation in particular localities if they know which localities have households with the greatest level of economic vulnerability.

10.5 Recommendations The most important challenge for public planners is to identify, select and implement developmental projects through which integrated development might be realised while avoiding the unintended result that such development further marginalises

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low-income households from economic opportunities. Drawing on the economic inclusion criteria presented in Table 10.1, the study suggests practical steps on how the criteria might be used to provide economic opportunities in deprived communities. The steps cover three key areas, which are relevant for developing inclusive urban economies that, directly or indirectly, strives to combat chronic unemployment, a growing informal economy, chronic housing shortage, and widespread informal settlements. These are: delivering inclusive economic growth; improving the inclusion of marginalised groups in urban governance; and restructuring the urban space economy through effectively implementing economic, social and spatial integration. It is within this Inclusive Economic Development framework that more specific recommendations for combating economic exclusion, social exclusion, and spatial exclusion should be situated. This section of the chapter recommends options that could be used to assess economic inclusion of marginalised groups, at the electoral ward level.

10.5.1 Accessing Economic Opportunities The criteria for urban economic inclusion are an essential issue for public planners to consider in choosing projects for investment in deprived communities. The criteria should be used to gather empirical evidence on employment, quality of jobs, economic vulnerability, housing finance, and business loans to assist planners to make decisions that could integrate the marginalised majority into the urban economy. Successful policies for economic inclusion imply ease of access to employment or the labour market by all urban citizens in the economically active age group. In this respect, public planners (economic, housing, land-use) should ensure they balance the location of housing and jobcentres with commuting costs of the majority who earn low-incomes. Before approving a new housing project, planners should assess the impact the location of housing would have on access to employment opportunities (C1). Housing planners would be required to calculate the distance of a proposed location for a housing scheme relative to a key jobcentre and only approve a proposed housing scheme with a score of 3 points based on the scale shown in Table 10.2. Economic planners should give tax incentives, at a sliding scale, to businesses that secure homeownership for their workers in nearby townships within 10 km from the jobcentre. Economic planners should verify the number of employees from the Table 10.2 Distance to job opportunities Distance to job opportunities

Score

Close—Key job site within 15 km from home

3

Far—Key job site within 16–30 km from home

2

Very far—Key job site over 30km from home

1

Source Author

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Table 10.3 Number of workers resident in nearby township Number of workers resident in nearby township

Score

High—21–30% of overall

3

Medium—11–20% of overall

2

Low—Below 10% of overall

1

Source Author

nearby townships who are employed in the key jobcentre using Community Surveys conducted every 3 years and the results shall be assigned a score according to the scale shown in Table 10.3. Good accessibility to a jobcentre is considered to be within a 15 km distance from a place of residence. The combined values would achieve a final score for C1. Very strict regulations would need to be established to safeguard the tax incentive scheme from corruption and malfeasance. Having a job does not automatically protect low-income households against poverty or take them out of poverty. Public economic planners should develop an urban anti-poverty strategy that uses public investment as an economic stimulus to create quality jobs that pay above minimum wage to economically vulnerable workers. In this respect, public economic planners should make appropriate interventions that boost the quality of jobs (C15) households in poverty can access. C15 shall be measured by assessing: the average wage paid for a job relative to the minimum wage; labour market security concerning risks of job loss and its economic cost for workers; and the quality of working conditions including the nature of the work performed, working-time arrangements and workplace relationships. Each dimension shall be scored separately using the scales shown in Tables 10.4, 10.5 and 10.6 and the values combined to achieve a final score for C15. To protect economically vulnerable workers, public economic planners should provide social assistance as Table 10.4 Earnings quality Earnings quality

Score

High average earnings by age, sex and skill

3

Moderate average earnings by age, sex and skill

2

Low average earnings by age, sex and skill

1

Source Author

Table 10.5 Labour market security Labour market security

Score

High unemployment risk

1

Moderate unemployment risk

2

Low unemployment risk

3

Source Author

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Table 10.6 Quality of working environment Quality of working environment

Score

High job strain/excessive job demands/insufficient resources

1

Moderate job strain/excessive job demands/sufficient resources

2

Low job strain/excessive job demands/sufficient resources

3

Source Author

part of consistent and comprehensive efforts to fight economic exclusion. In this regard, targeted and increased financial assistance to bridge the gap between net income at minimum wage and average house price could open more opportunities to low-income housing. Public economic planners shall assess Economic vulnerability (C16) using the Economic Vulnerability Index to target the provision of social assistance and development projects with transition impact. Retail financial lenders should strengthen and deepen social entrepreneurship by providing small-business loans at affordable interest rates (C6) accompanied by appropriate risk cover. In this regard, macroeconomic planners should loosen monetary policy to encourage lending by banks to small businesses that rely on transaction-based lending technologies such as financial statement lending. By loosening the monetary policy by lowering interest rates, it strengthens the financial ratios on the balance sheets of potential borrowers, increases the value of their collateral, and raises their credit scores, which make it easier for small businesses to obtain bank credit. However, macroeconomic planners should monitor the accessibility of small-business loans by low-income households through credit information provided by credit reporting service providers in South Africa to ensure that 50% of small-business loans are issued to low-income households. Macroeconomic planners should also provide tax incentives, at a sliding scale, to private investors who invest in small-business start-ups (C7) in disadvantaged communities where opportunities exist. Public economic planners should prioritise economic development that creates transition impact through public and private sector investments that open economic opportunities for the disadvantaged majority. In this regard, economic planners should conduct a systematic assessment of investment projects to ensure that municipalities prioritise approval of investment projects that can verifiably demonstrate that they can increase economic opportunities for the marginalised majority in disadvantaged communities. Also, a municipality should only approve a project if the project’s objectives align with the transition objectives of the municipality, and the Expected Transition Impact of the project reflects both the intrinsic value and contextual value of a project. Transition impact of investment projects (C18) shall be assessed by planners based on the scales shown in Tables 10.7 and 10.8 and the values shall be combined to achieve a final score for C18. Investment projects focusing on C1, C15, and C18 that have a combined score between 17 and 19 points shall be considered to have a good transition impact. Projects with a score between 20 and 22 points shall be considered to have a very good transition impact and those with a score higher

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Table 10.7 Strategic alignment to transition objectives Strategic alignment to transition objectives

Score

Very high alignment with 5–6 transition objectives

4

High alignment with 3–4 transition objectives

3

Moderate alignment with 1–2 transition objectives

2

No alignment with transition objectives

1

Source Author Table 10.8 Competitiveness of product/service Competitiveness of product/service

Score

Very high—very high quality at affordable price

4

High—high quality at affordable price

3

Moderate—low quality at affordable price

2

Low—low quality at high price

1

Project inclusiveness Very high—targets more than 6 demographics

4

High—targets 4–5 demographics

3

Moderate—targets 2–3 demographics

2

Low—targets 1 demographic

1

Resource utilisation in investment project Very high—6 departmental units are needed

1

High—4-5 departmental units are needed

2

Moderate—2–3 departmental units are needed

3

Low—1 departmental unit is needed

4

Integration with other investment projects Very high—compliments more than 6 projects

4

High—compliments 4–5 projects

3

Moderate—compliments 2–3 projects

2

Low—compliments 1 project

1

Governance of investment project Very high—public participation in 6 project phases

4

High—public participation in 4–5 project phases

3

Moderate—public participation in 2–3 project phases

2

Low—public participation in 1 project phase

1

Project resilience Very high—meets technical/organisational/social/economic domains

4

High—meets technical/social/economic domains

3

Moderate—meets social/economic domains

2

Low—meets economic domain

1

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than 25 points shall be considered to have an excellent impact. Invest projects shall be approved based on descending order of priority; projects with the highest points shall be given the highest investment priority.

10.5.2 Restructuring the Urban Space Economy The complexity of geospatial factors leading to urban economic exclusion is best illustrated in the lack of access to affordable urban land and housing, and services such as reticulated infrastructure, health care, education, retail and non-retail, and public transport. To address geospatial inequalities that result in lack of access to services necessary for economic inclusion, public planners should understand the scale of urban segregation through empirical evidence. Housing and land-use planners should measure geographic segregation of residential areas (C14) using the Wharton Residential Land Use Regulation Index and make decisions on spatial restructuring of the city based on available evidence. The availability of affordable urban land for low-income housing (C5) is an important factor for the restructuring of the urban space economy. Public land-use planners should use land ceilings, land readjustment, transferable urban development rights, and communal land trusts to redistribute urban land for low-income housing and small-businesses. In this regard, the government should amend the land legislation to accommodate these tools for land redistribution and development. Land-use planners should conduct a land audit and a land supply analysis in urban areas before Table 10.9 Land supply Land supply

Score

Very high—Vacant buildable land parcels

4

High—Partially vacant buildable land parcels

3

Moderate—Re-developable land parcels

2

Low—Constrained land parcels unsuitable for development

1

Source Author

Table 10.10 Demand for buildable land Demand for buildable land

Score

Very high number of poor households in housing need

4

High number of poor households in housing need

3

Moderate number of poor households in housing need

2

Low number of poor households in housing need

1

Source Author

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undertaking urban land reforms. The land supply analysis shall be scored using the scales shown in Tables 10.9 and 10.10 and the values combined to achieve a final score for C5. The land audits in urban areas should help municipalities identify vacant urban land in inner-city areas held by the government and private owners to match land availability with low-income housing needs. The audits should be conducted concurrently with an assessment of current and anticipated housing needs of low-income households in step with demographic trends, including patterns of urbanisation, labour, migration, and population growth. Urban land-use planners should use these audits to review urban land-use by-laws to ensure that urban land is zoned, used and regulated in a manner that serves the collective housing needs of low-income, middle-income and high-income households. Such vacant land in inner-city areas could be freed for low-income housing development through the use of a high rate of taxation. Taxation of vacant land in inner-city areas is required to support the delivery of AURL for low-income housing. The rate for calculating annual tax on vacant land in inner-city areas that is more than 0.5 ha in size should be set at the same level as the mortgage interest rate to encourage landowners to supply urban land for development. This measure is also intended to discourage speculative behaviour in the land market. However, a municipality should only sanction a transaction of urban land in inner-city areas targeted for lowincome housing if the tools for land redistribution mentioned earlier have already been considered; the selling price of the land is set at a benchmark of 0.09% of household income; and planning consent for that particular land parcel would only be granted if the proposed development is for low-income housing. Land-use planners should utilise zoning regulations in Land-use Schemes to deny planning consent to proposed housing developments on vacant land in inner-city areas unless if the proposed development is for low-income housing. Middle-highincome housing developments proposed on vacant land in inner-city areas should only be permitted under special consent if the material considerations are compelling. The zoning by-laws in Land-use Schemes that regulate development in areas close to jobcentres should compel private owners of vacant land in inner-city areas to develop low-income housing within 10 years commencing from the day the scheme is promulgated. If they fail to develop such housing within the specified time frame they should be compelled to sell the land to low-income households at a benchmark of 0.09 per cent of household income. To ensure the availability of low-income housing in inner-city areas (C4), in all new housing, land-use and housing planners should require a private developer to donate 25% of their land for public housing as a condition for the developer to be granted a permit for new housing development. To ensure the availability of low-income housing close to jobcentres (C2), housing planners should ensure new low-income housing is located within a 10 km distance from a nearby key jobcentre. Public planners (housing, economic, education, health) should assess the level of deprivation in a low-income township (C17) relating to issues of education, employment, income, health care, housing and infrastructure services, etc. using the Index of Multiple Deprivation before formulating and selecting investment projects to address the deprivation. Each domain of deprivation shall be scored separately as shown in

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Table 10.11 Deprivation Deprivation

Score

Well above average Index of Multiple Deprivation

1

Above average Index of Multiple Deprivation

2

Average Index of Multiple Deprivation

3

Below average Index of Multiple Deprivation

4

Well below average Index of Multiple Deprivation

5

Source Author

Table 10.11 in the Appendix and the values combined to achieve a final score for C17. A township that gets a combined score of 24–30 points for C17 has a high level of deprivation and planners would be required to urgently prioritise resources towards addressing each identified domain of deprivation that has a score of 4–5 points. Also, planners should only approve investment projects that can demonstrate the potential economic benefits and transition impact of such investments in deprived communities using the scoring system shown earlier in Tables 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7 and 10.8. The lack of access to reticulated infrastructure services of good quality that are reliable and affordable can substantially reduce the ability of individuals and households to engage in economically productive activities such as entrepreneurship, employment, education and training. Town planners should foster economic inclusion by supporting access to quality reticulated services that enhance the economic opportunities of under-served communities in a verifiable and measurable way, based on solid baseline data and monitoring and evaluation criteria. Access to reticulated infrastructure services (C11) shall be measured by assessing: the level of service delivery to individual households whether they have exclusive access on their premises or access to the service is communal; the quality of service offered to users whether it is of adequate quantity and quality, convenient, and reliable; and the supply coverage within the township under assessment by calculating the percentage of the population with access to a reliable service. Each service shall be scored separately as shown in Tables 10.12, 10.13 and 10.14 and the values combined to achieve a final score for C11. If the capacity, coverage, and quality of the services delivered in a township is low-to-moderate, planners should prioritise projects that would deliver these services to that township. Table 10.12 Service delivery/capacity Service delivery/capacity

Score

High—Service within dwelling/always available/safe to use

3

Moderate—Service within 100m from dwelling/ always available/unsafe to use

2

Low—Service over 100m from dwelling/sometimes available/unsafe to use

1

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Table 10.13 Quality of service to users Quality of service to users

Score

High customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

3

Moderate customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

2

Low customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

1

Source Author

Table 10.14 Supply coverage within township Supply coverage within township

Score

High—Above 60% of households access reliable service

3

Moderate—30-60% of households access reliable service

2

Low—Below 30% of households access reliable service

1

Source Author

Access to retail services (C13) in low-income settlements is limited and public planners are guilty of perpetuating mono-functional settlements. Town planners should ensure that a local bank, shop, mail, and dining service is 800 m from a place of residence in accord with CSIR 2000 accessibility indicators. Planners could assess retail service accessibility in new low-income housing schemes using the access scale shown in Table 10.15 to ensure that they are located in areas with good access to retail services. Deprived communities, as measured by poverty rate, do not significantly raise the examination scores if the quality of primary and secondary schools remains essentially unchanged. Hence, planners in the Education Department should provide schools in deprived communities with adequate classrooms, adequate textbook materials and ICT equipment, high-quality teachers and school administrators that are necessary to generate large achievement gains in general and in math and sciences specifically. Decision-making on the allocation of these resources must be based on empirical evidence of resources needed by schools to close the achievement gap. Hence, planners in the Education Department should assess the quality of primary and secondary schools or education (C9) and educational attainment in these communities using the access scale shown in Tables 10.16, 10.17, 10.18, 10.19 and 10.20. Table 10.15 Access to shopping/banking/dining/postal service Access to shopping/banking/dining/postal service

Score

Very High—Service within 1200 m

4

High—Service within 2000 m

3

Moderate—Service within 4000 m

2

Low—Service over 4000 m away

1

Source Author

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Table 10.16 Access to outstanding/good primary schools Access to outstanding/good primary schools

Score

Very High—Primary school within 400 m

4

High—Primary school within 800 m

3

Moderate—Primary school within 1200 m

2

Low—Primary school over 1200 m away

1

Source Author Table 10.17 Access to outstanding/good secondary schools Access to outstanding/good secondary schools

Score

Very High—Secondary school within 1200 m

4

High—Secondary school within 2000 m

3

Moderate—Secondary school within 4000 m

2

Low—Secondary school over 4000 m away

1

Source Author Table 10.18 Education attainment at primary level Education attainment at primary level

Score

Well above average Grade 7 results: above 70% pass rate

5

Above average Grade 7 results: 60–69% pass rate

4

Average Grade 7 results: 50–59% pass rate

3

Below average Grade 7 results: 40–49% pass rate

2

Well below average Grade 7 results: below 30% pass rate

1

Source Author Table 10.19 Education attainment at secondary level Education attainment at secondary level

Score

Well above average Matric results: above 70% pass rate

5

Above average Matric results: 60–69% pass rate

4

Average Matric results: 50–59% pass rate

3

Below average Matric results: 40–49% pass rate

2

Well below average Matric results: below 30% pass rate

1

Source Author Table 10.20 Learning environment and resources Learning environment and resources

Score

Adequate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

3

Hardly adequate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

2

Inadequate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

1

Source Author

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Table 10.21 Access to doctor, clinic and pharmacy Access to doctor, clinic and pharmacy

Score

High—Doctor and amenity within 800 m

3

Moderate—Doctor and amenity within 1200 m

2

Low—Doctor and amenity over 1200 m away

1

Source Author

Table 10.22 Access to hospitals Access to hospitals

Score

High—Hospital within 10 km

3

Moderate—Hospital within 20 km

2

Low—Hospital over 40 km away

1

Source Author

Education attainment shall be assessed using an internationally accepted grading system for Grade 7 results at primary school level and Matric results at secondary school level. Quality of schools and education attainment shall be scored separately and the values combined to achieve a final score for C9. Planners should identify schools that score 1–3 points for education attainment and 1–2 points for learning environment and resources and urgently prioritise resources allocation to develop and improve the quality of education in these schools. Quality education is the key to unlocking employment opportunities and addressing economic exclusion. Public health planners should enhance access to health care services (C12) by ensuring that a hospital is within a 30 km distance, and a doctor/clinic/pharmacy is within a 3 km distance from a place of residence. Planners could assess accessibility to each of these services by using the scale shown in Tables 10.21 and 10.22 and the values combined to achieve a final score for C12. In townships where a score for C12 is low, planners should ensure that these services are provided in accord with the accessibility indicators specified above. Develop an efficient and affordable public transport system that will give residents in deprived townships equal opportunity to have the mobility and accessibility of other citizens. Public planners (housing, economic, transport) should reconsider building low-income housing in marginal locations of the city that impose huge transportation costs on low-income households. Before approving low-income housing schemes in identified locations, public planners should measure the affordability of public transport services (C10) using the transport-income ratio. Planners should also consider the jobs-housing balance as it also has an impact on commuting cost, commuting distance, duration of commute, and housing satisfaction. Hence, the geospatial location of housing and jobcentres is vital in resolving economic exclusion of low-income households.

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10.5.3 Enhancing Urban Governance For city-level policies on urban economic inclusion to be successful, marginalised groups must be fully part of the local governance regime. Successful urban economic inclusion policies and practices imply a participative ‘bottom-up’ approach, not only taking the needs of deprived communities as a starting point, but also including them as full participants in the urban development process from conception, planning, design, implementation, and monitoring of investment projects. In this respect, it is essential to strengthen civic participation in all phases of the urban development process and development projects. To strengthen civic participation in the urban development process, key indicators should be used to monitor the progress towards the three targets of civic participation and engagement: diversity of decision-makers, involvement in project implementation, and monitoring and evaluation of public investments. Town planners should measure the level of civic participation and engagement in decision-making (C8) by assessing: the diversity of community participants involved in decision-making on planning/design/budgeting of public investments; the level of planned community involvement in project implementation; and the level of monitoring and evaluation communities will be able to conduct on investment initiatives through oversight committees and complaint-making. Each level of participation shall be scored separately as shown in Tables 10.23, 10.24 and 10.25 in the Appendix and the values shall be combined to obtain a final score for C8. Only projects assigned a combined score above 6 points on the civic participation scale should be approved for implementation. Table 10.23 Community participation in project implementation Community participation in project implementation

Score

High No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

3

Moderate No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

2

Low No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

1

Source Author

Table 10.24 Community participation in project implementation Community participation in project implementation

Score

High No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

3

Moderate No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

2

Low No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

1

Source Author

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Table 10.25 Community participation in project monitoring and evaluation Community participation in project monitoring and evaluation

Score

High level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact

3

Moderate level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact

2

Low level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact 1 Source Author

10.6 Conclusion The chapter has established the urgent need to reconsider the way urban economic exclusion in South Africa is conceptualised and measured. Economic exclusion in cities is typically assessed using the economic deprivation criteria, whilst other important factors, such as the ability to participate in urban governance, access affordable urban land and low-income housing in inner-city locations, and quality infrastructure services are often ignored. The author suggests that the assessment of urban economic exclusion must take a broader view of a wide range of issues that affect the marginalised majority to include social and spatial dimensions of exclusion. The research presented in this chapter is based on the notion that the urban segregation problem encompasses more than economic exclusion and must also address social and spatial exclusion issues. Therefore, this chapter presented an Inclusive Economic Development Framework and economic inclusion criteria that were validated by economic, housing, and planning experts in South Africa. The framework and criteria could be used to conduct a comprehensive assessment of economic, social and spatial exclusion in urban areas in South Africa and other cities in developing countries, rather than focusing solely on economic inequality. The chapter has also explored how the criteria for urban economic inclusion could be measured. Although examined in a South African context, the criteria could be used to measure urban economic inclusion in developing countries.

References Åslund O, Östh J, Zenou Y (2006) How important is access to jobs? Old question - improved answer. Journal of Economic Geography 10(3):389–422 Barrios S, Bertinelli L, Strobl E (2006) Climatic change and rural-urban migration: the case of Sub-Saharan Africa. CORE Discussion Paper No.2006/46 Biermann, S., and Martinus, K. 2020. Chapter 26: Reducing the need to travel: the challenge of employment self-containment. IN Curtis, C. Handbook of Sustainable Transport: Research Handbooks in Transport Studies series. Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd. Cheltenham, UK. Briguglio, L., Cordina, G., Farrugia, N., and Vella, S. 2009. Economic Vulnerability and Resilience: Concepts and Measurements. Oxford Development Studies, Vol.37, Issue 3.

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Calvin Nengomasha is a professional town planner and a housing specialist who holds a Ph.D. in Housing Development, a Master’s in Housing Development, and a B.Sc. Honours in Rural and Urban Planning. He has worked as a town planner on a wide variety of development plans and low-income housing projects in southern Africa. He is currently a lecturer in the School of Built Environment and Development Studies, at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He has published in peer-reviewed journals and books, and his areas of interest are in urban design, urban land reform, low-income housing, and housing policy.

Chapter 11

Defining the Layers of Urban Complexity: An Epistemological Shift Towards Inclusive Cities Yashaen Luckan

Abstract While designers have the adept ability to objectively manipulate space, there seems to be a lack of ability to design for the complexity of human needs and values. Modern urban design methodologies, of the global North, tend towards the social as spatially constructed, inherently negating the possibilities of place as social construct. The primary objective is to explore alternative possibilities in understanding the complex contextual nuances of contended spaces, through subjective perception, to analyse the indeterminate, dynamic and latent qualities of place beyond the objectivist definitions of space. The methodology is defined by a mixed methods approach underpinned by a pragmatist philosophy. A literature review of some of the most significant seminal works in spatial analysis and place-making forms the conceptual framework. The Grey Street District in Durban, South Africa, as the primary case study critically analyses the dynamic evolution of place over time from the apartheid era into democracy. The study is enhanced by drawing as method of inquiry. An auto-ethnographic inquiry draws on the author’s personal experience of various urban environments. The paper reveals possibilities of alternative methods of spatial interpretation to propose an alternative methodology for urban design towards inclusive cities. Keywords Apartheid-city · Global south · Alternative methodologies · Alternative knowledge systems · Socio-spatial interaction · Incidental urbanism

11.1 Introduction While historical cities traditionally evolved as complex and vibrant urban centres in response to the various needs and aspirations of people in place, contemporary cities have largely been planned for homogenous urban communities, leading to the inclusion of some and the exclusion of others. Whereas the complex social dynamics Y. Luckan (B) School of Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_11

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defined the spatial form and structure of the former, the latter is characterised by the spatial construction of society. Various theoretical and conceptual approaches, since the advent of the first industrial revolution and modernism, shaped the methodologies of urban planning that continue to prevail in contemporary practice, forming a global “toolkit” for urban design. A shift from the psycho-social and psycho-spiritual aspects of urban place, to the rationalised planning of cities for industrial efficiency and pragmatic social concerns, such as hygiene, arguably developed these conceptual approaches, methods and attitudes to contemporary urban design. The standardisation of methodologies at a global scale, however, would result in a disconnection between urban design concept and the nuances of heterogenous communities in place and time, leading to a widening gap between socio-economic privilege, and deprivation. While the established methods of modern planning are of immense value to the “industrial city”, these fail to address the socio-economic challenges of excluded urban communities of the global South—the migrant, the elderly, the differently abled, women, youth, children, the informal economy and the complex subcultures of heterogeneous urban communities. The paper presents a critique of the predominant methods and approaches of urban design, defined by objectivist approaches of the global North, in order to find clues for global South-responsive epistemologies towards a methodology for inclusive cities. The critical analysis of abstract/objectivist approaches against the situated experiential/subjective approaches presents various other possibilities for inclusive urban design by bringing into consideration the psycho-social and psycho-spiritual aspects of place through conscious dwelling at the human scale. The complex interaction between the abstract and the experiential, objective analysis and subjective perception, as well as the activation of consciousness between person and community in place and time, provide vital bases for an alternative/hybrid urban design methodology. The work of Christopher Alexander and the philosophical positions of Inayatullah, Mansukani and others present various possibilities for a shift from the predominant Cartesian approach to a much deeper nuanced approach that taps into the psychological and spiritual experiences of place in time. The paper expounds a complex, hybrid approach defined by place-based epistemologies of the global South that exceed objectivist attitudes, to include the subjective, psychological and spiritual layers of spatial experience towards an alternative and inclusive urban design methodology for inclusive cities. This is to be considered a catalyst for further research and development through interdisciplinary collaboration; it is not intended to provide a finite solution.

11.2 The Fundamental Problem While cities historically represented complex nodes of opportunity and access to a wealth of resources and as places to live, work and play, the advent of modernist planning and design implicitly failed to advance these complex qualities of humanistic

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urban built environments, in favour of convenient methods extraneous to the human psycho-spiritual experience of place. Figure 11.1a, b represents conceptual sketches of the complexity of traditional urban form that typically defined indeterminate possibilities of dwelling in place and time. While Fig. 11.1a presents an image of form, to be able to understand the complexity of urban dwelling at a physiological and psycho-spiritual level, one needs to imagine the experience of wandering and dwelling through its various spaces at various moments in time Fig. 11.1b. Fig. 11.1 a Traditional urban form (author). b Dwelling in place through time (author)

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The intrigue of such built environment can only be imagined by appreciation of the various “non-obvious”, incidental encounters as one moves through such place in time. As one transitions along a narrow street, its edges provide a variety of possibilities of engagement; as one turns a corner, a place of release catapults one’s consciousness into a collective pool of vitality. Traditional cities defined by, and from human dwelling and activation were indeed poetic manifestations of multilayered experience in the built form. Modernist attitudes to urban quality, catalysed by the first industrial revolution, however broke away from this intuitive and responsive realisation of place through subjective experience, into an objectivist, rational conceptualisation of spaces, not for the advancement of human potentialities, but for economic pursuits through industry. This radical departure from the unpredictability and in-determination of complex urban place led to a counter-intuitive focus on defining the objective, determinate and definitive spaces of activity and the connections between them. The preoccupation with connectivity for the movement of goods and services would counter-intuitively and progressively exclude the multi-layered human experience of the, former traditional, city into standardised blocks for production and transport (Fig. 11.2). Contained grid blocks sequentially arranged along a rectilinear formation of extensive streets as conduits for the movement of goods and services would define the form of the modern city. The open space system would express as conduits of direct connection between blocks of production with some pockets of relief, such as squares and parks, geometrically determined to precision. Zonal planning would become the new norm, whereby even the natural inclination of walking and wandering through urban place in time would be rationalised into walkability measured in distance and Fig. 11.2 Modernist urban form—rapid connection through space (author)

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standardised time, thereby negating the multitude of unpredictable and indeterminate experiences that defined the traditional urban place. An increasing tendency towards the objectivist spatial concept defining the subjective societal life ultimately resulted in abstract space preceding and dominating inclusive place. Urban dwelling would, consequently, be confined by assumptions that people in the city primarily provided the labour force for industry. The human experience seemed to be of lesser concern as the objective/rationalist approaches would eradicate the possibilities of organic/piecemeal growth of urban centres defined by the indeterminate socio-spatial interactions at the human scale of dwelling. This would counter-intuitively promulgate a generic model promoting homogeneity and the monotony of modern urban space—a shift from place-making to spatial planning. The control of human activities and urban dwelling has manifested in various forms and structure since the advent of the industrial revolution, albeit for rational reasons such as hygienic and properly serviced living environments. Definitively controlled planning processes, however, would often result in detrimental effects on the psycho-spiritual experience of place, literally obliterating the critical element of memory and being in urban place over time. The psychological interpretation of place, which Lynch (1960) referred to as legibility, would be compromised by grand scaled urban interventions that sought to reorder the natural forms of human dwelling in space. The paradigmatic shift from the making of experience to planning of functions, in some instances, instituted the reforming of organic place through the undemocratic imposition of controlled planning, screened by the “ordered” beauty of nature. Arguably, the most vivid example of objectivist/controlled planning on a traditionally organic urban form was the Haussmann plan for Paris, produced and implemented during nineteenth century. While this plan was hailed as an exemplar of the success of modern urban planning, it was formed through the destruction, forced removal and exclusion of the people who defined the complexity of the once medieval city core, albeit for various rational reasons. In this regard, I reflect on my own experience of passing through the Arch de Triomphe into the Avenue des Champs-Élysées, which was rather psychologically and spiritually unsettling, as I found little place of pause, dwelling or respite from this extensive homogenous planned space that felt as if I was constantly under watch. Master planning, as a conceptual approach, proliferated in the modernist era and significantly defined rationalist and objectivist methodologies of contemporary urban design. Chaplin and Kaiser (1985) affirm the position that the master planning approaches, since World War II, focussed on land use and infrastructure for greater urban efficiency. While human activity and natural flows characterised the traditional cities, the modern master plan sought to predefine and control these human endeavours. The control of human behaviour and activity through planning, however, would in many instances also underpin strategies of political authority which would, in turn, unjustly enrich certain communities while depriving others. The shift in attitude from inclusive place-making to controlled spatial planning, in the guise of efficiency, could thereby translate into detrimental consequences, especially in the context of the developing world/global South.

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The primary device of socio-economic control in South Africa, prior to democracy, was the apartheid city model that became entrenched between the 1940s and 1970s. The model expressed distinct characteristics of modernist urban planning such as zonal definition, however, with the added layer of apartheid geography defined by spatial segregation based on social, racial, gender, generational and economic profiles. Figure 11.3 illustrates the rationalised success of the model in controlling the lives, and livelihoods, of people at a massive scale of inequity in the planning of South African Cities under the apartheid regime. The apartheid city model (Fig. 11.3) graphically illustrates the segregation of communities, based on racial profiling. The privileged “white” communities had closest proximity to the opportunities afforded in the city, while “black” communities were most distanced from such opportunities. Other non-white communities, predominantly “Indians” and “Coloureds”, would form social buffers. Natural and infrastructural buffers provided further layers of separation in the apartheid city model. Through a socio-spatial reading it, therefore, can be deduced that the geographic disconnection as a deliberate mechanism of the apartheid city, to segregate and control communities, poses a major challenge to spatially democratising the city. This segregated base of urban planning evolved over time and continues to define the infrastructural and socio-economic character of South African cities. It is evident that the apartheid city, when unpacked, represents, at its core, the basis of modernist

Fig. 11.3 Apartheid city model as an adaption of the modernist city plan (author)

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planning expressing elements such as land-use planning, zonal definition, infrastructural connections and environmental response. The associated norms, however, unfortunately perpetuate perceptions, attitudes and processes of apartheid spatial design some two and a half decades into the democratic era in South Africa. The apartheid city model continues to define the approaches of urban planning and design at various levels and structures; it remains deeply entrenched in the spatial form and structure of South African cities, presenting a difficult challenge to spatial transformation through inclusive city approaches. Freund (2010) affirms this reality by reference to the concept of layered change whereby a preceding era in the evolution of a city impacts its future adaptability. Du Plessis (2013) confirms the notion of reproduction of the apartheid city, referring to the critical position of Robins (2002) on the desegregation of the apartheid city. This challenge is reaffirmed in the National Development Plan 2030 (National Planning Commission 2012), which confirms that apartheid geography continues to define the structure and form of South African cities. However, while transformative legislation and initiatives speak of redress, the actual frameworks, principles and modes of thinking that inform urban design are still largely exclusive and predominantly shaped by apartheid design thinking. The prevalent epistemological approaches to urban analysis and design are so deeply entrenched that even the pockets of urban vitality that do exist go unnoticed; other approaches and other ways of making inclusive place may be just too inconvenient to the prevalent generic and universal methods of analysis and conception of urban place. These prevalent approaches, while industrially and infrastructurally efficient, inherently classify who and what is included and who and what is defined as “other” and “otherness”. In this false utopia, heterogeneous urban communities unwittingly become psycho-spatially and spiritually disenfranchised. The injustice of such exclusion is exacerbated in the global South whereby the people of the place are seen as the “other”, as migrants in the false utopias of urbanity. This is an absurd reality founded on confined modes of thinking that fuel deeply entrenched prejudices. The masculine dominated modes of definitive/silo thinking extend further, by exclusion of women, the elderly and children; all those who would be considered of lesser value to the capitalist agendas of the privileged. Given this context, the perceptions of “otherness”, I argue, are both defined and nurtured by exclusionary urban design attitudes. These false utopian modes of disconnected thinking and practice produce socially exclusive urban spaces that could turn into domains of intolerance such as xenophobia. If the urban inhabitants struggle for being and belonging in these false utopian structures, how could it be expected that immigrants can find any safe and nurturing place in urban society? It is upon this premise that I contend that the objectivist approaches of the global North require rethinking and deep critical interrogation in the context of their application to heterogeneous communities; they cannot continue to be allowed to solely define the strategies and design responses to the problems of the global South. It is reaffirmed that modernist approaches, have had the most impact on the theoretical and conceptual frameworks that define contemporary urban design theory and practice. Homogenous spatial identities and “re-dominance” of space through the utopian ideal, however, cannot be accepted in the guise of spatial transformation

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while different communities remain deprived and the threatened. This critical position inherently questions the epistemological bases that define modes of thinking and practice in urban design and architecture.

11.3 A Critique of Methods of Urban Analysis and Conceptualisation: Objectivist Planning Versus Responsive Frameworks This paper asserts that the fundamental problem of “placeless” in urban design and architecture at an epistemological level is an obsessive reliance on abstract processes of thinking and design that are formed within the silos of academia, disconnected from the realities of society/place. Decisions and strategies for spatial transformation are made in boardrooms, while design practice is confined to the cognitive attitudes of the schooled designer in the comfort of intellectual silos known as studios. Despite the evolution of urban design over more than a century, often the complex and indeterminate aspirations of human life are intrinsically excluded by design. Contemporary urban design methods, especially in the global South contexts, overlook the critical psycho-spiritual challenges of heterogeneous urban communities. The overt reliance on planning models of the industrial/modernist city, pushes forth a trajectory that counter-intuitively edges further away from people towards a false urban utopia for capital gain and generic/globally mediated solutions. Whether in the context of urban regeneration or the planning of new urban precincts, these approaches generally focus on the macro-scale of the city and the objects defining space at the micro-scale, inherently excluding the complex and multi-faceted needs and aspirations of people at physiological, psychological and spiritual realms of dwelling. The considerations, factors and principles defining urban design strategies are evidently similar, supported by standardised methodologies and tools of urban design, despite the nuances of the diverse, heterogeneous contexts of the global South. The development of theoretical frameworks and methodologies of urban design since the late nineteenth century promulgated scientific and abstract methodologies implicitly dismissive of the scales of urban dwelling of people in place and time. Abstraction would become synonymous with objectification whereby order and predictability gained precedence over organised chaos and the making of indeterminate places of choice and opportunities. I therefore assert that the predominant “tools” defining perception and conception of urban spaces, such as figure ground analysis, linkage and place theories (Fig. 11.4), all of which have immense value in planning and design would benefit from deeper considerations of dwelling in place. It must be noted that dwelling, in the context of this paper, assumes a phenomenological definition that includes being, experience and activity in place and should therefore not be confused with functional accommodation.

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Fig. 11.4 Analytical tools of urban design (author)

While the stated tools provide an invaluable basis for spatial analysis and design, their potential in practice has, however, been limited to the measurable/quantifiable attributes of space and place; they are generally determinate and definitive, formed by the observation of tangible phenomena. The consequent reductionist approaches to urban design/urban architecture, that tend towards convenience over complexity, inevitably perpetuate a definitive structuring of urban efficiency through objectivist design methodologies. A review of contemporary urban planning/urban design proposals and plans reveals a dominant focus on urban structuring elements such as transportation routes, vehicle access, parking, land use, densities, landscaping, building form and architectural “character”. Place-making is similarly reduced to the elements of definitive space, such as the physical relationship of built form to open space/solid-void relationships, streets as conduits for pedestrian “movement”, while an added layer of environmental responsivity also features in contemporary urban planning. More recently, the smart city concept has become increasingly lucrative. It is reasserted that the standardised modes of practice emanate from an epistemological problem whereby the dominance of the global North intellectual traditions and current trends promote methodologies of abstraction and convenience through socially disconnected silos of “expertise”, while the realities on the ground are generally ignored. The current realities facing contemporary cities of the global South raise critical questions of urban design: Is the city for people or is it for an exclusive elite, or even for a broader multi-national community of opportunists? Is this the reason for the perpetuation of urban design from the vantage point of a bird’s eye?

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It is upon these bases, the following section critically reviews the systemic epistemological assumptions that so often result in a paradox of intention against manifestation, while it concurrently presents alternative modes of thinking and practice.

11.4 An Alternative, Layered Methodology of Urban Analysis Whereas psychological mapping is an essential process of spatial perception and conception, modern design methodologies implicitly tend towards the “social” as spatially constructed, thereby compromising place as a social construct. While dreaming possibilities confined by intellectual traditions, the reliance on objective tools of analysis inadvertently become the counter-intuitive blinkers that inherently discard the value of multi-sensory and psychological perceptions of place. Consequently, the rhizomic, intangible layers of heterogeneous urban contexts go unnoticed, resulting in the characteristic practice of arrogant imposition on society, whereby the objectivist conception of space defines the construct of subjective social realities. This paper argues that the deep layers of intangible phenomena, characteristic of the dynamism through socio-spatial interaction and the interrelationships and interdependencies of complex variables that define urban place, alternatively, require an epistemological adjustment, particularly in the post-colonial societies of the global South. While the predominant mathematical/geometrical, abstract methods of spatial analysis and conception are invaluable to urban design, these have not been extensively explored to be able to interpret various socio-spatial dynamics at a human scale of dwelling. This paper therefore expounds a much more complex approach that exceeds the limitations of physical planning, to include psychological and spiritual layers in design methodology. The challenge to such approach, however, is the interpretation of subjectivity in objectively defined space. In this context, the extensive works of Christopher Alexander provide valuable reference to this discourse, to present a hybrid subjective–objective approach to urban analysis and design. Alexander’s advanced qualifications in mathematics and architecture led to a series of scholarly works that included Notes on a Synthesis of Form (Alexander 1964), A City is not a Tree (Alexander 1966), A Pattern Language (Alexander et al. 1977) and The Timeless Way of Building (Alexander 1979), in his early days, to The Nature of Order (Alexander 2001), among others. While many of his successors attempted to rationalise and simplify analysis and design through abstract and mathematical modelling, taking cues from Alexander himself, his works reveal a tacit realisation of an indeterminate, rhizomic spiritual quality connected to place, person and time, at the human scale of dwelling. Alexander expounded his attempt to understand the socio-spatial complexities of dwelling in place and time, in his book titled Notes on a Synthesis of Form

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(Alexander 1964), based on his PhD thesis in architecture that focussed on a study of a village in India. The findings of his thesis, in the search for beauty in order, revealed an approach that deeply connected to the natural flow and complex systems of place, whereby, the process and the act of design adopted a sensitive response to placemaking by reorganising or, what he referred to as, fixing “misfits”. This process expressed an alternative mode of analysis and practice—analysis through perception, and practice based on humility and paying homage to the natural complexity of human dwelling and vitality—not in any way an objectivist approach of dominance. It involved an intuitive or spiritual mode that would surrender the self-conscious act of design to the realm of the collective consciousness whereby subjectivity connected to objectivity in context. The approach essentially required a depth of understanding of the complexity of place in its various layers through the physiological and psycho-spiritual processes of being and dwelling that would define his perception of place in time complexity invariably involves unpredictability and in determination which Alexander, in The Nature of Order (Alexander 2001), presented as an approach to design that responded to the indeterminate choices that people make in the real world; a counter-position to the mainstream approach of design in the comfort of a disconnected silo—the design studio. The strong focus on in-determination and choices would catalyse a synthetic/synergistic approach that defined the genius of Alexander as he strived towards complexity by combining scientific methodology with a humanistic and artistic approach. One could argue that this was influenced by Alexander’s ingenious approach to complexity through choice, in his widely cited essay A City is not a Tree (Alexander 1966), which expounded a sort of formula for complexity in design by maximising opportunity, alternatives and choices. It is perhaps, in this work, that he most explicitly synthesised his mathematical faculty with his humanistic/intuitive and place-responsive design approach, where by his consideration of the intrinsic value of time emerged as a critical element of inclusive complexity in urban analysis and design. In this regard, the concept of “overlaps” and “subsets” cannot be merely objectively interpreted. It is in the unique places of hybridity formed by overlaps that various choices, physiological, psychological and spiritual, are revealed; they are the places of in-determination wherein the self and the collective—person/people—in place through time constantly redefine the nature of order, spatial definition, psychological interpretation and spiritual experience. The interrelationship of the person, place, time dynamic and the psycho-spiritual aspects of place was effectively motivated in Alexander’s The Timeless Way of Building (Alexander 1979), written thirteen years after A City is not a Tree (Alexander 1966). In this work, he referred to traditional ways of building whereby people realised beauty through place-making that connected the spirit of being in place—a timeless vibrancy of place through various temporal moments. He referred to this as a (spiritual) quality “QWAN”, an acronym for “quality without a name” (Alexander 1979). This perception of a serpentine/rhizomic spiritual quality of place added further layers of depth to the concept of genius loci, which could catapult thinking and practice into the realm of being and making. An analysis of the work of Alexander reveals a constant interaction between his rational/intellectual faculties and his experiential/intuitive/spiritual approaches

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of spatial analysis and definition; an object-subject interdependency that sought to understand the genius loci in depth through thinking and being. In this way, he realised a mutually inclusive approach of looking for truths/facts while simultaneously seeking value and meaning in place. The works are connected by a common factor, that abstract convenience is counter-productive to place-responsive design. This paper finds that the work of Alexander is itself an open-ended process that affords various reinterpretations by the reader or the designer, based on a deep consideration for the subjective experiences of people in place and time. It is therefore reaffirmed that inclusivity rests in the urban complexity defined by the subjective experience of dwelling and being within the objective definition of space; it is what transforms space into place at various scales of form on a constantly changing time scale. The socio-spatial dynamic/subject-object interdependency is a critical attribute of being and belonging in place. This is a challenge to truly inclusive urban design and architecture. My own perception of psycho-socio-spatial dynamics as indeterminate and fluid has been greatly influenced through my studies and experience, not only as an architect/scholar, but in music, specifically Indian classical music, in percussion and fusion music. Reflection through the experience of music led me to realise that designers are often so preoccupied with the measurable, quantifiable and objectifiable and thereby miss the psycho-spiritual aspect of being in the process of design itself. Some even attempt or make emphatic propositions that objectify the layered complexity of music into static form, by statements such as “architecture is frozen music”. I must admit, that in my 40 years of playing and exploring the complexity of music, at no point did it ever freeze. Indian music, as with jazz, fundamentally expresses meaning and beauty through improvisation; it is fluid and adaptable and reveals choices in response to people, place and the moments of time. Mansukani aptly captures the analogy of this type of music to architecture as subjective experience by stating: “In the West, we construct solid blocks of music. After having carved out geometrically, in large sections, like building stones, the seven degrees of the diatonic scale, lined them up and placed them on top of each other according to cleverly worked out architectural laws which are called counterpoint and harmony. In this way we erected splendid edifices in sound. In the East, no one dreamed of dividing sound into blocks; instead they refined it to a wire-thin thread. They strove meticulously to stretch out the sound, to refine it to the point of extreme delicacy… No standardised materials, no building of two or six or ten floors; rather a simple variegated silk thread which unwinds and rises and falls imperceptibly, but which in every tiniest portion evokes a world of feelings and sensations.” (Mansukhani 1982:1). Alexander’s reference to architecture as generated out of various possibilities and choice, and Mansukani’s architectural analogy of the indeterminate quality of Indian music inherently poses critical questions of predictable and predetermined modalities of urban analysis and design. The critical perspectives of scholars such as Alexander and Mansukani are drawn out of a deep connection with place and time, thereby revealing clues for an alternative method of urban design and architecture that transcends the prevalent preoccupation with universal norms and formulae, whereby urban inclusivity cannot be achieved through disconnected cognition without the

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recognition of existing complexity through perception, feeling and being in place defined by people and time. This leads the discussion to a case study based on a critical comparative interpretation of three different precincts in the city of Durban, South Africa, through the phenomenological lenses of consciousness and dwelling. Reference is made to the abstract modes of design of the Point Waterfront precinct, and the Historical colonial centre in a comparative analysis with the indeterminate complexity of the Grey Street district, in search of an alternate approach to urban analysis—an alternative epistemological position.

11.5 Case Study: A Critical Comparative Analysis of the Point Waterfront District with the Central Colonial District and the Grey Street District of Durban The urban development nodes of Durban that sprouted since the turn of the millennium focussed on mixed use-development precincts defined by principles such as integrated development, sustainability and liveability; however, the reality is that these objectives have in many instances not quite materialised as vibrant live, work, play precincts. How did this happen? Upon a review of the respective development strategies and plans, it was found that the major foci are actually not about the aspirations and multiple-layered needs of people, however, principles such as connectivity, transport and spatial zoning, among others, predominate. The Point Waterfront Development (Fig. 11.5) defined by a planned system of built form connected via landscaped open spaces was derived from sensible and valid planning decisions; however, the current reality at street level presents a counterreality. This precinct epitomises a utopian dream concept of urban regeneration; however, an emptiness of urban life reveals a disconcerting desolation at street level (Fig. 11.6). It fundamentally lacks that QWAN to which Alexander (1979) refers. A preoccupation with infrastructural connectivity and optimisation frequently translates into spatial dominance of the “towers of privilege” that look down upon streets of intense desolation. This reality of placelessness, referred to as “atopia” by Menin (2003), often manifests as a paradox to the intentions of urban revitalisation/regeneration. Despite various good intentions, the precinct presently reveals under-utilised and lost spaces, which were alternatively conceptualized to have been vibrant social spaces (Fig. 11.7a, b). My own recent experience of walking through the space, during which the photograph (Fig. 11.7a) was taken, left me feeling completely displaced, psychologically and emotionally, to a point of despondency. This happened during the writing of this paper. It was around midday on a Saturday when I decided to park my car on a vacant site at the Southern end of the precinct so that I could wander along that picturesque

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Fig. 11.5 Point waterfront concept plan (modified image from google earth, 2020)

Fig. 11.6 Point waterfront—desolation of street (google earth, 2020)

canal between the towering new buildings. As I entered this zone, I immediately felt completely exposed and psychologically lost in a place of desolation at ground level. The only clues of life were the shouting of inhabitants in a tower who looked down on me in this desolate “ecological” corridor, and a group of young adults who were loitering and indulging while passing derogatory and socially offensive slurs towards me from a distance, making it very clear that I did not belong there. On reflection, that group of young adults was also psychologically out of place, they also did not feel a

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Fig. 11.7 a Counter-intuitive lost space (author) b Layering of edges as barriers of exclusion (author)

conscious belonging to the place. This is the unfortunate reality of exclusive design strategies for a utopian dream that fuels psychological and emotional placelessness whereby all that dwell in such utopian paradox naturally form psychological barriers of “otherness”, compromising social cohesivity. It is the very outcome of modern abstract methodologies of imposition on context that form these psycho-social and socio-economic layers of exclusion through spatial exclusivity. A critique of the predominant contemporary design approaches reveals a lack of engagement with the complexity of heterogeneous dwelling in place and time at the human scale. Upon critical reflection of the absence of urban vitality expressed by

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many new developments, the one factor that stands out is that of an under-considered temporal scale. The time needed to interpret and understand the complexities of place requires deep engagement at a level of consciousness that synthesises both an imagined past, a lived past and the continuous present through subjective perception. This is, however, generally unconsidered as design solutions are produced at high speed, utilising universal methodologies in socially disconnected studios. This critique raises an important consideration that requires discussion—the possibilities of learning from the pockets of urban vitality, wherever these may exist, by subjective engagement with heterogeneous urban communities in place through conscious dwelling along various moments in time. In this regard, the Grey Street (Yusuf Dadoo Street) district, a part of the broader Warwick Junction precinct in Durban (Fig. 11.8), is analysed to understand its expression as a heterogeneous urban gallery and theatre of rich complexity. The experiential mode of subjective–objective perception, through dwelling at the level of consciousness, defines a critical process in finding clues for alternative modes of urban analysis and design. The Grey Street district is an apt case that expresses layers of place that could not have been achieved through abstract analysis and conception alone. While this

Fig. 11.8 Grey street district in the Warwick junction precinct ( modified from google earth, 2020)

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precinct can be analysed through spatial maps, such as figure ground drawings and linkage drawings, these would fall short of capturing the incidental spirit of place in time, the QWAN (Alexander 1979), at the human scale of dwelling in the “microurban” space. Historically, the Grey Street district had been defined as a live, work, play precinct that was built by the Indian community in resistance to the exclusionary laws of the British government during the late nineteenth century. Essentially, the Grey Street district developed through the resilience of displaced people as a dual city to the British City centre of Durban. It broke away from the modernist notion of a CBD as it was inherently an inclusive place in which to live, play and work. The urban vitality of the district became so as a result of a complex indeterminate way of defining dwelling place through built form and architecture, whereby arcaded pavements would front shops, above which the respective owners resided (Figs. 11.9 and 11.10). The streets served commercial and retail functions during the day while transforming into heterogeneous social spaces of interaction during the night. Alternatively, the British colonial centre expressed a different urban quality defined by a strong concept of centre that delineated built form from open space. An interesting observation is derived from the figure ground analysis of these two town centres (Figs. 11.11 and 11.12). The observation is firstly based on the abstract spatial analysis which is then critically analysed in relation to the socio-spatial transformation over time—colonial against the contemporary reality. An abstract desktop figure ground analysis, Fig. 11.11, expresses a structured grid formation of streets lined by built form on its edges. The open space system is apparently monotonous and uncomplex. Figure 11.12, on the other hand, reveals a complexity of spatial form that expresses the concepts of place-making and fluidity affording various transitions through

Fig. 11.9 Arcaded architecture grey street (google earth, 2020)

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Fig. 11.10 Arcaded architecture grey street—live, work, play environment (author)

open spaces, including green spaces. The methodology of abstract spatial analysis using modern tools would, therefore, evaluate Fig. 11.12 as significantly more complex/inclusive than Fig. 11.11. While such analysis at the urban scale, using valid and reliable methods, is used to evaluate and justify complexity, a perceptual analysis through dwelling in place and time, at the scale of architecture and human dwelling, reveals a very different reality, which is further contended when considering the temporal transformation of these districts. The historical urban narratives of Durban express a sort of tale of two cities; an ordered British centre (Fig. 11.13) that is counter-balanced by a “disordered” IndoAfrican city (Fig. 11.14a, b). The former being bold and of measurable intensity and structured harmony, while the latter expresses various moments of improvisation and spontaneity. The transformation of the British colonial centre compared to that of the Grey Street district along a temporal scale expresses different forms of spatial evolution and socio-spatial dynamics. The British Centre, defined by the monumental scale of buildings as icons of power, function and formal economy continue to present as dominant objects in space that overlook the open public spaces; a temporal spirit of the place locked in the layers of history expressed in the built form. What is it that makes the Grey Street district a subject of intrigue and curiosity of urban/architectural scholars, local and from abroad? The latent QWAN (Alexander1979) of the Grey Street timeless genius loci would afford new possibilities and opportunities complementary to the inherent quality of place, while the QWAN of the Colonial district would replace the socio-economic dynamics of the open spaces with a different social, economic and cultural expression. While the former stimulates a subjective consciousness of being in place that evolved through a continuum, the latter presents a different, dialogical relationship of objective built form with indeterminate open spaces that radically changed between eras in the political history of South Africa.

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Fig. 11.11 Figure ground: grey street district (author)

During the transition to democracy in South Africa, urban contexts changed in respect of their socio-economic expression, as the historically disenfranchised and marginalised communities would find places of being, belonging and dwelling in the city. Despite the increase in the urban population and diversity, criticised by the “old guard” as being invasive, messy and chaotic, the Grey Street district, in a subdued melody almost imperceptibly, progressively transformed its placeness through inclusivity of diversity and intense human activity. The timeless arcades would easily accommodate a dialogical relationship between formal shops and informal trade forming inclusive places of being. The Grey Street built form and architecture there by expresses a latent rhizomic spirit of place that evolved over time, whereby the transition from the apartheid city to the democratic city complemented an inherent vitality of place.

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Fig. 11.12 Figure ground: central “colonial” district (author)

To understand the complexity of the Grey Street district as an urban place over time, I had to immerse myself into the various moments of dwelling therein. The subjective conscious experience through time would reveal layers of timelessness at various scales and forms inclusive of person (I)and the community, in different places of dwelling, formed by a layered architecture of complexity. The arcaded architecture of the district presents a myriad of moments of overlaps and transitions through place and time, wherein the multiple layers of the urban context play out in a place-persontime dynamic continuum; a continuous presence through the interplay of the rhizomic QWAN with the tangible elements defining genius loci. The entire district expresses a theatrical QWAN analogous with the layered complexity of eastern music. This district could be said to epitomise the East–West dialectical tension so aptly expressed in musical metaphor by Mansukhani (1982). The urban narrative of the Grey Street

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Fig. 11.13 The British colonial centre (author)

Fig. 11.14 a and b The Indo-African city (author)

district is complexly variegated and delicate, expressing opportunities, possibilities and choices afforded at various scales of place and time. The comparative case study through, the conceptual lenses of abstract analysis and subjective perception at the level of consciousness, defined the key proposition of this paper, towards an inclusive methodology of urban design and architecture. The case studies revealed an interesting reality that questions the objectivist approaches of modern urban design, that of desolation by design manifesting as, what Trancik

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(1986) refers to as lost space, in the Waterfront precinct, and an alternative incidental vibrancy/urban vitality in the Grey Street district. The inherent urban complexity, both subtly and vividly, revealed a latent hidden curriculum that could only be understood through the subjective layers of being and dwelling over time. These objective and subjective factors define the principles of an alternative methodology that aims towards people-centredness and inclusivity in urban design.

11.6 Towards an Inclusive Urban Design Methodology The critical proposition of this paper is formed on the argument that an alternative methodology for urban analysis and urban design requires a complex integration of objective analysis and subjective perception to be able to understand the tangible, hard, objective layers with the intangible, soft, subjective layers of context’ while it seeks to unearth the spirit of the place at a level of consciousness. This requires the inclusion of alternative modes of thinking and practice that embrace complexity above the convenience of abstraction. Analysis therefore requires the inclusion of the vital tensions between person, space and time, as critical determinants of urban place; it requires a hybrid methodology of objective analysis and subjective perception—an objective adjustment through a subjective approach. Placed-based epistemologies of the South provide various clues and alternatives to the dominant global North approaches, and these require further research and development. The “progressive” agendas of the industrialised city and the prevalent focus on smart cities cannot be successful if they do not acknowledge and embrace the complexity of place-based/indigenous knowledge systems that characterise precincts such as the Grey Street district. This counter-response to the prevalent utopian, single-futures ideals fundament on a materialistic understanding of reality as finite, is affirmed by Markley, Harmon and Elgin (in Inyutullah 2005) who elucidate that the modernist image of man as economic worker has reached a point of exhaustion and is being critically questioned. In this regard, Inyatullah (2005) refers to a fourth bottom line that elevates sustainable development into a realm that transcends a materialistic/objective understanding of reality towards the concept of holistic wellbeing in the physical, psychological and spiritual spheres of being. The subjective perception of urban realities at the level of consciousness, further, relates to Inayatullah’s reference to measuring the immeasurable—the subjective conscious perception of the objective variables. This position is supported by the criticism of western methodologies by Overmars (2010), that tend to compartmentalise nature for the purpose of analysis, arguing for a balance of analysis with synthesis in a complex hybrid approach to understanding the nature of reality and being in the temporal scale. While people in place provide a rich gallery for perceptual analysis, the dynamism of time is a critical informant of responsive design. One of the primary compromises to effective responsive urban design, however, is that the predominantly objectivist approaches generally consider time as frozen, whereby, the process of design is fixed

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within predefined time frames, an imagined extended moment in time. Urban vitality, as revealed in the case study, is much more about dynamic time frames defined by the interdependency of various moments—an interplay of macro- to micro-time scales to the human scale of consciousness in place. Time is a critical determinant whereby an objectively defined space could transform through different scales of temporality such as century, decade, season, day or even an alternating moment such as the change of a traffic light and its consequent impact on the character of place. The critical interdependencies between natural time, such as day and night and artificial time such as the moment of change of a traffic light, have immense impact on the dynamic transformation of space into place. Urban design and architecture therefore require a scale of measurement beyond physical units, to time scales. It is at the scale of the moment, that design would be able to respond to the real complexity of urbanism in its multiple layers. Analysis and conception of place, therefore, can never be independent of the multisensory perceptions of people, in place through time. In fact, some of the most vibrant places in any city become so through this people, time place dynamic, even when socially exclusive spaces were produced by design itself, therefore urban place-making is an evolutionary process that develops interconnectedly and systemically through time, rather than any singular act of will or genius (Luckan 2015). For this to be possible, the researcher/designer would have to become the subject itself in objective space—immersed within the phenomenological scale of dwelling. This presents an epistemological shift from abstract analysis of urbanity from a distance, to multisensory, psychological and spiritual interpretations of place as dynamic and constantly changing. At a phenomenological level, the activation of consciousness at an experiential level provides interpretation and conception that far exceed any Cartesian approach to spatial definition. In this paradigm, the method of spatial interpretation would shift from the physiological to a deeply spiritual state of being/dwelling in place and time—a subjective approach and objective adjustment. Consequently, the designer would be the subject participant in place as an agent of urban transformation through progressive and inclusive design. This requires a psycho-physical proximity of the designer to people in place to be able to interpret the existential qualities of place through time. It must be noted, however, that what Western intellectualisation categorises as phenomenological, the East and global South deem as normal; this certainly expresses in culture, such as music as well as the socio-spatially organised chaos such as the Grey Street district. To be able to tap into the realm of place-consciousness, it is vital that designers give up their expert cultures and start to engage with spatial analysis through place-based methodologies inclusive of the physical, psychological and spiritual qualities of place. This approach inevitably requires an epistemological shift that balances objective analysis with subjective perception. It requires the complex integration of multiple intelligences with multiple experiences; the core informant of this complexity cannot be the objective built form, rather it is the designer’s consciousness as subjective interpretation of the collective consciousness of people in place and time. This is vital to be able to perceive the complex layers of place, the soft intangible

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in relation to the hard tangible, to be able to shift towards an inclusive/humanistic approach to design. This discussion of an alternative methodology highlights the importance of complexity through the constant and dynamic interplay of analytical objectivity with subjective consciousness to be able to understand the nature of reality (epistemology) and the nature of being (ontology) towards responsive methodologies of urban design. The alternative methodology proposed in this paper would combine philosophical positions with the empirical evidence embedded in places such as the Grey Street precinct, whereby the measurable and the immeasurable would form a hybrid and deeply complex inquiry to be able to interpret and enhance the spirit of place. It is a bottom-up approach deeply respectful and connected to people in place through multiple moments of time; an inherently inclusive methodology defined by the complex epistemologies of the South, for the development and advancement of inclusive cities.

11.7 Conclusion The paper revealed that the predominant quest for quantifying and codifying complexity in urban analysis and design is rather counter-intuitive and essentially mutually exclusive of subjective conscious interpretation and objective rational analysis. Whereas the generic and universal references to knowledge and data are convenient and somewhat necessary, complexity requires an alternative epistemological approach founded in place-based, perceptive learning from the city as a gallery of narratives and theatre of performance. The Grey Street case study provided valuable lessons for a subject-object balanced approach of analysis and conception of place through the process of dwelling at the level of consciousness. It is strongly recommended that this district be studied in detail by scholars of architecture and urbanism as well as the decision makers and policy developers of the city, as the history of this district could provide numerous clues and possibilities for sustainable and inclusive urban development. While historical methods provide valuable references for urban analysis, strategy and design decisions, these, however, require an alternative methodology. The paper therefore propositioned a deep, sensitive and perception at the level of consciousness to be able to interpret the natural patterns that define the complexity of place in time. Urban analysis and design will have to therefore find ways of effectively analysing the subjective social dynamics as spatial construct on a variable temporal scale. This provides an opportune basis for further research in alternative methodologies towards inclusive urban design. The paper concluded by affirming that the bases of assumptions about design and its methodologies require an epistemological shift towards decentralised, placebased, alternative systems. Further research and implementation of the epistemologies of the South are necessary if urban design is to achieve any advancement towards socially, psychologically and spiritually inclusive cities.

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References Alexander C (1964) Notes on the synthesis of form. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, USA Alexander C (1966) A city is not a tree design. Lond Counc Ind Des 206:1–17 Alexander C, Ishikawa S, Silverstein M (1977) A pattern language. Oxford University Press, New York, NY, USA Alexander C (1979) The timeless way of building. Oxford University Press, New York, NY, USA Alexander C (2001) The nature of order, the phenomenon of life; center forenvironmental structure, vol 1. CA, USA, Berkeley Chapin FS Jr, Kaiser EJ (1985) Urban land use planning, 3rd edn. University of Illinois Press, Chicago Du Plessis DJ (2013) A critical reflection on urban spatial planning practices and outcomes in post-apartheid South Africa. Urban Forum. Springer Science + Business Media: Dordrecht Freund B (2010) Is there such a thing as a post-apartheid city? WIDER Inyatullah S (2005) Spirituality as the fourth bottom line? Futures 37:573–579 Luckan Y (2015) The human city: people, place and time as critical determinants of urban quality. Tsinghua University, Urban Design Journal, vol 2. pp 48–63 Lynch K (1960) The image of the city. The Technology Press and Harvard University Press, Cambridge, pp 1–117 Mansukhani GB (1982) Indian classical music and Sikh Kirtan—Indian music versus western music. www.sikhnet.com/sikhnet/gurbani.nsf. Accessed: 14 Feb 2018 11.54 a.m Menin S (2003) Constructing place: mind and matter. Routledge, London and New York National Planning Commission (2012) National development plan: vision for 2030. Pretoria: National Planning Commission Overmars D (2010) Indigenous knowledge, community and education in a western system: an integrative approach. First Peoples Child Fam Rev 5(2):88–95 Robins S (2002) At the limits of spatial governmentality: a message from the tip of Africa. Third world quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1080/0143659022000005328 Trancik R (1986) Finding lost space. Van Nostrand, New York Working Paper, No. 2010/48, ISBN 978-92-9230-285-6. The United Nations university world institute for development economics research (UNU-WIDER): Helsinki

Chapter 12

Adaptive Reuse Strategies in Durban Inner City Using Hybrid Mapping Tools Viloshin Govender and Claudia Loggia

Abstract In Durban, South Africa, the apartheid planning legacy led to the creation of various development nodes within the city. Nevertheless, such nodes are most often developer-driven and do not cater to the needs of existing communities. The resultant effect is the lost and insurgent space created between urban nodes within the city. Insurgency can be seen in the form of informal settlements, self-help housing and urban homesteaders (squatters and homeless, using private property or government land). Sociocultural segregation, urban despair, insurgency and lost space now exist between these nodes. In response to these challenges, adaptive reuse of buildings and urban space represents a sustainable solution by extending buildings’ life and reducing the overall carbon footprint. Low-carbon emissions are a key component of sustainable urban environments and in turn contribute to mitigate the consequences of climate change. Such approach forms part of sustainable urban regeneration, with social and economic benefits to society. To develop sustainable urban neighbourhoods all stakeholders and inhabitants need to be meaning fully involved, towards more resilient cities. This paper applied a set of hybrid mapping tools—drone mapping, transect walks, sketches and observations—to capture lost and insurgent space. This helped defining lost and abandoned space within the study area, to understand how it is currently being used and evaluate its potential for adaptive reuse. By mapping spaces between development nodes in three case studies in Durban inner city, this paper seeks to analyse characteristics and factors that should be considered to determine the adaptive reuse potential of buildings, towards developing more inclusive and resilient cities. Keywords Lost spaces · Insurgency · Hybrid mapping · Development nodes · Adaptive reuse · Resilient cities

V. Govender (B) · C. Loggia Department of Architecture, University of KwaZulu- Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_12

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12.1 Introduction Durban is a South African city planned on apartheid principles. The apartheid city was designed as a response to the urban crisis of the 1940s, whereby policies of racial segregation and spatial management were used to structure the racial city form (Hindson 1996). The city of Durban was initially conceived as a port city. Its location and proximity to the sea, determined various nodes to form, differentiating between commerce, residential, work and recreation. A massive restructuring of the city occurred between 1950 and 1960, involving the forced removal of people, racially segregating them away from the nodes within the city (Freund 2001). This has led to the creation of nodes within the city, which are dominated by large national and international companies and other developer-driven nodes that focus mainly on tourist and commercial attractions. These nodes separate themselves from the Durban Central Business District (CBD), creating divisions between the cultural, socio-economic and spatial hierarchies. The resultant effect is the lost space created between urban nodes within the city. Often, it can be observed that while the design of buildings is technically and structurally competent, it fails to meet the changing demands over time of both the users and managers (Dewar 2004). When buildings fail to adapt to change, they produce dead space. Ridged zoning, unrealistic valuation methods and levels of compensation can lead to the neglect of these buildings (Darley 1978). Nevertheless, architects hope for a building’s immortality and seek to design the perfect fit between form and context at a particular moment in time, when the building is designed (Mitchell and Tang 2018). Sociocultural segregation, urban despair, insurgency and lost space now coexist between the nodes. By applying the Kevin Lynch’s ‘image of the city’ (Lynch 1960), this paper seeks to map current uses, attributes and socio-economic factors, to identify attributes that will trigger links between nodes to activate change for holistic community development. It is envisaged that a bottom-up approach can help to re-stich the fragmented spaces that exist between the urban nodes of the city. Such approach implies the co-production between local residents, professionals (e.g. planners, architects, engineers) and municipal officials, to reorganize the space so that it can be adapted to the existing socio-economic needs of the inhabitants and users. As part of a doctoral study and a broader project on building urban resilience in African cities,1 this paper focuses on the concept of adaptive reuse by applying a grassroots approach to identify underpinning factors that can contribute to a set of guidelines to assist municipality, professionals and NGOs in the process of urban regeneration. The overarching aim of this study is to develop an adaptive reuse framework, based on participatory approaches, to redesign and stitch together the 1

The BURSAC project (Building Urban Resilience in African Cities) funded through a Royal Society Newton Advanced Fellowship, seeks to develop a decision-support framework for the development of self-reliant communities, understanding the issues of vulnerability, community resilience and adaptive capacity.

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urban development nodes within the city. This study has two main objectives: understanding how lost space is (or can be) used by the residents and relinking such spaces to the existing urban nodes towards more inclusive cities.

12.2 Urban Resilience Resilience refers to the capability of individuals, social groups or social ecological systems including towns and cities to not only live with changes, disturbances, adversities or disasters but also to adapt, innovate and transform into new desirable configurations (Harrison et al. 2014). The literature on urban resilience is quite new in the field of the built environment, specifically relating to buildings as being part of the resilience that defines our urban context. The concept of resilience, in the urban context, was borrowed from studies on the manner in which ecological systems cope with stresses and disturbances caused by external factors (Jabareen 2013). Resilience can be explored through various types of research such as environmental studies, disaster prevention, climate change reduction strategies and other forms related to forecasting. Most cities around the world such as China, European cities, America, South Africa and Brazil are adapting and challenging their urban frameworks to create resilient cities. Resilient cities focus primarily on disaster management and vulnerability but have evolved to accommodate a multitude of factors that affect cities today (Wikström 2013). Urban resilience as defined by Frantzeskaki (2016) is the capacity of urban systems, communities, individuals, organizations and business to recover and maintain their function and thrive in the aftermath of a shock or stress. This definition analyses the city from an ecological perspective and does not embody the complexity of urban environments. One of the most challenging parts of urban resilience theories is applying a trans-disciplinary approach. By integrating multiple disciplines, it would integrate a variety of urban dimensions such as social, economic, cultural, environmental, spatial and physical infrastructure (Jabareen 2013). This new approach would address gaps in the field of urban resilience and offer a conceptual framework for understanding the complexities of urban resilience. In South Africa, due to apartheid planning, space was predominantly defined by racial separation. The current literature on urban resilience fails to analyse urban resilience from the urban segregation perspective. In South Africa, after the Group Areas Act, social and economic class divides communities, and it is that understanding that urban planners and architects needs to acknowledge in order to create resilient cities. Factors such as informality, ecological economics, spatial urban form and spatial planning need to be integrated and studied as a co-design between architects and urban planners to aid in creating resilient cities (Jabareen 2011). The future of cities is in understanding the complex organisms that exist within it. Social factors such as commerce, leisure, residential, informal trade and transport create urban spaces. Urban spaces can be contested politically and spatially,

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by marginal groups such as migrants, illegal shack dwellers and informal traders, who seek to define the space that best suits them. The modernist planners and architects approach was to ignore traditional urban fabric and create their own modernist solutions such as large-scale master planned developments, gated communities and settlements planned from the top-down (Caliskan and Marshall 2011). They set out to create new cities for societies, rather than adapting cities to the need for growth (Fitting 2002). The failure of modernist planning is the dislocation of urban design from socio-spatial concerns such as public good, social and environmental justice, ecological sustainability, socio-economic diversity and fairness (Caliskan and Marshall 2011). Urbanization has caused cities to become leading centres of global consumption, production and pollution (McCormick et al. 2012). To make cities resilient to the demands of society as well as other factors, it is crucial to incorporate drivers of change such as governance and planning, innovation and competitiveness and lifestyle and consumption. The main challenge is to broaden the views and go beyond resilience in relation to climate change and natural disasters, but to go further and understand the social, cultural, economic, and spatial factors that make up a city (Wikstöm 2013).

12.3 Insurgency and Lost Spaces Within the City The Theory of Insurgency originated as a social theory defined by Henri Lefebvre (1991) as ‘the right to the city’ (Harvey 2012). Architects and planners have not foreseen this as a threat affecting cities today. Insurgency occurs when periods of mass urbanization influence the mass influx of people into cities, and therefore, cities become hosts of space to insurgent citizenship (Holston 2009). Lefebvre’s notion of space encompasses much more than a physical space. He defines space through its three dimensions: ‘perceived’ space, ‘conceived’ space and ‘lived’ space. The perceived space is relatively objective for the viewer and represents the daily environment. The conceived space is instead the mental construction of space, which corresponds to the ‘space without life’. ‘Lived’ space is the complex combination of perceived and conceived spaces (Lefebvre 1991). This definition of space by Lefebvre stitches the social constructs of space and the structural construction of space together. Therefore, the process of mapping and designing urban spaces in cities should consider the various definitions of space that make up public, private and social spaces. In South Africa, due to apartheid planning and policies (Seekings 2000), space was not conceived as a social factor that would allow for social integration. In particular, the spatial structure of the city of Durban is not the result of planned growth or a vision of urban form—but instead is consequence of past race-based planning and the extension of its boundaries over time to incorporate low-density urban settlements and adjoining farmlands. Thus, the city is spatially fragmented, vast and complex

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Fig. 12.1 Lost spaces in-between buildings in Durban. (Source Authors)

and economic uses are spatially segregated from residential uses (EThekwini 2016) (Figs. 12.1 and 12.2). The static and heterogeneous spaces within the city are often claimed by one group of society, usually informal dwellers, who claim their ‘right to the city’ because of socio-economic opportunities and political factors. Holston (2008) defines insurgent citizens as forms of agency by which marginalized end excluded citizens, manage to destabilize entrenched modes of discrimination and domination through practices that reshape urban landscapes, opening the way for new claims and political voice (Latta 2014). Nelet al. (2013) define insurgency as change and how systems respond to change. Lefebvre (1996) argues that public spaces and cities need to shift away from capital and the state and move towards urban inhabitants, meaning that people should define their public spaces (Purcell 2002). Lefebvre rejected the physical definition of space by architects and planners; he argues that social relations are spatial and connected to space. Therefore, Lefebvre defines space as a product of social relations as well as a social political product (Babere 2015). Planning of urban spaces in cities needs to encompass the various definitions of spaces that make up public, private and social spaces, in order to understand how spaces are used and perceived in cities today. In the city, the spaces that are susceptible to being ‘taken over’ and claimed are the spaces in between (alleyways), wedges, redundant spaces, rooftops, voids and spaces below (bridges and flyovers). In Durban, squatters take over unoccupied pieces

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Fig. 12.2 Abandoned buildings in Durban. (Source Authors)

of land, claiming them, erecting structures and create communities and economic opportunities to sustain themselves. Areas surrounding the CBD and inner parts of the city centre prove to be valuable spaces for insurgent citizens. Architecture and built environment play an important part in the insurgency phenomenon and lost space. In fact, public spaces, amenities and buildings in the city can become space for revolution and resistance for those who stake to claim their right to the city.

12.4 Adaptive Reuse Towards Sustainable Urban Environments Adaptive reuse of buildings and urban space forms a critical component in creating sustainable urban environments. Today, adaptive reuse refers to the reuse of sites or buildings for purposes other than what they were originally built or designed for, adapting it to new needs of the users. The new uses can offer economic, social and cultural benefits to their environments (Moshaver 2009). Reusing existing buildings is a more sustainable option than demolishing and rebuilding and offers economic savings as well as creating memory stimulators for the urban environment. Thus, adaptive reuse architecture is concerned with buildings that adapt to their environment and to their inhabitants either automatically or through human intervention (Shishavan and Shishavan 2013). The first one could be achieved through the use of technical systems, such as Louvre systems, photovoltaic panels and shading devices that allow the building to automatically adapt and change to stresses such

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as climate control, indoor air quality and energy consumption. Human intervention instead refers to the building adapting to socio-economic needs of users relating to spatial requirements. This type of adaptation cannot be automatic as it is based on an individual’s needs. Adaptive reuse offers two forms of sustainability, social and environmental sustainability. The latter relates to climate sustainability, which deals with energy consumption and material performances in buildings. Social sustainability relates to living in a community, whereby social structures can affect architecture and play an important role in the memory and identity of a community. Rapoport (1982) states that the most effective factors related to how buildings are perceived and used are inspired by the human mind, such as living styles, symbols and taboos. Thus, the building is a reflection of the society and becomes a symbol for that. Adaptive reuse plays an important role in preserving these mental images for communities to relate to buildings in their environment. Old buildings and, in particular, historic industrial buildings, are not only essential towards increasing the financial city standing, but through conservation, preservation and reuse actions, are also considered important for preserving the local collective memory to pass on to younger generations, the local and even national cultural identity (Vardopoulos 2019). Addressing crucial aspects of city despair such as urban decay, the lack of safety, urban sprawl and negligence, the attractiveness rates resulting in the revitalization processes of the urban fabric add overall quality to the city (ibid).

12.5 Methodological Approach 12.5.1 Mapping Lost Spaces Using Hybrid Tools Planners, architects and urban designers need facts that can be translated into figures and statistics, which are communicated to policy-makers and officials working in highly politicized, turbulent environments (Dandekar 2005). A humanistic approach to the research problem allows the research to view the social realities of a site, understanding its social orders, oral histories, use of spaces and allow the researcher to be closer to the community being investigated (Brymann 1988; Buraway 1991; Jorgenson 1989; Dandekar 2005). This study proposes a range of research tools and techniques, drawn from various disciplines, to effectively deal with space and its users. As such, research can then respond to both professionals and communities and effectively communicate to both. Ellis (2005) argues that the planning profession needs to do a better job of synthesizing all of its research into the creation of great places. This would include critical elements for planners to consider such as methods for site analysis for capturing the ‘sense of place’, methods for public participation, methods for design of cities and

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Table 12.1 Research tools applied to analyse lost space in the case study area Set of hybrid tools used to analyse lost space Observation Photography Transect walks with residents Drone mapping Collaborative mapping with residents Focus group discussions with residents Building checklist (meta-model)

Qualitative √

Quantitative

√ √ √ √

√

√ √

regions, methods for writing administration and building codes and methods of evaluating the built environment. In order to create good cities these methods should be combined to synthesize qualitative and quantitative data to create good city spaces. This study applied a hybrid set of mapping tools to analyse lost spaces as shown in Table 12.1. The first tool proposed to capture the characteristics of the study area is a collaborative mapping process. This method was employed with selected residents living in the case study area. The general approach is based on a community engagement model developed by African Centre for Cities (Gurney et al. 2014). The collaborative mapping approach deals with the lived experiences of communities within a specific area. Inspired by this model, the authors developed a new hybrid mapping methodology based on the combination of participatory mapping with drone photography, which leads to a 4D-lived map (Govender and Loggia 2017). The process of collaborative mapping can test problematic issues of policy when related to the built environment and how they affect community lives and their responses to it (Stokols et al. 2013). The response of mere stories that a person or community experiences and shares towards the mapping process, integrates the diverse experiences, knowledge and memories found in a place. The use of sketches done by the community in the mapping processes provides multiple forms for expression, that allow communication of every-day experiences and sentiments that may be difficult to put into words (ibid.). The ‘4D-lived’ maps are different from the ones usually used by municipality, planners and architects as they encompass the social and cultural factors of the community. The mapping process involved interviews and sketches, and overlaying these factors assists in producing an accurate representation of a place. One could fully understand the social, physical and economic conditions of a site through these maps. They also categorize important features found in cities, paths, nodes, edges, landmarks and districts. Lynch’s (1960) mapping techniques have become an important technique in understanding the complexities and dynamism of urban spaces where one object relies on the other to exist in the urban fabric. The 4D-lived map

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goes beyond Lynch’s map as it captures experiences, socio-economic conditions and lost space. The methodology implies the use of drone technology to capture the selected site, while providing new perspectives (for example 3D views, bird-eye views, etc.) for space representation. The drone imagery also produces quantitative data (e.g. topographic info, altitude, etc.) that can add to the reliability and rigour of the research as it follows a set method, which can be reproduced to test results and findings. The combination of drone imagery with collaborative mapping (Dobson et al. 2015) methods produces accurate ‘lived’ maps which encompass the general topography, spatial, social, economic and political dynamics of a chosen site to create a 4D-spatial map (Loggia and Govender 2020). The dilapidated buildings in an inner area of Durban (the Point Development) will be analysed to identify the implementation approaches, applications, methodologies and impacts on the architectural adaptability and resilience. In order to make recommendations to stitch urban nodes together, spaces that exist in the urban fabric need to be analysed to determine their future intended use. Building are key components of this analysis. When observing buildings, photography plays a key role in identifying buildings for reuse. Photography also allows easy capture of lost space; this would be informed by the leftover spaces in the urban fabric as well as the residents’ use of spaces. Through an initial transect walk, urban spaces have been photographed by a hand-held camera and drone photography. The drone allows the researcher to gain a different perspective when looking at space. The photographs allow the researcher to capture spatial qualities of the environment as well as identify degraded and abandoned buildings. Unexpected places that people use can also be observed and captured. After the transect walks and the photographic analysis were finalized with members of the Point community, a checklist related to the adaptive reuse potential of the area was completed with the residents, to determine if a derelict building should be selected to adaptively reuse. The focus group included members living and working in the Point Development area to give first-hand experience of the spaces and buildings within the point. The participants varied in ages between 18 and 55 and allowed for a diverse and rich discussion on various storytelling and experiences in the point. Some of the participants were illegal immigrants, who at some point lived on the street. Their lived experience proved valuable in understanding the dynamics that exist within the Point Development. The checklist was applied to determine the current building value and the potential in terms of adaptive reuse. This mapping process can help local authorities, architects and developers to make conscious decisions about the neighbourhood and consider if the selected buildings hold any importance to the community, in order to create more inclusive cities.

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12.5.2 Three Case Studies in Durban The Point Development, in Durban, was selected as an example of space that succumbed to insurgency and urban degeneration as observed by the authors through a transect walk. Such area has previously proved to be a hub of economic and social developments within the city. Through poor policy planning and neglect, developments and investors have pulled out, leaving behind abandoned buildings and spaces, which have been claimed by insurgents and migrants. The city and developers have tried numerous strategies to revitalize the Point Precinct, some have been successful and some have not. One such strategy is the Point Redevelopment Programme (PRP) which was established by the Durban Infrastructural Development Trust (DIDT) in 1991, as a protocol among key stakeholders for the redevelopment of the Point Precinct. Some of the principles in the protocol involved community upliftment, creating holistic links to the greater city and included public participation (Point Development Protocol, 1993 in Maharaj and Ramballi, 1998). This protocol, however, was largely developer-driven and since its inception, little or no upgrades have made meaningful changes to the state of despair in the Point Development. The strategies and implementations used in the Point Precinct by government, developers, architects and planners failed to include communities through participatory methods, as they opted for a top-down approach. This has also led to exclusive spaces such as the Ushaka Marine world2 and quayside developments being created, which in turn have further fractured the nodes between the Point Development and the city centre. Three buildings were identified during a focus group discussion with some residents as case studies within the Point Development area to test the hybrid mapping methodology described in the previous paragraph. The first building lies in between an abandoned accommodation block and a newly refurbished student accommodation. The building was selected by the focus group as being recognized as a landmark to them being a well-known supermarket the ‘All Ameen’ building and a hotspot for crime in the area. The north part of the Point Development, where street life is most vibrant, is seen as a huge problem for Durban’s inhabitants. While the south part has been upgraded, the north is still riddled with crime and neglect. Along the former Point Road (renamed to Mahatma Gandhi Road in 2007) there are several vacant buildings used by vagrants and street youth as sleeping places. In the past, they also served as brothels and hubs for criminals and the drug trade. The Point is characterized by a mixture of residential and commercial areas, with commercial use being dominant of phone, pawnshops, fast-food outlets, escort agencies and gambling halls (Schemthaner 2011). The observations revealed that the buildings from the north display active street edges; however, this is due to pedestrians moving through the

2

Ushaka Marine world is a 16-hectre theme park opened on the 30 April 2004 in Durban. It is located on the strip between the beachfront and the harbour and designed to resemble a traditional African Village (Fig. 12.3).

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Fig. 12.3 Case study building locations in urban precinct. (Source Google Earth)

space and the facades do not respond to this and close themselves off to the passersby. Moving towards the south the buildings become more residential in character and completely close themselves off to passers-by. There is also an ominous eerie feeling which contrasts sharply to the hive of activity in the north, this was noted by the researcher through the transect walk. This lack of interaction to the street façade creates long blocks which do not allow for active surveillance in turn promoting vagrants sleeping outside building and crime. Currently, the buildings are in a state of despair and most are being converted into student housing, this, however, still contributes to the inactive edges of the street façade as they do not service passersby. Michaeli et al. (2014) says that a variety of benefits can accrue from the use of public space, the exchange of knowledge and skills, trade, division of labour and mutual help on the part of individuals all contribute towards new developments making public space a resource for city development.

12.6 Mapping the Adaptive Reuse Potential Two transect walks were done with local community members to map the specific urban patterns and spatial uses and reveal other dimensions of the site that were not noticeable at first or could only be understood from the experiences of residents living in the area. For example, buildings that seemed unused and abandoned showed instead to be hotspots for drug users and homeless sleeping areas. Local bars also demarcated group territories and drug dens.

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Photography and drone imagery (including bird-eye views and videos) were then overlaid with this data to create an interactive map that reveals the ‘lived’ experiences of the site. Since the inner city is quite dense with alleyways that are difficult to experience from the ground, various perspectives were used to gain a full understanding of the site (Figs. 12.4 and 12.5). The different perspectives obtained with drone flights revealed alleyways and rooftops which are often used by residents and form part of lost space within the city. The images showed a range of formal and informal activities, such as crime hotspots, gathering spaces, homeless sleeping areas, student accommodation, shops, informal trade and buildings in a state of despair. As shown in Figs. 12.6 and 12.7, the collected drone imagery allowed for closer details of the street to be captured. This led to a detailed understanding of edge conditions and node analysis. A selected group of dilapidated buildings was observed and analysed according to their different reuse potential and current uses. The analysis revealed that the selected buildings are mainly being used as homeless sleeping areas and closed off from the street. Because of this issue, there was no visual surveillance and active street edges. Using the drone maps as a base for discussion, a focus group with a group of residents highlighted the north side of the Point Development as being the most problematic area. Key symbols were used to represent crime, dilapidated and abandoned buildings, drug hotspots and homeless sleeping spots. This allowed dimensions of the site to be revealed that was otherwise not known. Many members of the focus group personally experienced some form of crime, muggings and witnessed drug dealing in the North side of north Point (Fig. 12.8). The urban block defined from Anton Lembede Street to Rochester Street has multiple uses of buildings and activities. This was not obvious from Google Maps and was clearly defined by the focus group discussion with the residents. It became

Fig. 12.4 Mapping using different perspectives. (Source Google Earth)

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Fig. 12.5 Mapping using different perspectives. (Source Authors, 2019)

Fig. 12.6 Sketching urban solutions from drone imagery with the community members. (Source Authors, 2019)

apparent that student accommodations, hair salons, bars, shops and homeless shelters have been adapted to suit existing buildings in the block (Figs. 12.9 and 12.10). The focus group mapped a wish list for spaces needed in the community such as restaurants, Internet cafes, shops, libraries, vegetable gardens, laundries and 24-h activities. These amenities would provide active edges for the urban space and most

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Fig. 12.7 Sketching urban solutions from drone imagery with the community members. (Source Authors, 2019)

Fig. 12.8 Urban block between Anton Lembede street and Rochester street. (Source Google Earth)

would be located on the ground floors. Through observation, one of the contributing factors towards the high crime rate in the area is caused by the impenetrable blocks with no active surveillance. This creates long corridors between the street and buildings which are blank facades, making pedestrians feel trapped walking the edges of the block. Generally, cities with small block sizes are best known for walkability and those with larger block sizes are known as places with no street life (Speck 2012).

12 Adaptive Reuse Strategies in Durban Inner City Using Hybrid … Case study A: ‘AllAmeen’ building

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Case study B: Rond Vista

Fig. 12.9 Community mapping of the Point Development. (Source drone maps & Authors)

Case study C: Cosmopolitan action bar

Fig. 12.10 Community mapping of the Point Development. (Source drone maps & Authors)

The group highlighted a building that sits in the middle of the North part of Point as being the most dilapidated building. There were also many incidents relating to crime that happened outside this building. The group wished that the building could be changed to a use that would serve the community such as a shop, Internet café or library. Because the building is flanked on either side by an apartment block and high-rise, it stands out in the context as a low-scale structure. An observation checklist (Table 12.2) was conducted on the selected buildings, the ‘All Ameen’ building, the ‘RondVista’ building and the Cosmopolitan action bar, to understand what considerations need to be taken to adaptively reuse the selected buildings (Table 12.3). The checklist shows how viable or valuable a selected building is in its current context. If a building is selected for adaptive reuse, design strategies and characteristic mapping will help determine the adaptability types achievable by the building structure.

234 Table 12.2 Checklist assessing the potential of adaptive reuse of buildings

V. Govender and C. Loggia Checklist to assess the potential of adaptive reuse Availability

• Is the selected building available? Is it taken over by vagrants? • When do current leases expire if it is being rented?

Condition

• What condition is the building in?

Constraints

• What are the constraints or restrictions of the building? • Is there and special municipal considerations that apply?

Conversion potential

• Is there an opportunity to reuse or modify the building?

Value

• What is the social value of the building? • What role does the building play in the urban framework? • Is there any material value of the building?

Demand

• Does the current use contribute towards a social demand? • Can a demand be generated?

12.7 Design Strategies As shown in Table 12.4, 12 design strategies were used to help the designer look at and understand buildings in its urban context, social context, demands and constraints to determine its level of reusability and adaptability. The design strategies and models were drawn from the work of Schmidt and Austin (2016), to show the relationship between design strategies, the six types of adaptability and building characteristics. This relationship, however, is designed purely for architects, urban planners or professionals within the built environment to use, creating a top-down approach to adapt reuse. The authors combined this approach with participatory methods such as the transect walks with community members, community mapping and co-design exercises to assess the adaptive reuse potential of the selected case study (Fig. 12.11). The strategies were determined from the typologies of adaptability such as adjustability, versatility, refit ability, convertibility, scalability and movability, in order to describe more in detail what options are available to adaptively reuse a building. Such strategies act as an overarching approach towards a way of doing things (methodology) that can be defined through a set of building solutions (Schmidt and Austin 2016). In the present study, only selected strategies were applied, referring to certain categories such as physical elements, spatial aspects, building character and contextual, as shown in Table 12.4.

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Table 12.3 Wish list from the focus group to combat crime in the area Community wish list for dealing with crime Wish list

Reason

Overall impact

Green spaces

To better the overall look of the area

Keep away vagrants and promote development

Restaurants/Take-away

To allow for more mobility and pedestrian movement. Also, to allow more socio-economic opportunities

This would allow for active street edges. Restaurants would open onto the street allowing for visual surveillance

Laundry

For the existing communities to use

Their clothes are stolen from flats and areas where they live this amenity would assist in preventing that

Medical facilities

The closest hospital is Addington Hospital which is heavily crowded. More medical facilities are needed

Many make shift practices such as fake abortion clinics are operating in the Point. More medical facilities would drive these illegal businesses out

Vegetable gardens

To uplift green spaces and allow Uplift the dilapidated spaces in older members of the the point community an opportunity to generate an income

Gyms

Allow for members to exercise and youth to have a pass time

Fresh produce market

Currently no market in the point This could be a night market as well, allowing for night live and active surveillance

24-h entertainment

There is no night life and this has added to the crime factor

Prostitution and drug trade is rife at night, 24-h facilities would help with active surveillance

Call centres

Allow for local member to get job opportunities

These would operate at night as well, creating active surveillance

Allow for 24-h surveillance

Grouping design strategies help to relate them to the characteristics of the building to be mapped. The mapping is done on a photographic analysis of the building and its spaces (Fig. 12.14). An acronym called CAR (building characteristics) is used for the related building characteristic. Once the building characteristics are mapped, they are grouped with the related building strategies in a meta-model map. This map shows the relationship between design strategies and characteristics, which allows for adaptability types to be drawn. This is in the form of a checklist, which the researcher uses through observation when analysing a building. The checklist allows for characteristics of the building to be mapped and categorized within the adaptability types, revealing to the designer the best options to create an adaptive reuse architecture. The strategy which scores the highest percentage proves to be the best approach to adaptively reuse the building. By combining this result with the community participatory methods, it is possible to define the adaptive reuse potential

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Table 12.4 Design strategies and related characteristics for analysis Design Strategies (DS) Physical elements

Spatial aspects

Building character

Contextual

DS01: Modularity separation of the physical parts of the building into defined functional entities

DS05: Loose fit Spatial considerations beyond a minimal standard or that defined by the brief

DS11: Aesthetics Use of the buildings image, form and narrative as a way of appealing to the users and societies appreciation

DS12: Multiple scales Consideration beyond the building to include aspects of the site and surrounding area

DS02: Design in time Capacity of the physical parts to provide options for the users (‘in time’)

DS06: Spatial planning Spatial consideration for the way spaces are laid out; their boundaries, dimensions and relationships to one another

DS03: Long life Consideration of the physical parts to last a long time

DS07: Passive techniques The buildings shape, materiality and orientation provide additional options for heating, cooling and ventilation of the building

DS04: Simplicity and legibility Use of simplicity and legibility with regards to components and construction methods to enable change to occur more readily

DS08: Unfinished design Capacity to add to or ‘complete’ an aspect or layer of the building

DS09: Maximize building use Increase the timeframe in which the building is used throughout the day, week and year (continued)

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Table 12.4 (continued) Design Strategies (DS) Physical elements

Spatial aspects

Building character

Contextual

DS10: Increased activity Use of physical and visual connections to increase a sense of awareness creating a more legible place

Fig. 12.11 Research methodology approach. (Source Authors)

of the building to better respond to the community needs there by creating an inclusive architecture that will aid in developing a resilient neighbourhood. The intent of the meta-model is to show the relationships that determine the adaptability of a building and demonstrate adaptability types that the designer can use by showing the relationships between design strategies and the building characteristics. The meta-model consists of a checklist to examine each case study to show the ratio of adaptability in each building. The radar chart (as shown in Figs. 12.12, 12.16 and Fig. 12.12 Potential of adaptive reuse design (from Table 12.5 checklist) to be used in the ‘ALL Ameen’ building. (Source Authors)

Design Strategy Design Strategy

context

physical 100 80 60 40 20 0

character

spatial

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Fig. 12.13 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘ALL Ameen’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

Fig. 12.14 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘ALL Ameen’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

12.20) was used to visualize the adaptability ratio and the index of reusability based on the strategies and characteristics found in the case study. This meta-model can be used by designers to check for solutions or potential outcomes for adaptive reuse on a particular building and is a handy tool to summarize the buildings adaptive reuse potential (Figs. 12.13, 12.14, 12.15, 12.17, 12.18 and 12.19).

12.8 Findings The checklist on the ‘ALL Ameen’ building revealed that the building was abandoned, did not contribute to a social demand of the community and had structural integrity with intact walls; however, the roof is badly damaged. The building shows opportunity to be reused as the meta-model checklist data revealed (Table 12.5).

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Fig. 12.15 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘ALL Ameen’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

Fig. 12.16 Potential of adaptive reuse design (from Table 12.5 checklist) to be used in the ‘RondVista’ building. (Source Authors)

Design Strategy Design Strategy

context

physical 80 75 70 65 60

character

Fig. 12.17 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘Rond Vista’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

spatial

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Fig. 12.18 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘Rond Vista’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

Fig. 12.19 Mapping adaptive reuse potentials and characteristics, the ‘Rond Vista’ building. (Source drone maps & Authors)

Design Strategy

Fig. 12.20 Findings from checklist for design strategies to be used in the ‘Cosmopolitan Action Bar’ building. (Source Authors)

Design Strategy

context

physical 50 40 30 20 10 0

character

spatial

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Table 12.5 Adaptive reuse checklist (meta-model) for determining design strategies in the ‘ALL Ameen’ building

(continued)

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Table 12.5 (continued)

Photographic and sketch analysis were mapped with design strategies and building characteristics, labelled as CAR. The CAR are prominent features pertaining to the building and its constituting parts which are visually mapped onto the building to allow the designer to visually understand what features and capabilities are possible to adaptively reuse a building. The ‘All Ameen’ building was observed from its interior and exterior and checked against the design strategies and characteristics. Some key indicators extrapolated from the checklist when analysing the ‘All Ameen’ building (Table 12.5) were CAR 57 (good Location), CAR 60 (communal Spaces), CAR 51 (visual Linkages), CAR 32 (standard grids used in construction). The checklist covered many aspects of the buildings condition and initial design. The checklist helped to determine that the building should be reused by adjusting it with the community’s requirements. The CAR analysis revealed some key conditions that should be applied to reuse the building, such as opening the ground floors to create active street facades and edges. The adaptive reuse checklist revealed that the context and community spaces were a strong influence on the building, with the physical and spatial adjustments following. The related design strategies would have to be employed and used to adapt the building to its current context. These considerations would have to be considered by the designer when adaptively reusing the ‘ALL Ameen’ Building. Since the adjoining buildings to the case study are taller (Fig. 12.13), the roof of the existing building could be readapted as a space that could contribute towards active surveillance on the street. The building is also elevated off the street and could

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be an opportunity for pause spaces and services that could benefit the community as shown in the sketches below (Figs. 12.14 and 12.15). The second case study is the Rond Vista building. It is currently used as a rental flat. The building is in a state of squalor and needs extensive repair work. Nevertheless, the findings revealed the building has strong character within the point context, with good opportunities for adaptive reuse potentials. The ground floor has shops and amenities that the residents use and services the community (Table 12.6). The adaptive reuse checklist revealed the indicators CAR 52 (good character), CAR 39 (good daylighting), CAR 38 (orientation), CAR 58 (context) and CAR 5 (service zones). The building was also very recognizable by the community, almost representing a landmark in the area. The building also has active ground floors, with services that are used by the local community. The respondents wished for the building to be restored to its prime. The third case study is the Cosmopolitan Action Bar. It is a heritage building, which has been abandoned and demolished partly. The building was once an active part of the Point Development but due to gentrification at the south part of the Point, the building has become abandoned and dilapidated. Findings from the checklist revealed some potential for reuse; however, demolishing the building would probably represent the best option due to the extensive structural damage throughout the building (Table 12.7). The adaptive reuse checklist revealed the indicators CAR 50(linkages to transport routes), CAR 51(visual linkages), CAR 58 (strong contextual links) and a sense of place for the community. Unfortunately, the building cannot be saved due to the extensive damage to it and the low score from the adaptive reuse checklist, the best option would be to demolish the building (Figs. 12.21, 12.22 and 12.23). Findings suggest that, for example, reusing dilapidated buildings can ensure active ground floors that would promote an active street facade and active surveillance for pedestrians. This creates a new active public space, which is the pavement. This is a fundamental resource for the city as this space can promote people encounters, resources, goods and information. Mapping the attractiveness of the ground floors in the Point Precinct can pin point problematic areas in the neighbourhood and make design decisions to create entry and exit points, indoor and outdoor spaces that interact with the user for a holistic spatial experience. This would lead to active edges being created in the city that allows for users to walk and experience the city and in so doing stitching nodes of the city together. The case study of the Point Development has revealed current flaws in planning policy and urban renewal projects. The inner city regeneration, especially at the Point Precinct, has led to new forms of Gentrification. Gentrification is a rapid process which plays an important role in restructuring the physical, economic and social characteristics of central city areas (Visser and Kotze 2008). Media report in South Africa confirm Gentrification processes in the inner city neighbourhoods, provoke intense criticism from affected areas, community leaders and residents with little or

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Table 12.6 Adaptive reuse checklist (meta-model) for determining design strategies in the ‘Rond Vista’ building

(continued)

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Table 12.6 (continued)

no response from policy-makers, planners and developers (ibid.). The new development of the Point Development is influenced by globalization trends. These developments usually ignore local cultures and socio-economic conditions to create exclusive nodes. This type of architecture has no regional context and ignores the communities living in the Point which results in placeless environments being created.

12.9 Conclusion and Recommendations This study proposed a set of hybrid mapping tools to define and analyse lost and abandoned spaces within the city and to assess their potential in terms of adaptive reuse. By mapping spaces between development nodes, this research sought to formulate a set of preliminary guidelines to stimulate factors that can stitch together urban nodes and the collective life, to inform more sustainable and inclusive planning and policy-making. Findings showed new opportunities—in terms of adaptive reuse— for lost spaces identified through participatory mapping exercises and using different spatial perspectives obtained with drone photography and community participatory methods. By involving communities in the adaptive reuse processes and strategies, the neighbourhood becomes empowered and equipped to handle change. This would inform the decision-making processes in dealing with existing buildings on urban resilience by recognizing that an ecosystem of factors contribute towards creating more resilient and inclusive cities.

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Table 12.7 Adaptive reuse checklist (meta-model) for determining design strategies in the ‘Cosmopolitan Action Bar’ building

(continued)

12 Adaptive Reuse Strategies in Durban Inner City Using Hybrid … Table 12.7 (continued)

Fig. 12.21 Findings from checklist for design strategies to be used in the ‘Cosmopolitan Action Bar’ building. (Source Authors)

Fig. 12.22 Findings from checklist for design strategies to be used in the ‘Cosmopolitan Action Bar’ building. (Source Authors)

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Fig. 12.23 Findings from checklist for design strategies to be used in the ‘Cosmopolitan Action Bar’ building. (Source Authors)

Such hybrid mapping tools provide the necessary information to rethink the current planning mechanisms and approaches through the lenses of the urban dwellers and in turn allow for a more responsive urban regeneration approach. The findings show how community participation can inform alternative design and planning scenarios to create more inclusive environments for developments providing both economic and social opportunities. Further research is currently looking at testing the proposed approach to other selected buildings in the case study area to inform an adaptive reuse framework for resilient cities in South Africa. Acknowledgements The study is part of two research-funded projects: a Royal Society Newton Advanced Fellowship (ref. NA150082) and an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) award as part of the Newton Fund, and in collaboration with the National Research Foundation (NRF) (ref. UTSA150520118179/ n.101581) in South Africa (www.isulabantu.org).

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Internet References Tembo MS (n.d.) Traditional patterns in Africa. Retrieved 14 Aug 2013, from http://www.Bridge water.edu/~mtembo/africantraditionalfamily.htm WCCD (On-line) Our creative diversity. United Nations educational scientific and cultural organization. Report by world commission on culture and development, available on-line at: http:// www.unesco.org/culture/policies/ocd/index.shtml 33

Viloshin Govender is a lecturer in Architecture at the School of Built Environment and Development Studies, UKZN. He is also a Practicing Architect with research interests that include resilient cities, building adaptability, and how insurgency affects city planning. Claudia Loggia is a Senior Lecturer in Housing at the School of Built Environment and Development Studies, at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Durban. She has extensive experience in collaborative projects on sustainable and resilient settlements, with focus on co-designing adaptive solutions for low-income and informal communities.

Chapter 13

Housing Policy and the Post-apartheid City: A Tale of Urban Exclusion Through Housing Delivery Pauline Adebayo

Abstract Housing policy in the apartheid period was a central tool of social, spatial and economic exclusion, and contributed much to the race-based exclusionary character of South African cities. The need to foster urban inclusion was therefore necessarily a central theme of the urban policy of the future. As such, the post-apartheid housing policy of 1994, among others, reflects the notion of inclusion of the urban poor in the city through housing. Two principal elements of such inclusion are location and ownership. Location’s importance is in its attendant qualities of access to services and proximity to socio-economic opportunities by low income households, while ownership is understood to support household wealth creation. The post-apartheid housing policy and its resulting delivery however remain rooted in a neoliberal macroeconomic context, which has, in effect, entrenched the economic inequalities that were already at the heart of urban exclusion in South Africa. The chapter traces the inclusionary intents and outcomes of housing policy implementation since 1994, and explains the inadvertent exclusionary results of housing practice. It is argued that the protected land market is central to the failure of the post-apartheid urban inclusion experiment, and of the achievement of spatial and economic justice by the urban poor through the post-apartheid subsidized housing programme. Through such programme therefore, unequal access to the city persists. Keywords Housing policy · Inclusion · Location · Wealth creation

13.1 Introduction Cities, while lauded for their positive role in the global economy, are also increasingly acknowledged as scenes of the greatest inequality and exclusion, where little of their prosperity trickles down to the poorest and marginalised of their dwellers. The notion of inclusive cities is a central one to policy making in South Africa, and integration of the poor in the city was a discernible theme in post-apartheid housing and other urban P. Adebayo (B) Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_13

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policy from the outset. It has however latterly been given new impetus by international agendas ranging from the 2030 Agenda with its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular Goal Number 11, which calls for “inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable” cities (UN 2015), to the New Urban Agenda, which gives the SDGs an urban thrust by articulating a vision for a sustainable urban future, in which the benefits and opportunities that cities offer are accessible to all (UN 2016). Inclusive cities is now a term en vogue, not unlike other concepts that have previously gained global traction, including community participation, sustainable development and climate change, among others. A global perspective of the state of the world’s cities also demonstrates that the central place being given to urban inclusion is not misplaced. Already, more than a half of the world’s population lives in cities, a proportion predicted to reach 70% by 2050 (World Bank 2020). In South Africa, this figure stands at 66% (UN 2018 cited in World Bank 2019), with projections that over 80% of South Africans will live in cities and towns by 2050 (Parnell and Pieterse 2014). When this is juxtaposed on the statistics that a third of urban residents in developing countries already live in inadequately serviced slums (23% in South African cities), and that the bulk of future urban growth will occur in the poorest countries of the World in Africa and Asia (World Bank n.d.; United Nations 2019), it becomes clear that unless urban inclusion is placed at the forefront of future development, poverty and marginalisation await many in urban areas. Cities have arguably been exclusionary for as long as urbanisation has existed, and therefore the need for urban inclusion is not new. Yet, the attention it is receiving in recent years suggests the ‘Rubicon’ has been crossed as globally, it is realised that inequality and marginalisation and their attendant upheaval, violence and social problems are simply untenable. In South Africa, the racial and capitalist underpinnings of ‘white’ cities and the resultant exaggerated urban exclusion of black people is well documented. Restructuring such cities for inclusion was thus, necessarily, a central tenet of future urban policy. As segregationist residential development had been central to apartheid urban policy, post-apartheid housing policy in particular became a redress tool with which to achieve inclusion, reinforced by other urban policy. Using its linchpin of housing subsidy, the policy aimed to cause social, spatial and economic inclusion of those previously denied same. According to the National Minister of Human Settlements (Sisulu 2017: 9) “South Africa is an undisputed world first in its delivery of housing for the poor”. This appears to be the official stance as in his 2009 housing budget vote, previous Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale also described the subsidy housing programme in glowing terms, stating its magnitude as second only to China (Sexwale 2009).While the size of the post-apartheid housing programme is incomparable internationally (approximately 2.8 million completed dwellings, 986,000 serviced sites and 121,000 social housing units by 2016 (Sisulu 2017 cited in Gardner 2018), its urban inclusion of the poor could be questioned. Turok and Visagie (2018) for example, comment on South Africa’s exclusionary economy, despite its post-apartheid redistributive programmes, of which the housing programme is a significant part, implying that the housing programme itself has not caused the envisaged redistribution of wealth.

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The chapter undertakes a historicization analysis of the factors that have influenced the exclusionary character of South African cities, and the role of housing delivery in such context. Drawing on a wide existing body of literature, policy framework and research reports, it begins by unpacking the inclusion concept generally, and from a housing and urban policy perspective. It then makes a case for why inclusion was a critical post-apartheid imperative in South African cities. It subsequently discusses the housing policy tools put in place to achieve inclusion, their outcomes in respect of housing location and wealth creation from housing ownership, and their implications for urban inclusion. It concludes that while some urban inclusion of the poor has resulted from household access to basic shelter, the benefits that flow from homeownership have been thwarted by the location and the unexploited economic and financial asset value of housing.

13.2 Inclusion in What Sense? Underlying the thinking around urban inclusion is the acceptance that inequality is higher now than ever before, that it is higher in cities than elsewhere in most countries, and that such status is unsustainable. Inequality in urban areas is manifested in the skewed spatial distribution of urban residents as a function of income inequality (Gutman and Patel 2016). Urbanisation globally has gone hand in hand with an urban divide, and a clear difference in the way urban dwellers appropriate and use space and opportunities (UN-Habitat 2008). Inclusion requires the closing of the inequality gap, to ensure that “no residents are denied the benefits of urban living” irrespective of their economic means (SACN 2004 cited in Charlton 2010: 2), and that “no one is left behind” (Poitier 2019: 2). Phrases like ‘cities for all’, ‘the just city’ and ‘the right to the city’ point to the reimagining of the cities of the future as ones “that communicate to their residents: you belong here” (Norgaard 2016: 1). However, while inclusion requires that the benefits of urban living be enjoyed by all, the reality is that “cities still largely benefit those who can afford to buy their rights and freedom to the city” (South African Cities Network 2016: 126). Inclusion, while desirable, is however an unspecific, complex and multidimensional concept. Turok and Visagie (2018: 10) point out its “loose” use, often “without much substance or precision”, giving an example of its liberal mention (45 times) in the UN General Assembly resolution on the New Urban Agenda. Its use however, firstly distinguishes between individual and collective rights of the poor (Marcuse 2009), where individual rights would pertain to the right to occupy a space in which to fulfil one’s needs. This right is the basis for accessing related rights to, for example shelter, safety and security, livelihood and unhindered movement, among others. Collective rights on the other hand, are more about the poor’s moral claim to, as a group, have a say over, and exercise their choices within the environment in which they live and work. Turok and Visagie (2018) look at this element of inclusion (collective rights) as one revolving around human agency, where people become more than mere spectators and recipients of state largesse, and exercise power, including the

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power to question their exclusion and require that it be addressed, and to actively participate in how it is addressed. Thus, inclusion goes beyond improving the incomes of the poor, even while this is important. It is a “holistic consideration of human deprivation and development”, and includes an interrogation of who is included/excluded, how and why (Turok and Visagie 2018: 12). It is also clear that inclusion has recurrent themes. These seem to be social, economic, political and spatial inclusion (South African Cities Network (SACN) 2008; World Bank 2015; UN-Habitat 2016), while some discussions include a cultural dimension (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2016). When inclusion is advocated for in the urban context, its need is inspired by the uncontested rising inequality in contemporary cities, irrespective of developmental context, that reflects a hierarchy of inclusion and access. The marginalisation of the poor in such cities is evident in multiple deprivations, whose dimensions are firstly, geographic segregation and spatial exclusion. Inclusion in this regard also links to the lack of access to essential infrastructure and services, which results in alienation and daily struggle to access these things. Other dimensions are social exclusion, denoted by discrimination and lack of a voice, and economic exclusion, reflected in a lack of access to both economic opportunities and the benefits of economic growth. The World Bank (2020) points out the intertwined nature of these myriad exclusions of the poor. The exclusionary character of the urban land market, for example, places them furthest from the central city, in housing neighbourhoods that are most likely to also be accompanied by deficient services, recreation and cultural facilities, and limited economic opportunities, and a lack of maintenance and capital expenditure. Where the poor opt to appropriate land that better meets their locational and economic needs, it is often marginal by virtue of being unserviced, difficult to build on and hazardous, and insecure in tenure. Urban inclusion/exclusion is moreover marked by the huge disparities between the value of land occupied by the rich and the poor, the mismatch in the level and quality of services, and the starkly different authority responses to the human settlement issues in both areas. Housing, through its myriad characteristics, is at the centre of urban exclusion. Its inadequacy accentuates inequalities, as well as poses challenges for the health and wellbeing, social and spatial mobility of poor urban households. Where people are located in the city moreover facilitates or hinders their employment, educational and recreational opportunities, and their ability to relate with the broader society. The Mediterranean Transit Migration (MTM) Dialogue (2017: 1) describes housing as “a pathway for integration”, but is quick to qualify that it is the quality of such housing that determines successful societal integration. This qualification makes it clear that it is not enough that people access housing as shelter. The bundle of characteristics that housing confers including rights, secure tenure, habitability, affordability, basic services and infrastructure, public amenities, employment and income opportunities, safety, mobility and a healthy environment among others, determines the level of inclusion. In South African cities, the compounding effect of spatial segregation and exclusion of the majority black people from ownership of businesses and assets including land, has a longstanding legacy. Turok and Visagie (2018) assert that twenty-odd

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years post-apartheid, the inherited cities have achieved little inclusion, and still exhibit physical and psychological divisions. This is despite deliberate corrective policies and efforts. Yet, according to Gardner (2018), housing policy has had programmes capable of supporting better urban inclusion of the low-income group. Their continued exclusion therefore begs the question why housing policy has failed in this objective.

13.3 A History of Urban Exclusion The entrenchment of the notion of white cities in South Africa was achieved over time, through the systematic denial of urban citizenship of black people. Their labour’s importance to the white economy however meant that their presence in urban areas had to be tolerated. The ‘solution’ found to balance this dichotomy by both the colonial and apartheid governments was the use of several government measures including legislation, regulations, and municipal passes to control black urbanisation and ensure its non-permanence. Through residential segregation, those permitted into urban areas were socially and spatially contained in peripherally-located black townships, in which they were marginalised through inferior housing, infrastructure and services, and inconvenient and costly access to employment in white cities (Wilkinson 1998; Smith 2003). The measures devised to limit black urbanisation were largely unsuccessful however, and the black population in cities continued to grow, despite draconian authority responses. This mainly had to do with poverty and absence of social and economic opportunities in the black reserves to which blacks were restricted. Although the apartheid government in particular did build township housing for black labour during the 1950s and 1960s, this period is also marked by two important factors that were to have future black urban exclusion implications. Firstly, illegal migrants into cities neither qualified for, nor could afford township housing. Secondly, a downturn in the economy led to the government’s abandonment of its public township housing programme by the late 1960s, and by the 1970s, no new housing was being built, even as black people continued to move into cities. Both these factors contributed greatly to an uncontrollable growth of informal settlements, as well as crowding and overstretching of the already meagre services in the townships (Mabin 1992; Wilkinson 1998). By the mid-1970s, a combination of internal resistance by black people against their political, social, spatial and economic exclusion through a series of township revolts, as well as disapproval by the international community of the racial regime in South Africa had made clear the untenable character of the extant chaotic urbanisation, and caused a shift toward the notion of orderly urbanisation (Smith 1992; Wilkinson 1998). Such shift occasioned in the first instance, the tempering by the apartheid government of its attitude towards black urbanisation, resulting in the removal of the more draconian anti-black urbanisation instruments in the 1980s and early 1990s, which fueled a fresh wave of black urbanisation. At the same time,

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factors such as unemployment and crime in the townships pushed people to leave them for more favourable urban locations (Maharaj 2020). Secondly, the government established the Urban Foundation (UF) in 1977, to tackle the problems of black urban communities, because a stable black population was considered important for turning the flagging economy around. The UF approach was to introduce black housing ownership, through both self-help housing and privatization of public township housing. While the peripheral location of the privatised public housing was a foregone conclusion as a function of where townships were located in the first place, the self-help housing delivered under the auspices of UF also maintained black residential segregation. Adjudged as having had limited success, the UF’s programme’s main failure was attributed to its target group’s limited housing affordability (Tomlinson 2017). Measures to address this were attempted through a subsequent similar programme instituted in 1990 by the Independent Development Trust (IDT), which enabled the acquisition of a 100,000-odd serviced sites through a once-off housing subsidy, on which black households could, using their own funds, build their housing incrementally. This IDT serviced site model is widely acknowledged as the template for post-apartheid housing policy (Huchzermeyer 2001; Khan 2003), albeit adapted to include a 30m2 starter house widely known as the RDP house. The late apartheid period efforts to address pressing housing problems proved to be a case of too little, too late, and the segregation and peripheralisation of black people and their economic and social marginalisation were central features of the cities handed to the democratic government in 1994 (Brenmer 2000; Smith 2003). Postapartheid urban and housing policies thus needed to have a restructuring and urban inclusion theme, with housing policy specifically addressing how the ‘peripheralised’ majority would gain urban citizenship through housing.

13.4 Housing Policy and the Poor’s Inclusion in the City A number of factors are often raised in concert to connote urban inclusion in the context of housing, and all are aimed at achieving better living conditions, enhancing the economic opportunities and the social and spatial belonging of urban residents. These factors include legal housing, affordability of basic services, access to jobs and essential infrastructure, sustainable livelihoods and asset building, but also the removal of the social hierarchy attendant to unequal cities. Inclusion, as already indicated, is a necessary counterfoil to the historical spatial, social and economic exclusion of the apartheid city. Thus, restructuring of said city is a running theme across a suite of post-apartheid urban planning policies. For example, the integration of the poor in the city is associated with interventions such as mixed use, transport-oriented activity corridors, strategic in-fill and higher density developments (aimed at creating a more compact, internally efficient, integrated and inclusive urban form), associated with convenient and less costly access to services and economic opportunities by the poor (Charlton 2001; Oelofse 2003; Todes 2003; Adebayo 2010; Gardner 2018). At the national level, the National Development Plan

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(NDP)’s inclusion goal is recognized in its call for spatial planning, integration and coordination of housing delivery with infrastructure and transport (Turok 2016). In respect of housing policy, while no reference is made to inclusion per se, inclusionary goals are implicit in its language around integration, in initial and subsequently refined policies. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the Housing White Paper of 1994, the Housing Act (No. 107 of 1997) and the National Urban Development Framework of 1997 (Department of Housing 1997), frame inclusion from the point of view of the right to housing and the need to co-locate urban functions. The Housing White Paper, the first comprehensive post-apartheid housing policy and strategy, phrases its vision as “the establishment of viable, socially and economically integrated communities situated in areas allowing access to economic opportunities as well as health, educational and social amenities, within which all South Africa’s people will have access on a progressive basis to: • A permanent residential structure with secure tenure, ensuring privacy and providing adequate protection against the elements: and • Potable water, adequate sanitary facilities including waste disposal and domestic electricity supply” (Department of Housing 1994: 21). It is thus clear that access to housing and basic services, while desirable in its own right, also needs to occur in such a way as to create broader developmental spinoffs for the economic upward mobility of households. The Housing White Paper also introduces instruments aimed at creating a stable lending environment in black townships to effectively reintroduce credit to the black township market. Access to credit is seen as critical for financial inclusion and the progressive improvement of the housing and economic conditions of public housing beneficiaries. Both owneroccupier and rental tenure options are provided for through the various housing subsidy programmes (including individual, project-linked, social and rental housing, and hostel redevelopment subsidies, among others), aimed at facilitating different avenues for housing beneficiaries to access the city. The Comprehensive Plan for the Creation of Sustainable Human Settlements of 2004 or the Breaking New Ground (BNG) policy as it is widely known, refines the Housing White Paper on a range of issues, including its inclusionary capability. It begins by critiquing the previous policy for its focus on quantitative delivery of housing, acknowledging this to have compromised the sustainability of the resultant housing settlements. On public housing’s failure to cause urban inclusion of its beneficiaries in the first post-apartheid decade, the BNG policy comments that delivery extended “existing housing areas, often on the urban periphery, thereby achieving limited integration” (Department of Housing 2004: 4). Its definition of sustainable human settlements moreover has an overt inclusionary sub-text, for example describing them as “well-managed entities ……. result in sustainable development, wealth creation, poverty alleviation and equity” (Department of Housing 2004: 12). It reiterates the Housing White Paper’s integration and urban restructuring goal by framing housing as an actual tool to be utilized “as an instrument for the development of sustainable human settlements, in support of spatial restructuring” (Department of Housing 2004: 7). Acknowledging the failure of housing beneficiaries to use their

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houses as assets in the first decade of delivery, the BNG policy calls for housing to serve a purpose beyond just shelter and be used for wealth creation and empowerment. In respect of informal settlements, the BNG policy calls for their urgent integration into the “broader urban fabric to overcome spatial, social and economic exclusion” (12), thereby acknowledging their exclusionary character, even while they may provide an urban foothold for their dwellers. It also sees social housing as a form of tenure that affords the poor mobility and integration. The inclusionary intent of post-apartheid policy from the outset is therefore unquestioned. What is however unclear is what integration means from a housing policy perspective. Todes (2003: 110) suggests that this may be because the term integration is itself a “somewhat vague but all-inclusive” concept. Thus, on the one hand, the broadness of integration goals allows the citing of the range of actions in housing and settlement planning to enhance the experience of urban living for the poor. This on the other hand has the ‘down’ side that it makes it difficult to assess whether and to what extent integration is achieved. Charlton (2010) comments on other integration assessment challenges by pointing out, for example, that while there is consensus around access to basic services and infrastructure being key integration deliverables, it is unclear what level or standard of services achieves integration. As inclusive city discourse has gained ground, a larger debate has also emerged as to whether integration, read as the incorporation of the poor in the city, necessarily leads to inclusion, or their having the same rights, access and choices as everyone else, making the distinction between being in the city and of the city (Oelofse 2003; Adebayo 2010). Beall (2002) cited in Charlton (2010) questions also, how inclusion of the poor could occur, particularly in the absence of socio-economic reform, when socio-economic inequalities underlie their marginalisation in the first place. Inclusion is thus a complex and layered notion, of which the poor’s physical integration is only a part. Of the public housing delivered in South African cities in the post-apartheid period, RDP housing, constituting freestanding houses on individual plots, was the dominant delivery format in the first decade (Adebayo 2008; Charlton 2010; Fuller Centre for Housing 2014). It is subsequently referred to as BNG housing since a policy shift took place in 2004. Importantly for both the RDP and BNG housing, its incompleteness is a deliberate stance of the policy, to facilitate only housing starts for the needy, while spreading housing subsidy assistance to as many households as possible (Bond 2003; Adebayo 2011). The completion of such housing is considered the responsibility of the recipient, in line with the housing supporter (rather than provider) role adopted by the government, with households using the mechanisms in place to access credit and create wealth from their housing. Notwithstanding the complexity of the integration and inclusion concepts, it is possible to still comment on the extent of the poor’s inclusion through housing in the post-apartheid period, based on a number of housing delivery outcomes. For example, the government’s own acknowledgement of failure to cause integration cannot be disregarded. In a refreshing bout of introspection, the Department of Housing (2004) admitted to having inadvertently perpetuated social, spatial and economic segregation of subsidised housing recipients over a decade of housing delivery.

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Among the myriad challenges to inclusion through housing, the chapter focuses on those that relate to the market mechanism that influences housing location, which in turn has implications for the ability of recipients to create wealth using their housing.

13.5 The Housing Subsidy Scheme and Location A range of commentators (including Bond and Tait 1997; Jones and Data 2000; Bond 2003; Adebayo 2008, 2010; Gardner 2018) have labelled post-apartheid housing policy as neoliberal. Far from reversing the urban exclusion of the apartheid period, the market character of post-apartheid urban policies including housing policy has in fact, according to Bond (2003: 40), created an “equally oppressive structured process that can be termed class apartheid”, in which the inequalities of the apartheid city are magnified. The housing subsidy, initially availed to households earning between R0 and 3500 monthly, is considered to be the cornerstone of low-income housing policy in South Africa. In line with housing subsidization recommendations from the international bodies, the subsidy is once off (meaning the recipient cannot qualify for further subsidy in the future), this way ensuring that housing funds are spread to assist more people (horizontal equity). Its application on a sliding scale according to household income ensures that those who have less get more (vertical equity) (World Bank 1994; Jones and Datta 2000; Behrens and Wilkinson 2003; Venter and Marais 2010). In the first decade of post-apartheid housing delivery, the subsidy secured a site, basic services and a 30 m2 starter house. This housing assistance was envisaged to concurrently deliver improved housing conditions on the one hand, and social, spatial and economic integration on the other, through the locations of the housing developments. In practice, over the first decade of housing delivery, the 1.6 million housing units delivered in new townships were overwhelmingly located on cheap land on the urban periphery (Khan and Ambert 2003; Department of Housing 2004). The exclusion of the poor as a function of location is widely acknowledged (Biermann 2004; Tissington 2010; Fuller Centre for Housing 2014; Huchzermeyer 2014; Osman 2017; Turok and Visagie 2018; Pieterse 2019, among others) and as already noted, even by the government itself (Department of Housing 2004). Inadvertently, the redistributive housing programme structurally excluded the very poor it intended to integrate from economic opportunities (Pieterse and Owens 2018). One of the reasons for such an outcome was the use of peripheral land already purchased by the apartheid government in the 1980s (Huchzermeyer 2003), where expediency trumped inclusion. Secondly, the limits of the subsidy amount were such that to maximise the size of the starter house, the cost of land had to be kept to a minimum, which the National Department of Housing achieved by prescribing the portion of subsidy that could go toward the purchase of land. Realistically, the amount reserved for this could only acquire sites on the cities’ outskirts. While municipalities were not prevented from supplementing subsidy funds to acquire more central land, most were

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not inclined to do so, a position that was fortified by the housing policy’s commitment to delivery within a normalised market. This in effect, meant market pricing applied for both public and private land. Nor could low income housing compete for strategically located vacant land, which municipalities preferred to allocate for revenue-generating uses to maintain their competitive edge. In this respect, Pieterse (2019) comments that the position negotiated between the political movements and the outgoing apartheid government to effectively safeguard white capital in the postapartheid era, and the entry of South Africa into the globalised economic systems, left housing policy little space to interfere in the land market in any way that would bring about real locational advantages for the poor. Another contributory factor to poorly located RDP housing was the resistance by higher income homeowners to have low income housing developed adjacent to their settlements, for fear that their own property values would be negatively affected. Municipalities did not have an appetite for the long drawn out processes involved in pushing such agenda, and were also careful of antagonising rate-paying property owners on which they rely for most of their revenue. As a result, housing sites in more central locations were out of the question, and the poor’s peripheral location was replicated post-apartheid. The urban land market has therefore proved to be a critical factor in maintaining the spatial and social divide between the rich and the poor (Adebayo 2010). Moreover, the isolation of far-flung projects was further consolidated by the fact that they were not always packaged to include new or be integrated with existing public facilities and amenities. Analysts including Todes (2000) and Gilbert (2004) have attributed such disjointed delivery with the fragmented institutional delivery system of the time, which did not allow for holistic packaging of housing projects. In instances where education, health and other social facilities were built in new housing settlements, they had the effect of further isolating the beneficiary households, by locking them in new enclaves of poverty that are highly exclusionary and unsustainable. The review and refinement of the Housing White Paper and the birthing of the subsequent BNG policy was in fact inspired by, among other things, the failure of initial housing policy to integrate the poor through better located settlements. The BNG policy of 2004, which aimed to address continued exclusion through restructuring and integration of human settlements is multi-pronged, and includes programmes of in situ upgrading of informal settlements and social (rental) housing in central locations, and better located RDP (now called BNG) housing. It also has inclusionary housing notions, where incorporation of a proportion of lower income housing in or adjacent to new, private sector housing developments, is aimed at facilitating mixing of income groups. Better location is the uniting theme of these disparate approaches. The indications are however that the BNG policy’s success with urban inclusion from a locational perspective over a sixteen year period is not a significant improvement on the delivery of the first decade (Tissington 2010; Huchzermeyer 2014; Mkuzo et al. 2019, among others). This outcome could be attributed to the fact that of the BNG’s cited approaches, BNG housing in peripheral suburbs still predominates delivery (Charlton 2010), as the cost of land in central locations continues to

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be market determined and therefore prohibitive. The BNG policy’s shift towards combining housing with social and economic infrastructure, has however resulted in a few examples of private sector/government collaborations that have delivered inclusionary housing, including Cornubia in Ethekwini and Cosmo City in Johannesburg, from which some success with the integration of the recipient low income households has been reported (Gopal 2017; Singh 2020 respectively). The combined inclusionary effect of these, together with social housing and in-situ upgrade developments is however insignificant. The social housing programme, for example, which has specifically stated integration goals through its envisioned location close to opportunities and in in-fill (restructuring) areas, by 2017 had accounted for only about one per cent of all subsidized housing in the post partied period (Department of Human Settlements 2017 cited in Gardner 2018). Additionally, as of 2012, there were, according to Tissington (2011) cited in Huchzermeyer (2014), no successfully executed in situ upgrading projects in the major cities of Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. Importantly, social and economic exclusion have tended to accompany spatial exclusion, due to a complex set of factors that have prevented wealth creation through the housing delivered in new townships, discussed in a subsequent section of the chapter. It is apparent that not only was the housing produced in the first BNG decade no more socially, economically and spatially inclusive than its predecessor, but delivery also slowed down considerably in the major cites (Wilkinson 2015; Robbins 2017), with backlogs of 2–3 million units cited (Turok 2016), suggesting it’s lack of quantitative inclusion, to the extent that many are still awaiting state housing. In the meantime, those still in the housing queue are in informal settlements, backyard shacks and other unsatisfactory housing conditions, where they continue to experience exclusion from lack of access to housing and basic services, and from the benefits that flow from such access. Amidst increasingly vocal pressure from poor citizenry, a shift towards housing mega-projects or catalytic projects was announced in 2014, effectively greenfield housing developments of 10,000–15,000 units at a go, delivered through public–private partnerships (Ballard and Rubin 2017), and aimed at scaling up the pace of delivery. Despite an apparent absence of a documented policy framework for the mega-project approach, initial pronouncements are that such projects will allow a range of housing needs to be met and integrated settlements to be created (Ballard and Rubin 2017). However, from an urban inclusion perspective, the only possible location of such future projects already raises concerns. Turok (2016) has for example intimated that limited municipal capacity to obtain land for housing development and mega-projects’ quantitative goals both threaten inclusion of low income households. Their sheer scale and envisaged speedy delivery, he argues, will necessitate large tracts of land only available on the urban periphery, where there is neither competing demand nor objection from adjacent property owners. In such context, the proximity and spatial and human concentration necessary for economic growth, access to opportunities and inclusion of the poor will not be achieved. Although post-apartheid housing policy interprets locational inclusion as being related to proximity of the poor to the Central Business District (CBD) of cities, and many analysts associate the exclusion of such households with their distance

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from the CBD, counter-perspectives are emerging in this regard, that suggest that the issue of location with regard to the poor is still not adequately understood. Studies of five of South Africa’s largest cities, for example, have criticised as simplistic, the central/peripheral interpretation of good/bad location respectively (Schoonrad 2000; Todes et al. 2000; Biermann 2004; Venter et al. 2004; Cross 2014). According to Charlton (2003, 2010), Royston (2003) and Cross (2014), the heterogeneity of the poor and their varied livelihood strategies call for housing developments that disaggregate their locational needs as well. Some livelihood strategies may be favoured by peripheral locations where the larger plots achievable there can support activities such as informal service or home-based enterprises. However, for low income people formally employed in the CBD or other employment nodes, or people who rely on jobs in upmarket residential areas, closeness or ease of access to such areas would be the priority, and residential location on the outskirts would only disadvantage them greatly. The fact that the organically identified locations of the poor range widely from peripheral to inner city and informal settlements appears to support these views, as does the anecdotal evidence that recipients of subsidised houses have left them for inner city and strategically located informal settlements (Misselhorn 2010; Maluleka 2017; Africa News Agency 2019). The poor’s inclusion in the city thus lies in understanding and accommodating their differing locational needs, rather than responding with a ‘one size fits all’ location. Royston adds onto this argument, the view that the spatial exclusion of the poor could very well have more to do with the separation between housing and economic activities and social facilities, than with peripheral locations per se. These perspectives point to the need for comprehensive research on the locational needs of the subgroups of the poor living in South African cities, whose findings could inform inclusive city discourse.

13.6 Housing Ownership, Wealth Creation and Inclusion As already indicated, although housing policy under both the Housing White Paper and particularly the BNG policy facilitates housing consumption via a range of tenure options, homeownership via freehold title in greenfield developments predominates delivery. Half a million households (Davies et al. 2007) have additionally obtained ownership rights to township, previously public rental housing. Both policies recognise housing’s wealth creating potential, and ownership has been associated with terms such as permanence, dignity and assets. The Housing White Paper for example, noted that due to inexperience with homeownership during apartheid, many households had quite a limited view of housing, and had not realised its full potential as a means of increasing equity and security. The BNG policy and later policy discourse magnified the notion of housing as an asset. It would appear, based on the almost universal consensus of RDP housing as ‘dead capital’, that Hernando De Soto’s ideas that legal property titles should increase the wealth of their holders (De Soto 2001) proved quite compelling for reviewers of the Housing White Paper. The BNG and

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subsequent policy thus looks to improve the performance of RDP/BNG housing as an asset. From an urban inclusion perspective, the housing asset is meant to trigger a range of possibilities for subsidised housing recipients, which Rust (2012a, 2020, 2007) unpacks using the analogy of a triangle, whose three corners represent the social, economic and financial asset value of housing, all important for movement up the housing ladder and for inclusion. As a social asset, housing would facilitate inclusion through providing a physical place for households to access “entitlements of the city” (Charlton 2010: 4) including basic services and infrastructure. As an economic asset, the house and site could be used for income generation, either through home-based enterprise or rental. Given the limited size of the initial house, households would need to extend it to create room for such activity. The financial asset value would be realisable through the use of the house as collateral for borrowing, which could itself facilitate the house extension just cited. The household could alternatively, or at a later stage (after the extensions), sell the house to raise equity, which could be used to move up the housing ladder by purchasing a better house in a preferred location, while releasing an affordable house to another household on a lower rung of the ladder. These activities would collectively create the market churn needed to increase property values in the affordable housing market, creating wealth for the owners (Adebayo 2010; Rust 2012c) and enabling them to consolidate their place in the city. The ladder, according to Charlton (2010: 6) “recognises different levels of quality, cost, size, function and value of property over time and anticipates that households will move progressively up the ‘rungs of the ladder’ as lifestyle and financial circumstances shift”. These processes are all, according to De Soto, kickstarted by legal title (De Soto 2001). To this extent, the key criteria for wealth creation viz. ownership, is on the face of it, met in RDP and BNG housing. It is widely accepted that despite ownership of RDP/BNG housing, its location and quality remain key aspects of its exclusionary character (inter alia Irurah and Boshoff 2003; Davies et al. 2007; Adebayo 2008, 2009, 2010; Joseph and KaruriSebina 2014; Jali 2017; Rust 2020).The City of Johannesburg (2006) cited in Charlton (2010) elucidates on the link between location of housing and its inclusion potential by stating that “saleable homes in good neighbourhoods” are a “crucial ingredient in promoting social mobility”. The predominantly peripheral location of both RDP and BNG housing has already been covered. The context in which it was raised however focused on such location’s inability to provide cheap and convenient access to economic opportunities. If the exclusionary character of current locations is accepted, then it follows that in order for beneficiaries to achieve economic, spatial and social integration, they would have to leave their RDP/BNG neighbourhoods to better integrate themselves elsewhere. In the context of the housing ladder analogy, this would require that they firstly improve the housing initially received, and sell it in order to buy into better, more inclusive locations. To raise monies to achieve this, they would need to create vibrant home-based entrepreneurial activities above the survivalist level, and/or attract financial sector credit, using the RDP/BNG housing as collateral.

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Shisaka (2011) cited in Rust (2012b) reports that as of September 2010, a total of 1.44 million government subsidized properties were registered on the National Deeds Registry. Significantly, these properties constituted in the region of 25% of the total number of residential properties on the national deeds registry. This percentage would moreover rise to more than 40% if yet to be registered subsidized properties were included. It is therefore vitally important that this large number of assets perform in the envisaged way, generally and for this chapter, particularly in respect of their inclusion objective. According to Rust’s (2012c:7) article, as of September 2011, only 90 858 properties (6%) of the 1.44 million properties cited above “had been sold by a beneficiary to a new homebuyer, feeding the property market”. While this is lamentably low, Rust expresses optimism that with time, such properties would perform as economic and financial assets. There is paucity of more recent data on the use of RDP/BNG housing as an economic and financial asset, but the findings of older studies of Ethekwini, Johannesburg and UMhlatuze municipalities (Adebayo 2008, 2009, 2010; Charlton 2010; Jali 2017 respectively) are consistent in their findings that such housing is quite limited in its wealth creation capacity for a number of reasons. Firstly, despite efforts to improve on the RDP housing product in size (from 30 to 40 m2 ), quality and level of finish, the wealth creating ability of BNG housing and its RDP housing predecessor remains low. This outcome is associated with both the poor quality of the housing and the social-physical environment within which it is provided (Mkuzo et al. 2019). Of RDP housing in particular, the government itself in 1997 decried its effort as follows: “we approach mass delivery with a very real threat: that in our chase of the quantity, we fall short on quality. It will be no solace at all that we created our new ghettos democratically” (Department of Housing 1997 cited in Rust 2003). Later descriptions towards the end of the RDP housing phase suggest that despite recognition of such failure, the quality did not improve. Khan and Ambert (2003: v) and Irurah and Boshoff (2003: 254) respectively characterise the housing as “RDP boxes, perched on the peripheries of the urban landscape” and “only marginally better than the shack the so-called matchbox (in reference to and RDP house) seeks to replace”. It need be remembered that millions of the poor continue to be housed in such exclusionary environments. That BNG housing has not delivered the more humane environments it promised (Department of Housing 2004) adds to the number of housing recipients living in poor quality housing. Importantly, such housing is not wealth creating. In respect of its economic asset potential, the typical 30 m2 RDP house and the marginally bigger 40 m2 BNG house, both have size limitations for combining residential as well as home-based income generating activities or rental space. The EThekwini and UMhlatuze municipality studies cited earlier revealed limited house extension for such activities, due to inability as well as reluctance to access credit by households using the house as collateral, as well as reluctance to run entrepreneurial activities in what was considered solely as residential space by households. The latter finding puts paid to the notion that households automatically have the inclination to engage in home-based income generating activity. In the EThekwini study (Adebayo 2010), only an insignificant number of households in three settlements indicated an

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interest in such endeavour, even were start-up funds to be available. Although a different Johannesburg study (Finmark Trust 2006 cited in Rust 2008) shows the potential for success in the use of the house for business activity and rental, this potential is not necessarily realisable in RDP and BNG housing where the location, size and quality of housing constrain such use. Other reasons given for the non-use of RDP and BNG housing for income generating and rental include: • Technical difficulty in building on the cheap sites associated with such housing; • Inability by households to replicate livelihood strategies relied on in previous settlements in their new housing; • Lack of money due to new costs associated with homeownership (Thurman 1999; Bond 2003; Adebayo 2008, 2009; Charlton 2010). Thus, although according to Rust (2012c), only a minority of RDP/BNG housing recipients have not invested in their housing, it would appear such investment is in the main, not geared towards the end goal of home-based entrepreneurship as the first step towards movement out of peripheral to more integrated locations. A further compounding factor in the non-performance of the housing ladder is the dual character of the South African residential market, characterised by only a top and bottom end and a “missing middle” (Rust 2006: 1). The effect of this is that very little affordable housing exists above the RDP market to facilitate housing ladder ascendancy, which according to the ladder analogy, would allow movement up and out of poor into better locations. Initially, housing policy through a pre-emptive clause, prohibited the sale of RDP housing for the first eight years of ownership, forcing those who insisted in doing so out of the formal housing market and into informal sales, where the full value of the house was not realised. The BNG policy still has such clause, which has the effect of preventing low income owners from selling their own property for financial gain. That this clause does not apply to richer households and criminalises the poor’s sale of their own property is both discriminatory and exclusionary. With regard to the use of the house as a financial asset, the first decade of postapartheid housing delivery saw little bank lending in the RDP market segment, as the RDP product proved unattractive collateral for the financial sector (Jones and Datta 2000; Bond 2003; Brown-Lutango 2007; Tomlinson 2007).The reasons for this included reticence by banks to lend due to a history of loan non-recovery in the township environment during apartheid, and non-profitability of the small loans demanded by such market segment. According to FinMark Trust (2011) cited in Rust (2012c), only 120,000 such properties had been used to leverage mortgage finance (at that point), suggesting an insignificant improvement in the BNG era. Buthelezi (2019) confirms that banks’ reluctance to mortgage low-value RDP housing is ongoing. As noted already, only 90 858 properties (6%) of the 1.44 million RDP and BNG properties registered by 2011 had been sold by their owners as of September 2011 (Rust 2012c), so raising equity from RDP and BNG housing also appears insignificant. Although informal sales may be more significant, they are difficult to establish because they are undocumented.

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Despite the government’s apparent desire to confer potentially wealth creating housing assets that foster inclusion, the unanimous verdict is that such houses have mostly functioned as social assets, giving beneficiaries a place, albeit on the margins of the city spatially, socially and economically. What is clear is that a house functions as an economic and financial asset under very specific conditions. Rust (2006) uses the term ‘investment grade’ to encapsulate these conditions, and argues that housing settlements should be of a grade (locationally, safety and quality-wise) as to attract household and other (including private sector) investment, that would bring about their social and economic transformation. BNG and RDP housing environments are not investment grade, and as a result have remained isolating low-income environments, with little upward and outward movement of beneficiary households. The notion therefore, that integration comes about through leaving the area where one receives public housing raises the important question of what happens to the many households who will never climb the property ladder and leave. Clearly, low income housing needs to be locationally integrated in the first instance. Charlton (2010) raises another important issue regarding homeownership as a strategy for urban inclusion, by arguing that not all public housing recipients desire to own homes. While some people have ended up owning homes because it is overwhelmingly the default method to attain state housing assistance, patterns of migration within the city, and between the city and rural areas, suggest that a significant number of low income households do not desire permanence in one place (City of Johannesburg, 2006 cited in Charlton 2010), and that some people have two or more residential spaces providing access to different aspects of the city including work, schooling and other services (Charlton et al. 2003 cited in Charlton 2010). Such households are unlikely to ‘stay put’ and utilise the house as the asset that the inclusion through wealth creation discourse suggests. Their inclusion in the city through housing comes from housing themselves cheaply in strategic locations, rather than from investing in housing to ultimately achieve such. A range of housing responses, including cheap rental options therefore need to accompany homeownership options, to ensure that the differing inclusion demands of the poor in the city are met.

13.7 Conclusion Overcoming urban exclusion and creating more equitable cities is a recurrent theme of housing policy, even as it has shifted during the post-apartheid period. What it means has also shifted from quantitative provision of shelter and basic services in the first decade, to the creation of sustainable human settlements in the second, and a mix of the two in the third. Given the exclusion from property ownership that was the hallmark of the apartheid state, the housing ownership conferred post-apartheid is an important form of urban inclusion. However, it is necessary to comment that housing’s transformative and inclusionary character occurs under quite specific conditions in which people are able to use it to find a way out of poverty. In the context of housing policy,

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this is through strategic, integrating locations with possibilities for employment and access to economic opportunities, including those that allow the use of the dwelling as an economic and financial asset for wealth creation. A good location, which may very well be at differing distances from the CBD, is thus the entry point to access the benefits that the city offers. The achievement of such location for low income households entails a reprioritization of policy more emphatically towards urban inclusion, a key point of which is the reopening of the thorny debate of how well-located land for low income housing will be accessed in future. As the land market will always prevent the achievement of this, the urban inclusion cause now calls for pushing of the agenda for non-market-based responses to the land question, including compulsory acquisition of underutilised and vacant private and public land for low income housing, if necessary. Good locations will moreover support the use of the property as an economic and financial asset, with homeowners for example, borrowing against their properties to build affordable rental accommodation, the demand for which would itself be favoured by good locations. Lastly, inclusion is not invariably facilitated, and may in fact be prevented by overuse of the homeownership delivery model. The ideas around different tenure options which are already a current feature of housing policy therefore need new impetus, from both the government and individual municipalities. In particular, the inclusion that is facilitated by people’s ability to access different parts of the city at different times is hampered by the ‘ownership in place’ approach. Differently priced, decent, short- and longer-term rental options, ranging from rooms with access to basic services to full units to serve differently abled low-income people, are what is needed urgently and at scale. At the same time, the apparent informational gap around the poor’s locational needs in the city, and the motivations for such, calls for comprehensive city level research that would inform future urban inclusion interventions.

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746665&ct=t%28The_Latest_Issue_09_2016%29&goal=0_4b4b67ddba-eb062321a4-105746 665&mc_cid=eb062321a4&mc_eid=e9ed9078c6. Cited 3 Oct 2020 Oelofse M (2003) Social justice, social integration and the compact city: lessons from the inner city of Johannesburg. In: Harrison P, Huchzermeyer M, Mayekiso M (eds) Confronting fragmentation—housing and urban development in a democratizing society. University of Cape Town Press, Landsdowne Osman A (2017) South Africa urgently needs to rethink its approach to housing, The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/south-africa-urgently-needs-to-rethink-its-approachto-housing-78628. Cited 28 Sept 2020 Parnell S, Pieterse EA (2014) Africa’s urban revolution. Zed Books Ltd., London, UK Pieterse E, Owens K (2018) Johannesburg: confronting spatial inequality, world resources report case study. World resources institute, Washington DC Pieterse E (2019) Urban governance and spatial transformation ambitions in Johannesburg. J Urban Aff 41(1):20–38 Poitier FB (2019) Transforming cities for inclusion, urbanet—news and debates on municipal and local governance, sustainable urban development and decentralisation. https//:www.urbanet.info/ transforming-cities-for-inclusion. Cited 10 Sept 2020 Robbins G (2017) South Africa’s housing challenge seen through the lens of its third largest city, The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/south-africas-housing-challenge-seen-throughthe-lens-of-its-third-largest-city-83460. Cited 30 Sept 2020 Royston L (2003) On the outskirts: access to well located land and integration in post-apartheid human settlement development. In: Khan F, Thring P (eds) Housing policy and practice in postapartheid South Africa. Heinemann, Sandown Rust K (2006) A finance response to the missing middle, Access Housing, FinMark Trust newsletter, October, No. 4, 1–2. https://housingfinanceafrica.org/app/uploads/AccessHNL_Oct06.pdf. Cited 3 Aug 2020 Rust K (2007) Supporting the housing asset triangle: South Africa’s real housing challenge. In: P & DM occasional paper series no. 1 themed are Hernando de Soto’s views appropriate to South Africa? University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Paper presented at a colloquium hosted by the graduate school of public and development management, University of Witwatersrand and the Development Bank of Southern Africa, June 2006, Johannesburg Rust K (2008) Exploring the housing asset, Access Housing, FinMark trust newsletter, May/June, No. 10, 5–6. http://housingfinanceafrica.org/app/uploads/AccessHNL_June08.pdf. Cited 3 Aug 2020 Rust K (2012a) Housing subsidy assets: exploring the performance of government-subsidised housing in South Africa, centre for affordable housing finance in Africa, FinMark Trust. http://www.urbanlandmark.org.za/conference/2012_reports/2012_report_kecia.pdf. Cited 30 Aug 2020 Rust K (2012b) Housing matters: the importance of housing finance in financial sector development in Africa. Draft, Centre for Affordable Housing Finance in Africa (CAHF). https://www.econrsa. org/system/files/workshops/papers/2012/rust-housing-matters-paper.pdf. Cited 15 Sep 2020 Rust K (2012c) Housing matters: the importance of housing finance in financial sector development in Africa. FinMark Trust. https://www.econrsa.org/system/files/workshops/papers/2012/rust-hou sing-matters-paper.pdf. Cited 25 Aug 2020. Rust K (2020) Framing concept: understanding the housing asset. Centre for Affordable Housing Finance in Africa (CAHF). http://housingfinanceafrica.org/documents/framing-concept-unders tanding-the-housing-asset/. Cited 15 Sept 2020 Schoonrad M (2000) Cultural and institutional obstacles to compact cities in South Africa. In: Jenks M, Burgess R (eds) Compact cities: sustainable urban forms in developing countries. Spon Press, London Sexwale T (2009) Housing budget vote by tokyo sexwale, minister of human settlements, national assembly, Cape Town. https://www.gov.za/housing-budget-vote-by-tokyo-sexwale-min ister-human-settlements-national-assembly-cape-town. 15 Sept 2020

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Shisaka Development Management Services (2011) Time analysis, research report as part of research project on housing subsidy assets: exploring the performance of government subsidized housing in South Africa Singh S (2020) An evaluation of the integrated residential development programme (IRDP) as a strategy of spatial integration of low-income housing projects. A study of Cornubia, Durban, South Africa. Dissertation, University of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa Sisulu L (1 April–June 2017) Each citizen requiring assistance from government will have to be part of the solution. BNG Human Settl Sect J 9–11 Smith DM (2003) Urban fragmentation, inequality and social justice: ethical perspectives. In: Harrison P, Huchzermeyer M, Mayekiso M (eds) Confronting fragmentation—housing and urban development in a democratizing society. University of Cape Town Press, Landsdowne South African Cities Network (SACN) (2008) Inclusive cities 2008. SACN, Johannesburg South African Cities Network (SACN) (2016) State of South African cities report 2016. SACN, Johannesburg Thurman S (1999) An evaluation of the impact of the national housing policy in the Western Cape. Development Action Group (DAG), Cape Town Tissington K (2010) A review of housing policy and development since 1994. Research report of socio-economic rights institute of South Africa (SERI) Todes A (2000) Reintegrating the apartheid city? Urban policy and urban restructuring in Durban, South Africa. In: Jenks M, Burgess R (eds) Compact cities: sustainable urban forms in developing countries. Spon Press, London Todes A, Dominik T, Hindson D (2000) From fragmentation to compaction? The case of Durban, South Africa. In: Jenks M, Burgess R (eds) Compact cities: sustainable urban forms in developing countries. Spon Press, London Todes A (2003) Housing, integrated urban development and the compact city debate. In: Harrison P, Huchzermeyer M, Mayekiso M (eds) Confronting fragmentation—housing and urban development in a democratizing society. University of Cape Town Press, Landsdowne Tomlinson R (2017) Urbanization in post-apartheid South Africa. Routledge, London Turok I (2015) What will megaprojects do to our cities? Daily Maverick. https://www.dailymave rick.co.za/article/2015-11-19-op-ed-what-will-housing-megaprojects-do-to-our-cities/. Cited 28 Sept 2020 Turok I (April–June 2016) Mass housing or better cities? HSRC Review 14(2). http://www.hsrc.ac. za/en/review/hsrc-review-april-to-june-2016/mass-housing-or-better-cities. Cited 28 Sept 2020 Turok I, Visagie J (2018) Inclusive urban development in South Africa: what does it mean and how can it be measured? Article in institute of development (IDS) Working Paper No 512 UN-Habitat (2008) State of the world’s cities 2010/2011: bridging the urban divide. Earthscan, London UN-Habitat (2016) Urbanization and development—emerging futures: world cities report 2016. United Nations Human Settlements Programme, Nairobi United Nations (2015) Sustainable development goals. https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelop ment/cities/. Cited 3 Oct 2020 United Nations (2019) SDG indicators—global indicator framework for the sustainable development goals and targets of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. https://unstats.un.org/ sdgs/indicators/indicators-list/. Cited 25 Aug 2020 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2016) Leaving no one behind: the imperative of inclusive development. Report on the world social situation 2016. United Nations, New York Venter C, Biermann S, van Ryneveld M ( 2004) Low cost housing location in South African cities: empirical findings on costs and benefits, paper presented at the 23rd annual Southern African transport conference, Pretoria, South Africa Venter A, Marais L (2010) Housing policy and housing-policy research. Int J Hous Sci 34(4):249– 264 Wilkinson P (1998) Housing policy in South Africa. Habitat Int 22(3):213–229

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Pauline Adebayo is an Associate Professor in the School of Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Her background is in land economics and housing policy and finance, and her research interests and publication are the areas of postapartheid housing policy, urban land economics, urban housing markets, gender and human settlements, and health and housing

Chapter 14

Reflecting on the Inclusivity of Culture in Urban Housing Development—A Case Study of Communal Residential Units in Durban Noxolo Msimang and Lovemore Chipungu Abstract The post-1994 era saw a transferring of culture and cultural practices within the built environment of hostels living and lifestyle through urbanization. During the apartheid era, black people were exposed to two types of housing typology: one which allowed them to practice their culture freely and the other which limited them in all aspects. Housing in rural areas allowed black people to practice their culture freely through its house-form layout, whereas housing in urban areas presented limitations and restricted all forms of cultural practices. The study aims at establishing and assessing whether communal residential units (CRUs) are responsive to cultural needs, norms and practices. To achieve this mandate, information was gathered through primary and secondary data collection methods. Quantitative information was gathered through household surveys and focus group discussions conducted in Wema (Umlazi Unit 17) as well as with key informants from eThekwini Municipality. The study used Durkheim’s human behavioural theory as a framework for analysing in trying to establish the linkage between culture and housing in CRUs. This research revealed that post-1994 housing especially the CRUs does not take into cognisance households’ cultural values. This is reflected in the nature of housing which is not free-standing while certain facilities within and outside the units are shared, thereby depriving households of privacy. However, the study also established that there are people who value the ease and convenience of single living and temporary housing depending on economy and their family’s financial need. The study recommended that the government should incorporate an environment that is supportive of culture and family living while also supportive of those who seek housing on short-term tenure. Keywords Housing · Communal residential units · Culture · Policy · Hostels · Communal · Residential unity · Durban · Inclusivity · Urban housing development

N. Msimang · L. Chipungu (B) University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_14

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14.1 Introduction ‘Other people are other. They do not think the way we do. And if we want to understand their way of thinking, we should set out with the idea of capturing otherness’ (Darnton 1984: 4). Darnton’s (1984) statement enables one to understand the different mediums, facets and meanings of housing to its users, onlookers and housing developers. Housing is the most basic form of human habitation to provide shelter, protection and privacy, and is a universal mode of habitation which is either permanent or temporary, and formal or informal (Mitchell and Bevan 1992). On the other hand, housing typology or house-form is not universal or generic for individuals, groups and societies, with the exception of methods that one group or society learns, acquires and adopts from another. House-form differs according to spatial location, traditions and culture; these form habitation systems within the housing setting. Each culture produces its own house-form. The role that housing plays for beneficiaries varies according to their way of life and family structure (Hareven 1993). Many studies on housing (Rappaport 1969; Altman and Chemers 1980; Triandis 1994; Ozaki 2002; Malkawi and Al-Qudah 2003) indicate that beneficiaries base their choice of family living on economic and social influences. More research has been conducted on the economic influences that impact on house choice than on social influences (Jabareen 2005). Consequently, an in-depth understanding of social issues that affect housing is lacking, especially in the South African context. It has been observed that cultural factors have barely been considered in the provision of housing at international and national levels. The study of culture and house-form is a unique topic which provides a direct link in the understanding of households and their immediate environment. Culture in housing has always been perceived from an architectural physical perspective, where it is represented through house-form. This study aims to show the relationship between culture and house-form by establishing and illustrating how house-form through construction is developed and intertwined with people’s cultural heritage and activities. South Africa presents a unique case of the relationship between culture and housing especially for Black people, owing to the biologically and circumstantially inherited culture imposed by natural traditional spaces, as well as colonial and apartheid policies, respectively. The interdependent relationship between culture and housing has received increased attention in recent years and culture has been identified as a significant determinant of beneficiaries’ satisfaction with housing. While this is a complex topic, many authors (such as Linton 1945; Rappaport 1969; Holland and Quinn 1987; Ember and Ember 1998; Ozaki 2002) identified numerous dimensions of the relationship between culture and housing. They investigated the meaning of housing among beneficiaries from different cultural backgrounds and geographical locations in order to determine the meaning and role that culture plays within house-form that enables households to function in a holistic way. This study is thus confined to the relationship between culture and housing using the case study of Community Residential Units (CRUs) in Umlazi with a focus on Unit 17 in T-section and SJ Smith, commonly known as Wema. The study takes

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into consideration the historical background of the respective participants, including their cultural heritage and the impact of apartheid policies. It borrowed from several disciplines in order to map and connect undocumented critical information in linking culture and housing in the South African context. The aim of the study is to establish the extent to which hostel upgrading and Greenfield projects (through the creation of CRUs) are responsive to cultural acceptability and beneficiaries’ preferences.

14.2 Conceptualizing the Link Between Housing and Culture The relationship between culture and house-form is not easily noticeable and understood because culture competes with several other house choice and preference determinants among people (Timmermans et al. 1994)—key among them being quality, ownership, use, age, the size of the household and economic variables (Jackson 1997). These variables have been explored and investigated in much more detail than the relationship between culture and housing (Moore et al. 1985). They determine factors that occupants consider in choosing housing (Clark and Dieleman 1996). Through the use of anthropological and historical research, Bochner (1975) and Lawrence (2000) suggested that culture is the primary determinant of house-form and that the other variables are secondary. Variables such as quality, ownership, use, age, the size of the household, economic variables, materials, climate and technology are regarded as secondary house choice and preference determinants which are considered in the exploration of house-form, but primary attention should be given to the cultural forces influencing house-form. Rapoport (1969) supports this argument by observing that house-form is not determined by economic factors, technology, climate or site layout, but by cultural and religious factors. In House Form and Culture, Rapoport reports on case studies conducted in Old Delhi, New Delhi and certain Latin American cities where he found that although houses were constructed using similar materials and technology in a similar economy and under similar climatic conditions, each culture and different ethnic group produced different house-forms according to their cultural preferences. The investigation showed that cultural factors determine house-form and that physical forces and secondary variables are merely external forces. In the cases of Old Delhi and New Delhi, house-form functions were an arena where cultural ideals, attitudes, values and images were prolonged and extended within the immediate family and the traditional society (Mitchell and Bevan 1992). House-form reflects a traditional society’s world view, behaviour, codes and ethics (Mitchell and Bevan 1992). Housing is believed to be closely linked to culture cosmology, where people refer back to culture on housing construction for family formation and livelihoods. Hence, house-form, size, culture and use are all dependent on people’s respective cultures (Altman 1993). However, housing is more than shelter; it is a structure for

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human habitation and the history of house-form and the construction of housing are inseparable from the cultural development of human kind (Listokin et al. cited in Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010). Different groups of people and societies have various cultures depending on their history and background, which results in different houseforms in housing (Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010; Altman 1993). However, housing is still the most central physical setting of human life that is maintained through culture. Every culture in the world has its own culturally ideal concept of housing which they aspire to (Njoh 2006). ‘Every culture produces its own house-form, highly reflective of the history and lifestyle of its people’ (Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010: 117). This statement corresponds with the EBR questions that are based on the notion that the social identity of occupants and families is maintained through the culture of the biological species that humans belong to (Rapoport 1995). It is important to preserve culture through housing because housing is a symbol of family recognition and social identity (Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010: 117). Even in nomadic societies, where people are always on the move for cultural reasons, they construct temporary housing with the sole purpose of providing shelter for protection but maintain their cultural dimensions in the construction of that shelter (Mitchell and Bevan 1992: 3). In Africa, culture is a component of development which has been placed at the top of the policy agenda (Njoh 2006). Willis (2005) states that, in terms of the Durkheimian theory, traditionalist societies always strive for cultural equilibrium and those who disturb that equilibrium would be punished accordingly. Modernization challenges traditional societies by changing social structures which in turn makes modernity an enemy of such societies. Changing social structures disturbs the social order of traditional societies as people who were accorded social status through kinship, ethnicity and gender are overtaken by individuals who earned their status through formal qualifications or different forms of employment which accorded them revenue status. For example, a son who earns more money than his father could now be more respected, make family decisions and head the household because of his financial status. Durkheim’s The Division of Labour in Society critiques the modernist theory from a traditional point of view where it is regarded as socially incorrect and unacceptable (Willis 2005). The physical and social structures of a traditional house ensured that all family members and the community maintained their social status through the house-form and spatial layout (Mhlaba 2009). In his study, Durkheim concluded that societies are constructed with a set of morals and ethical norms that individuals are born into and they always strive to maintain them within the society as they grow up (Willis 2005). Hence, his theory provides an explanation of the role that culture plays in society in a prospective and retrospective ideology (Emirbayer 1996). The continuous existence of the practice and role of a specific culture can be understood through its history or origins. Therefore, in order to describe practices, norms, values and customs as culture, the supporting history or origins need to be mapped out (Emirbayer 1996). Durkheim analysed the relationship between history and sociology by studying human society’s development, structure and functioning to understand the core reasons for the social problems in human society in relation to culture (Ringer 1992). He conducted studies that demonstrated

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social phenomena within society, such as The Division of Labour in Society, The Rules of Sociological Method, and Suicide. These studies provided discussions on how societies seek to maintain cultural equilibrium (Durkheim 2002). In all their endeavours, societies aim to maintain cultural harmony and equilibrium and anyone who causes disturbance would be punished or dealt with accordingly (Willis 2005). Durkheim’s The Division of Labour in Society argued that in ‘traditional societies’ individuals work for the greater good and benefit of the family, kin and clan (Willis 2005). For example, individuals would ensure that whatever they did or obtained benefitted and satisfied the collective. In contrast, in ‘modern societies’ individuals focus on benefitting themselves through the division of labour which is enforced by the modernist theory (Willis 2005). In African countries, this was evident in the white elite minority group benefitting from industrial development. While black Africans were required for labour, they were excluded from enjoyment of the city/urban area as it developed (Njoh 2006). The Division of Labour in Society noted that individualism results in people becoming disengaged from one another and losing their cultural roots and traditions in the process, which is a common occurrence during the transition from ‘traditional’ to ‘modern’ societies (Willis 2005). The constant movement of black African migrant labourers from rural to urban areas had an impact on their culture. Cultural rituals had to be postponed due to the absence of the male head of the household (Mhlaba 2009). The individualism identified in The Division of Labour in Society resulted in black African migrant labourers being exposed to different cultures and practices during their stay in urban areas. Individuals gained through what they did, knew and were qualified to do, whereas in traditional societies, status was gained through ethnicity, kinship or gender. This exposure gave them a broader understanding of how other cultures operated, but it was not easy to conform to the modern way of learned cultural practices because they were only temporary residents in urban areas and often returned home to their traditional families and community. However, in urban areas, black African migrant workers resided with one another in the accommodation provided. People of the same cultural heritage will always maintain and practice their culture no matter where they are situated because it has been instilled in them. The importance of housing is that it is a platform where culture is practised. Housing plays a significant role in the preservation of any culture, which is inherited from the previous generation and the ancestors (Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010). Furthermore, culture in housing is a symbol of family recognition and social identity; therefore, by preserving culture in housing, households are able to sustain their cultural heritage and practice for the future generation (Jiboye and Ogunshakin 2010). Thus, the sociocultural phenomena described in Suicide and The Division of Labour in Society and Rapoport’s (1980) definition of enculturation indicate that a society with the same origins, customs, values and culture will maintain and sustain that culture through housing, especially when people of similar culture live in the same built environment.

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14.3 Research Methodology In order to investigate cultural issues in post-apartheid housing, two case studies located in the South-Central region of Ethekwini Municipality (Durban) were used— viz. Umlazi T-section and SJ Smith. The colloquial names used by people in the neighbourhoods for Umlazi T-section and SJ Smith CRUs are Unit 17 and Wema, respectively. To promote acceptance and maximize the impact of the study, these colloquial names are used throughout. Both study areas were purposively selected by the researcher through a deductive logic research tool (Maps 14.1 and 14.2). The case studies were selected due to their unique contrasting characteristics as shown in Table 14.1. The evaluation of the CRU policy required a substantial measuring tool to produce statistics and figures to determine its success or failure. On the other hand, establishing the link between housing and culture required insubstantial measuring tools in the form of a household survey which reflect the culture, views, feelings and opinions of beneficiaries. Therefore, the use of qualitative and quantitative research methods provided a true meaning of the relationship between culture and housing. Potential interviewees were selected using cluster sampling, and a total of 90 people were interviewed using both household surveys and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) as shown in Table 14.2.

Map 14.1 Locality map of uMlazi T-section (Unit 17). Source Researcher (2015)

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Map 14.2 Locality map of SJ Smith CRU (Wema). Source Researcher (2015) Table 14.1 Characteristics of Unit 17 and Wema Case study

Unit 17

Wema

City

Durban

Proximity

5.5 km

Tribal affiliation

AmaZulu

Political affiliation

Inkatha freedom party

African national congress

Housing typology

Greenfield/Low-rise housing

Greenfield/High-rise housing

AmaZulu & Xhosa

Source Fieldwork (2015) Table 14.2 Sampling and population of Unit 17 and Wema

Area

Sample size

Umlazi Unit 17

30

Wema Renovated

20

Hostels

20

Family units

20

Total

90

Source Researcher 2015

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The study was conducted in accordance with the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s rules and regulations. The researcher gave precedence to the following considerations: informed consent; privacy and voluntary participation; anonymity and confidentiality. Occupants and respondents in both Wema and Unit 17 were informed about the nature and purpose of the study. Permission to access the case studies was also granted by the Ward Councilor and the Block Chairman. The household survey in Wema was conducted using a one-on-one approach with respondents in their rooms and the interviews with the superintendents were conducted in their offices. The researcher gathered supplementary information through observation in both Wema and Unit 17. These observations were initially unstructured and free-flowing, where the focus shifted from one thing to the next as new and potentially significant objects and events presented themselves. Observation as a research tool assisted in discerning the social behaviour and conduct of men in CRU environments and in determining the level and quality of the physical environment (i.e. facilities and amenities). In both case studies, the use of key informants such as government officials and the superintendent was desirable. These assisted in providing a broad spectrum of perceptions, especially in the study’s initial stages. Several interviews with key informants from the municipality took place during the course of the research. On the other hand, open-ended interviews were conducted with superintendents from both Wema and Unit 17.

14.4 An Overview of South African Housing Policy When the democratic government came into power in 1994, it was confronted by a housing crisis resulting from exclusionary policies of the apartheid regime. South Africa faced a severe housing backlog which was visible in overcrowded hostels and the rapid growth of informal settlements. Soon after elections in 1994, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was released by the Tripartite Alliance (i.e. the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP)) in consultation with the National Housing Forum as its main policy platform. This was supported by the Housing White Paper (1994) which served as the African National Congress’s ‘Housing for all’ manifesto, with housing delivered in terms of this policy based on quantity rather than quality. The RDP focused on individual subsidies for the construction of new houses and neglected other programmes such as the redevelopment of hostels, the provision of rental housing for South Africa citizens who do not qualify for subsidies and other forms of ownership that were contained in the Housing White Paper (1994). Between 2001 and 2002, the National Department of Housing conducted a review of the housing strategy in response to housing delivery challenges. This review recognized the need for rental housing through social housing for individuals who did not qualify

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for the government housing subsidy or loans from formal financial institutions and the Communal Residential Unit (CRU) programme was introduced for low-income households.

14.4.1 Communal Residential Units The need to redevelop hostels has its origins in 1991 when a hostel redevelopment programme (HRP) was established with a mandate to transform existing hostels into family units. It was recognized that hostels were an apartheid legacy which promoted the separation of families (Levy 1982). Hostels lacked basic services, infrastructure and facilities. They also lacked privacy, hygienic ablution facilities and acceptable living conditions. Kok and Gelderblom argued that hostels were rigid in terms of physical space and payment schedules. They were also static and did not meet the dynamic needs of households that were changing over time (Tomlinson 1990). The hostel system had a negative social effect on individual occupants because they were limited in terms of families visiting or living there. Their conversion into family units was therefore intended to bring families together (Thurman 1997). The HRP aimed to create adequate, liveable family units by revamping the hostels’ dormitory floor plan by adding wall partitions for privacy in bed-rooms and common areas, indoor bathrooms and toilets and kitchens and living areas (Department of Housing 2005), thus making it a unit suitable for a family. Furthermore, the HRP aimed to socially integrate the hostels with surrounding communities (Department of Housing 2005). However, very few hostels were converted or upgraded because the HRP did not only focus on hostel redevelopment but also aimed to address the problems of other housing programmes such as rental developmental schemes which included social housing, the ownership development scheme through the project-linked subsidy and an alternative development scheme, community centres or schools (Department of Housing 2000). This also involved acquiring land for housing programmes. Eventually, the HRP was abandoned in 2006 after attempts by the Department of Housing to revive it in 1994 and 2002 failed (Department of Housing 2006). Instead, the focus was on providing various typologies of housing stock such as ownership (credit linked or bonded); family or rental units; and alternative uses (Mothotoana 2011). The failure of the HRP resulted in the development of the CRU Programme in 2006 whose focus was on fast tracking hostel reconstruction into CRUs (Mothotoana 2011). It also aimed to integrate hostels with neighbouring communities (Housing Code 2000) with a focus on one housing typology (Gauteng Provincial Government 2008; Thurman 1997) suitable and liveable families earning less than R3 500 per month, who do not qualify for formal private rental housing and the social housing market (Department of Human Settlements 2006; Lemanski 2009). The CRU policy recognized the need to deal with hostel upgrading in a comprehensive and decisive manner by addressing dysfunctional and distressed buildings in cities; and providing rental accommodation for income groups not viably serviced by social or other housing programme (Department of Housing 2006:6). It aimed to

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facilitate the provision of secure, stable, rental tenure for the lower income group and supported government’s intention of addressing the existing public housing stock. The CRU programme adopted expanded provisions which were not limited to the six policy objectives contained in the HRP. These were to promote humane living conditions for hostel occupants; promote stakeholders and beneficiaries’ participation; promote integration between hostels and surrounding neighbourhoods; provide plans for occupants who would be displaced during the hostel upgrading; initiate socio-economic development channels that would assist sustainability; and formulate a developmental plan to promote economic opportunities (Department of Housing 2006). The CRU programme held local and provincial governments liable for ongoing operational costs; maintenance; long-term capital development; and remediation of internal services, together with the objectives set out in the HRP (Department of Housing 2006). The CRU programme sets out a framework that addresses problems within existing public sector residential accommodation (The Social Housing Foundation 2008), one of which is that hostels did not provide adequate housing. The CRU intentions are well captured and outlined under the umbrella of the Breaking New Ground (BNG) policy—which in essence is a Comprehensive Plan for Sustainable Human Settlements (2004). This plan aimed to address the functioning of the entire residential property market. It responded to the demand for housing rather than the supply of RDP housing. The BNG also aimed to promote economic growth, alleviate poverty, improve the quality of life of low-income earners and develop sustainable human settlements through housing development. In this regard, the BNG aimed to create a non-racial society through mixed development as a catalyst for the achievement of a set of broader socio-economic goals. New housing development, hostel upgrading and other developments in urban environments should be coupled with interrelated services, infrastructure and communities’ facilities. However, the South African government is lagging behind in providing such services and facilities.

14.4.1.1

A Case Study of Umlazi

As indicated in Map 14.3, Unit 17 and Wema are located in the South-Central Region of eThekwini Municipality. Unit 17 is located in uMlazi and Wema is in Merebank. For the purpose of this study, Wema is considered as part of Umlazi. This classification is based on urban apartheid labour and spatial development laws that placed the Southern Basin of Durban under one administrative entity specifically for Africans. This included areas such as Umlazi Mission Reserve and Umlazi Glebe which were stand-alone areas which are now collectively known as uMlazi. uMlazi covers 4500 hectares of land, consisting of 26 sections ranging from section A to Z and AA to CC. It is estimated that the area is home to 432,725 people. uMlazi Township was established by the apartheid government during the 1950s to house Black people from Cato Manor. Cato Manor was considered a central area that offered access to employment opportunities since it was located approximately 10 km from the Durban CBD (Adebayo 2009).

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Map 14.3 Locality map of case studies: Unit 17 and Wema. Source Researcher 2015

The Group Areas Act of 1950 was promulgated by the Nationalist Party to enforce racial segregation and was supported by the Natives (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act of 1945, the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act of 1951 and the Bantu Resettlement Act of 1954. Housing for black people was provided on the outskirts of the urban area in KwaMashu and UMlazi Townships, following the state mass housing campaign in the 1960s. Wema was built to accommodate employees of the SJ Smith Company, which is a welding, safety and industrial supplier. Unit 17 was built in the 1950s to accommodate black male migrant workers who worked in white-owned industries in the South Durban industrial area. The hostel typology in Unit 17 was detached

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housing. Both case studies are located in close proximity to the city’s main industrial node, Wema within the industrial area of Mobeni and Unit 17 adjacent to the South Industrial Basin. During the apartheid era, Wema was male-dominated since it was designed to accommodate men entering the urban environment for the first time for employment purposes. It was a dirty, run down, neglected and overcrowded hostel with unhygienic waste and ablution facilities. Wema is currently home to 5500 occupants, with 4408 beds. The conversion into family units is estimated to accommodate 2468 people with 516 secure, dignified and decent family units. The hostels in both Wema and Unit 17 were converted to CRUs in 2006. The development and conversion into CRU family units were planned to run concurrently with the Mega City Shopping Mall development in 2003. This aimed to revitalize uMlazi Township in line with the city’s Integrated Development Plans. It was envisaged as a one stop service centre with a municipal service point and major retail outlets. It aimed to promote the concept of a sustainable neighbourhood with access to economic and social facilities within the community, especially in light of the fact that families would be encouraged to live in CRUs. This initiative was a public–private partnership facilitated by the municipality, a subsidiary of the parent company and Transnet with a 40-year lease agreement with Pro-prop. It was funded by SA Retail properties and Mart-prop at the cost of R150m (Map 14.4).

Map 14.4 Arial view of Unit 17 displaying phase 1 and phase 2 CRUs. Source Researcher (2015)

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14.4.1.2

285

The CRU Programme for Wema and Unit 17

Unit 17 and Wema were developed and converted in line with the Policy Framework and Implementation Guidelines for The Community Residential Units Programme (2006). CRUs aim to stabilize rental housing by creating secure tenure and healthy, safe living conditions for low-income people. The development and conversion of Unit 17 and Wema were mandated by the provincial Housing Department and implemented by eThekwini Municipality. As Table 14.3 shows, both tiers of government intervened to stabilize the hostels. Unit 17 and Wema remained untouched from the RDP and hostel redevelopment programme until the 2006 post-Mega City development. The Unit 17 CRU was constructed to relieve overcrowding in the detached housing built during the apartheid era to house male migrant workers. The policy also aimed to create family housing in the detached housing as well as CRU housing. During the apartheid era, Wema was male-dominated since it was designed to accommodate men entering the urban environment for the first time for employment purposes. It was a dirty, run down, neglected and overcrowded hostel with unhygienic waste and ablution facilities. Wema is currently home to 5500 occupants, with 4408 beds. The conversion into family units is estimated to accommodate 2468 people with 516 secure, dignified and decent family units. Table 14.3 Interventions in CRU development and conversion Case study

Intervention

Description

Unit 17

New buildings on greenfields site

• CRUs constructed on open spaces (as indicated in Map 14.5)

Wema

Hostel conversion

• Layout of hostels changed from dormitories to self-contained units through alterations, replacement, redecoration and addition of fittings and finishes as required • Dormitories reconfigured to contain kitchen, dining area, ablution facilities and small bed cubicles or communal sleeping halls • Self-contained units of bachelor, single or multi-bedroom flats with kitchen, dining area, ablution facilities and small bed cubicles or communal sleeping halls

Wema

New buildings on existing site

• New buildings constructed with self-contained units as part of site densification in open spaces • Self-contained units of three-bedroom flats with kitchen, dining area, ablution facilities and small bed cubicles or communal sleeping halls

Source Researcher, adopted from Policy Framework and Implementation Guidelines for The Community Residential Units Programme (2006)

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Map 14.5 Building categories in Wema. Source Researcher (2015)

14.4.1.3

Occupants’ Perceptions of CRUs

The data revealed that some of the respondents residing in Wema were not aware that they reside in a CRU housing programme. Instead, they categorized sections/blocks according to the nature of development and conversion into: • ‘Family units’ for the new buildings on existing sites, • ‘Renovated units’ for buildings that have been converted into CRUs and • ‘Hostels’ for buildings which have not yet been converted. Thus, buildings were categorized according to their use and function. Hostels are buildings that have not yet been renovated. The set-up remains a one room dormitory accommodating 10 people. The renovated units are those that have been refurbished and converted into three bedrooms accommodating five occupants. Family units are the newly built three-bedroom apartment buildings that accommodate three occupants per unit. Map 14.5 shows the different types of buildings categorized by the respondents. The responses to the questionnaires revealed that respondents have a limited understanding of the CRU policy and CRU programme. Some respondents at both Wema and Unit 17 stated that CRUs are ‘family units’, while others said that they did not know what CRUs are or understand the concept of ‘family units. However, respondents in Unit 17 had a better understanding of CRUs than those in Wema. They were able to provide a better response without using technical terms. The responses

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further revealed that respondents who reside in the ‘family units’ in Wema had a better understanding of what such units are. The interviews with the superintendents of Wema and Unit 17 revealed that internal politics interfere with the management of these areas. They stated that several meetings had been scheduled with the community of Wema where government officials discussed the transformation of hostels into CRUs. They were invited to provide clarity on issues pertaining to CRUs. However, some residents did not bother to attend, while others purposely stayed away due to political agendas. Therefore, the superintendents concluded that the lack of understanding of the CRU policy is the result of occupants not attending meetings. Those that did not attend gained insufficient knowledge about the policy through the grapevine.

14.4.1.4

Demographic Profile of Respondents

Data collection in Wema and Umlazi T Section involved interviewing people between the ages of 18 and 60 years. The age groups were strategically categorized to determine different groups’ perceptions and understanding of housing (hostels and CRUs), culture and family. This enabled the exploration and comparison of perceptions across a wide range of ages (see Fig. 14.1). The majority of respondents (41.7%) were between 30 and 39 years old and were male residents employed in the city and whose nuclear family was in the rural areas. This age group is old enough to have experienced the apartheid era and to have passively inherited the hostel culture from their fathers, as well as to have inherited their biological culture in the rural areas. The small number of respondents (3.3%) was mostly represented by respondents between 18- and 19-year-old who were mostly furthering their studies in tertiary institutions. This age group showed

Fig. 14.1 Age distribution of respondents. Source Fieldwork (2015)

288 Fig. 14.2 Gender distribution of residents. Source Fieldwork (2015)

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5%

Male 95%

Female

similar attributes to those respondents between the ages of 20–29 some of which were also furthering their studies while others were seeking employment. The respondents in their 40 s (representing 20% of the respondents) were permanently employed in the urban area and had no intention of moving till they reached their pensionable age. This age group presented an interesting background as they lived in hostels during the apartheid era, although not necessarily in Wema. However, those in their 50 s resided in Wema during the apartheid era and had thus experienced the development and changes occurring at the hostel. An interesting aspect about the respondents is that most of them are men (see Fig. 14.2). This is due to the fact that hostels were established to accommodate only male workers. Thus, it was not surprising to find that 5% of the respondents were females residing in Wema, even though they are not registered as occupants with the superintendent. The rooms that they occupy are still registered under a male relative or spouse. In the case of a relative, the male had returned home to the rural areas, but remained registered as a Wema occupant. This is done in order to enable their children to secure affordable accommodation while seeking employment or furthering their studies in the urban area. The females residing in Wema stated that even though they were not related to their housemates, they were expected to perform the chores traditionally done by females such as cleaning common areas. In apartments with male-only occupants, there is a cleaning roster in which all occupants participate. The female respondents further stated that Wema is still very much a male-dominated area where they felt out of place since they were prohibited from being registered as occupants. They were expected to leave their apartment once the registered male beneficiary passed away. The study revealed that occupants are still experiencing dual-migration; they live in CRUs for various reasons but still have a home in rural areas where the rest of their family is located. The occupants in Wema were from various rural areas in KwaZuluNatal and the Eastern Cape, whereas Unit 17 occupants were from Zululand. They occasionally travel back and forth for funerals, cultural rituals or ceremonies and/or to check on the well-being of family members. Hence, it is a common practice to find that strangers are roommates or housemates despite coming from completely

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Fig. 14.3 Occupancy relationships in CRUs. Source Fieldwork (2015)

different cultural backgrounds. This phenomenon is widely experienced in Unit 17 as shown in Fig. 14.3. Fifteen per cent of the respondents stated that the living arrangements and set-up in Wema were constant and had not changed. They referred to: (1) the male-only living arrangements; (2) the sharing of rooms in some hostels and; (3) the minimal presence and tolerance of women occupying CRUs. These comments were supported by the superintendent, although he noted that the living conditions in CRUs are more humane than in the hostels during the apartheid era, which was the most critical visual change. Respondents stated that they did not anticipate a change in culture in Wema from male-only accommodation to accommodating females, unless new buildings were constructed as family units. The renovation and restructuring of the buildings did not have an effect on how they perceive Wema. Even though they were tolerant of females, they controlled access by not allowing them to register as legal occupants. Unit 17 provided contrasting views on the development of new buildings in changing the male-only culture in CRUs. As a Greenfield housing development, Unit 17 has no tolerance for women living in CRUs and the respondents did not even consider such an idea. They argued that their families were too big and that accommodating families would displace some of the original occupants. This would have a negative impact on the well-being and sustainability of the occupants and their families in rural areas. They also feared unpredictable financial implications that the occupants might experience in their new accommodation due to the impact on employment opportunities and transport costs.

14.4.1.5

House-Form and Cultural Characteristics

Unit 17 is a two-storey greenfield housing development consisting of 16 apartment units. It is designed in a courtyard spatial layout with apartments facing the open

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communal space as shown in Images 14.1 and 14.2. Each unit consists of three bedrooms, a bathroom, kitchen and a living room. As a greenfield development, Unit 17 was built with family units in mind as prescribed by the CRU policy; therefore, it was constructed with communal shared facilities such as a courtyard where a washing line and electricity meters are located. However, residents were not happy with some of the communal services. Remember, hostel life had imprinted a life of individualism in most of them as a survival strategy. Shared services were seen as a burden and a shared responsibility which could easily

Image 14.1 External view of Unit 17. Source Researcher (2015)

Image 14.2 Closeness of apartment units and lack of privacy. Source Researcher (2015)

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cause conflict. This was reflected in the culture of non-payment for services especially card payment for electricity consumption where some members lamented that: Unemployed occupants will benefit at the cost of employed occupants, whereas unemployed occupants use more electricity because they spend more time in the apartment watching TV, listening to radio, or cooking. But they do not have money to buy the electric card. This will cause conflict on the usage of electricity by each housemate and who should buy the next electricity card among the three occupants residing in each apartment unit (Respondent 1, 2015)

Wema comprises of three-storey buildings categorized as ‘renovated’, ‘hostel’ and ‘family units’ by the occupants. Each of them has its own unique features as shown in Table 14.4. CRUs present a fixed housing typology that cannot be extended to accommodate a growing family. Respondents in the age group 30–39 responded in a passionate and emotional manner to the size of CRUs in relation to house-form and space availability in the rural areas. This age group is at the stage of either creating a family or expanding their family; the space allocated for each household in CRUs limits them in fulfilling this purpose. Table 14.4 Typology of housing Typology

Number of rooms

Hostels

Dormitory set-up with 10 beds within one apartment

Renovated hostel Ranges from bachelor units to 3 bedrooms. No living rooms are provided in renovated hostels Family units

Newly built buildings in the outer section of Wema as indicated in Fig. 14.4. These comprise of three-bedroom apartments with an open plan kitchen leading into the living room and bathroom

Source Fieldwork (2015)

Fig. 14.4 Duration of occupancy of CRUs. Source Fieldwork (2015)

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House-Form Tenure Arrangements

The CRUs are purely rental accommodation. The respondents stated that the difference in tenure options affects the manner in which CRUs are perceived for family living. They felt that CRUs offer temporary accommodation which is risky and does not provide for a stable home to raise a family. They argue that it undermines the role of men within their households through the imposition of rules that conflict with those of a traditional household especially in terms of property inheritance. Some of the male respondents who stated that they would not mind living with their families in CRUs were apprehensive about allowing females to register in Wema. There is fear of families being evicted once they pass away, and at the same time, their home in the rural area would have been neglected or abandoned during their stay in CRUs. This concern was also echoed by the occupants in Unit 17 who added that due to financial constraints, they cannot manage and maintain two households (rural and urban areas); therefore, one would be neglected, abandoned or sold. This becomes a problem if the rural home is the one that is neglected, abandoned or sold especially on the passing away of the head male figure (husband/father). If the widower chooses to marry again, the children will grow up not knowing and understanding their paternal ancestors and cultural ways. In addition, respondents in Unit 17 stated that, it is the duty of the father/husband to build a home for his wife and children. Should the widow remarry she will have to move to her new home and perform the cultural traditions and activities of her new family. This places children of the deceased in an unfavourable position especially if they reside in CRUs where they will be misguided and experience a different culture while their own culture might be abandoned. If the family home remains in the rural area, there is stronger family support and guidance from the next of kin from the paternal side in close proximity to assist children, especially in the practice of culture. This is especially critical for boys since they are expected to retain and pass on knowledge about their ancestors and cultural practices.

14.4.1.7

Link Between Culture and House-Form

It is generally believed by most people that there is a direct link between culture and house-form as shown by household survey results shown in Fig. 14.5. It is believed that a home is a home by virtue of the presence of amadlozi (ancestral spirits). As individuals, we are born into an already existing history; lineage, way of life, clan name, cultural values and practices that are a reflection of family life and of one’s identity. This history exists through the presence of amadlozi that are believed to be humans who have passed on and are now recognized as family anchors. Through amadlozi, an individual’s clan name one is able to trace one’s heritage and existence. This knowledge is passed on in the household environment to the next generation. When an individual needs to trace their heritage, they use the names and clan names of family members who have passed on and are now amadlozi. The link between culture and house-form is made through the declaration and dedication of

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Fig. 14.5 Link between culture and house-form. Source Fieldwork (2015)

the family home to amadlozi. Once a house is declared a family home, it needs to be dedicated to amadlozi for the protection of the family. The complexity of cultural issues in housing arises out of the belief that amadlozi are present in every household. They noted that amadlozi cannot be introduced to residents in CRUs because of its rental tenure nature where there is always a risk of eviction. Hence, moving from one home to another is a complicated process which requires a cultural ritual and slaughtering a cow, sheep, goat or chicken, depending on the family’s financial capabilities. The ritual requires proper planning where amadlozi are communicated with by burning imphepho (incense) and informing them that the family will be moving. Once the family gets into a new home, it must be introduced to amadlozi again where a similar ritual is undertaken. Thus, without the presence of amadlozi and the supportive environment there is practically no link between culture and house-form. In linking culture and housing, the respondents emphasized the role of permanent housing with secure tenure in providing stability and minimal disturbance of amadlozi. Under favourable conditions, a house can last more than a life time, providing security and assurance for the family and the next generation. The link between culture and housing is thus reflected in the house-form and layout of a traditional homestead where there is maximum support and the promotion and preservation of culture and cultural activities. The respondents further stated that a person’s identity is rooted in their cultural origins; it is a phenomenon that they have been brought up with, the habits that one has adopted and become accustomed to for one’s survival and upbringing. They acknowledged that cultural beliefs and norms differ among ethnic groups and families. The respondents identified two forms of housing: (1) as a home and (2) as a house. In isiZulu, the terms home and house are ekhaya and indlu,, respectively. These terms contain substantial meaning which gives one an idea about the type of housing in which a person resides. They also give an idea as to whether or not someone is

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living with their family. For example, indlu (house) indicates that a person is living by themselves and ekhaya (home) indicates that they living with their family. Housing as a home (ekhaya) refers to a built environment where the ancestors (amadlozi) are present and the family is free to express their cultural values and activities. On the other hand, housing as a house (indlu) refers to a built environment which is believed to be temporary, and cultural practices are limited; thus, amadlozi are not present. The term indlu extends to a room or the space which a person occupies. The respondents used these isiZulu terms to explain the difference between housing as house and as a home. This in turn offers a rational explanation for the respondents’ perception of CRUs as mere indlu. This simply because they are not ideal for family living since they have limited tenure and sharing of some units with other people. The situation is further complicated by limitations on what they can and cannot do within their space because they need to be considerate of their roommates or housemates. This compromises cultural practices. Limitations such as living with a stranger force them to go back to their rural homes where there are family members, privacy and suitable facilities such as isibaya and a rondavel to perform cultural rituals. These sentiments were echoed by one of the respondents who noted that CRUs are an equivalent of indlu since: Indlu does not have the presence of amadlozi especially in the case of CRUs. iKhaya has the presences of amadlozi because respective rituals have been performed in that arena. In the case of us living in hostels/CRUs, amadlozi are aware that we live here for employment purposes and for those who practice certain cultural rituals in hostels/CRUs they are probably following the right pathway of doing so with their ancestors. Otherwise under normal circumstances cultural rituals are performed ekhaya (home) (Respondent 3: 2014)

These views were substantiated by other respondents who felt that: Indlu lacks respect because there are different people coming in and out of someone’s room, drinking, smoking, making noise, or behaving in a disrespectful manner with each other in other people’s space. Whereas ikhaya commands respect because occupants are aware about how to conduct their themselves and behaviour around certain areas within the home or homestead so as to maintain the respect within the home and the home to gain respect within the community at large. (Respondent 4: 2014)

Generally, the respondents considered family housing to be detached housing where all family members reside under one roof or are confined to the same yard in the case where outside buildings exist. Such a house set-up is considered as ekhaya (home) because it serves the family as a unit and can cater for all family members and cultural activities. On the other hand, a house-form that cannot cater for a family as a unit is considered to be indlu (house), which is merely a house with an individual purpose and function. According to the respondents, CRUs are indlu because everyone residing there does so for their own individual purpose, which is to either further their studies, seek employment or explore the opportunities presented by the urban environment.

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14.4.1.8

295

Cultural Functionality of CRUs

The perceived cultural functionality of CRUs varied from respondent to respondent. The majority of respondents (75%) felt that CRUs are culturally dysfunctional as opposed to only 25% who felt that they still had a place in fulfilling cultural needs of their occupants. Those in support of the cultural functionality of CRUs argued that despite the limitations emanating from the spatial design, one’s room was adequate to practice minor cultural activities such as imphepho. This ritual, in essence, allowed communication with amadlozi. However, overwhelming evidence from most of the respondents shows that there are a number of factors that militate against the functionality of CRUs for cultural purpose. The ineffectiveness and frustrations arising out of the cultural dysfunctionality of CRUS by households are summarized in Table 14.5. Several cultural problems arise in the practice of culture in the CRUs as male-only settlements or as family units. For instance, it is expected that an occupant would request permission from his housemates or roommates before conducting cultural rituals in the apartment. Depending on the permission granted and the conditionalities attached to it, this will in turn restrict some cultural rituals. Cultural rituals which Table 14.5 Factors that makes CRUs culturally incompatible Item

Explanation

Work culture

Roommates/housemates work at different places and at different times which in turn affects proper times when rituals can be performed

Noise

Overcrowding in CRUs, which partly arises out of the spatial design, results in noise which in turn affects the peaceful conduct of rituals

Strangers

The presence of strangers as either housemates/roommates affects family rituals since strangers are not supposed to be part of household spiritual activities. This leads to contamination of the whole process

Space

Cultural rituals are ‘selfish’ activities where the sharing of space becomes an abomination. Repeated use of the same space for cultural by other households leads to contamination of not only the space, but of the whole ritual which in turn leads to communication breakdown

Absence of family members Cultural rituals are spiritual commitments that require the support and presence of family members—especially elders. Their absence, emanating from the nature of housing coupled with their inability to travel from their rural areas significantly affects the ritual which degenerates into activity meant to appease ‘floating amadlozi’ who are ineffective Privacy

Source Researcher 2015

This is a common denominator which is required throughout the process. It denotes both to space required for the ritual and to the actual activity of performing the ritual

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invoke ancestors through ‘noise making’ (such as beating drums or singing) will automatically affect roommates/housemates works at night and would want to sleep during the day or vice versa. Similarly, a family residing in an apartment in Wema would require the permission of neighbours or several neighbours depending on the cultural ritual. The fact that apartments are so close to one another means that some cultural rituals will depend on the neighbours’ tolerance. This takes away the freedom and the right to freely practice culture in their homes as they would in the rural areas. The combination of overcrowding of family members or strangers in apartments in the case of male-only accommodation and the need to request permission from neighbours and/or housemates in a family environment creates a lack of privacy for any cultural ritual. Image 14.2 shows the closeness of the apartment units which prevents household privacy. The situation also challenges the power of a man to make decisions in his household—let alone to beg for space from strangers who at times are not supposed to know about the ritual. The situation is aggravated by the inappropriateness of space to undertake certain rituals (where for instance, there is need to slaughter a goat or cow) which contravenes with prevailing urban by-laws. Above all, cultural rituals and ceremonies usually require the presence of elders and extended family members. It is expected that they stay the night before the ceremony to either assist in preparations or be present during communication process with amadlozi. The limited space available in Wema and Unit 17 will hinder the preparation of cultural rituals and ceremonies. This explains whys some respondents stated that it is was better for them to travel home to the rural areas to perform the ceremony than for their family members to travel to the CRUs. The contentious issue in this regard is not only about the availability of space or the willingness of roommates/housemates to allow such a ritual to proceed. Space for practising rituals is sacred—an aspect which explains why certain rooms or areas are set aside for such purpose in rural setting. Hence, the presence of strangers and their participation at times (arising out of the absence of family members) makes the whole ritual ineffective—thus prompting communication breakdown between the family and amadlozi. More so, different people perform different cultural issues in the same space—a situation which leads to contamination and disrespecting of the family ‘cultural shrine’ and ancestors. In this regard, CRUs undermine cultural rituals resulting in households’ loss of dignity, respect, social status, identity, heritage and ancestral guidance.

Improving CRUs in Response to Culture Needs Wema and Unit 17 are rental housing developed within well-located areas that are close to employment opportunities, infrastructure, public transport networks and other amenities. All these factors support occupants’ sustainable livelihoods in CRUs. In this regard, the only missing cog is its failure to accommodate the cultural dimension—is this an issue which requires state intervention? Respondents to this issue were divided between the need to fulfil structural maintenance issues (47%) of the buildings as opposed to undertaking substantial changes to accommodate cultural

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Function al 25%

Fig. 14.6 Link between CRUs and culture. Source Fieldwork (2015)

Not Function al 75%

needs (53%). The respondents who were disagreed argued that CRUs offer a convenient urban lifestyle that cannot be synchronized with that of their culture. The house-form of CRUs is incompatible with the norms and values of culture due to the nature of the overall built environment and the limited space for personal use. Their arguments were not shaped by their dislike of culture, but also by the need to see that if such changes were to be undertaken, they should be adequate enough not to undermine the practice of cultural ceremonies. They further noted that the spatial arrangement in Wema was already limited, and therefore, nothing can be done to ensure that CRUs cater for culture needs. One of their critical observations was the incompatibility of urban space with traditional and cultural activities such as the presence of beer halls and children’s play areas whose proximity to cultural space would result in contamination, disrespect and undermining. On the other hand, respondents who expressed the need for improvement did so based on the belief that the government will eventually force them to live in CRUs as family units. This is based on the changes enforced to households since 1994. Hence, they reckon that if change can be imposed, the authorities can still ensure that CRUs are family-friendly and supportive of culture. However, some further argued that they would not mind even to move to better housing such as detached housing units which provide privacy (see Fig. 14.6). Despite this overwhelming response, there are still some who felt that high-rise and row housing were still ideal and favourable given the level of convenience they offer in the urban environment. But fear of investing in the urban environment at the expense of their rural areas made some feel that row housing and high-rise housing were more ideal if they are to maintain a proper culture.

14.4.2 Data Analysis There are a number of critical issues that arise out of this case study among which are the perpetuation of the colonial apartheid culture of male dominance and the role of the urban economy vis-à-vis cultural norms. However, this does not exonerate current housing interventions in the form of CRUs which continue to be a negation of cultural norms and values.

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Acculturation: Institutional Arrangements

The occupants of Wema and Unit 17 have been living in male-only accommodation since the apartheid era and 13 years into the democratic era (at the time of commencing data collection). This has strongly affected their willingness to change from a male-dominated environment to an environment that caters for women and children. Male dominance has been maintained despite changes in politics, governance and policies. This resistance to change which is evident in not allowing women to register in CRUs is due to the many years of colonial and apartheid rule when male dominance was encouraged and enforced. In contrast, policies that encourage and support a family environment have a much shorter history. The collective decision to prevent women from registering in CRUs in both Wema and Unit 17 highlights the realities of post-apartheid life, inherited from the apartheid era. Despite the protection afforded to women and children by the Constitution, and legislation and policies on the right to adequate housing and equity, women and children are still shut out of the hostel/CRU arena. This suggests that men have a sense of impunity, which is understood as men’s sole entitlement to housing. The refusal to allow women and children into the CRUs affirms and encourages the chauvinist ideology subscribed to by male CRU occupants that is unfortunately buttressed by the pro-male facilities in CRUs which encourage the performance of masculinity and male bonding spaces. This continuously asserts male dominance in CRUs. The act of rejecting female registration is a territorial act which is expressed in controlling women’s movement in CRUs, which supposedly reaffirms their masculinity against the government. A battle is raging between colonial and apartheid ideology and the current democratic ideology. Preventing women from registering for housing violates their constitional right to equality and right to housing. Men have purposefully chosen to maintain or adopt practices inherited from the colonial and aparthied eras that only benefit them. At the same time, they demand adequate and hygienic housing, which is enshrined in the South African Constitution as shown in the data collected regarding maintenance. They also acknowledge the need for their families to live with them, which is enshrined in the housing policy. However, in both Wema and Unit 17, the need to maintain male dominance has superseded that of women and children’s right to housing as stated in the Constitution.

14.4.2.2

Form Follows Function

The house-form and physical environment of CRUs, including the social facilities comprise of features that translate to the ideal usage of CRUs by occupants. Migrant workers adhered to the rules imposed by the apartheid government and conformed to the function and use of the hostels that were dictated to them. There is an omnipresent relationship between occupants, the house-form of the hostel/CRU and its environment which has manifested since the apartheid era. Non-material and material objects in CRUs are of value to an individual and the single lifestyle but are not of value and

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suppress cultural values, norms and standards for family living. The data revealed evidence of how CRUs affect traditional culture due to inadequate space, through shared and unisex facilities, and the limited space to accommodate family members and the extended family during cultural ceremonies. The house-form of CRUs was constructed by the apartheid government for a specific purpose. The occupants of Wema and Unit 17 will not easily accept that it should now become CRUs even though it is being continuously modified. Occupants still recognize the history behind the house-form, its geographical location, the role it still plays in employment opportunities and the convenience it offers for family sustainability and livelihoods. The house-form of CRUs in no way reflects the culture, traditions, history and lifestyle of its occupants; instead, it symbolizes the culture of a hostel lifestyle. CRUs symbolize and still address the need for temporary, affordable, individual housing which caters for occupants’ ‘nomadic’ nature in searching for job opportunities. Wema and Unit 17 have for a long time offered access to economic resources that are gendered, favouring male occupants. Hence, men understand hostels/CRUs as a male space to which they are entitled. This questions gender citizenship in CRUs. This standpoint is similar to that identified in Durkheim’s The Division of Labour in Society; through modernization the house-form of hostels/CRUs has encouraged individualism and selfishness in the form of gender-specific housing. The lack of femalespecific employment has also encouraged male’s entitlement to hostels/CRUs. It was more beneficial to the family for men to reside in hostels in urban areas. The development of Mega City and the recently completed KwaMnyandu Mall has ensured that there are no longer gendered or sexualized employment opportunities. However, rejecting female registration in CRUs encourages the disengagement of families and increased economic opportunities for all family members. Men focus on benefitting themselves through the division of labour while also trying to entrench cultural traditions and practices by shutting women out. The study revealed that adolescents and young adults were more open to CRUs as family units. This group has adapted to urban life and tends to be more ‘modernized’ than the older generation. However, they remain influenced by older occupants and cultural values. The hostel culture is strongly embedded in the older male generation to the extent that they do not identify with the CRU environment for themselves or their families since they almost at retirement age. Even though they have lived in hostels/CRUs for more than 20 years, they still perceive themselves as ‘migrant workers’ who only live in the city for employment opportunites.

14.4.2.3

Perpetuation of Hostel Culture

‘An individual’s behavior is a function of his or her motivations, the affordances of the environment, and the images of the world outside direct perception and the meanings those images have for the individual’. Lang’s statement reflects what is happening in Wema and Unit 17. The occupants of both CRUs want to maintain male dominance and are therefore bent on making the living conditions and lifestyle

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unattractive for family living to respondents in Wema who indicated that they would like to live with their family. Men’s perceptions of CRUs as hostels are depicted in their behaviour and habits that have not changed since the apartheid era when they were not in agreement on certain issues with the apartheid government. They perpetuate hostel culture within the CRU environment which is evident in the culture of non-payment of rent. Rival political parties, the ANC and IFP and more recently the NFP, still exist and male dominance is secured through male-only accommodation. The government is perhaps also at fault for not providing complementary facilities parallel to CRU upgrading and construction. The presence of male-friendly facilities creates the impression that the government supports such an environment even though the Constitution and BNG dictate otherwise. This also encourages perceptions that males have preference and a right to CRUs. The development and reconstruction of CRUs in conjuction with Mega City created its own problems, even though it has contributed to economic gains among some occupants in Wema and Unit 17. The Mega City development offers greater employment opportunities, intergration and compaction to residents living in close proximity. The joint development of CRUs, Wema and Mega City promised to improve their livelihoods. However, the call for family living in CRUs indirectly calls for more than half the current occupants to be displaced which defeats the purpose of economically empowering the targeted/intial occupants. The current location offers increased employment opportunities in not only industry but commercial outlets. CRU occupants have adopted coping strategies and mechanisms to prevent people from being displaced; these strategies perpuatate the hostel culture of the apartheid era. Occupants in both Wema and Unit 17 are purposely slowing down the transition from individual/single living to family living. This is an indication of their unwillingness to expose or diffuse their culture and to conform to the foreign culture of the CRU house-form.

14.4.2.4

House-Form Analysis

What emerges significantly from this discourse is that the house-form of CRUs is very foreign to occupants as family units, but they are well acquainted with it as individuals. It is possible that they fear the unknown culture that is to be developed or they fear losing their male hostel culture. Either of these possibilities will affect their biological culture which is preserved in a detached house typology. This could subsequently result in them neglecting their rural homes when all family members move into CRUs. Family life and, consequently, cultural norms, values and standards will be affected. As noted in chapter three, culture and house-form are intimately related. A change in traditional house-form should lead to a change in the traditional culture of the occupants (Rapoport 1980). Continuous changes and the implementation of policies on hostels upgrading from the RDP, to HRP, BNG and CRUs has subjected occupants to the modification and alteration of hostel culture. While male dominance has been maintained, social changes have resulted from changes in policy, the improvement

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of CRUs in the case of Wema and the development of Unit 17. These changes have modified and alterered culture in both CRUs. For example, occupants have moved away from sharing communal facilities and dormitory rooms to less dense sharing arrangements. The improvement of the house-form has decreased social interaction within apartment units, thus improving privacy within the unit. In contrast, there is a lack of cultural privacy due to the fact that prior approval is required for cultural practices. For the occupants, cultural privacy is more desirable than individual privacy.

14.4.2.5

Space Contact/Interaction

The courtyard layout of CRUs offers less cultural privacy and more human interaction outside of the apartment which is the opposite of the traditional environment. The presence of strangers in the confined space of CRUs initiates and encourages culturally prohibited interactions through constant informal, personal, face-to-face and intimate contact. Such interactions are not common in the traditional household. The data revealed that the occupants of Wema and Unit 17 need a culturally supportive environment if they are to accept family units. Both case studies have a homogeneous community from the Nguni tribe that shares similar cultural norms, values and practices, thus making it easier to create a supportive cultural environment. Indeed, Wema occupants are already clustered in cultural and political groupings.

14.4.2.6

Cultural Conflicts and Overlaps

The functionality of CRUs from a cultural perspective is divided. But what can be established clearly is that in as much as they are functional to some extent, conflicts and overlaps are observable. This suggests that while culture may be practised in any given house-form, the desired outcome of cultural practices, norms and behaviours will always differ in the sense that it can be compromised, altered or eliminated. For culture to be practised appropriately, the following factors muct be met: (i) a respectable area for amadlozi needs to be clearly demarcated and (ii) family members, including elders need to be present. The first factor does not only speak to the issue of space being ‘contaminated’ (from a spiritual perspective), but also its limitations (as posed by the size of the apartment) to allow certain functions to be undertaken. More specific, the limited contact with the ground (especially soil) impacts on the communication process during cultural ceremonies. On the other hand, the practice of cultural functions is a duty of elders (to some extent involving the extended faily members)—hence, the challenges of not only transporting them to the city, but also of providing adequate space to accommodate them during the performance of the ceremony pose a huge challenge to the practice of culture in CRUs. Hence, the amadlozi to respond has been attributed to to these conflicts and overlaps. However, this does not automatically rule out the practice of culture in CRUs. Instead, freedom to practice it is limited to the boundaries of the apartment and/or an

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Percentage

individual’s room. This is always the case when minor cultural rituals are supposed to be observed, such as the burning of imphepho which does not require the slaughtering of any animal (such as a chicken or a goat). But even under such circumstances, freedom to practice is dependent on room mates or neighbours whose permission must be sought before proceeding. Thus, freedom to practice rituals wily-nily is curtailed. When cultural practice depends on obtaining permission from an outsider, the ritual loses meaning and is undermined because the intentions of cultural rituals are a secret that is only known to the family—hence, disclosing such an intention to an outsider might defeat the purpose of performing it. More so, the freedom to practice such rituals in CRUs is also limited to communal spaces provided as in the case of Wema. Such areas may be used as isibaya to slaughter the animal required for umsebenzi. Each household needs to have its own isibaya for slaughtering and carrying out cultural rituals; even if isibaya does not exist, the slaughtering of an animal needs to be performed within the boundaries of the household in a respected and specifically demarcated area. While 25% of the respondents said that they were willing to compromise their culture by sharing communal facilities for cultural activities and rituals, they acknowledged that there will always be a clash of amadlozi when rituals are not performed correctly. Furthermore, there would also be a clash should two or more families pick the same day to perform their rituals in the communal area (which is common during holidays and weekends). In this regard what is observable is conflict of cultures which spiritually results in contamination of the ritual process as well as physical conflict in terms of using the same communal area. The metaphorical image of cultural conflicts which could arise in CRUs is visually depicted by the researcher in Fig. 14.7. Since culture is an abstract and may differ from place to place, the relevance of this imagery could be limited. Nevertheless, it portrays a visible yet possible scenario of cultural conflicts and the intertwining of amadlozi with the sharing of communal areas and households accommodating different occupants from different families (Fig. 14.8). 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 urban areas rural areas

Detached housing 83.3 88.3

High-rise

Row Housing

11.7 5

5 6.7

Fig. 14.7 Preferred family house-form. Source Fieldwork (2015)

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Fig. 14.8 Conflicts and overlaps is the use of space. Source Researcher (2015)

CRUs undermine culture and promote disrespect for cultural activities through their house-form. They lack the desired cultural privacy in the form of distinctive demarcation of sacred space for each household or occupant for cultural activities. Cultural rituals cannot be performed by two or more people with different surnames under one roof; this portrays a disrespect for amadlozi, and an individual’s heritage and dignity. The practice of one’s culture in CRUs spatial circumstances does not create a good impression of their home’s dignity; it is an indication that a man does not have a home and good communication with his family. More importantly, he does not respect his ancestors. Occupants who do perform rituals immediately lose the respect of their housemates and roommates. During cultural rituals, a respectable person verbally communicates private issues with amadlozi; therefore, if these issues are stated in the presences of others who are strangers, private family matters will be known by all and respect will be lost. Furthermore, a man without a home loses respect in the community because he is supposed to provide shelter for his family and to pass on his family’s heritage to the next generation. A man without a house creates an unstable cultural environment.

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14.4.3 Conclusion and Recommendations Should culture persist as an issue in CRU development, the government should design clear strategies to guide implementing agencies on culturally sensitive housing. One critical issue that emerges strongly from this paper is the need to change the mindset of occupants from hostels and its house-form not only in terms of accepting incoming changes, but also their attitude to family housing units in urban areas. Change, if ever is envisaged as a major factor in this regard should start by educating occupants on the nature of urban housing as expressed by the current policy pronouncements. This in itself forms the basis upon which a strong platform for further proposals can be accepted. More so, the perpetuation of the ‘hostel culture’ which is still reigning in these CRUs will always remain as a major obstacle to changing the housing environment. This in turn touches on the need to revisit housing management styles (especially in hostels and CRUs) in terms of the selection and distribution of prospective beneficiaries. The focus should not only be on renovation and redistributing people within the same environment. The ‘neutralization strategy’ to change the attitude of current occupants and their ‘hostel culture’ requires a radical approach that should involve relocation of some existing beneficiaries. However, the ‘neutralization strategy’ being recommended in this context will only be effective in a situation where there is also substantial investment in the construction of new housing units in tandem with the continual renovation and reconstruction of existing hostels. Under such circumstances, the distribution of beneficiaries can be easily achieved in order to achieve changes that are being recommended.

References Altman I, Chemers MM (1980) Cultural aspects of environmental-behaviour relationships. In: Triandis HC, Brislin RW (eds) Handbook of cross-cultural psychology. Allyn and Bacon, Boston, pp 335–395 Altman I (1993) Homes, housing, and the 21st century: prospects and challenges. In: Arias EG (ed) The meaning and use of housing. Aldershot: Avebury, pp xix–xxvii Bochner S (1975) The house form as a cornerstone of culture. In: Brislin RW (ed) Topics in culture learning, vol 3. Honolulu, HI: East-West Centre, pp 9–20 Clark W, Dieleman FM (1996) Households and housing: choice and outcomes in the housing market. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research Darnton R (1984) The great cat massacre and other episodes in French cultural history. Basic Books, New York Durkheim E (2002) Key Sociologists. In: Hamilton P (ed) London and New York: Routledge Department of Human Settlements. (Nov 2006). Policy framework and implementation for the community residential units programme. Pretoria, South Africa Emirbayer M (1996) Durkheim’s contribution to the sociological analysis of history. Sociol Forum 11(2):262–284 Ember CR, Ember M (1998) Anthropology: a brief introduction. Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs NJ Holland D, Quinn N (eds) (1987) Cultural models in language and thought. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK

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Hareven T (1993) The home and the family in historical perspective. In: Mack A (ed) Home: a place in the world. New York: New York University Press Jackson G (1997) International housing: a framework for study and comparison of housing across political and cultural boundaries. Hous Soc 24(3):1–19 Jabareen Y (2005) Culture and housing preferences in a developing city. Environ Behav. 134–146 Jiboye AD, Ogunshakin L (2010) The place of the family house in contemporary Oyo Town, Nigeria. J Sustain Develop 3(2):117–128 Khan F (2003) Housing policy and practice in post-apartheid South Africa. Heinemann Linton R (1945) The cultural background of personality. Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York Levy N (1982) The foundations of the South African cheap labour system. Routeledge and Kegan Paul, London Lawrence R (2000) House form and culture: what have we learnt in thirty years? In: Moore KD (ed) Culture, meaning, architecture: critical reflections on the work of Amos Rapoport. Ashgate, Aldershot, UK, pp 53–76 Lemanski C (2009) Augemented informality: South Africa’s backyard dwellings as a by-product of formal housing policies. The South African housing foundation, international conference exhibition and housing awards. Cape Town Malkawi F, Al-Qudah I (2003) The house as an expression of social worlds: Irbid’s elite and their architecture. J Housing Built Environ 18:25–48 Mhlaba D (2009) The indigenous architecture of KwaZulu-natal in the late 20th Century. University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa Middleton CD (n.d.) Self-help components in housing delivery. Research report prepared for the Canada mortgage and housing corporation, rural and native housing division, Ottawa Mitchell M, Bevan A (1992) Culture, cash and housing: community and tradition in low-income building. VSO/IT Publications, London Moore GT, Tuttle DP, Howell SC (1985) Environmental design research directions. Praeger, New York Mothotoana MH (2011) Implementation of hostel redevelopment project withn the city of Johannesburg metropolitan municipality. University of South Africa, South Africa National Housing Code (2000) Department of housing. Republic of South Africa Gauteng Provincial Government (2008). Hostel eradication programme to help demolish apartheid legacy. Retrieved August 15, 2010, from http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2008/080612104 51003.htm Njoh AJ (2006) Tradition, culture and development in Africa: historical lessons for modern development planning. Ashgate, South Florida, USA Ojo J (n.d.) Description of houses in Nigeria by travelers and explorers—1823–1892. In: Amole B (ed) Habitat studies in Nigeria. Some qualitative dimensions. Ibadan, Nigeria: Shaneson Publishers Ltd, pp 48–63 Ozaki R (2002) Housing as a reflection of culture: privatized living and privacy in England and Japan. Housing Studies 17(2):209–227 Rapoport A (1969) House-form and culture. Prentice-Hall, Inc Rapoport A (1980) Cross-cultural aspects of environmental design. In: Altman I, Rapoport A, Wohlwill JF (eds) Human behaviour and environment. Plenum Press, New York, pp 7–42 Rapoport A (1995) Culture and the built-form—a reconsideration. In: Rapoport A (ed) Thirty three papers in environment-behaviour research. Urban International Press, Newcastle (UK), pp 399–436 Rapoport A (1998) Using “culture” in housing design. Hous Soc 25(1–2):1–20 Ringer FK (1992) Theory and method in comparative research: two strategies. Soc Forces 61:731– 754 Thurman S (1997) Umzamo: improving hostel dwellers’ accommodation in South Africa. Environ Urban 9(2):43–61 Timmermans H, Molin H, Van Noortwijk L (1994) Housing choice processes: stated values revealed modeling approaches. Neth J Hous Built Environ 9:215–227

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Tomlinson R (1990) Urbanization in post-apartheid South Africa Unwin Hyman Triandis HC (1994) Culture and social behaviour. McGraw-Hill, New York UNESCO (n.d) The interdependency of the tangible and intangible cultural heritage. ICOMOS 14th general assembly and scientific symposium. Willis K (2005) Theories and practices of development. Routeledge, USA

Noxolo Msimang is a Housing Specialist who holds a B.Sc. and Masters Degree in Housing which she obtained from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

Chapter 15

Human Settlement Policies and Women’s Access to the City: Implications for Inclusive Cities Catherine Ndinda and Pauline Adebayo

Abstract Since the transition to democracy, access to the city has been facilitated by among others the housing policies and programmes that have placed women within the municipal jurisdiction of urban areas. While the notion of granting access to the city is not explicitly articulated in policy, the outcomes have included women’s inclusion in various ways in the city. This chapter draws on policy design evaluation and the use of qualitative research conducted among communities in Gauteng. Focus group discussions and key informant interviews with community leaders and stakeholders were conducted to explore and explicate the extent to which the postapartheid human settlement policies and programmes had facilitated women’s access to the city. The findings suggest that access to the city is anchored in the right to the freedom of movement and association embedded in the Constitution. Human settlement programmes have by their design facilitated women’s access to the city through extending housing assets to people who would otherwise not have any access if allocation was left entirely to market forces. Macroeconomic policies and the structure of the economy among other factors have constrained full participation of women in the life of the city. The chapter argues that human settlement policies interact in a complex way with spatial policies, urban design, transportation, safety and security and the location of employment and social services to shape access to the city. The contribution of this chapter lies in combining policy design assessment with empirical data to unravel gendered inclusion and exclusion from the post-apartheid city. Keywords Gender · Inclusive cities · Gauteng · Design evaluation · Qualitative research · South Africa

C. Ndinda Human Sciences Research Council, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] P. Adebayo (B) Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_15

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15.1 Introduction Since colonialism, South African cities have been built around exclusion. Whereas exclusion in global cities has often been on the basis of class, exclusion in South African cities since their inception has been on the basis of race. Africans were generally excluded from South Africa cities and entering cities required special passes and hence the imposition of passes, pass laws and regulations that were developed in the name of influx control. Africans were generally relegated to the reserves or Bantustans—KwaZulu, KaNgwane, Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, Transkei, Venda and KwaNdebele. Although there was a population of urbanised Africans, they too were considered illegal and confined to segregated African townships in the cities. The objective of this chapter is to examine the extent to which government interventions have facilitated women’s access to the city in post-apartheid South Africa. The chapter begins by providing a glimpse of exclusion of indigenous Africans from South African cities under colonialism and apartheid as the basis for understanding the how the democratic government interventions (since 1994) have facilitated access to the city for women in the post-apartheid period. The paper proceeds to address the actual interventions put in place by government and how these have facilitated women’s access to the city. The discussion on access is interwoven with an analysis of the ways in which exclusion persists in the post-apartheid city. The conclusion is a recapitulation of the main ideas emerging from this paper.

15.2 Apartheid Policies on Access to the City The origins of exclusion of indigenous Africans from cities can be traced not only to the segregated township configurations of the Group Areas Act (1950) but also to the period preceding the rise of the Nationalist Party (NP) to power in 1948 cities (Maylam 1995; Baines 1989). Maylam (1995) postulates that property owners in Cape Town, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Johannesburg were behind municipal council regulations for racial segregation. However, the white working class who wanted Africans out of the city to avoid competing with them for unskilled jobs drove segregation in the city of Johannesburg (Maylam 1995).The Group Areas Act (an apartheid policy), rather than bringing about racialised spaces in cities, merely endorsed what local authorities had been practicing for decades, long before apartheid (Maylam 1995). To enforce the Group Areas Act and ensure that there was minimal and regulated interaction between the different races, housing policies were formulated to control and subjugate the indigenous population rather than to address the housing needs of urban residents and were aligned to notions’ segregation. Demarcations were placed on the different residential and commercial districts. Public spending on services, facilities and other city amenities was determined by race. Effectively, whites benefited from more public expenditure, while Africans bore the burden of

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the least expenditure. This disparity cut across the provision of city (and national) services for housing, education, health, transportation, economic opportunity spaces and recreation. Without permits, Africans were prohibited from living in the “White” cities. These permits were obtained through the labour bureau in urban areas, which allocated permits to Africans who sought permanent residence in urban areas. Africans were confined to townships “which were owned and administered by local agencies of the central state. …The quantity of permits was effectively determined by employers’ demands for labour in different places, and at different periods” (McCarthy 1992: 27). Although the ‘native administration’ was established in each of the major urban areas (Cape Town, Durban, Johannesburg) to regulate the lives of urban African residents, what ensured exclusion from the city were the influx control policies and pass laws (Maylam 1995). Throughout colonialism and apartheid, Africans resisted and protested the imposition of pass laws and the 1956 Women’s March to the Union Buildings was the culmination of women’s resistance to patriarchal oppression embodied in the apartheid state. According to the Bantu Abolition of Passes and Co-ordination of Documents Act and its subsequent amendments, Africans could only remain in white residential areas only under strict regulations and they could not remain in white areas after curfew hours. According to the Act, Africans could be “endorsed” out of the urban districts whenever the Minister felt that an area had exceeded its labour requirements. The Act also stipulated that persons could also be endorsed out by the Minister if deemed to be “idle or undesirable or deemed not to be in the interests of the employer or employed or in the public interest” (UNESCO 1974). In terms of the Bantu Act, the “Wives and other dependents of Africans working in the white areas and who had not resided in the area continuously previously required permission to visit husbands or father if this visit would be longer than seventy two hours” (UNESCO 1974: 76). While employers could accommodate African wives and their husbands, African children were required to remain in the reserves/homelands. While all Africans faced barriers accessing South African cities, African women bore the brunt of exclusion. In addition to requiring passes to enter cities, African women were required to get the permission of their male relatives, thus entrenching their oppression in the public and private spheres. African women bore the brunt of the racist policies that also burdened them with patriarchal oppression. Participants in our study described apartheid exclusion in the following ways: Participant: so that’s when the African, the black people they [were] actually wanted in the city only for their work not for staying… they were dumped for example if I am talking about Pretoria [inaudible] in Tshwane…you would find that most African, black people … would be placed in Soshanguve, Mabopane, Garankuwa, which is far from the city (KII_Off_NGO_01).

As the extract shows, in cities such as Pretoria, Africans lived in the outskirts of the city in townships. They had to commute long distances daily to access work in the city. From 1986 onwards, the influx control policies of the apartheid regime were relaxed (Houston 1988). Rural migrants begun moving into urban areas and that

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too posed a challenge. For decades, the apartheid regime intentionally declined to invest in adequate housing in urban areas for the African population. The increasing rural–urban migration resulted in overcrowding in established townships and put a strain on the existing infrastructure. Rural–urban migrants who did not find accommodation created their own, in informal settlements on the margins of the cities. Thus, a combination of factors including laws that restricted rural–urban migration; influx control policies; unemployment; and the lack of adequate housing in the urban areas combined to restrict the access to the city. With the transition to democracy, human settlement policies and programmes, economic and social policies, and the Constitution (1996), the legal barriers in accessing the cities in South Africa were theoretically removed. However, challenges persist, and this chapter explores how human settlement policies and programmes have facilitated access to the city for women who constitute the majority among the poor.

15.3 Methodology The current study was conducted between November 2019 and June 2020. This study sought to explore how government interventions had facilitated women’s access to the city; the strategies that women use to access the city, the meanings that women give to accessing the city and the challenges women face in accessing the city. The first phase of the study analysed human settlement policies since 1994 to understand how women’s place in the city was conceptualised in these policies. The second phase entailed empirical data collection. The study used the qualitative approach to conduct homogenous focus group discussions among male and female participants in selected subsidised housing projects in the cities of Tshwane and Johannesburg. Understanding women’s perspectives in accessing the city was the focus of the study, but the study also included men as a gender category to allow for comparison. The study covered nine (9) settlements and a key characteristic amongst them is that most were located on the outskirts of the cities. In total, nine (9) focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted. The study participants for each FGD were recruited based on their age category as shown in Table 15.1. Table 15.1 Recruitment of participants per focus group

Age

Male

Female

Total

18–24

2

2

4

25–34

2

2

4

35–54

2

2

4

55–64

2

2

4

65+

2

2

4

Total

10

10

20

15 Human Settlement Policies and Women’s Access to the City… Table 15.2 Study areas in Tshwane and Johannesburg

Area

Male

311 Female

Total

Bophelong

0

8

8

Carletonville

0

4

4

Golden Gardens

0

9

9

Khutsong

7

1

8

Kwamaimai

7

8

15

Lady Selborne

10

12

22

Lufhereng

0

13

13

Nellmapius

0

8

8

Winterveld Total

7

8

15

31

71

102

Each FGD had 4–12 participants. To protect the identity of participants and confidentiality of the information, the study participants were allocated numbers to use during the discussions (1–12). The total number of those who participated in the FGDs was 102. The perspectives of women were sought by ensuring that there were more female than male FGDs. Male FGDs were included establish if their views of access to the city were different from those of women. Key informant interviews were conducted among leaders in the communities where the FGDs were conducted (in Tshwane and Johannesburg) (Table 15.2). Purposive sampling was used in selecting the key informants (Ndinda et al. 2020). The community leaders (ward councillors and ward committee members responsible for housing) were selected based on their knowledge about the history of the community and the experience of living in their communities. Another category of key informants was officials in the municipalities where the projects were located. These were officials that were involved in subsidised housing planning and delivery. Housing in South Africa denotes not just the top structure but also the infrastructural services such as water, sanitation, electricity, roads, schools and everything else required to make living in a particular place possible. Local government officials knowledgeable about housing delivery were selected based on their willingness to participate in the study. In addition, key informants were drawn from the national level. Purposive sampling was used to identify stakeholders in the field of subsidised housing, city planning and development. Given that some participants referred the researchers to other potential key informants, the sampling ultimately became a mix of purposive and snow/reference sampling techniques. In snowballing, the first participant refers the researcher to the next participant until data saturation is reached. In this study, saturation was reached when the researchers interviewed 15 participants. These key informants were recruited based on their knowledge and experience with subsidised housing delivery in the country. They included national housing officials, practitioners, academics, NGO representatives and ordinary women living in subsidised housing. In total, 23 key informants were interviewed. The total number of participants in the whole study was 125. This paper analyses responses deriving from the

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question on how government interventions had facilitated women’s access to the city. Thematic analysis was used to analyse and draw out the key themes arising from the textual data from FGDs and KIIs.

15.4 Conceptualising Access to the City With growing poverty and inequality in cities across the globe, analysts and stakeholders have been compelled to consider issues of who belongs to the city, rights and access (WSF 2005; Harvey 2013). Debates on access to the city have been framed using the language of rights (World Social Forum [WSF] 2005; Harvey 2013; Marcuse 2009; UN Habitat 2013). The World Charter for the Right to the City (2005) conceptualises the city in terms of the physical character and how the urban space is organised to denote what is urban, semi-urban and the rural within its vicinity. The city is also conceptualised in terms of its the institutional arrangements that constitute it in the form of the local authority, stakeholders involved in the creation and management of the spaces within it and the social partners, organisations and communities. Inhabitants of the city are considered its citizens; the notion of citizenship is not linked to nationality but rather related to having a stake in the decisions that are taken within the city by either local authorities or private developers. Citizen participation in decision-making is central to understanding their rights and access to the city. The UN Habitat’s conceptualisation of the city is embedded in neoliberalism and core to its definition is the idea of a strong economy. While noting the importance of meeting basic needs, this is contingent upon economic growth. Growth is critical for the provision of social amenities such as healthcare, education, recreation facilities, safety and security among others that are necessary for an improved quality of life. Low levels of prosperity or growth that is not shared create the conditions for fierce protest and contestation (UN Habitat 2013: 10). According to the UN Habitat (2013), it is within cities that basic needs are satisfied. The satisfaction is only attained when there is prosperity; however, when the prosperity of the city is not accessible to certain groups, then cities become sites for fierce protest and contestation (UN Habitat 2013: 10). While the notions of prosperity within a city might differ, prosperous cities are considered those that provide social amenities such as health, education, recreation facilities, safety and security among others that are necessary for an improved standard of living and maximising on individual potential. The indicators of a prosperous city are like those of adequate housing as defined by the UN Habitat (2013) and include opportunities for income generation, and employment to ensure an adequate standard of living (WSF 2005). The conceptualisation of access to the city is framed in the language of rights (Marcuse 2009; Harvey 2013). Whereas most scholars in both the North and South have discussed the right to the city and what this entails, the National Department of Human Settlements views the city in terms of access rather than rights. The use of the term “right” is value-laden and hence the use of the term “access” to denote the same meaning (i.e. who belongs to the city and what benefits does the city offer

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its inhabitants). The debates on this are ongoing. However, for conceptual clarity the literature on access to the city can be categorised into the radical ( EU Charter 2000), neoliberal (UN Habitat &, World Bank) and moderate (World Social Forum 2005) conceptions of the right and access to the city. From a radical conceptualisation, the right to the city “is not meant as a legal claim enforceable through a judicial process today (although that may be part of the claim as a step in the direction of realising the Right to the City)” (Marcuse 2009: 192). The right to the city is a moral claim embedded in the principles of justice, ethics and morality; it is about collective rather than individual rights. Using critical urban theory, Marcuse (2009) argues that the right to the city is a demand made by the oppressed who are unable in varying degrees to meet their basic needs and the alienated. Both the excluded, marginalised, and alienated make claims from the city but the underlying rationale for these claims differs. For the marginalised and economically excluded, social and economic inclusion is critical, whereas for the alienated the need to express their creativity and potential is important. The oppressed and excluded include the homeless, refugees, those excluded from city spaces based on their race, class, or gender. The concern about the right to the city is not about everyone as property owners in the city already have it. Those with rights to the city base them on individual rights to property and the power they wield in decisions taken by city authorities. Examples include “financial powers, real estate owners and speculators, the key political hierarchy of state power, the owners of the media” (Marcuse 2009: 191). Those whose rights to the city are fragile, totally denied, and uncertain are largely groups of the materially deprived. Women as a social category are among those who are materially deprived and hence their location in informal settlements where they constitute the majority (Ndinda et al. 2017). The discourse of the right to the city is underlain by the idea of rights—which have often been articulated as individual and indivisible. Yet analyses about the right to the city suggest that these are not merely individual but rather collective rights, as articulated in the work of various urban scholars (Marcus 2009; Harvey 2008). The analysts argue that in a global context “where the rights of private property and the profit rate trump all other rights…” (Harvey 2008: 2), collective rights have to take precedence. In a neoliberal city, where the collective rights of the masses are subordinated by market forces, the property rights held by developers’ collective rights inevitably take the centre stage as illustrated by examples from around the globe. Access to the city as articulated in the language of rights is a demand made by both the oppressed and marginalised as well as the aspirations of the alienated. Every city needs to cater for the needs of its diverse groups. In South Africa, the right of appropriation has been expressed through the occupation of land within the jurisdiction of municipalities to ensure access to the city for the poor and women in particular (Ndinda and Ndhlovu 2016). Such occupation has granted women access to subsidised housing and contributed to their overall empowerment (Ndinda 2009). Some of the rights demanded in the claim for the right to the city include the right to public space, information, and transparency in government, access to the city centre and the right to social amenities and services.

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Women constitute the majority both in terms of the oppressed and alienated (Statistics South Africa 2019). Various aspects contribute to the oppression and exclusion of women from the city. While policies might be gender-sensitive, the urban design and form might be alienating and exclude women. Furthermore, the services and the ways in which these are provided might exclude or alienate women. Women form the majority among the groups identified as excluded from the city.

15.5 Findings 15.5.1 Government Interventions and Women’s Inclusion in the City in Post-apartheid South Africa 15.5.1.1

Policy and Legislative Environment

In the South African housing framework contained in various policies, programmes and strategic documents, housing is conceptualised as both a product and a process in the foundational documents of the DHS (White Paper 1994). The delivery of housing is expedited through various programmes, which are anchored in the existing legislative framework for housing development in South Africa. The legislative frameworks include the Constitution (1996), the Housing Act (1997), Social Housing Act (2008), the comprehensive plan for sustainable human settlements (RS 2004), the Spatial Planning and land Use Management (SPLUMA) Act (2013) and the Prevention of illegal eviction from and unlawful occupation of land (PIE) Act No. 19 of (1998). Human settlement implementation manuals include the Housing Code (2009); strategic documents of the National Department of Human Settlements (NDHS), reports and other grey literature available. A note on the PIE legislation will suffice here as the poor, including women, who gain access to the city either through invading land or hijacking buildings, have used it. The occupation of land or property without authorisation by the property owner and without any legal right to do so is considered unauthorised occupation of land, and it is recognised by the Constitution (Sect. 26 [3]) and by the PIE Act 19 of 1998. When an unauthorised person has taken occupation of land or property without being immediately challenged by the land or property owner, then a court order is required to remove them. In addition, the occupier needs to be provided with alternative accommodation. Thus, the unlawful occupier cannot be evicted without a court order, which can only be made if it is deemed just and equitable to do so. Property owners have since the enactment of PIE argued that it makes it extremely complicated to evict unlawful occupiers. Property owners have ended up being at the mercy of unlawful occupiers. The legislative framework delineates the scope of the department of human settlements (DHS), the provinces and the process of housing delivery and allocation both at national, provincial, and municipal levels. The human settlement policies

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and Housing Code (2009) postulate that housing development should result in the establishment of sustainable communities and residential environments and facilitate access to economic opportunities and ensure the health and safety and grant access to social amenities. Embedded in the objectives of the housing policies and programmes is the notion of facilitating access to the city for the poor, who are targeted by the subsidised housing programmes (Ndinda et al. 2019; Bank et al. 2018). Assessing how human settlement interventions have facilitated access to the city for the poor assumes that access to cities and secondary towns is a key objective of the DHS. While not explicitly stated, access to the city emerges as an important element in the conceptualisation of post-apartheid housing policies and programmes. The programmes articulate a vision for adequate housing and sustainable human settlements. Shelter is included among the socio-economic rights in the bill of rights in the South Africa Constitution. The entrenchment of housing in the bill of rights presupposes that the state has the obligation to provide adequate housing to its citizens (Ndinda 2002). The right to housing is not open-ended; it is framed in neoliberal terms. Housing is a right that exists within the resource constraints of the State. The housing subsidy scheme is welfarist in its design as it targets the poorest households who earn below R7,500 per month. By targeting the poor, most of whom are women, the human settlements policies and the subsidy scheme in particular aim to bring about wealth redistribution and achieve equity in home ownership (Ndinda 2002). Notable is that the post-apartheid housing policies have underscored that the government can only provide housing within the existing budgetary constraints. Essentially, the housing subsidy scheme is bound to be phased out with time. The end of the scheme is near. In recent years, pronouncements by the human settlements Minister (Lindiwe Sisulu) tightening the age at which applicants can access subsidised housing and the stringent criteria for housing allocation all point to limited access to subsidised housing and hence to the city for new low-income households. The role of the state in meeting the basic need for housing is articulated in the housing policy (1994) and subsequent legislations. The role of the state in housing delivery is articulated within a neoliberal framework where its intervention is to create an enabling environment where households can contribute to meeting their housing needs without creating dependency on the state (Ndinda 2002). State intervention to ensure housing needs of the poor are met within budgetary constraints is consistent with neoliberalism, which advocates for a reduced role of the state in the economy. Neoliberalism advocates for free markets, and the fundamental idea is that basic needs (health, education, shelter, social services) should be accessed through the market which is deemed to be a fair allocator or resources (Ndinda 2002). Yet in a context such as South Africa whose cities were founded and built on the exclusion of the masses, leaving the allocation of basic needs to the market would be a travesty. While the state promotes free market and enterprise, it also recognises the need to intervene and protect the vulnerable from the vagaries of the free market. Subsidised housing thus provides access to the neoliberal city.

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The uneasy coexistence of welfarist housing policies alongside neoliberal macroeconomic policies in the post-apartheid period was reflected in the growth, employment and redistribution policy which replaced the RDP in 1996. GEAR was a consensus macroeconomic policy formulated by the government of national unity consisting of the ANC and the Nationalist Party (NP) in the immediate post-apartheid period. The underlying assumption was that by implementing GEAR, the country would achieve sustainable growth rates. Key elements of GEAR included trade liberalisation, stabilising financial markets, promoting export-oriented growth, lowering of interest rates while also keeping the inflation rates low, privatisation of public enterprises, labour deregulation and fiscal discipline (Ndinda 2002). Underlying the key elements of GEAR was embedded in neoliberalism, which advocates for a free market economy, labour flexibility, price decontrol, removal of subsidies and rolling back of the state which implies a ‘lean and mean’ state with a minimal role in the economy (Ndinda 2002). Neoliberalism advocates for a reduced role of the state in the economy and the allocation of basic needs such as housing, health and education by the market. The feminist critiques of GEAR and subsequent macroeconomic policies argued that neoliberal prescriptions such as labour deregulation, privatisation and opening up the economy to international competition would result in more women losing jobs due to their concentration in the most-insecure, low-paying occupations (2009). Where markets reign supreme, the state has little or no role to play in the allocation of social services such as healthcare, education, housing and welfare benefits. Yet, leaving the allocation of basic needs to market forces leaves the poor vulnerable. The implementation of neoliberal economic policies in cities is evident in gentrification and the restructuring of urban space to yield maximum profits. Such restructuring has serious implications for access to the city for the poor and particularly women. In the case of South Africa, urban restructuring, driven by market forces and competition rather than redistribution as articulated in housing and land policies, has resulted in the exclusion of the poor and women in particular, as captured by one of the key informants in his comment on Cape Town where he previously worked: Participant: Ja, I mean, it’s, it’s obvious I mean even middle class can’t afford anything in Cape Town, you know if I’m if I remember seeing even just a unit in Cape town…[is] over 3 million rand. I mean, [inaudible] just one bedroom unit, the prices were prohibitive, even then… I was last [there] about 5/6 years ago… Now with all the development from the water- front and all that even you know. I mean, there’s poor people, middle class people cannot have access to the city…There’s just no way that you can afford that, it’s only for the very rich…So that gentrification has in itself, the private sector taking over, government not negotiating for a more inclusionary process, …selling off the land, selling of the, government maybe not their policies but…but the very nature of what they have done there… Selling off the land…giving the private sector to come in…, an investment to come in, has by in itself excluded women from the city, … city center. So you see that in the gentrification model all over…women form a large part form the poor, so all that is then, women are being in many respects kept of the city because of that. Of course, their only access is through jobs and then it’s for a limited period, for instance during the day (KII_OFF_GP_04).

The implementation of neoliberal urban policies results in the reconfiguring of urban space towards competition and away from redistribution. As explained in the

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excerpt, the implementation of neoliberal policies in South Africa cities has resulted in the restructuring of urban spaces and reoriented these towards competition rather than redistribution as envisaged in South African land and human settlement policies. The cited example of allocation of space to the highest bidder in the City of Cape Town suggests the entrenchment of the supremacy of the market and property ownership, which excludes the poor. Most women in the city only have limited access during their working hours and are therefore not part of the city. An emphasis on neoliberal urban policies results in the disenfranchisement of citizens and women. Furthermore, urban governance is re-oriented towards governance by stakeholders rather than elected city representatives. Despite the implementation of GEAR and subsequent macroeconomic policies, South Africa has in the same period continued to intervene to ensure that the poor access basic needs without being exposed to the vagaries of the market. Neoliberal economic policies have coexisted alongside welfarist housing policies and programmes in post-apartheid South Africa (Ndinda 2002). Since the transition to democracy in 1994, funding for housing subsidies has been allocated from the national budget (Ndinda& Ndhlovu 2020). Most beneficiaries of subsidised housing in South Africa have been women and this has granted them access to the benefits of urbanity in ways that they did not have under apartheid: Participant “one the current… eh… procurement act makes provision for the 30% allocation of any businesses to women, that’s the National Procurement Act. Secondly, Employment Equity Act makes provision for women to be employed. Thirdly, affirmative action protects the interests of the women, it actually emphasis that all most of the opportunities be given to women. Housing Act makes it possible for women to access the housing subsidy from government, which is the National Housing Act. And the current…, actually the call by the president emphasis that the rights of the women should be protected. So, taking to cognizance all these particular Acts, women can negotiate themselves without being discriminated or abused” (KII_GP_01).

From a legal perspective, shelter is among the socio-economic rights guaranteed in the Constitution (1996), but the failure of the state to provide adequate housing does not make it justiciable, a position that has been upheld in various court cases (Chenwi 2010). Where the state is involved in housing provision, such housing must be adequate. South Africa’s conceptualisation of adequate housing is consistent with the UN Habitat definition that moves beyond housing as a structure to encompass the services and infrastructure (water, sanitation, roads, lighting, etc.) that supports it. The broad conceptualisation of housing as a key element in access to the city was articulated by women study participants who explained it in the following ways: It means living, staying, and having a job in the city… For those who are already currently staying in the cities, …they are already empowered and we refer to those as middle class. Then for those who are still staying in the rural areas and do not have any supporting arrangements for example they are unemployed and still depending on their husbands for support and we refer to those as low class (KII_OFF_GP_02).

Access to the city in the foundational documents of housing remains an implicit rather than an explicit objective of the department of human settlements (DHSs).

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Targets with regard to the implementation of specific programmes are set out but few address access to the city. This understanding was confirmed in our study where a key informant noted that, We see that because of poverty, because I mean a lot of women are in those situations, it might be access to the city by default … Uhmm so because it’s the cheapest place to stay or a cheaper place to stay, because the place is so run down and because women don’t have the financial muscle, you find a lot more women in those situations, so I think more by default than policy. I think unfortunately in the beginning days of human settlement a lot of the subsides housing was very far from places of work, you know or the rest, so I think the, the subsided housing market in some respect took women out of the city (KII_OFF_GP_04).

As the study findings indicate, access to the city is by default; women make their way into the city and strategise to subsist. Access to the city for the poor and women in particular, remains an outcome of interventions rather than a strategic objective of the DHS. Access to the city for women therefore needs to be a clearly articulated vision and objective of the DHS if South African cities are to be inclusionary. The range of policies and programmes that have facilitated women’s access to the city are not only limited to those related to human settlements but extend to municipal programmes, social grants and policies on education. The ways in which government policies have facilitated women’s access to the city were articulated by participants in this study: Participant: So, there is no part of settlement development that you would say this, this can be distinguished, if it’s settlement development it will be catering for poor households, it will be catering for middle income or high income…So all the income bands are catered for, so it is not like the one part like the human settlement programmes would look at, it covers it cuts across…All, all the income bands…So if we are talking about the high earner you will find that the programmes still covers for those because if there’s money that is being created by, by that is coming from the human settlements grant it would mean that money for example if it’s going to construct a water reservoir (KII_OFF_NL_01).

Both human settlement and infrastructure policies and programmes benefit not just the poor but all who live in the spaces within the city where development takes place. Access to the city for the poor, and for women means access to the city for all including the rich.

15.5.1.2

Housing Programmes

While access to the city is cited in the foundational policies of the DHS, the housing subsidy scheme (HSS) through various programmes ensures the realisation of the vision of the DHS. Specific programmes through which the DHS has intervened to ensure access to the city include for the poor (majority of whom are women): the discount benefit scheme (phased out); emergency housing programme, integrated residential development programme (IRDP); social housing programme (SHP); finance linked subsidy programme (FLISP); hostel redevelopment programme; and upgrading of informal settlements programme (UISP) among other programmes. The poor who apply for housing subsidies are linked to the existing housing programmes

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depending on eligibility and suitability of the programme in meeting the housing needs of the applicants. Both men and women benefit as long as they meet the eligibility criteria.

15.5.1.3

IRDP Settlements

The Integrated Residential Development Programme (IRDP) housing units are what is commonly referred to as RDP housing units. The term RDP is an abbreviation of the reconstruction and development programme (RDP), a policy document of the African National Congress (ANC). The RDP was used by the ANC in campaigning for votes during the first democratic election (1994). Among the principles of the RDP was meeting basic needs, an idea that was further articulated in the White Paper on housing (DOH 1994). In the RDP, the ANC set the target of building a million housing units within the first five years of its term in power. The subsidised houses that the government set out to build were therefore commonly referred to as RDP houses. The construction of these houses was deemed to be part of the ANC’s fulfilment of the targets set out in their election manifesto (RDP) in 1994. However, a description of the settlements provides insights into access and inclusion in the city. The settlements identified for this study were built through the housing subsidy scheme. This was initiated in 1994 to provide housing for the poorest households in the country, most of whom lived in informal settlements on the fringes of the “White” cities. We covered nine (9) settlements and a key characteristic amongst them is that most were located on the outskirts of the cities (which is characteristic of the bulk of RDP housing), thus making it difficult for the residents to access services and opportunities that they needed in either the city of Johannesburg or Tswane. The settlements covered were in places established for Africans during apartheid, a factor that respondents were mindful of. Participant: So that’s when the African, the black people they [were] actually wanted in the city only for their work not for staying… they were dumped for example if I am talking about Pretoria [inaudible] in Tshwane…you would find that most African, black people … would be placed in Soshanguve, Mabopane, Garankuwa, which is far from the city (KII_Off_NGO_01).

Winterveld is a settlement located about 61 km away from Tshwane inner city. In Winterveld, there were IRDP (known as RDP) houses and informal settlements. The RDP houses were on bigger stands compared to other study sites. Winterveld RDP units were situated so far from the central business district (CBD) of Pretoria that the residents felt that their area was not part of the city, a factor also raised by Johannesburg RDP housing residents: P2: We are not part of the city, because services are only in the cities, and here nothing is happening (Johannesburg_Carltonville_FGD_Females).

To get to the nearest mall from their settlement, residents of Winterveld had to use Ventures (old vehicles). The high rate of youth unemployment was evident; there were many people loitering on the streets in Winterveld.

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Two other study areas (Lufhereng and Polokong) were situated far from the central business district of Johannesburg. The residents who had accessed housing in these settlements reported that transport to and from the city was a challenge because these areas were located far from Johannesburg. In Lufhereng and Polokong, people complained about lack of sufficient public transport. Settlements such as Jeppestown and Nelmapius were situated closer to the CBDs. Jeppestown residents live in the city, so they were able to easily move around and access certain spaces. Participants who lived in far-flung areas such as Carletonville also complained about the distance they had to cover to access both social and economic opportunities: P6: it did not help because we still using taxis, it only helped with houses to stay in but the city is still far from us and we are paying too much money to get there, R15. Phone rings… (Johannesburg_Carltonville_FGD_Females).

So marginal were settlements such as Carletonville that study participants noted that the only thing they had in their settlements was houses, while services for social and economic opportunities were not available. The residents from this area had to catch transport to access clinics, malls and social grants among other things. All the participants in the female FGD in Carletonville agreed that “(all): everything is far”. Such a uniform response expresses not just the rates of consensus regarding the problem, but also the extent to which the women of Carletonville feel deprived of social and economic opportunities. There were neither malls nor social services in Carletonville and when the residents visited clinics in other areas, they were often sent back to their area. When women get out of their homes for a particular errand, they combine it with another. The women expressed preference to having services in close proximity as this enables them to combine errands and resolve many issues in one visit to the mall or post-office. P8: mall is available but very far, if you do not have money you cannot go there. (Johannesburg_Carltonville_FGD_Females).

IRDP settlements such as Suiderberg/Lady Selborne were close to the city—about 16 km away from the Tshwane central business district (CBD). Suiderberg/Lady Selborne is a small area, with RDP walk-up flats, built next to each other. Most of them do not have fences. Some of the walk-up flats were in a state of disrepair, with the cracked walls being visible from the walkways. There were spaza shops in front of some of the units, from which the community bought their groceries. Just outside the settlement was an Old Age Home, which during apartheid only took in elderly Whites. Water and electricity were a problem to most if not all residents of Suiderberg. Residents complained about having to pay too much for their water and electricity bills, yet most of them were no longer working, as they had retired. The physical deterioration of the houses had caused misunderstanding and unnecessary quarrels amongst neighbours and the community at large. Study participants at Lady Selborne complained a lot about crime, teenage drug abuse, and a high rate of unemployment. The participants also reported that they lived in constant fear because gunmen

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frequently robbed the community. Despite the settlement’s proximity to Tshwane Municipality, the area was not easily accessible. Another settlement, Nellmapius RDP site, is 22 kms away from the central city of Pretoria. There were taxis on the roads of Nellmapius that it appeared, were going in and out of the inner city. Some of the taxis were from Mamelodi, but they also picked up people from Nelmapius. A train service connects the area with Pretoria CBD. Buses also service the area. Nelmaphius is close to an old township known as Mamelodi. The population is predominantly African. However, the population of Nelmapius is mixed; most people are Africans and others are Coloureds. Study participants explained that accessing subsidised housing was no mean feat, as beneficiaries had to meet the eligibility criteria and remain on the waiting list until units were built. As study a participants intimated, “It is not easy to get an RDP house, one has to struggle first yet still wait quite some time before getting it”. Although residents were appreciative that they had accommodation, some were dissatisfied with the quality of the workmanship of their units. The residents complained about the bills, argued that they needed transport and that it was a problem for them to travel to the municipal offices to pay those bills. The views about the quality of subsidised dwellings and dissatisfaction with the workmanship are well documented in a previous study in Gauteng (Ndinda et al. 2019).

15.5.1.4

Social Housing Programme

The social housing programme is one of the programmes that was considered critical in facilitating women’s access to the city. In the inner city of Johannesburg and Pretoria, social housing has facilitated better access to the benefits of urbanity than IRDP dwellings located on green fields and far from the central business districts (CBD) as well as far from the nodes of economic activity in the city. The social housing programme was critiqued by both beneficiaries and stakeholders. In this study, a participant argued with regard to social housing that: Participant: Access to the city is very difficult as it does not easily happen e.g. you have to go through social housing or be able to be in charge of the apartment. Social housing does not cater for the poor. It is not that the city does not recognise that the rural poor has to come in, it is just that the city is expensive. The central government does not give more money for the cities to maintain their work such as service delivery (KII_OFF_NL_04).

Affordability remains a constraint in accessing social housing. In this study, the challenge with social housing was well articulated: Participant: That is what poor people do not realise about social housing; it is not for poor people. The only way that the social housing can accommodate the unemployed is if the person has a smart going informal business. You know something that really makes money and there are informal businesses that make money. Transport makes money, if you own some that can pay quite well. Therefore, many informal businesses make money. Yha, so those people they can go to social housing, they work in informal sector but they have regular income… (KII_OFF_NL_04).

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As study participants noted, social housing is not for the poor people. It targets low-income workers who can afford rent and whose income is reliable. Such workers include owners of informal sector businesses in the CBD. Although informal sector workers might have streams of income, any disruption to their income-generating activities leaves them vulnerable to eviction for failure to pay rent. Domestic work, while a reliable source of income is, however, so low paying that affording rent in social housing is a challenge. As participants noted, the introduction of the European model of social housing in South Africa was erroneous. The levels of unemployment in South Africa are too high to sustain rents in social housing; employment opportunities are also not reliable just as the income levels. Social housing is therefore a model that works well in contexts where employment levels are high, and jobs are guaranteed and South Africa has no such guarantees for workers in general and women in particular.

15.5.1.5

Upgrading of Informal Settlement Programme (UISP)

Most upgrading of informal settlement programmes (UISP) have tended to be located on the outskirts of the cities (Ndinda et al. 2016). However, the location of some informal settlements within close proximity to the city has facilitated greater access for the poor to the city. Among the ways that women have accessed the city is through the strategic occupation of land close to the city. Situating informal settlements in areas closer to towns and cities is important as women are able to cut down on costs associated with transportation and accessing social services and economic opportunities. Examples of such settlements include Siyahlala in New Castle (KwaZuluNatal), Kanana and Glaudina in North-West and Madelakufa in Gauteng (Ndinda and Ndhlovu 2020). Women, like men, have been involved in the struggles of the poor to access the city through land invasions and the establishment of informal settlements in open spaces within the city or just on the margins of cities (Ndinda et al. 2017). A vast amount of literature points to women’s agency in accessing cities, not only through establishing informal settlements but also through the establishment of informal businesses in cities.

15.6 Discussion Access to the city has been influenced profoundly by human settlement policies and programmes in post-apartheid South Africa. The policies address the question of adequate housing, access to basic infrastructural services, healthcare and education and employment opportunities (RSA 1997; DHS 2009). The policies are, however, not explicit about ensuring women’s access to the city. These policies have placed low-income households within the existing cities, although far from the central business districts where intense economic activity occurs. Gender equality is enshrined in the South African Constitution. For cities to be inclusive, they must ensure equal

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access through the provision of affordable housing, and efficient transport networks that allow women and the poor in general to access cities conveniently and affordably for work and recreation. Provision of adequate housing to women has resulted in giving them ownership within the municipal boundaries. Home ownership in the city for previously disadvantaged communities and women has given them a stake in the city. Women access CBDs for employment purposes. However, their lives are lived on the margins of the city where most subsidised IRDP settlements are located. Access in this regard is limited to employment. Inclusive cities need to ensure that different spaces are inclusive and do not exclude based on class. Social housing provides direct access to the central business districts. The findings of this study suggest that social housing is accessible to households who have a steady income which is either from permanent employment or from long-term contracts or business. Although the government provides the subsidy for social housing, the notion of continuously paying rent in a volatile economic context is already exclusionary and unmindful of the income circumstances of many women in South Africa. Inclusivity in the city needs to encompass the notion of allowing diverse economic activities in the city itself and in the dwellings that people occupy (e.g. home-based work) to ensure that residents can afford their housing. Access to the city is also influenced by local government decisions and laws. The tendency to allocate space to the highest bidders marginalises stakeholders that live in the city, yet cannot necessarily afford to own space in the city. The allocation of space to private developers contributes to the governance of the city by developers whose main motive is profits. Anyone or anything in the way of profits is excluded. While city authorities must ensure that they can provide services, the same authorities must rein in private developers. To be inclusive, the governance of city spaces must remain with the local authorities who are the elected representatives of citizens. City laws must guide the operations and rules of private developers to ensure inclusivity for women who constitute the majority among the poor.

15.7 Conclusion This paper set out to discuss how government interventions have contributed to inclusive cities for women in South Africa. The paper has argued that inclusion in the city while not an explicitly stated objective of the housing policies and programmes is nevertheless an implicit objective as shown in the implementation of the policies. Different housing programmes facilitate varying degrees of access to the city for women. Social housing programmes seem to have more potential for ensuring women’s inclusion in the city than others. However, inclusion pegged on housing affordability of the available accommodation does not guarantee inclusivity. The state needs to be more intentional in ensuring inclusivity. Full inclusivity for women entails not only accommodation within the city boundaries but also participation in the social, economic and cultural life of the city.

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References ANC (African National Congress) (1994) The reconstruction and development programme (RDP). Umanyano Publications, Johannesburg Baines G (1989) The control and administration of Port Elizabeth’s African population, c. 1834– 1923. Contree 26:13–21 Bank L, Patterson M, Ndinda C, Hart T (2018) Evaluating interventions by the department of human settlements to facilitate access to the city by the poor (Ref: VA 50/259): summary report Chenwi L (2010) Government’s obligation to unlawful occupiers and private landowners. ESR Rev: Eco Soc Right South Africa 11(1):9–11 Department of Human Settlements (2009) National housing CODE. http://www.dhs.gov.za/ sites/default/files/documents/national_housing_2009/1_Simplified_Guide_Policy_Context/1% 20Vol%201%20Part%201%20Simplified%20Guide%20to%20the%20National%20Housing% 20Code.pdf. 20 July 2021. DHS (2009) The national housing code. Pretoria: department of human settlements DOH (1994) White paper: a new housing policy and strategy for South Africa European Charter (2000) European charter for the safeguarding of human rights in the city. Part 1General Provision, Article I. European Charter: Saint Denis. How can cities challenge inequality and foster inclusive growth Habitat U.N. (2013) State of the world’s cities 2012/2013: prosperity of cities. Routledge Harvey D (2008) The right to the city. Retrieved 19 Mar 2018. https://davidharvey.org/media/rightt othecity.pdf Harvey D (2013) The right to the city. Retrieved 07 May 2015. From lsecities: http://lsecities.net. media/objects/articles/the-right-to-the-city/en-gb/ Houston G (1988) Capital accumulation, influx control, and the state in South Africa, 1970–1982. J Contemp Afr Stud 7(1–2):111–131 Mabin A (1992) Dispossession, exploitation and struggle: an historical overview of South African urbanization. In: Smith D (ed) The apartheid city and beyond: urbanization and social change in South Africa. Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, pp 13–38 Marcuse P (2009) From critical urban theory to the right to the city. City 13(2–3):185–197 Maylam P (1995) Explaining the apartheid city: 20 years of South African urban historiography. J South Afr Stud 21(1):19–38 McCarthy J (1992) Local and regional government: from rigidity to crisi to flux. In: Smith D (ed) The apartheid city and beyond: urbanization and social change in South Africa. Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, pp 25–36 Ndinda C (2002) Women’s participation in housing delivery in South Africa: the extent of empowerment in post-1994 era, with specific reference to case studies in KwaZulu-Natal (Doctoral dissertation) Ndinda C (2009) ‘But now I dream about my house’: women’s empowerment in housing delivery in urban KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Dev South Afr 26(2) Ndinda C, Ndhlovu TP (2016) Attitudes towards foreigners in informal settlements targeted for upgrading in South Africa: a gendered perspective. Agenda, pp 1–16 Ndinda C, Hongoro C, Labadarios D, Mokhele T, Khalema E, Smith GW, Sobane K (2017) Status of informal settlements targeted for upgrading: implications for policy and practice. HSRC Rev 15(2):16–19 Ndinda C, Hongoro C, Mokhele T, Sobane K, Dinga F, Olabisi B, Letuka TD, Mathebula E, Makamu TL, Ngobeni A, Malomane L (2019) Gauteng human settlements satisfaction survey. Technical report prepared for the Gauteng department of human settlements. Johannesburg Ndinda C, Ndhlovu TP (2020) Access to the city: informal settlements as staging posts for urbanisation in post-apartheid South Africa. In Bank L, Posel D, Wilson F (eds) Migrant Labour after Apartheid: The Inside Story. Cape Town, HSRC Press Ndinda C, Neluheni MG, Setswake G, Sobane K (2020) Women’s access to the city in post-apartheid South Africa:fieldwork report. Pretoria, Human Science Research Council

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Republic of South Africa (1996) Constitution of the republic of South Africa No. 108 of 1996. https://www.gov.za/sites/default/files/images/a108-96.pdf. 29 January 2021. Republic of South Africa (1997) Housing Act 107 of 1997. http://www.dhs.gov.za/sites/default/ files/legislation/Housing_Act_107_of_1997.pdf. 29 January 2021. Republic of South Africa (1998) Prevention of illegal eviction from and unlawful occupation of land (PIE) Act No. 19 of 1998. https://www.gov.za/documents/prevention-illegal-eviction-andunlawful-occupation-land-act%23. 29 January 2021. Republic of South Africa (2004) Breaking new Ground: a comprehensive plan for the development of integrated sustainable human settlements. http://www.dhs.gov.za/sites/default/files/documents/ 26082014_BNG2004.pdf. 29 January 2021. Republic of South Africa (2008) The social housing act 16 of 2008. https://www.gov.za/docume nts/social-housing-act. 20 July 2021 Republic of South Africa (2013) Spatial planning and land use management. https://www.gov.za/ sites/default/files/gcis_document/201409/367305-8act16of20.pdf. 20 July 2021. Statistics South Africa (2019). General household survey, 2018. Pretoria: statistics South Africa. https://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/P0318/P03182018.pdf. 20 July 2021 UNESCO (1974) Racism and apartheid in Southern Africa: South Africa and Namibia. UNESCO, Paris Union of South Africa (1950) Group areas act No. 41 of 1950, pretoria: government printer. Available online at https://blogs.loc.gov/law/files/2014/01/Group-Areas-Act-1950.pdf. 30 January 2021. World Social Forum (2005) World charter for the right to the city. World Social Forum, Porto Alegre

Catherine Ndinda is an urban sociologist and currently a research director in human and social capabilities at the Human Science Research Council (HSRC), South Africa. She has researched and published widely on post-apartheid housing policy and practice, including subsidised housing delivery, informal settlements, and access to the city. Pauline Adebayo is an Associate Professor in the School of Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Her background is in land economics and housing policy and finance, and her research interests and publication are the areas of postapartheid housing policy, urban land economics, urban housing markets, gender and human settlements, and health and housing.

Chapter 16

The Neglect of People with Disabilities in Integrated Development Planning in Ngangelizwe Township, Mthatha Tembisile Marhulumba and Verna Nel

Abstract The South African Constitution requires that all people be treated with dignity and respect with access to health care, essential services and other basic rights to improve their quality of life and make the most of their potential. The integrated development planning process is intended to promote and facilitate the delivery of infrastructural and social services to ensure that people can live dignified lives and improve their quality of life. This chapter explores the effect of the municipal integrated development plan (IDP) on the lives of people with disabilities and the extent to which it supports their livelihoods and empowerment. The research was conducted in Ngangelizwe Township, Mthatha, in the King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality. The research included document analysis and interviews with persons with disabilities, municipal officials, councillors, and a social worker. The findings reveal that the IDP has had little beneficial effect on the lives of people with disabilities, partially attributable to their lack of participation in the planning process due to physical impediments and negative social attitudes. Consequently, a concerted effort to include people with disabilities that entails dealing with physical, environmental and social barriers, along with a change in attitude towards the needs of people with disabilities is required to improve their wellbeing. Keywords Disability · Integrated development plan · Social justice · Capabilities · Ngangelizwe · Mthatha

16.1 Introduction When the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in (1948), South Africa was not a signatory to the resolution. This is not surprising given South Africa’s history of discriminatory and segregationist policies. However, with the adoption of the new democratic constitution in 1996 (RSA 1996), fundamental T. Marhulumba · V. Nel (B) Department of Urban & Regional Planning, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_16

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human rights are now acknowledged and upheld by the courts. The constitution requires that all people be treated with dignity and respect with access to health care, essential services and other basic rights to improve their quality of life and realise their potential. No one may suffer discrimination: this pertinently includes people with disabilities. Furthermore, the State is required to protect, fulfil, promote and respect these rights. Despite the noble ideals and rights contained in the constitution, the effects of past colonial and apartheid policies remain evident in the high levels of inequality, unemployment and poverty in South Africa. Addressing this challenge has been the main goal of many national policies, including the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RSA 1994), the National Development Plan (NPC 2012) and the 2020 COVID-19 Economic Recovery Plan (Ramaphosa 2020). In executing their constitutional responsibility to promote social and economic development and ensure access to basic services, municipalities are required to prepare integrated development plans (IDP). Through this process, the developmental needs of the community should be prioritised and social justice promoted (Visser 2001). The IDP must be revised at the beginning of a newly elected council’s term and reviewed annually to accommodate adjustments. The White Paper on Local Government stresses the concept of a developmental local government that works with its people to meet their needs and by implication, promote their rights (Department of Constitutional Development and Provincial Affairs 1998). The IDP is the key planning document that should guide the operations and budget of a municipality. Besides identifying the needs of the community and the current state of service delivery, the IDP must contain the municipality’s developmental strategies for inter alia, social and economic development and disaster management as well as a spatial development framework. Furthermore, the needs of the community should be translated into programmes and projects which, in turn, inform the operating and capital budgets for the following three to five years. Furthermore, the IDP must contain performance targets so that the community can measure the municipality’s performance (Harrison 2001; Visser 2001). People with disabilities (PWD) often experience discrimination and marginalisation (Thomas 2004). At times, these can be conscious acts, but are frequently unmindful acts arising from negligence or ignorance. Planning for PWD requires knowledge of their limitations and circumstances and with deliberate action to address those limitations. Such actions include physical access to buildings, access to income-generating activities or opportunities to express their opinions and needs in planning forums. This chapter explores the effect of the municipal IDP on the lives of PWD and the extent to which it supports their livelihoods and economic empowerment, and thus creates a more just society. In this context, economic empowerment refers to the extent to which PWD can support themselves and by doing so, enhance their dignity and quality of life. The implementation of the IDP programmes that consider PWD should that positively impact on their lives thus advancing the principles of social justice and equity (Visser 2001). Local economic development strategies are part of the IDP and should support local economies and job creation to empower

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local communities. Municipalities should support and facilitate local initiatives and contribute financially or in kind with buildings and infrastructure (Binns and Nel 2002; Nel 2001). The research was conducted in Ngangelizwe Township, Mthatha, in the King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality (KSD), South Africa in 2017.The area was chosen due to the author’s familiarity with the disabled community and municipality which facilitated access to the respondents. It was based on document analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews with persons with disabilities, officials, councillors and an organisation representing PWD. Our findings reveal that little has been done to support and empower PWD. Instead they suffer discrimination and marginalisation and other form of injustice. In the next section we consider the concept of social justice, its links to human rights and conceptualisations of disability. Thereafter we describe and then discuss our findings before concluding the chapter.

16.2 Social Justice and Conceptions of Disability Urban planning emerged in response to the dreadful conditions that occurred during the industrial revolution in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Among the first planners were visionaries, who sought to improve the conditions of workers and the poor. Some were inspired by compassion and Christian beliefs and others by Marxist concepts, but shared a hope of ‘progressive change, and the conviction that it was possible to do so through the application of reason, technical ability and ingenuity’ (Oranje 2014: 1). However, over time, technical processes and rationality began to dominate, and the impetus for social change diminished (Oranje 2014; Watson 2009). Among the reactions to this ‘empty’ process orientation were the communicative and collaborative planning theories and a renewed focus on social justice particularly for workers, the poor and marginalised communities (Fainstein 2000). While the original Marxist-inspired concepts of social justice focused on transforming society and dismantling the capitalist system that deepens inequality, a reformist perspective emphasises capacitating local government institutions to enable them to improve the lives of their communities (Turok and Scheba 2019). Moroni (2020) confirms the critical role that local governments play through not only regulation and taxation, but by determining their citizens’ access to resources, infrastructure, health, education, and protection services. In South Africa, such access to services is managed through its integrated development planning process. One of the most influential authors on social justice, writing from a liberal perspective, was John Rawls. He identifies two principles of distributive justice that are intended to benefit the most marginalised in society. These are firstly, that rights should be distributed such that everyone has the same benefits and inequalities and secondly, that inequalities should be evenly distributed (Bankston 2010: 173). This implies that the evaluation of social justice should be based on the least well-off.

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Fainstein acknowledges the importance of distributive justice, but also recognises the importance of institutions, and particularly a government that seeks to improve both the welfare and the wealth of its citizens and that includes a form of democracy that gives voice and effect to minority and marginalised groups. Additionally, for just outcomes, diversity in income, race, ethnicity, and culture should be acknowledged. However, the author accepts that the goals of equality, democracy and diversity often conflict with each other and compromises will be necessary (Fainstein 2000, 2009). The role of society is stressed by Iris Marion Young who asserts that injustice, associated with oppression, domination, exploitation, violence, and marginalisation, is created and maintained through social structures (Fainstein 2014; Visser 2001; Young 1990). Although laws that uphold justice may be in place, social structures may produce and maintain injustices. In their construction of the conceptual framework for social justice, Israel and Frenkel (2018), use Amartya Sen’s capability theory as one anchor of the framework with a capitals framework as the other. Sen’s influential theory equates development with enhancing people’s lives by expanding the range of things that a person can be and do, such as to be healthy and well nourished, to be knowledgeable, and to participate in community life. Seen from this viewpoint, development is about removing the obstacles to what a person can do in life, obstacles such as illiteracy, ill health, lack of access to resources, or lack of civil and political freedoms (Fukuda-Parr 2003: 303). Sen (2005) views human rights as ‘entitlements to capabilities’ (2005: 152). Capabilities are thus the opportunities that a person has, plus the freedom to exercise them. The capabilities perspective is valuable in understanding disabilities and differs with other perspectives. Legal definitions of disability tend to focus on a person’s limitations at a given time, while the medical model focuses on the individual and impairment, with the goal of providing access to remedial services, rehabilitation, or support (Altman 2001; Dubois and Traini 2009; Mitra 2006, Northway 1997). In contrast, social models view disability as a social construct that defines the person and thus focuses on social barriers in addition to dealing with the impairment (Dubois and Traini 2009; Thomas 2004). Some social models consider PWD as a disadvantaged and oppressed minority (Abberley 1987; Mitra 2006), which relates to Young’s conceptualisation of oppression discussed above. The functional limitation (or Nagi) model defines disabilities in terms of the ‘restrictions that impairments impose on the individual’s ability to perform the tasks of his or her roles and normal daily activities’ within the context of that society (Mitra 2006: 238). The International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF model) posits a continuum of health and functioning that considers bodily and environmental constraints that limit activities and participation in society. However, as a classification system, it has several limitations for policy (Dubois and Traini 2009). Both Mitra (2006) and Dubois and Traini (2009) support a capabilities framework as the best model to encapsulate the complexities of disability.

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16.3 Methodology A qualitative methodology was adopted for this research that used several methods. Firstly, the 2016/2017 IDP, (KSD 2016a), the 2015/2016 annual report of the KSD (2016b) and relevant policy documents and legislation were analysed to identify the relationship between the IDP and its contribution to improving the wellbeing of PWD. Secondly, observations were undertaken to establish the situation in Ngangelizwe and the accessibility of facilities in the area. The observations were captured in field notes and photographs. Thirdly, semi-structured interviews were conducted with the following purposively selected persons: • The ward councillor, the member of the mayoral committee responsible for local economic development. • Officials from municipal planning, local economic development and Special Projects Unit, as well as the O.R. Tambo District Social Development Department. • A representative of the O.R. Tambo Disabled People’s Organisation, and • A social worker. Additionally, interviews were held with nine PWD, identified through snowball sampling, although care was taken to ensure that various forms of disability were included in the sample (two blind, two wheelchair-bound, one mentally challenged and four persons, who, although not wheelchair-bound had difficulty in moving around). The Centre for Universal Access and Disability Support at the University of the Free State provided copies of interview documents in Braille to enable the researcher to include visually impaired and blind respondents. However, it was not possible to interview a deaf person as no sign language interpreters were available. Ethical approval was sought and obtained from the University of the Free State’s Research Ethics Committee and all ethical research protocols were observed.

16.4 The Situation in Ngangelizwe Township 16.4.1 The Context of the Municipality The King Sabata Dalindyebo (KSD) municipality is in the Eastern Cape Province in the former Transkei area of South Africa. Mthatha is the regional centre of the area. KSD is largely rural, mostly under traditional authority with some privately owned farms. In 2018 the population of the KSD was estimated at 505,000 persons with an average household size of 4.2 persons. The population is growing fairly slowly at 1.28% per annum. Young people constitute the majority of the population; 34% are under 15 years old and youth (15–34 years) comprise a further 44% (KSD 2020). The elderly (over 60 years) constitute 6% and the remaining 16% of the population are people between 35 and 59 years (KSD 2020). This implies that 60% of the population falls within the economic active age group (15–60 years).

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In 2011, the dependency ratio was 66.8 which decreased to 61.8 in 2016. The unemployment rate was close to 40% in 2011 (KSD 2020). Over 57% of households were headed by females in 2011 which increased to 55.9% in 2016 (Municipalities of South Africa: online). The social development programmes in the 2016/2017 IDP (KSD 2016a) reveals high dependency on social grants; 65% of the population received a child support grant, 17%1 received an old age grant and 7% received a disability grant. If these figures are indeed reflective of the situation in KSD, then there are at least 30,000 PWD within the municipality. Subsistence agriculture and forestry are the main economic activities in the municipality, but they contribute little to the economy. Community and government services (36.9%), trade (22.6%) and finance and business services (21.6%) are the dominant economic sectors (KSD 2020). According to the 2020/2021 IDP, the municipality has major infrastructure backlogs and the maintenance thereof and its consequently prioritising road and electrical infrastructure and economic development (KSD 2020: 2).

16.4.2 Planning for People with Disabilities in the 2016/2017 Integrated Development Plan and the 2015/2016 Annual Report The KSD IDP (2016a) did contain an account of its public participation through Ward Councillors, and the IDP steering committee chaired by the Executive Mayor. The latter includes, among others, traditional leaders, community development and community health workers, representatives of national and provincial government departments and the district municipality, non-governmental organisations and community-based organisations and business organisations. The IDP meetings were advertised in local newspapers and through ward structures. However, no specific actions were taken to include vulnerable groups or PWD. The only policies in the documents concerning disadvantaged groups were the Indigent and the Gender Empowerment policies. The absence of policies to assist PWD was confirmed by respondents, although they did note that the procurement policy and the local economic development strategy do cater for PWD. The ward priority list for Ngangelizwe included services infrastructure (roads, houses, street lighting and parks) and local economic development programmes. The latter and special programmes that relate to disadvantaged and minority groups were not specified in the IDP. The IDP did, however, indicate that 500 new houses would be provided throughout the municipality but again, there was no mention of allocation to PWD. Non-motorised transport (pedestrian paths and cycle ways)

1

The discrepancy between the age distribution, 6% of the population over 60 years old and the eligibility for old age grants may be related to unemployed miners and other workers returning to the area since the survey.

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was noted as a priority, yet no specific mention was made of provision for PWD in non-motorised or in other modes of transport. The IDP document also mentioned the Special Projects Unit, staffed by one permanent and one contracted staff member, to promote the rights of women, youth, senior citizens, children and PWDs. However, there is no policy that guides and directs the unit on issues of constitutional compliance by the municipality. The IDP further revealed that the budget is always inadequate for this unit’s programmes. The same vagueness was evident in respect of social transformation and development; while stated as a goal, no specific actions to achieve this were mentioned. Although the annual report (KSD 2016b) revealed two projects that considered PWD, there was no information of their outcomes. One of these was the allocation of houses to the elderly and PWD, but nothing was said about where there were, or how many units were (or would be) delivered. The second project was a sewing project at the Ngangelizwe Transido Small Business Hub, funded by the National Treasury. The small business hub started in 2011 and was intended to be completed by March 2016. However, in 2017 the project was only 40% complete, generating 189 jobs. From the above, it is clear that while vulnerable groups, such as the elderly and PWD are mentioned in the IDP and annual report, there were scanty details of the projects and programmes or how (and if) PWD would benefit. The only effective project is the sewing project at the business hub.

16.4.3 Findings from the Observations Observations were done in Ngangelizwe around the following sites: Leo Xathula Hall and Rotary Hall, the Health Centre, Police Station, and Pondo Road, the main street which connects the area to Mthatha Town. Pondo road is the main street in Ngangelizwe. The road and the sidewalks are in poor condition. There are no ramps for wheelchairs or baby pushchairs (Figs. 16.1 and 16.2). Pondo road is hazardous for wheelchair users or the blind using walking canes. The Leo Xathula Hall (Figs. 16.3 and 16.4) is in Ngangelizwe Ward 2, close to Pondo Road and was constructed in 2012, whereas there is adequate parking available, no parking spaces were reserved for PDW. The hall is accessible and with good paving that gives accessibility for visually impaired and blind people. However, no toilets for PWD were available nor did the signage accommodate the blind. The Rotary Hall is the oldest hall in the study area and was built in 1935 and has not been retrofitted and is therefore not accessible for PWDs (Fig. 16.5). The Ngangelizwe Health Centre provides services to the Waterfall, Ngangelizwe and Ikwezi communities. A ramp has been provided for wheelchairs, but one ramp was inaccessible as a permanently placed container prevented wheelchairs to pass through freely (Figs. 16.6 and 16.7). The Ngangelizwe Police Station provides services to the township and surrounding areas. A wheelchair ramp had been added to the structure, although it was not wide enough to accommodate two wheelchairs passing each other. The

334 Fig. 16.1 Pondo road and non-mountable kerbing. Source Authors (2017)

Fig. 16.2 Pondo road sidewalks. Source Authors (2017)

Fig. 16.3 Paved walkways at Leo Xathula Hall. Source Authors (2017)

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16 The Neglect of People with Disabilities in Integrated … Fig. 16.4 Entrance to the Leo Xathula Hall. Source Authors (2017)

Fig. 16.5 Inaccessibility of Rotary Hall. Source Authors (2017)

Fig. 16.6 Wheelchair ramp at the Ngangelizwe Health Centre. Source Authors (2017)

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Fig. 16.7 Ramp at Ngangelizwe Health Centre. Source Authors (2017)

Fig. 16.8 Lack of maintenance of disabled parking. Source Authors (2017)

parking for PWD was in a poor condition and needed clearing (See Figs. 16.6 and 16.7). During the study it was observed that the police had to serve a client at his car in the parking area, where documents were taken and stamped in the office and then returned, as the wheelchair-bound client could not access the building (Figs. 16.8 and 16.9).

16.4.4 The Respondents’ Views The same questions were asked to all participants in respect of the links between the IDP and the improvement of the social and economic wellbeing of PWD. The questions concerned the role of the IDP and projects that contribute to the economic transformation of PWD, the participation of PWD in the development of IDP programmes,

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Fig. 16.9 Narrow wheelchair ramp at police station. Source Authors (2017)

the role of the physical environment in enabling PWD to operate, challenges and achievements of the IDP in respect of PWD, and solutions to the challenges identified. Links between the IDP and wellbeing of PWD Of the 15 respondents, 12 agreed that there should be a link between the IDP and the financial wellbeing of PWD. The government officials and councillors agreed that all development projects should have been identified by communities through the IDP processes and had to be part of the IDP. One PWD had never heard of the IDP. Four PWDs stated that the IDP was too complicated and abstract for them as community members to understand, while two PWD suggested that no link between economic transformation and the IDP existed. Although the Disabled People’s Organisation representative along with six PWD agreed that the link should exist, they felt that the IDP was not effective. Overall, the PWD concurred that the IDP could make a difference, but the lack of implementation meant that it was ineffectual. These views confirm the findings from the analysis of the IDP and annual report. When asked about the projects in the 2016/2017 IDP, most officials appeared defensive, maintaining that projects did exist and were improving the lives of PWD. The Disabled People’s Organisation rejected this view, along with seven of the nine PWD, stating that nothing had been done through the IDP to improve PWD’s lives. PWD respondents cited projects that were not contained in the 2016/2017 IDP, or mentioned projects that had been initiated as far back as 2010 which included the planned revival of the township economy in Ngangelizwe, a poultry project, agricultural projects, and a bead project. However, most of these projects were outside Ngangelizwe and most were no longer operational. The only project near Ngangelizwe was the sewing project in the Transido Small Business Hub. Although the Khuphukani leather works project was mentioned in the IDP, it is not near Ngangelizwe. The two visually impaired respondents had no knowledge of any projects to promote the economic wellbeing of the PDW. The only initiative in 2016 was through the Department of Public Works in the district which involved the training of PDW in

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business skills and business formation. There were promises to assist the participants with the formation and registration of business, but nothing had happened. One respondent complained that PWDs were always directed to projects that do not promote a high level of thinking such as sewing, instead of being channelled to designing which needs more creative skills. Two PWD had been employed in a road construction project in that financial year. In respect of housing needs, only one of the nine PWDs owned a house, the others rented accommodation. Effectiveness of municipal policy in advancing the economic wellbeing of PWDs Most (11) respondents, including the representative from the Special Projects Unit, concurred that there were no specific policies to improve the wellbeing of PWDs, although municipal officials pointed out that there were policies subsumed in the local economic development strategy, the KSD Master Plan, and the Small Medium and Micro Enterprise policy. Two PWD pointed out that even if there were such a policy, no one knew about it. Achievements and challenges of the IDP In respect of the achievements and challenges of the IDP, 11 respondents cited the O.R. Tambo Disabled People’s Organisation that represented the needs of PWDs on local and district level as an achievement. A municipal official mentioned a mobility training project in Mthatha Town where blind people were trained to walk using white canes. However, this initiative was limited to the town, excluding the townships. Visually impaired respondents noted the success of the mobility initiative, but stressed that it was organised by the Disabled People Organisation with no assistance from government or the municipality. The claim by a government respondent that blind people could now walk safely in Mthatha was disputed by one PWD respondent, claiming that walking in Mthatha was a nightmare. A learnership project organised by the Industrial Development Trust for PWD in KSD was mentioned, but no additional assistance in the form of funding for the registration and the establishment of the business was forthcoming. At times, PWDs were trained, but were not placed where they could apply their skills. Furthermore, they did not have a market to sell the products they have produced. Participation in IDP processes There was consensus among the respondents that the PWDs did not participate in the IDP public meetings (‘roadshows’) within communities, nor did they actively take part in the development of IDP programmes. Government officials laid the blame for this on the Disabled People’s Organisation, which was invited to IDP representative forums, KSD IDP meetings and strategic planning sessions as a representative of PWDs. A municipal official mentioned that these were not the only mechanisms of identifying needs for vulnerable groups as the Special Projects Unit, the Disabled People’s Organisation, and intervention programmes from the Executive Mayor’s office for PWDs also served this purpose. One respondent accused the officials who prepared the IDP of not caring about or fully understanding the needs of PWD.

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Another complained that the municipality had not made any special efforts to involve PWD in programmes and activities such as sports. A respondent who had served on the Disabled People’s Organisation understood the IDP process well, while other PWD knew little about the IDP or its purpose. The PWD pointed out that in practice it was difficult for them to participate as there were no Braille documents or sign language interpreters available, while the venues for the IDP public meetings were inaccessible. According to the Social Development Department, it conducted door-to-door visits to inform PWD when it had a programme in Ngangelizwe instead of depending on IDP meetings. Conduciveness of the physical environment and infrastructure One area of consensus among respondents is that the physical environment of Ngangelizwe is not conducive for PWDs, despite the projects undertaken to improve wheelchair accessibility. Among the least accessible buildings identified by respondents were the KSD municipal building, the Mthatha Town Hall, the Madeira Police Station in Mthatha central and the Rotary Hall in Ngangelizwe. The council building had no lifts; hence those who could not climb stairs had to all their business by phone or send someone in their stead (see Fig. 16.10). At the Bosasa Social Development centre, social workers had to attend to PWDs who were wheelchair-bound, outside the centre. Private buildings were also inaccessible. Furthermore, the sidewalks and roads are for the most part dangerous for the visually impaired as well as those in wheelchairs. Some respondents expressed concern about how government institutions accommodated only mobility disability, neglecting other forms such as deafness, intellectual and visual impairment. The state sometimes provides free wheelchairs and special shoes for physically disabled persons, yet other aids such as white canes, cell phones with speech enhancement, and houses that meet the needs of blind or deaf and persons are not considered. ‘Accessibility’ was thus conceived only as the construction of ramps for wheelchairs, overlooking other disabilities. Fig. 16.10 Mthatha Town Hall entrance. Source Authors (2017)

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Marginalisation of PWDs The issue of their employability was raised by the PWD. Only two of the nine respondents with disabilities were employed. Illiteracy was one reason, but another appears to be discrimination against PWDs. One respondent was rejected for employment at one of the retailers in Mthatha because he limps and ostensibly could not stand all day. A blind respondent explained that he had recently attended an interview as liaison officer at a construction project but was rejected because the company assumed that he could not move safely around the construction site. Respondents mentioned the stigma of disability and thus the election of a partially blind person as a ward councillor of Ngangelizwe was a success story highlighted by four respondents. Nonetheless, the discrimination experienced by PWD led to their isolation from able-bodied persons. Perhaps this physical and social distancing is the reason for the continuous lack of funding for programme to capacitate and support PWD. Furthermore, it contributed to the problems of identifying and enumerating PWD as part of empowerment programmes. The needs of the deaf were stressed by social workers. Only five of the 25 social workers at the Mthatha Bosasa Social Development Centre had training in sign language. Importantly, they struggled to assist deaf persons, especially rape victims. The lack of local skills in sign language meant that deaf respondents were not included in this study. The families of PWD also contributed to their marginalisation, by hiding them when government officials visited or hampering any efforts they took to obtain employment, for fear of losing their disability grant. Solutions to the challenges Besides improving the physical environment, respondents identified education and training as an important contribution to improving the lives of PWD. Furthermore, it was suggested that sign language should be part of the national school curriculum or training colleges to increase the number of people who can communicate with the deaf. Workshops with Disabled People’s Organisation and representatives were required at ward level with two-way communication about the rights of PWDs, programmes and projects as well as information regarding their needs. The IDP process should be explained in simpler terms and the inclusion of illiterate and PWD facilitated. A dedicated budget PWDs was required, although some respondents expressed reservations regarding a centralised budget. As dealing with disability is a function of all line functions, creating a single budget could result in all other functions passing on their responsibilities to the department or function with the budget. Another suggestion was the creation of a development agency that looks at disability issues, similar to the Youth Development Agency. Awareness campaigns were needed to address the stigma and marginalisation of PWD. Furthermore, action should be taken against government departments and other organisations that do not adhere to universal access standards to ensure more

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places are accessible to a wider range of PWD. This includes the construction of government subsidised houses that are suitable for all people.

16.5 (Non) Inclusion of People with Disabilities Although the IDP is designed to support all communities, and should in theory benefit PWD, the findings suggest that it has not been able to do so in KSD. Our findings indicate three main reasons for this situation. Firstly, PWD are poorly represented in the IDP process, partly due to their disabilities that is possibly exacerbated due to social exclusion. The Disabled People’s Organisation does provide a voice, but it is not loud enough. Other mechanisms such as the Special Projects Unit and the provincial Social Development Department were unable to carry the needs of PWD into the IDP process. Consequently, PWD are not heard and their needs are largely side-lined. This is in line with the conclusions of several authors who have identified the public participation processes as merely a compliance exercise (Mautjana and Makombe 2014). ‘Communities need to be empowered also for them to participate meaningfully. Road shows and advertisement are not effective in ensuring participation by the poorest of the poor since they are either illiterate or lack access to such methodologies or both’ (Hofisi 2014: 1136). Secondly, the IDP appears to contain many needs, few of which are translated into programmes and projects with clear outcomes. Instead the IDP becomes merely a wish-list with little connection between community needs and the budget. This further denigrates the community participation exercise (Cash and Swatuk 2011: 59). The municipal infrastructure projects do not appear to have included PWD. The lack of capacity in local government has been identified as a reason for poor service delivery as far back as 2004 (PMG 2004; COGTA 2009, The Presidency 2014). Thirdly, funding for projects that are listed in the IDP may not be included on the budget, and when they are budgeted for, the projects may not realise benefits for communities. Corruption, ineptitude and financial mismanagement have been on the rise, now constituting a serious problem in local government (AGSA 2020; Siddle and Koelble 2017). There is a dearth of projects to empower PWDs within the Ngangelizwe area. The few business training projects have provided the PWDs knowledge, but other enabling resources, such as access to capital needed to start up their own businesses, was not provided. It appears that many projects that were initiated in the region have not been successful, other than the newly established sewing project. Many of the projects appear to assume that a physical disability equates to intellectual impairment as the nature of income-generating projects mentioned by the PWD ignores their potential for skilled and higher cognitive work. The poor track record of empowerment projects that are effective in enabling PWD to become more independent may engender disillusionment and depression.

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PWD experience prejudice in applying for work. This could be due to the perceived costs of accommodating them in a workplace, or because of their low levels of education because they were denied a decent education (Northway 1997: 739). Dependence on grants and handouts instead of the dignity of labour and pride in some financial independence can lead to powerlessness. PWD are not treated as ordinary humans with a disability, but as ‘other’ beings, or ‘second-rate’. They thus experience discrimination. The stigma attached to disabilities isolates and marginalises them. Additionally, their own families exploit them for their disability grants. These are all forms of injustice and disadvantage identified as oppression by Young (1990). Northway includes the media’s portrayal of PWD as ‘tragic victims or as superheroes who overcome against the odds’ (1997: 738) as a form of cultural imperialism. To address the discrimination, marginalisation, exploitation and hence powerlessness experienced by PWDs, their capabilities must be enhanced. This entails improving both the physical spaces and their social spaces, namely their social, economic, and human/cultural capital (Israel and Frenkel 2018). Improvements to physical space include homes adapted for the nature of disability the person has, accessible buildings and a safer public spaces that accommodate multiple forms of disability. Improving social spaces will require greater understanding of disability, humanising PWD and enabling them to both acquire and put into practice those skills and competencies needed to enhance their financial independence. Such actions can be translated into projects and programmes for inclusion in the IDP.

16.6 Conclusion This study set out to explore whether the IDP could contribute to improving the wellbeing of PWD in Ngangelizwe, Mthatha. The South African constitution requires local government to promote the social and economic development of their communities and to provide essential services. The IDP is intended to be the vehicle through which municipalities deliver such development. Our findings reveal that the IDP has not been successful in improving their environment or their financial wellbeing. Their needs were not pertinently included in the IDP, and those projects and programmes contained in the document were vague without clear objectives, while few projects and programmes were adequately funded. To address these problems, the needs of special groups, and specifically PWD, need to be clearly identified within the IDP, along with explicit objectives on how to meet such needs, in the form of well-defined projects and programmes—that have adequate funding—instead of vague intentions. PWD suffer injustice and discrimination at the hand of the community, prospective employers and their families. The municipality also contributes to the injustices through neglect of the physical environment, hampering access and freedom of movement. The rights contained in the constitution and the requirement that these rights be respected, promoted, and fulfilled, are not experienced by PWD. One the one

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hand, more focus on the humanity and dignity of PWD than their disabilities is needed, while on the other—as Parnell (2004: 381) eloquently summarises—‘the post-apartheid experience shows that legislative, policy and political commitments to equity are not enough. Further financial, administrative and bureaucratic reforms are fundamental to achieving urban justice and equitable development’. Ethical Approval This study has received approval from the Research Ethics Committee of University of the Free State. A copy of the approval letter can be obtained from the researcher. Approval number: UFS-HSD 2017/0767.

References Abberley P (1987) The concept of oppression and the development of a social theory of disability. Disabil Handicap Soc 2(1):5–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/02674648766780021 AGSA (Auditor-General, South Africa) (2020) Consolidated general report of the local government audit outcomes 2018/2019. Auditor-General, South Africa. https://www.agsa.co.za/Portals/0/Rep orts/MFMA/201819/GR/MFMA%20GR%202018-19%20Final%20View.pdf Altman BM (2001) Disability definitions, models, classification schemes, and applications. In: Handbook of disability studies, pp 97–122 Bankston CL III (2010) Social justice: cultural origins of a perspective and a theory. Independent Rev 15(2):165–178 Binns T, Nel E (2002) Devolving development. Integrated development planning and developmental government in post-apartheid South Africa. Reg Stud 36(8):921–945 Cash C, Swatuk L (2011) Integrated development planning in South Africa: lessons from the Dwars River Valley. Urban Forum 22(1): 53–73 COGTA (Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs) (2009) State of local government in South Africa working documents COGTA 2009. http://www.info.gov.za/view/ DownloadFileAction?id=110100. Accessed 6 May 2011 Dubois JL, Trani JF (2009) Extending the capability paradigm to address the complexity of disability. Alter 3(3):192–218 Fainstein SS (2000) New directions in planning theory. Urban Aff Rev 35(4):451–478 Fainstein S (2009) Spatial justice and planning. Justice Spatiale/spatial Justice 1:1–13 Fainstein SS (2014) The just city. Int J Urban Sci 18(1):1–18. https://doi.org/10.1080/12265934. 2013.834643 Fukuda-Parr S (2003) The human development paradigm: operationalizing Sen’s ideas on capabilities. Fem Econ 9(2–3):301–317. https://doi.org/10.1080/1354570022000077980 Harrison P (2001) The genealogy of South Africa’s integrated development plan. Third World Plann Rev 23(2):175–193 Hofisi C (2014) Making participation real in integrated development planning in South Africa. J Publ Adm 49(4):1126–1138 Israel E, Frenkel A (2018) Social justice and spatial inequality: toward a conceptual framework. Prog Hum Geogr 42(5):647–665 KSD (King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality) (2016a) Integrated development plan 2016/2017 KSD (King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality) (2016b) Annual Report 2015/2016 KSD (King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality) (2020) Final Integrated development plan 2020/2021. https://ksd.gov.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/KSD-Final-IDP-20202021.pdf. Accessed 28 Oct 2020 Mautjana MH, Makombe G (2014) Community participation or malicious compliance? Africa Insight 44(2):51–67

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Ministry of Constitutional Development and Provincial Affairs (1998) White paper on local government. Government Printer, Pretoria Mitra S (2006) The capability approach and disability. J Disabil Policy Stud 16(4):236–247 Moroni S (2020) The just city. Three background issues: institutional justice and spatial justice, social justice and distributive justice, concept of justice and conceptions of justice. Plann Theor 19(3): 251–267. https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095219877670 Municipalities of South Africa (2020) King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality’ Demographic information. https://municipalities.co.za/demographic/1032/king-sabata-dalindyebo-local-mun icipality Accessed 29 Oct 2020 Nel E (2001) Local economic development: a review and assessment of its current status in South Africa. Urban Stud 38(7):1003–1024 Northway R (1997) Disability and oppression: some implications for nurses and nursing. J Adv Nurs 26(4):736–743 NPC (National Planning Commission) (2012) National Development Plan 2030: our future—make it work. National Planning Commission, Pretoria Oranje M (2014) Back to where it all began …? Reflections on injecting the (spiritual) ethos of the early town planning movement into planning, planners and plans in post-1994 South Africa. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 70(3):1–10. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v70i3.2781 Parnell S (2004) Building developmental local government to fight poverty: institutional change in the city of Johannesburg. Int Dev Plan Rev 26(4):377–400 PMG (Parliamentary Monitoring Group) (2004) Project Consolidate presentation to the. Select committee on local government. 27 October 2004. https://pmg.org.za/committee-meeting/4202/. Accessed 28 Oct 2020 Ramaphosa C (2020) South Africa’s economic reconstruction and recovery plan address to the joint sitting of parliament. 15 October 2020. https://www.gov.za/speeches/president-cyril-ramaphosasouth-africa%E2%80%99s-economic-reconstruction-and-recovery-plan-15-oct RSA (Republic of South Africa) (1994) White Paper on Reconstruction and Development. Government Printer, Pretoria RSA (Republic of South Africa) (1996) Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act no. 108 of 1996). Government Printer, Pretoria RSA (Republic of South Africa) (2000) Local government: Municipal Systems Act (Act no. 232 of 2000). Government Printer, Pretoria Sen A (2005) Human rights and capabilities. J Hum Dev 6(2):151–166 Siddle A, Koelble T (2017) Local government in South Africa: can the objectives of the developmental state be achieved through the current model of decentralised governance? Research report 7 for the Swedish International Centre for Local Democracy. https://icld.se/app/uploads/files/for skningspublikationer/siddle-koelble-icld-report-7.pdf The Presidency (Republic of South Africa) (2014) 20 Year review background paper: local government. https://www.dpme.gov.za/publications/20%20Years%20Review/20%20Y ear%20Review%20Documents/20YR%20Local%20Government.pdf Thomas C (2004) How is disability understood? An examination ofsociological approaches. Disabil Soc 19(6):569–583.https://doi.org/10.1080/0968759042000252506 Turok I, Scheba A (2019) ‘Right to the city’ and the New Urban Agenda: learning from the right to housing. Territory, Politics, Governance 7(4):494–510. https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2018. 1499549 UN (United Nations General Assembly) (1948) Universal declaration of human rights. UN General Assembly 302(2) Visser G (2001) Social justice, integrated development planning and post-apartheid urban reconstruction. Urban Stud 38(10):1673–1699 Watson V (2009) Seeing from the south: refocusing urban planning on the globe’s central urban issues. Urban Stud 46:2259–2275 Young IM (1990) Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

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Tembisile Marhulumba is an aspirant planner with Master’s Degree in Town and Regional Planning at the University of Free State. He completed his undergraduate studies at Unisa majoring in Public Administration and Development studies. He is currently undertaking a PGDip degree in Sustainable Agriculture with the University of Free State. His research interest is planning and social justice. Verna Nel is a registered urban and regional planner and a Professor who lectures at the University of the Free State. Her undergraduate studies were at Wits University and she completed her postgraduate studies through Unisa. Professor Verna Nel key research interests are spatial governance, urban resilience and local economic development and their application in various contexts such as in mining communities and secondary cities.

Chapter 17

Access and Constraints to Commuting for Persons with Disabilities in Gauteng Province, South Africa James Chakwizira, Peter Bikam, and Thompson A. Adeboyejo

Abstract This chapter explores access and constraints to commuting for persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Gauteng province, South Africa. The argument advanced is that PWDs face subtle, peculiar and differentiated access and constraints to commuting in undertaking everyday activities and sustaining livelihood lifestyles. The study draws from a randomized sample of 1550 household surveys and inputs from captains of the transport and related industry in Gauteng province. Making use of a thematic study approach, descriptive statistics are used to explore the PWDs transport access and constraints to commuting challenges and issues. The study findings and results paint a portrait of PWDs lived public transport experiences and struggles with implications for city inclusivity. The findings and results furthermore reinforce that PWDs face access and constraints to commuting systemic challenges from a strategic, policy and operational implementation perspective. In order to convert and turn around the access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in Gauteng province, South Africa, the following are proposed: buttressing spatial efficiencies; re-aligning policy and projects priorities; redesigning existing public transport infrastructure and services; retrofitting improvements to old public transport modes, infrastructure and designs; funding, provision, access, design and sustainability of assistive technologies and devices for PWDs; universalizing the communication and sign meta-language for PWDs; strengthening governance commuting policy shifts and changes; and centring a universal and inclusive “whole of government and stakeholders” PWDs approach and philosophy in tackling commuting and non-commuting matters in Gauteng province. J. Chakwizira (B) · P. Bikam Department of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Venda, Thohoyandou, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] P. Bikam e-mail: [email protected] T. A. Adeboyejo Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, Ogbomosho, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_17

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Keywords Transport accessibility · Commuting mobility · Persons with disabilities · Spatial inefficiencies · Exclusion and inclusivity

17.1 Introduction Sustainable built environments are built on the backbone of inclusive, adaptive and resilient built and non-built environment ecosystems. Within the dynamic and complex ecosystem, access and constraints to commuting for persons living with disabilities (PLWDs) is an important design, planning and policy matter. The connections and interdependencies of social, economic, physical and environmental facets in cities suggest the need for courting and advancing inter-cross-multi and transdisciplinary mobility solutions (Darcy and Burke 2018; Imrie 2000; Low 2013; Power 2001). Urban transport planners, local and municipal government practitioners, scholars and policy makers have called for the implementation of a healthy comprehensive mix and balance of transport policies, transport technologies, built environment (re)design, cultural and social innovations in support of lifting the access and constraints to commuting burden for PWDs (Bezyak et al. 2017; Greed 2002; Kett et al. 2020; Park and Chowdhury 2018). Several transport inclusive and exclusive signatures have been labelled as (re)producing barriered and bounded places and spatialities of disabilities dialects in South Africa (Imrie 2001). These spatialities of disabilities recreate and reinforce spatial disadvantages, spatial inequalities and spatial exclusions. These inadequacies manifest themselves in terms of transport (in)justice systems of operation, governance and institutional disability, geographic disability mobility corridors of divisive level of service (LoS) and inadequate disability infrastructure and services offerings (Bezmez 2013; Connor 2008; Gössling 2016; Imrie 2000; Jacobson 2013; Katzmann 2010; Power 2001). However, despite the realization that more must be done in advancing a more PWDs transport justice and inclusive cities and friendly environments, access and constraints to commuting for persons with disabilities has not been fixed. Generally, scholars and practitioners who focus on promoting the advancement of cities list the importance of sound urban transport planning, engineering and various new urban tactics such as spatial planning and land use management, health, energy and emissions efficiency, human behaviour, local economic competitiveness and productivity, safety, gender, disability, affordability, intelligent transport systems (ITS), etc. in the same line. However, the implementation priority and agenda hot items have been seen to relegate PWDs matters down the pecking order. This, among other reasons, can explain why PWDs access and constraints to commuting for in Gauteng province matters persist as a stubborn problem that needs decisive and bold action in being addressed. Exploring and attempting to develop innovative ways to resolve this matter is one way of redefining the disability narrative from being an exclusive and neglected issue to being an inclusive and integrative matter in addressing contemporary inclusive cities growth and development requirements. This chapter explores access and

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constraints to commuting for PWDs in Gauteng province, South Africa. The argument advanced is that PWDs face subtle, peculiar and differentiated access and constraints to commuting in undertaking everyday activities and sustaining livelihood lifestyles. This is achieved by means of interrogating the following objectives: (1) exploring access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in Gauteng province, South Africa; (2) evaluating the main public transport systems operating in Gauteng province in respect of service coverage, structural and non-structural inclusive operations, designs, transport justice and conceptual scope; and (3) making suggestions on how to (re)solve access and constraints to commuting for PWDs.

17.2 Research Methods and Materials 17.2.1 Theoretical Analytical Lenses Lefebvre’s (1968s) ‘right to the city’, Harvey’s (1973s), social justice and the city’s dialectic conception of space that problematized and reflected on the (re)production and (re)appropriation of urban common spaces as central to explaining urban (in)equalities and (in)efficiencies anchored the theoretical discourse analysis to the study (Attoh 2011; Butler 2012, 2019; Harvey 2008, 2012; Merrifield 2011; Santos Junior 2014; Uitermark et al. 2012). The above-mentioned theoretical paradigms were supplemented by the infusion of the urban systems dynamic theoretical framework as the over-arching guidance lenses in interrogating the access and constraints to commuting for PWDs narrative. This theoretical analytical approach was modelled along similar studies conducted by various researchers around the world who interrogated the inter-relations, dependencies, linkages and constraints between cities and PWDs (Batty 1971; Datola et al. 2019; Järv et al. 2018; Pettit et al. 2018). Transport justice, inclusivity, equity and fairness dimensions were critiqued within the existing public transport infrastructure and services set-up. The spatial mismatches, disconnects and inefficiencies in Gauteng province are teased with respect to how the spatial apartheid induced spaces have an inert ability or lack of thereof to (re)produce spaces of inequality, injustice, deprivation.

17.2.2 Method The study draws from a randomized sample of 1550 household surveys and inputs from captains of the transport and related industry in Gauteng province. The randomized household access survey was made up of 150 (representing 9.6% of the total sample size) household apiece for Pretoria CBD (mixed income), “Mamelodi (low income)”, “Pretoria East (high income)”, “Mabopane (low income)”, “Hammanskraal (low income) and Midrand (high income) and Johannesburg CBD (mixed

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income) with 100 households (representing 6.4% of the total sample size each), Tembisa (low income), Soweto (low income), Alexandra (low income) and Sandton (high income) 150 (representing 9.6% of the total sample size each)” (Chakwizira 2016; Chakwizira et al. 2018a, b). At the same time, the sampled commuting public was representative of the full gamut of perceptions and experience of access and constraints so that a better exploration of commuting issues for PWDs could be established. This was also influenced by the need to generate transport-inclusive and transport just solutions for all commuters including PWDs considering a wider, comprehensive and inclusive expanded definition of PWDs. Making use of a thematic study approach method, descriptive statistics are used to explore the PWDs transport access and constraints to commuting challenges and issues. The tripartite method involved the following: • Stage one (1): This stage was dedicated to a critical review of PWDs theoretical approaches as enunciated by literature. The analysis was further disaggregated by scale (i.e. global, regional and local), demographics, access and constraints to commuting for PWDs. These data and information have been synthesized into the literature review section of this manuscript but further acted as reference points in critically exploring and interpreting the data research findings, results, recommendations and conclusions. This is based on the evidence-based method to policy planning, practice and analysis (refer to studies by Hart 2018; Weed 2005). • Stage two (2): We conducted a reconnaissance survey of the three-main bus rapid transport (BRT) systems (i.e. BRT Rea Vaya (Johannesburg), BRT Areyeng (Tshwane formerly Pretoria), BRT Harambee (Ekhuruleni), Gautrain, Metro rail, Minibus Taxi Operators as well as municipal public transport bus operations such as the Johannesburg Metropolitan Bus Service (JMBS). The physical audits involved making use of checklist in respect of how travellers used the systems, better understanding existing structures, constraints and technologies with specific reference to PWDs. Additionally, these public transport operators and systems were evaluated in respect of service coverage, structural and nonstructural inclusive operations, designs, transport justice and conceptual scope. This enabled an expanded understanding of the researcher’s worldview of the access and constraints to commuting for PWDs. Similar methodologies have been used elsewhere in seeking to understand better urban transport problems for specific users or targeted transport operators or commuters (Bezyak et al. 2017; Carmien et al. 2005; Hara et al. 2016). The outcome of stage two data findings and analysis assisted in improving the sharpness of the findings and study recommendations advanced in this chapter. • Stage three (3): In this phase, attitudes, knowledge, awareness and practices (AKAP) tool in respect of PWDs as expressed through literature was mirrored through the administration of questionnaire and key informant interviews to establish access and constraints to commuting challenges that PWDs experience in urban life and spaces. In this second phase, the transport and spatial findings were analysed thematically in line with

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• similar methods used by Carmona, Health, Tiesdell & Oc (2010) and Meshur (2013) in exploring problems and needs of PWDs in urban spaces (Carmona et al. 2010; Meshur 2013).

17.2.3 Databases and Research Method Analytic Technique The following national transport datasets were accessed and analysed for PWDs data: Department of Transport National Household Travel (2002, 2013), Statistics South Africa Censuses (1996, 2001, 2011) as well as the Gauteng Transport Household Survey (2014), Statistics South Africa (2009), 2016 and 2018 Community General Surveys (Africa 1998, 2001, 2008, 2016; Lehohla 2015; Statistic 2014). These databases provided a collection of data on general household characteristics, travel patterns of households, household transport and attitudes about transport, which enabled the further exploration of the PWDs and transport dimensions while focusing on Gauteng province. Table 17.1 presents the study research method matrix that was employed in conducting the study. A review of these databases facilitated the adoption of the working definition used in this chapter with respect to PWDs. PWDs are defined as people experiencing various levels of difficulty in functional domains such as seeing, hearing, walking, self-care, remembering and concentrating, communicating and social interaction (Statistics South Africa 2018).

17.2.4 Rationale for Case Study Selection The choice of Gauteng province was informed by the region’s centrality and being the economic hub of Southern Africa if not Africa. The region represents a cocktail of access and constraints to commuting issues for PWDs, thus endearing itself as a credible study in seeking to achieve the research’s aim and objective. Literature is replete with studies that corroborate that a case study is an ideal methodology when a holistic, in-depth investigation is needed thus providing platforms for engaging in multi-perspectival analyses (Feagin et al. 1991; Yin 2003; Yin 2017; Yin and Yin 1994). Gauteng comprises three metropolitan areas and two district municipalities. These include the City of Tshwane (formerly Pretoria); City of Johannesburg; Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality; West Rand District Municipality; and Sedibeng District Municipality. The West Rand District Municipality comprises the local authorities of Merafong City, Randfontein, Westonaria and Mogale City Local Municipality, while the Sedibeng District Municipality includes Emfuleni, Midvaal and Lesedi Local municipalities. Gauteng is the economic powerhouse of Southern Africa. Several strategic airports, an extensive rail system comprising both commuter rail services and high-speed inter-city functions, and an extensive road network ensure

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Table 17.1 Study research method matrix Research Question (RQ)

Research Method

Research Analysis

Research Outcome

Research Question 1 (RQ1) Exploring access and constraints to commuting for persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Gauteng province, South Africa?

Secondary sources Household interviews Key informant interviews Participatory mapping

Descriptive statistics Trend analysis Historical/document analysis Features/Spatial analysis

Portrait and typologies of PWDs access and constraints to commuting for PWDs

Research Question 2 (RQ2) Evaluating the main public transport systems operating in Gauteng province in respect of service coverage, structural and non-structural inclusive operations, designs, transport justice and conceptual scope?

On-site observations Key informant interviews

Spatial analysis Transport and land use analysis Thematic analysis Respondents’ Agreement Index (RAI)

Public transport spatial analysis gaps and (in)efficiencies Access and Constraints to commuting for PWDs profiles and portrait

Research Question 3 (RQ3) Making suggestions on how to (re)solve access and constraints to commuting for persons with disabilities (PWDs)?

Key informant interviews Deductive method

Gap analysis Discourse analysis Spatial analysis Deductive analysis Respondents’ Agreement Index (RAI)

Perception and solutions on access and constraints to commuting for PWDS in study area

that Gauteng is well connected in terms of national and international links into the southern African development community (SADC) hinterland (Gumbo and Moyo 2020; Ndwandwe and Gumbo 2017; Risimati and Gumbo 2018; Terwin 2019). Although Gauteng is the smallest province in the country, representing only 1.4% of the land area of the country, it accommodates 11.2 million people which makes it the most populous province in South Africa. Population growth has been concentrated in a few locations (90% of the population live in urban centres) and has resulted in strong spatial polarization, urban sprawl and spatial fragmentation owing to tracts of under-utilized land between main urban centres (Chakwizira et al. 2011; Chakwizira et al. 2018a, b). The study respondents are made up of CBD areas in Gauteng Province: Pretoria Central (150, i.e. 9.6%), Johannesburg Central (100, i.e. 6.4); and high-density low-income areas (both formal and informal): Mamelodi, Pretoria North, Mabopane, Hammanskraal, Tembisa, Soweto (150, i.e. 9.6% apiece): High income low density residential areas: Pretoria East, Midrand (medium to high income) (i.e. 9.6% apiece); mixed income area: Sandton (high income) and

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Fig. 17.1 Map of Gauteng province showing the case study areas. Source (Chakwizira 2016)

Alexandra (low income), i.e. (150, i.e. 9.6). The healthy balance of different socioeconomic spatial areas argues well with gaining insights from a broad and representative sampled section of the population in Gauteng province. Figure 17.1 shows the geographical location of Gauteng province in relation to other provinces in the country as well as highlighting the selected case study places for detailed research investigation. The survey respondents were drawn from all parts of Gauteng covering lowincome, middle and high income areas. This was critical to avoid findings lopsided to specific spatial areas with specific grains of PWDs challenges (refer to Fig. 17.1). Different transport and communication modes (i.e. road, rail, air, pipeline and wireless) exist in Gauteng province, and these express themselves in terms of differentiated access and constraints to commuting in Gauteng.

17.2.5 Data Analysis and Interpretation of Findings Making use of a thematic study approach method, descriptive statistics are used to explore the PWDs transport access and constraints to commuting challenges and issues. The data collected were entered into the Statistical Package for Social

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Sciences (SPSS) version 26 software for further processing. Two analytical statistics were employed to summarize data and make inferences in this study. Univariate descriptive statistics involving frequency and percentages were first used to report the socio-economic profile of the commuters in Gauteng province. In addition, Respondents’ Agreement Index (RAI) was used to measure the factors influencing access and constraints to commuting for PWDs. Six (6) variables that could influence access and constraints to commuting for PWDs were identified. These include spatial fragmentation, travelling time, travelling cost, travelling information and support, design of transport terminal infrastructure and services and lack of universal and friendly spatial and transportation value chain environment and culture. This chapter posits that the level of agreement of the respondents would indicate the level of influence these variables have on access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in Gauteng province. To calculate the RAI, the sampled respondents were instructed to rate each variable using one of the five ratings: Strongly Agree (SA) (5), Agree (A) (4), Just Agree (JA) (3), Disagree (DA) (2) and Strongly Disagree (SD) (1). The summation of weight value (SWV) for each variable is obtained through the addition of the products of responses for each rating of the variable and their respective weight values. Mathematically, this is expressed as follows: SWV =

5 

X i Yi

(17.1)

i=1

where SWV is the summation of weight value; X i is the respondents’ rating of a particular variable influencing access and constraints to commuting for PWDs; Y i is the weight value assigned to each variable. The respondents’ agreement index (RAI) for each variable is arrived at by dividing the summation of weight value by the addition of the number of respondents to each of the five ratings. This is expressed as: SWV RAI = 5 i=1 Pi

(17.2)

The information from the observation checklist was recorded on a worksheet and constitute part of the findings being reported in this chapter.

17.2.6 Limitations The study sample size cannot be generalized across South Africa or other countries. However, the results of this study can provide cues and clues with respect to

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conducting research on access and commuting constraints for PWDs if contextualization and customization to the transportation culture of an area are observed.

17.3 Literature Review Sustainable urban and rural development provides multivariate opportunities for socio-spatial transport transformations, transitions, (in)efficiency and distortions. Planning policy and practice presents differentiated manifestation of access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in respect of transport (in)justice and (in)efficiency. Transport marginal groups such as the vulnerable, remotely located, minority groups, including the elderly and individuals with disabilities have been identified as groups whose life course full cycle transport needs are not fully catered for (Sze and Christensen 2017). Urban transport and human settlement studies in both developed and developing countries focusing on transport needs of the PWDs have identified access and mobility constraints for this group as an area requiring attention (Chakwizira et al. 2018a, b; DiPetrillo et al. 2014; Ipingbemi 2015; Venter et al. 2002; Christo Venter et al. 2002). PWDs have been discovered to have limited functional mobility and restricted transportation options (Hwang et al. 2020). Disability is a complex dynamic, multidimensional and contested concept and notion (World Bank 2011). The dominance of personal vehicles has posed serious mobility challenges to people who cannot drive because of their health conditions, sensory impairments, cognitive limitations, or diminished driving skills. Thus, most non-drivers, including some people with disabilities, must rely on family members or friends for rides unless other modes of transportation, such as public transit, are available and have PWDs compliant infrastructure and services (Hwang et al. 2020).

17.3.1 Transport Disability as a Social Construct The transport social model of disability is premised on the argument that the society (re)inforces and (re)creates access and constraints to commuting barriers for PWDs through the social, environmental and physical (re)construction and (re)production of spaces and transport systems, modes and technologies of exclusion, marginalization, discrimination and (in)justice (Darcy and Burke 2018; Imrie 2000, 2001; Wilson 2003). Transport modes, availability, design and operators perceptions and attitudes towards PWDs add a further layer and scale of transport disability for PWDs (Power 2001; Stock et al. 2019; Wilson 2003). Disability is therefore an evolving and growing concept. The transition from an individual, medical perspective to a structural, social perspective has been described as the shift from a “medical model” to a “social model” in which people are viewed as being disabled by society rather than by their bodies (World Bank 2011). Thus, a “bio-psycho-social model” was developed incorporating both the medical and social models in explaining the PWDs worldview system of

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systems. Such conceptualization represents a workable compromise between medical and social models that seek to explain PWDs discourses.

17.3.2 Mobility-as-a-Service (Maas) Paradigm The growth and development in the application of ICT solutions in the field of mobility has created novel transport opportunities to address transportation challenges, PWDs access and constraints to commuting included. The emergence of the Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS) paradigm is one transport-inclusive paradigm that transcends binary classification and understanding of PWDs transport issues. Mobility as a Service is an innovative approach that aims to break the barrier between public and private transport through the integration in a coordinated infrastructure of the technologies exposed by every single operator (Melis et al. 2016, 2018; Utriainen and Pöllänen 2018). MaaS paradigm can integrate information about urban transportation (including taxis, bus, train, car sharing, car pooling, etc.), urban barriers and facilities, pedestrian and multimodal paths into a one governance experience of travelling and wandering the city, including travel planning and payments into one unified seamless connected interoperability of applications. Melis et al. (2016) have created on variation among many others of MaaS platform to manage transport mobility services and features, i.e. through prototyping an infrastructure as a marketplace for mobility services, called Smart Mobility for All (SMAll) (Callegati et al. 2017; Melis et al. 2016, 2018; Salomoni and Callegati 2017). These applications are universal for transport users and therefore incorporate addressing PWDs access and constraints to commuting challenges. Governance of a transition to Mobility-as-aService (MaaS) and the development of policies for MaaS are current areas in which further development and trails are being done in preparation for the future in which MaaS will play a greater role in the transportation models of the future (Smith and Hensher 2020; Smith et al. 2019; Smith 2019).

17.3.3 Inclusive Cities Paradigm and the Persons with Disabilities Dividend Built environments and cities by extension should (re)create and (re)produce environments that are friendly for the aged and PWDs among other key considerations (Hanson 2004). The transport geography and topography of the wider urban environment has been criticized as having created spaces of physical inaccessibility and social exclusion for older and PWDs and thereby being inherently non-inclusive in policy, planning, design, form, processes and outcomes. Segregation by physical access creates an urban environment that has been defined by some authors as ‘enclosed’, ‘barriered’ and ‘bounded’ and a ‘space of exclusion’ for many in the

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population (Gleeson 1998, 2001; Imrie 2000, 2001, 2012, 2014; Imrie and Imrie 1996). ‘Architectural disability’ or “Architecture disability apartheid” is a term that has been used (Goldsmith 1997; Gleeson 2001) to describe how the physical design, layout and construction of buildings and places can confront people with hazards and barriers which make the built environment inconvenient, uncomfortable or unsafe and may even prevent some people from using it at all (Gleeson 1998, 2001; Hanson 2004). A moment’s thought confirms that poorly designed buildings can disable or handicap older people, children, adults with babies in pushchairs, larger, taller or smaller people and those carrying heavy loads, as well as people with a physical, sensory or cognitive impairment. Some features of buildings may not even be convenient for young, healthy and able-bodied people. Almost everyone experiences problems in using the built environment at some time in their lives. Invariably, everyone is a potential or actual victim of architectural discrimination owing to the subconscious outcomes of the conventional building design logic. One design manual (Wylde et al. 1994) suggests that as many as 90% of individuals may be architecturally disabled in some way or other at some time in their life (Hanson 2004). Hanson (2001) indicates the shift from special to inclusive and universal design. Table 17.2 presents this shift in a summarized form. An inclusive environment is one in which all users, whatever their abilities, are able to carry out their day to day activities comfortably, effectively and safely without being restricted by the poor design, maintenance or management of the built environment (Hanson 2004). Three levels of ‘inclusion’ have therefore been more generally adopted by the proponents of inclusive design (COST 219 1997). These are: • Mainstream products for everyone, including PWDs; • Mainstream products that can be customized for use by PWDs; and • Specially designed products tailored to the requirements of people with severe disabilities. Cities, however, have been criticized as being slow to comply with PWDs focused directives and guidelines. The result of slow reaction has led to PWDs being “left behind”. Consequently, the built environment and services reveal a low intake in adopting universal design principles in urban development. It has since been argued that by ignoring the needs of PWDs in the adoption of new and smart city technologies, old and new forms of physical and social exclusion are being (re)created (Pineda and Corburn 2020; Valderrama Pineda 2016). Inclusive cities therefore promote development based on equality and justice. Equality and justice for all are the basic principles on which producing a city should be based (Basha 2015). An inclusive city, according to Ali Madanipour, should be accessible, created and managed through inclusive and democratic processes. Therefore, the inclusive city must be equally accessible to all citizens, regardless of their physical disabilities, age, gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, income level and social status. Equality is often equalled or found within the notion of social justice, which on the one hand stands for equal opportunities available to everyone

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Table 17.2 From Special to Inclusive and Universal Design Special design needs

Inclusive design needs

Universal design needs

Designer client. Persona of a young, fit, active, male, white adult the yardstick for good design

People are individuals, who have different needs and requirements during their life course

Planning for temporary, acquired, permanent, ‘hidden disabilities’ and subtle disabilities

Others—older people and people with disabilities—are not ‘normal’ clients

Us—we all have goals/aspirations as well as problems/impairments

Leaving no one behind

They have ‘special needs’

We share ‘generic needs’

Universal needs and requirements

Micro-environmental approach

Macro-environmental approach

Micro-meso and macro-environmental ecosystem

Ethos of specialization and pragmatism

Ethos of normalization and enablement

Norms, standards and principles

Tailors the environment so that Extends parameters of design it is ‘just right’ for each client until no one is excluded group Telling people what they need

Transport justice, spatial justice, social justice, environmental justice and “right to the city” justice

Asking people what they want Co-planning, co-designing, Co-creating, co-collaborating, co-implementation, co-monitoring and evaluation, co-auditing with stakeholders including PWDs

Does your disability prevent What is it about the design of you from using the city centre? the city centre that prevents you from using it?

Inclusive and resilient cities User-centred design Inclusive designs Inclusive Design Cube’, The Universal Design Pyramid Inclusive transport Inclusive and integrated solutions

Sources Adapted after (Hanson 2004; Wylde et al. 199; Keates et al. 1994; Goldsmith 2000)

in the society, and on the other hand it is defined as one that “… promotes fair society, challenging injustice and valuing diversity". Such cities typically support the optimization in the development of human potentials or capabilities, to all according to their needs, and from all according to their abilities (Basha 2015).

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17.3.4 Rights-Based Approach, Transport Mobility and PWDs Discourses In 2006, the international disability movement achieved a momentous landmark, with the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This was critical in turnaround and transforming the narrative in which attitudes and approaches to PWDs were managed and structured. In addition, the SDGs (2020) and New Urban Agenda (2015) provide practical implementation frameworks to fast-track the provision of inclusive solutions that are also friendly to PWDs. Table 17.3 presents a summary of how the rights-based approach has been weaved through the World Bank’s transport policy from 1986 to 2017. Protection against the contingency of disability is provided through respective country’s constitutions, primarily via the anti-discrimination clauses, which protects all people against direct and indirect discrimination (McEwan and Butler 2007). In Lefebvre’s (1968) conception, this ‘right to the city’ can be realized in two major ways: through the right to appropriate or make ‘full and complete usage of’ the urban space; and the right to participate in decision-making processes on issues that concern the production of the urban space (Lefebvre 1968; Harvey 2008, 2012). The relevance of the right to complete usage of the urban space becomes especially evident in questions of accessibility. For physically disabled people, the modern industrial city was a place of social exclusion, characterized by physical inaccessibility (Gleeson 1998). The separation of home and work, the rise of mechanized forms of production and the speed of factory work all ‘introduced productivity standards, which assumed a “normal” worker’s body and disabled all others’ (Gleeson 2000). This devaluation of the labour power of disabled people meant not only their exclusion from the labour market, it also facilitated the ideological construction of disability (Oliver 1990), legitimizing the rise of disabling and exclusionary built environments (Imrie 2000) and encouraging unwanted gaze and harassment. The relevance of the second aspect to disability—the right to participate in decision-making—is as important. Exploring developers’ and related agents’ attitudes towards disabled people’s access in built environments across several cities in the UK, Imrie draws attention to the fact that very few disabled people are architects or hold positions of power in the property development industry (Imrie and Hall 2001). This is important since contemporary decisions on urban space are increasingly taken through public–private partnerships in which developers emerge as key actors. In another study, Edwards (2001) highlights the way disabled people are excluded from major decision-making processes related to various urban regeneration initiatives in British cities. In the face of such exclusionary practices, urban disability activism emerged, starting in the 1960s and intensifying during the 1980s. Among other things, disabled people protested against the inaccessibility of the urban environment, seizing public spaces, courthouses, legislatures and public transport systems (Gleeson 2001). Given the way disabled people have been excluded from the modern industrial city, and their recent claims for ‘spaces of insurgent citizenship’, a case can be proposed for the consideration of disability using the lens of urban citizenship (Bezmez 2013, 2017).

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Table 17.3 World Bank’s transport and disability policy and strategy trajectory (1986–2017) Transport seminal studies/documents

Summary

Transport disability inclusive implications

Assumptions

Urban Transport Policy (1986)—World Bank

Focused on efficiency and competition Importance of planning and managing infrastructure and traffic to secure economically efficient urban movement

Efficient and competitive cities are a precursor for addressing PWDs issues

Efficient and competitive urban markets have in-built ability to address PWDs access and constraints to commuting requirements

Sustainable Transport (1996)—World Bank

Integrated social, economic and environmental dimensions into policy

Sustainability central to tackling PWDs requirements

Sustainable implementation of transport problems is possible freeing resources for transport sustainable solutions

Cities on the Move (2002)—World Bank

Integrate urban development and transport strategies with a strong focus, decentralization, private participation, increased safety, environmental protection

The one governance and whole of government approach is central in addressing transport problems, PWDs issues included

Integration plays a catalytic role Readiness of structures, systems and institutions to transition

A Framework for Urban Assist clients in Transport Projects providing transport (2008)—World Bank infrastructure and services that respond to demographic, spatial and economic growth in ways that balance competing interest with equity and sustainability

Balancing transport interventions with PWDs social justice, spatial equity and fairness

Assumption that social justice, spatial equity and fairness are a steering mechanism for PWDs transport transformative agenda and narrative

Transport for All (2008)—World Bank

Transport inclusive planning and design for PWDs

Capacity to transition assumed to be in place

Transport sector strategy

(continued)

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Table 17.3 (continued) Transport seminal studies/documents

Summary

Transport disability inclusive implications

Assumptions

World Bank Sustainable Infrastructure Action Plan (2009–11)—World Bank

Transport sustainability central to making cities work for everyone’s benefit

Transport and related infrastructure projects need to consider PWDs needs and requirements in project concept, design, planning, implementation and sustainability

Capacity to plan, design, implement and manage is given

World Bank Toward a Green, Clean and Resilient World for all (2012)—Environmental strategy

Environmental strategy

Transport inclusive planning, designs and technologies for PWDs should be environmentally friendly

Funding for green transport transitions, projects and initiatives in place

Urban and Local Government Strategy (2013)—World Bank

Relevant but vague on urban transport

Sustainable Urban and Local Government incorporates the requirements for PWDs

Supremacy of urban and local government in addressing PWDs requirements

Zero carbon and low carbon transitions for PWDs solutions

Critical success factors such as legislation, policy and institutions are in place to guarantee sustainable mobility embedding

Sustainable mobility for Access for all, all (2017) efficient, safe, green

City planning approaches Advocacy /Top-down planning approach; Normative planning approach; Action oriented planning approach; Community participation approach and Bottom-up approach City typologies Automobile dependent cities; compact cities; car free cities; pedestrian friendly cities; green cities; inclusive cities; resilient cities; ecological cities; smart cities; virtual cities City design principles System design principles; Flexible design principles; Universal design principles; Inclusive design principles; User Experience Design Principles City design paradigms Functional design; reliability design; usability design; proficiency design; creativity design; universal design; inclusive design; resilient design Sources World Bank (2011, 2013)

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17.3.5 Shifts and Drifts in PWDs Models and Implications for the Transport Sector Several theoretical models consider the need to change environments to fit the community needs, rather than trying to change individuals to fit environments (Law et al. 1996). The Healthy Communities conceptual model by Hancocok (1993), Model of Person-Environment Compatibility (Kaplan 1983) or the PersonEnvironment-Occupation Model (Law et al. 1996) all conceptualize PWDs from a complex interactive system approach. Granted that the World Bank highlights that one billion people, i.e. 15% of the world’s population, experiences some form of disability throughout their life course cycle (World Bank 2020), a focus on this aspect is important. Consequently, the disability inclusion paradigm states that PWDs face multi-layered and scaled constraints in seeking to optimize socio-economic opportunities and advantages in the World.

17.3.6 Access and Constraints to Commuting Paradigms Literature is replete with new mobility, disability inclusiveness, disability inclusive development, smart cities, inclusive cities, universal design are pushed forward by urban transport and development scholars and practitioners as constituting a framework for embedding PWDs compliant and universal urban areas. These cocktails of theories and models constitute departure points in conversations that attempt to link access and commuting paradigms with PWDs.

17.3.6.1

Disability Inclusive Access and Constraints to Commuting Paradigm Review: A Tale of Differentiated Geographical Mobilities and (Dis)connections

PWDs experience significant transport disadvantage and transport-related social exclusion from economic activity, goods and services. Transport barriers include lack of access due to vehicle design, location and design of public transport stops, poor road conditions and inaccessible signage; travel chain gaps; increased travel time; infrequent or time-restricted paratransit options; and increased cost of travel including from using private modes of transport. Studies have demonstrated that transport exclusion is a predominant obstacle to personal independence, finding and retaining employment, partaking in economic activities, receiving an education, emergency evacuation and social participation. Retrofitting infrastructure projects is significantly costlier than including accessibility from inception. Disability-inclusive transport also benefits older persons and children. Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 which is focused on “making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable” specifically mentions

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developing safe, affordable, accessible and sustainable transport systems for persons with disabilities and older persons(Marsal et al. 2017). Affordable and accessible transport for PWDs is also essential for meeting SDGs 1 (Poverty), 3 (Good health and well-being), 4 (Education), 8 (Decent work and economic growth), 9 (Industry, innovation and infrastructure) and 10 (Reduced inequalities) to name a few cases. One of the transformative commitments in the New Urban Agenda (UN 2016b) specifically mentions facilitating access for PWDs, on an equal basis with others, to public transport in urban and rural areas. The New Urban Agenda calls for accessible, affordable and safe public transport options to ensure sustainable mobility for all. The WHO–World Bank World Report on Disability outlines the barriers in public transportation and provides an action agenda for the realization of inclusive transport systems (Chap. 6 of WHO and World Bank 2011). The Convention on the Rights of PWDs requires States Parties to ensure equal access to transportation for PWDs (Article 9). Article 11 requires countries to ensure protection and safety of PWDs in situations of risk. Article 20 on Personal Mobility underlines States Parties’ responsibility to “ensure personal mobility with greatest possible independence for PWDs,” including the timeliness and affordability of options.

17.3.6.2

Review of Disability Inclusive Transport Projects and Lessons

This section reviews disability inclusive transport and offers lessons for improved transport integration and implementation. Table 17.4 presents the summary of highlights. Disability inclusive transport planning, implementation and management requires a financial implementation plan as it is an approach that is resource intensive (human, capital, technical).

17.3.6.3

Accessibility Guidelines and PWDs Access and Constraints Paradoxes

Accessible design guidelines for the USA, UK and South Africa specify the minimum required dimensions for numerous areas for the built environment, including public access routes, ramps, doors and/or entrances, stairs, escalator, lifts and requirements of transport facilities, including bus stops, railway platforms and railway stations. These guidelines specified both minimum and desirable required dimensions for building infrastructures and facilities, including public access routes, ramps, entrances, stairs, escalators and lifts, traffic control facilities, including curbs, pedestrian crossings, footbridge and Table 17.5 presents the design standards and requirements for access to transport infrastructures, facilities and vehicles as specified in the relevant guidelines of the US, UK and South Africa legislative documents. Accessibility guidelines, standards and policy precepts are some important tools in seeking to achieve better environments that serve the mobility needs of everyone, PWDs included.

Year of implementation

February 23, 2010–November 30, 2016

March 30, 1999–December 31, 2005

June 27, 2006–October 31, 2013

2013

Name of Transport project

Second Terminal Building (TB2) Cairo Airport Development Project (CADP)—Egypt

Liaoning Urban Transport Project (LUTP)—China

The Liaoning Medium Cities Infrastructure Project (LMCIP)—China

Practical guidance note, “Improving Accessibility to Transport for People with Limited Mobility (PLM)

• Practical guidance note to inform accessible design and implementation of transport projects for PLM

• Enhancing the performance and quality of their existing urban transport infrastructure in terms of mobility, access and safety

• Increase efficiency and effectiveness of public transport services • Strengthen local capacity for urban transport system management

• Enhance the quality of airport services through an increase in the capacity of Cairo International Airport (CAI)

Project summary highlights

_

US$ 525.42 million

US$ 350.00 million

US$ 436.00 million

Project COST

• Trip value chain and accessibility planning for PWDs • Designing and operating transport systems that are compliant to universal access design philosophy (continued)

• An important practice was the involvement of the local disabled persons’ organizations in project implementation, monitoring and supervision • The LMCIP worked with local associations for PWDs to test accessibility improvements funded by the project

• The LUTP demonstrated the role of disability-inclusive public participation processes in supporting accessibility for PWDs including older persons

• The CAI Terminal 2 Rehabilitation Project included compliance with international accessibility standards right from the concept stage • Accessibility features included in Terminal 2’s final design, included needs of PWDs including older persons

Project PWDs highlights and lessons for disability inclusive transport

Table 17.4 A Sample of World Bank supported projects and initiatives promoting transport inclusive initiatives and interventions

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Year of implementation

Sources World Bank (2011, 2018)

Report on Improving Accessibility in 2016 Transport: Infrastructure Projects in the Pacific Islands

Name of Transport project

Table 17.4 (continued) Project COST

• Provides technical guidelines, auditing – tools and recommendations for decision makers

Project summary highlights

• Focus on all aspects of transit including road and pedestrian environment, vehicle design and operation, stations and stops, signage and information (examples: firm, even surfaces; tactile guideways and surfaces; curb cuts and ramps; traffic calming measures; audio, visual and tactile signage; vehicle entry and aisle space for persons using wheelchairs)

Project PWDs highlights and lessons for disability inclusive transport

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• Minimum clear width of 915 mm • Minimum clear distance of 1525 mm for landing of ramp • Maximum gradient of 1:12 (desirable gradient of 1:20) • Maximum rise of 760 mm for each flight • Minimum curb height of 50 mm above ramp level on both sides of ramp for protection

Access to transport facilities—Ramp

• Minimum clear width of 915 mm (desirable width of 1525 mm) • Minimum passing space of 1525 mm × 1525 mm for every 61 m • Maximum change in level of 13 mm • Surface be firm and slip-resistance

Access to transport facilities—Access route/footpath

USA

South Africa

• Minimum clear width of 1200 mm (desirable width of 2000 mm) • Minimum clear landing space length of 1200 mm (desirable length of 1500 mm) • Maximum gradient of 1:12 (desirable gradient of 1:20) • Minimum curb height of 100 mm above ramp level on both sides of ramp for protection

• Ramp maximum gradient, measured along the centre line, that is not steeper than 1:12 • The camber or banking on walkways and ramps shall not exceed 1:50 Width—surface width 1800 mm preferred, 1200 mm minimum (1000 mm unobstructed) • Gradients—1:20 preferred, 1:12 maximum • Length of ramp between landings/level areas: 5 m–10 m for a 1:15 to 1:20 gradient, less than 5 m for a 1:12 to 1:15 gradient (continued)

• Minimum clear width of 1500 mm (desirable • Circulation space—unobstructed area, for a clear width of 2000 mm) minimum height of 2100 mm above finished • Minimum clear width of 1000 mm when there is floor level, within and around buildings, obstacle with maximum length of 6 m elements, fixtures and fittings • Minimum clear width of 3000 mm at bus stop • Minimum of at least one parking space per 25 and 3500 mm by shops parking spaces (or part thereof) • Any parking space provided for vehicles used by • Maximum cross-slope gradient of 1:40 PWDs shall be located within 50 m of an accessible entrance

UK

Table 17.5 Guidelines on access and constraints to commuting transport facilities and design for persons with disabilities—some highlights

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UK • Minimum width of 1000 mm (desirable of 1200 mm) • Minimum clearance of 900 mm for level area beyond dropped curb • Maximum gradient of 1:12 • Be provided at all controlled crossing and every 100 m • Tactile surface be provided for individual with visual impairment

• Minimum clear width of 815 mm • Minimum spacing of two doors in series of 1220 mm • Automatic doors and power assisted doors be complied with relevant standard

Within transport facilities—Door • Minimum clear width of 900 mm (desirable width of 1200 mm) • Minimum space of 1340 mm (desirable of 2000 mm) between two doors in series • Minimum clear space of 1500 mm be provided both sides of door • Automatic sliding door be desirable

Minimum clear width of 4.8 m Minimum clear headroom of 3 m Handrails of 1000 mm high above walking surface be provided both sides

Traffic control and management—Footbridge/Underpasses

• Minimum width of 915 mm • Maximum gradient of 1:10 for dropped curb with detectable warnings • Tactile warning surface be provided

Traffic control and management—Dropped curb/crossing

USA

Table 17.5 (continued)

• The turning space allowance shall be a minimum of 1,5 m in diameter, inclusive of any toe and knee clearances • Handle fitted to a door in an emergency route or in a feeder route or in any compartment containing toilet facilities for use by PWDs, shall be of the lever type, with a lever at least 150 mm long, and shall be installed at a height that does not exceed 1.0 m above floor level (continued)

Minimum width of 2000 mm Minimum clearance required in underpasses is 2.5 m Min handrail height: 1 m with vertical styles at min 100 mm spacing

• The tactile surface shall consist of raised truncated domes with a nominal diameter of 23 mm, a height of 5 mm and a centre to centre spacing of 60 mm • The width of tactile surface shall equal the dropped kerb length with a minimum width of 990 mm

South Africa

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UK • Minimum tread depth of 250 mm (desirable tread depth of 300 mm) • Maximum tread height of 170 mm (desirable tread height of 150 mm); minimum tread height of 100 mm • Minimum clear width of 1000 mm between handrails (desirable clear width of 1200 mm) • Maximum of 12 steps in one flight; minimum of 3 steps in one flight • Tactile warning surfaces be provided at both ends of stair • Colour contrast be provided for nosing

• Minimum clear width of 813 mm • Two contiguous level treads be provided • Sufficient luminous contrast for step edge

• The width of any stairway, measured to an enclosing wall or balustrade, shall be at least 900 mm • The rise of each tread step shall be of the same height and shall not exceed 170 mm • The maximum height allowed in a flight of stairs, between landings, shall not exceed 1,530 m • Minimum dimensions of each nosing shall be 40 mm × 40 mm • Maximum rise of flight between landings: 1200 mm external and 1800 mm internal

South Africa

• Minimum width of 580 mm (1500 mm for • A lift must be provided where escalators are moving walkway); maximum width of 1100 mm installed • Treads should be clearly visible while avoiding • Maximum step height of 210–240 mm glare and reflection • Minimum height clearance of 2300 mm • Maximum speed of 0.75 m/s (desirable speed of • Step edges should be clearly defined, using a tonal and colour contrast—e.g. yellow or similar 0.5 m/s) colour • Maximum angle of inclination of 35° (1:20 for moving walkway) • Minimum level run-off of 6 m at each end of moving walkway • Clear emergency stop switch and audible warning be provided (continued)

Within transport facilities—Escalator/moving walkway

• Minimum tread depth of 280 mm • Minimum clear width of 1219 mm between handrails

Within transport facilities—Escalator/moving walkway—Door

USA

Table 17.5 (continued)

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• Width-to-height ratio of letter between 3:5 and 1:1 • Minimum character height of 75 mm • Height of sign above ground of 1525 mm • Assistive listening system be provided

Within transport facilities—Signage/information

• Minimum internal dimension of 1730 mm × 1291 mm • Minimum clear entrance width of 915 mm • Visible and audible signal provided at lift entrance, with specific signals for up and down directions, respectively • Visual and audible signal be provided

Within transport facilities—Lift

USA

Table 17.5 (continued)

• Minimum internal dimension of 1.1 m in width and 1.4 m in depth, clear of surface finishes • Doorway with an unobstructed width of not less than 800 mm • Have a clear circulation space of not less than 1.5 m × 1.5 m at the entrance of the lift on each floor • Approach/exit passageways and corridors wide enough for all lift users • Underfoot tactile cue helpful outside lift entrance, e.g. a securely fixed mat, flush with the floor

South Africa

• Width-to-height ratio between 3:5 and 1:1 • The height of the lettering shall not be less than • Minimum character size: reading distance ratio 50 mm • The international symbol shall also be clearly of 1:27 • Wall-mounted signs be centred at 1400 mm from painted on the road surface and it shall be the ground 1000 mm × 1000 mm • Audible alarm system be operated of 15 dB over prevailing sound level (continued)

• Minimum internal dimension of 1250 mm × 1000 mm • Minimum clear entrance width of 900 mm vMinimum clear entrance height of 2100 mm • Height of handrail between 900 and 1000 mm • Visual and audible announcement be provided both in and outside

UK

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• Bus stop platform of minimum • Clear length of 2438 mm; minimum clear width of 1525 mm

Transport vehicles—Bus

USA

Table 17.5 (continued)

• Raised bus boarding area of width of 500–1500 mm (desirable width of 1800 mm); length of 3000 mm (desirable length of 9000 mm) • Raised curb height of 125–140 mm (desirable of 160 mm) • Maximum walking distance from all buildings of 400 m Bus stops in opposing directions on single carriageway be staggered with a minimum distance of 40 m • Use of low-floor wheelchair accessible vehicles • Maximum gradient from bus step (250 mm) to reference curb height (125 mm) of 1:8; minimum ramp length of 1000 mm • Minimum size of bus stop sign of 300 mm wide by 250 mm high • Minimum height of bus stop sign bottom of 2500 mm above ground • Timetable information located between 900 and 1800 mm in height

UK

(continued)

• The minimum roadway (surfaced) width for bus routes shall be 7.4 m • A “walkable” public transport catchment of 400 m radius, encircling an area of 50 ha • Minimum clear floor area of 0.76 m × 1.22 m entirely within the perimeter of the shelter • Minimum shelter dimensions of 2.7 m × 1.4 m • At least 1.3 m between the back of kerb and the front of the shelter

South Africa

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South Africa

• Minimum clear space of 2000 mm, excluding • All pedestrian islands used inside the terminal safety zone, for platform should be at least 1.2 m wide and must be raised • White line of 100 mm wide for platform edge of by a non-mountable kerb to enforce vehicle off-street rail service for individuals with visual movement around it to increase safety impairment • Stops should be placed so that PWDs do not • Tactile warning surface be provided for platform have to walk longer than 400 m along a route edge • The width of the waiting area should not be less than 1.5 m and its length not shorter than 2.5 m • Slip-resistant platform surface • Use of low-floor light rail transit vehicles with maximum required platform height of 350 mm

UK

Sources Oxley and Britain (2002), Sze and Christensen (2017) US Access Board, Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), 2002

• Difference in vehicle and platform vertical level be less than 16–76 mm for rail transit • Platform edge not protected by platform screens or guard rail be provided detectable warnings

Transport vehicles—Rail

USA

Table 17.5 (continued)

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North America

–

Rural

48.9%

51.1%

12.2%

15.3%

Male

Female

Urban

Rural

12.8%

–

Urban

USA

49.2%

50.8%

Female

20.7%

UK of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

Europe

Male

National

Continent Country

Percentages of Persons with Disabilities (PWDs)

(continued)

35.5% of the population over 65 years of age are considered individuals with disabilities The per cent of PWDs as well as employment, poverty rates, earnings and health measures of PWDS vary greatly by state All disability types (hearing, vision, cognitive, ambulatory, self-care and independent living) increased in disability percentages with age, however cognitive shows the least change between age groups

Range of disability or impairment vary in demographics and over life course 66% of PWDs are over 60 years’ old with Seniors or aged population had difficulties going out PWDs are more likely than non- disabled people to report feeling unsafe when walking alone and to worry about physical attack and theft

Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) highlights

Table 17.6 Disability statistics across the world

372 J. Chakwizira et al.

National

48.8%

51.2%

7.2%

8.7%

Female

Urban

Rural

Rural

Male

2.4%

Urban

7.7%

1.9%

Female

South Africa

50.2%

49.8%

Male

Indonesia 2.2%

More than half (53.2%) of persons aged 85 + reported having a disability Households headed by PWDs have less access to basic services compared to households headed by PWDs Disparities in terms of access to assistive devices across population groups and geography exists for PWDs The prevalence of a specific type of disability shows that 11% of persons aged five years and older had seeing difficulties, 4,2% had cognitive difficulties (remembering/concentrating), 3,6% had hearing difficulties, and about 2% had communication, self-care and walking difficulties

9% of the population aged over 2 years have a moderate or severe disability Over 10% of the population aged over 15 years’ experience difficulties with basic activities of daily living Throughout the life cycle, PWDs in Indonesia have consistently lower educational attainment, lower health outcomes, fewer economic opportunities and lesser access to public services than PWDs Over 45% of people above the age of 60 experience some form of disability Over 10% experience severe disability, limiting their ability to support themselves in old age and requiring them to depend on others for support Approximately 13 to 24% of households in Indonesia include at least one member with moderate or severe disability

Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) highlights

Sources Erickson et al. (2010), Houtenville et al. (2016), Kraus (2016), Larasati et al. (2019), Sze and Christensen (2017), 2016 American Community survey, StatsSouth Africa 2016 Community Survey, Annual Population Survey 2015; Family Resources Survey 2015/16, UK, Inter-Census Population Survey (SUPAS), 2015, Indonesia

Africa

Asia

Continent Country

Percentages of Persons with Disabilities (PWDs)

Table 17.6 (continued)

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17.4 Study Results and Findings 17.4.1 Exploring Access and Constraints to Commuting for Persons with Disabilities in Gauteng Province, South Africa 17.4.1.1

Overview of Transport Perception, Experiences and Practices of PWDs

The study findings and results paint a portrait of PWDs lived public transport experiences and struggles with implications for city inclusivity. The findings and results furthermore reinforce that PWDs face access and constraints to commuting systemic challenges from a strategic, policy and operational implementation perspective. The scale of the commuting challenges filters and is located throughout all geographic scales (i.e. micro, meso and macro). The spatial mismatches, disconnects and inefficiencies in Gauteng province lead to the unfortunate outcome of reinforcing postapartheid visible and invisible commuting lines of poverty, inequality, disadvantages and marginalization. These impacts disproportionately affect women, migrants, the elderly, children and persons living with disabilities (PLWDs).

17.4.2 Transport and Persons with Disability in South Africa In Gauteng province, 811,000 (6.6%) persons with disability (PWDs) were recorded out of 12,148,000 (Stats, South Africa 2018). The national disability percentage is 7.7%. Table 17.6 presents a summary overview of PWDs from studies across the World. In South Africa, persons with severe disabilities have trouble in accessing education and employment opportunities. At the same time, households headed by PWDs have been found on average to have difficulty in accessing basic services in comparison to counterpart households headed by persons without disabilities. There were also disparities in terms of access to assistive devices across population groups and geography.

17.4.3 Main Reasons for not Travelling in the Seven Days Prior to the Interview by District Municipality Table 17.7 shows the main reasons provided for not travelling in the seven days before the interview by municipality. Out of 1.7 million persons who did not travel, 40.1% said they did not need to travel, while 16.8% said they were too old/young to travel.

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Table 17.7 A summary of the main reasons for not travelling in the seven days prior to the interview by district municipality Main reason for travelling

Statistics District municipality (numbers Sedibeng West Ekurhuleni City of City of Gauteng in Rand Johannesburg Tshwane thousands)

Did not need to travel

Number

23

56

222

183

183

666

Per cent

27.1

47.9

36.6

43.3

42.2

40.1

Financial reasons/too expensive

Number

15

7

105

56

48

230

Per cent

17.6

5.8

17.2

13.2

11.2

13.8

Not well enough to travel/sick

Number

5

5

12

15

15

51

Per cent

5.6

4.3

1.9

3.5

3.5

3.1

Taking care of Number children/sick/elderly Percent relative

4

3

18

12

20

56

5.1

2.2

2.9

2.8

4.6

3.4

Not enough time to travel

Number

1

a

4

15

3

24

Per cent

1.4

a

0.7

3.5

0.6

1.4

Disabled: transport inaccessible

Number

2

a

6

6

8

22

Per cent

2.6

a

0.9

1.3

1.9

1.3

Too old/young to travel

Number

15

24

64

89

87

279

Per cent

18.1

20.3

10.5

21.1

20.1

16.8

10

17

144

34

53

258

12.0

14.6

23.7

8.1

12.2

15.5

Number

9

4

34

13

16

76

Per cent

10.7

3.7

5.5

3.1

3.7

4.6

Number

84

116

608

423

432

1663

Per cent

100.0

100.0 100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

No particular reason Number Per cent Other reasons Total

Other reasons include not enough time to travel, worried about safety, transport strike, no interest, et cetera Percentages calculated within district municipalities Only one response was possible per person a Unweighted numbers of 3 and below per cent are too small to provide realiable estimates Source Statistics South Africa (2015)

17.4.4 Gender and Sex of Study Respondents PWDs face gendered transport access and constraints to commuting (Hamilton et al. 2005; Kett et al. 2020; Loukaitou-Sideris 2016; Turner and Grieco 2000). In the study area, 930 (59.7%) and 620 (39.8%) of the respondents were male and female, respectively. The demographics are reflective of a male dominated historical mining conglomerate of Gauteng province. Traditionally men migrated to work for families, while women remained in rural areas to take care of the rural property, children and the extended family. Table 17.8 presents the gender profiling of Gauteng province survey respondents.

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Table 17.8 Gender distribution of study survey participants Frequency Valid

Male Female Total

Total

930

Percent 60.0

Valid percent

Cumulative percent

60.0

60.0 100.0

620

40.0

40.0

1550

100.0

100.0

1550

100.0

From Table 17.8, the dominance of males in the study cohort may have implications on the perception, experience and practices of PWDs. A male supremacy and heteromecic narrative bias with respect to policy and planning can be traced to such demographic imbalances in the spatial distribution of gender in the areas. Hamilton (1985) has since argued for the need to promote gender equality and transport justice with a view to overcoming gender specific biases of a male dominated transport and driven experiences, practices and solutions (Greed 2008; Hamilton et al. 2005; Reynolds 2016). Such interventions should incorporate fighting back mechanisms and solutions to rid public transport of problems of sexual harassment for females, lack of appropriate transport journey and support services and infrastructure for pregnant women, women travelling with children and dependents and reconstruct a positive narrative with respect to gendered mobilities, emotions and vulnerability of minorities.

17.4.5 Main Modes of Transport Used in Gauteng Province Access and constraints to commuting is influenced by the land use and transportation system in any area. Transportation networks and systems play pivotal roles in distributing and connecting spatial areas including for PWDs (Bascom 2017; Bezmez 2013; Bezyak et al. 2017; Low et al. 2020). The configuration and architecture of spatial and transportation systems can therefore act as a bridge to accessing opportunities or a barrier to such. Table 17.9 presents the main modes of transport used by survey respondents in Gauteng province. From Table 17.9, we can deduce that commuting in Gauteng province is still automobile depended. 31.4% of the respondents used the private car, 29.6% used minibus taxi, 20.8% use metro rail while 8.8% walked. These findings are similar and comparable the national household travel survey results of in which private transport dominants for work travel trips (28%), with minibus taxis remaining at 67.9% for both 2003 and 2013, buses (from 19.3% in 2003 to 19.5% in 2013) and trains (from 12.8% in 2003 to 12.9% in 2013) (National Household Travel Survey 2013). Respondents with family, friends, acquaintances as well as those who had encounters with how the transport sector interfaces with PWDs indicated that the storyline is punctuated with access and constraints to commuting. Those who have access to cars are depended on drivers or relatives or friends unless if one has an

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Table 17.9 Main modes of transport used in Gauteng province Mode of transport Valid

Frequency

Percent

Valid percent

Cumulative percent

Private car personal

487

31.3

31.4

31.4

Private car company

32

2.1

2.1

33.5

Motorcycle

15

1.0

1.0

34.5

School bus

2

0.1

0.1

34.6

Office vehicle Metro rail Gautrain Bus Rapid Transit

2

0.1

0.1

34.7

322

20.7

20.8

55.5

5

0.3

0.3

55.8

28

1.8

1.8

57.6

459

29.6

29.6

87.2

52

3.4

3.4

90.6

Walking

136

8.8

8.8

99.4

Cycling

10

0.6

0.6

100.0

1550

100.0

100.0

Minibus taxi Metro bus

Total

automatic car and has a disability that does not compromise their ability to drive. Physical reconnaissance surveys revealed that the modes of transport did not comply to the universal principles and design requirement that accommodated all transport users including person with disability. Minibuses did not have provision for armchair parking, the steps were not friendly for wheelchair users and instead of concessionary fees for PWDs, the norm was that they were usually charged more including paying for the space occupied by their wheelchairs.

17.5 Evaluating the Public Transport Systems Responsiveness to Persons with Disabilities Requirements 17.5.1 Main Problems with Public Transport Modes in Gauteng Province Historically and throughout the World, public transport is associated with different forms of problems. These problems range from cost in respect to affordability of service, poor headway frequencies in respect of waiting times, level of service (LoS) mismatches and discrepancies between passengers expectations and operators service delivered, inefficient public transport modes, spatial fragmentation induced long commuting times and journey experience shortcomings, traffic congestion, long

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Fig. 17.3 Respondents stated problems with public transport

journey times and inadequate bus designs and technologies used (Chakwizira 2020; Chakwizira et al. 2019; Chakwizira et al. 2011; Thomas 2016). Figure 17.3 presents the responded stated main problems of public transport in Gauteng province. Long waiting times (511, i.e. 32.8%), followed by high cost of fares (330, i.e. 21.2%) and long walking distance to the nearest public transport stop/bus stop (228, i.e. 14.6%) were significant challenges. With respect to PWDs, the long waiting times were exacerbated by lack of adequate and universally designed and friendly bus stops/shelter. The immediate public facilities such as toilets were found not to be appropriate while bus terminus had inadequate or no ramps but instead had stairs. Crime, violence, harassment and hate speech against PWDs was also found to be high as they were vulnerable and easy targets. These findings are like a 2017 American nationwide study that established that around 27 per cent of people with disabilities encountered inappropriate attitudes by drivers, 14 per cent experienced drivers’ refusal to stop while using fixed-route transit, and 30% reported drivers’ attitudes as a barrier to using paratransit (Bezyak et al. 2017; Hwang et al. 2020). Lack of comfort was associated with lack of senior citizens compliant transport design infrastructure, facilities and services, including PWDs such as pregnant women and wheelchair users within buses or minibus taxi. During physical observations, recent public transport developments in the form of the BRT such as Rea Vaya, Areyeng and Harambee were found to be compliant including Gautrain to PWDs. Journey information for PWDs for prior-planning, along and after the journey was found to be inadequate including the use of inappropriate signs, sign language and communication devices or systems. At the same time, tactile and braille communication was found to be the exception rather than the norm in all public transport interchanges. These findings corroborate similar findings as indicated by Ajayi et al. (2020) in which they discuss problems affecting the accessibility of physically challenged individuals to

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intermediate public transport services in Oyo State, Nigeria (Ajayi et al. 2020). The problems included the lack of public transport to cater for the need of PWDS, such as scheduling problems, long waiting time, inadequate times of service, inappropriate driver attitude among others (Nyaura and Ngugi 2019).

17.6 Factors Accounting for Access and Constraints to Commuting for Persons with Disability in Gauteng Province While a number of studies have identified spatial and land use configurations, design of transport infrastructure and technologies design of vehicles, assistive devices, buses and trains as well as access and constraints to commuting in developing countries (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2017; Chakwizira 2016, 2020; Chakwizira et al. 2011; Chakwizira et al. 2018a, b, 2019; Fan et al. 2017; McLafferty and Preston 2019; Næss et al. 2019; Olsen and Sweet 2019; To¸sa et al. 2018), specific factors influencing this phenomenon were examined in relation to the study area and the result is presented in Table 17.10. As shown in Table 17.10, the highest RAI was 4.51 while the lowest was 2.57. Therefore, the deviations around the mean of the highest and lowest RAI were 0.92 and −1.02, respectively. The variables with positive deviations around the mean (i.e. RAI) were the variables considered by the sampled study respondents as the leading factors that contribute to access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in the study area. These variables were: spatial fragmentation (0.92), design of transport terminal infrastructure and services (0.74) and lack of universal and friendly spatial and transportation value chain environment and culture (0.43). The variables with negative deviations around the mean were those considered not to be the dominant/principal factors influencing access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in the study area. The respondents showed lower level of agreement on them. Such variables include travelling information and support (−0.35), travelling cost (−0.71) and travelling time (−1.02). The average RAI of 3.59 indicates that all respondent, on average ‘agree’ that all the 6 factors have an influence on access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in the study area. These findings have implications and resonate with the need for developing an integrated access and constraints to commuting PWDs reversal solutions that are based on universal access and design including the need to implement and reinvent smart, new and advanced mobility solutions (Datola et al. 2019; Hara et al. 2016; Melis et al. 2018).

Spatial fragmentation

Design of transport terminal infrastructure and services

Lack of universal and friendly spatial and transportation value chain environment and culture

Travelling information and support

Travelling cost

Travelling time

1

2

3

4

5

6

12

58

51

132

110

163

5

27

64

82

90

94

57

4

19

21

66

51

32

33

3

73

77

90

38

0

0

2

0

0

0

21

68

11

1

(5)—Strongly Agree—(1) Strongly disagree (N = 1550)

Key SWV (summation of weight value); RAI (respondents’ agreement index); MD

Average RAI(MS) (composite score)

Factors influencing access and constraints to commuting for PWDs

S/N

Table 17.10 Respondents’ Agreement Index (RAI)

392

831

972

1249

1022

1142

SWV

3.59

2.57

2.88

3.24

4.02

4.33

4.51

RAI(MS)

−1.02

−0.71

−0.35

0.43

0.74

0.92

MD (RAI)

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17.7 Discussions and Recommendations 17.7.1 (Re)solving Access and Constraints to Commuting for PWDs—Options and Suggestions Invariably, design and urban planning are mutually dependent practices with implicit and explicit biases. The need for transportation and spatial planning solutions to incorporate the social, political and economic dimensions of sustainable development can therefore not be over-emphasized. This is much more critical if PWDs inclusive solutions are to be advanced. The following interview extract presents a succinct summary of the built environment transformations necessary in support of inclusive cities that respond better to PWDs needs. “Theoretically, transportation and land use planning has an in-built capacity to deliver friendly and inclusive cities. However, on deeper reflection, the history of spatial and transportation projects reflects this dividing and divisive nature and outcomes of these disciplines so far. Historically, transportation has been about designing ways to move wealthy people primarily, those who could own carts, who could own a carriage and horses to pull the carriage et cetera. This is mirrored until today in terms of who can own a car, who can hire a taxi et cetera. We therefore need to move to a paradigm of inclusive transportation which can resolve problems above wealth indices determination. Prior to that these un-intended consequences will continue to rear their ugly heads with implications for PWDs mobility practices and experiences”. Extract of a verbatim interview with a key informant academic from one of the Universities in Gauteng province.

The need for shifts in engaging with disciplines that are at the centre of the planning, design, implementation and policy interface with PWDs cannot be overemphasized. The role of advancement in technologies such as transitions to smart cities and the adoption and use of autonomous vehicles (AV) becomes attractive ground. However, the critical question is the extent to which AV are inclusive and responsive to the full gamut of the PWDs needs. Theoretically, the robotics age is assumed to bring expanded transportation choices and justice for everyone including PWDs. However, in the interim pilot studies to explore deeply these matters are necessary. In addition, considering the future, the role and scope that autonomous vehicle (AV) technology can play in expanding alternatives to improve mobility for PWDs is an area requiring further attention. In addition, conducting research and development in respect of how PWDs perceive AV as transportation services will require exploration (Hwang et al. 2020). This will be important especially in developing countries and South Africa as currently limited to scant information exists in terms of how public transport operators, agencies and organizations comprehend and perceive autonomous vehicle transportation (AVT) services. With micro-mobility in the form of e-bikes and e-scooters just starting to take root in the affluent parts and areas of South Africa, the micro-mobility collisions, accidents, behavioural practices and fears are yet to be fully investigated. Research and development (R&D) and Universities in South Africa could be tasked to implement local and contextualized new

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mobility blueprints for townships and urban areas in South Africa, e-bike, e-scooter, peer to peer car sharing and e-freight mini-vans pilot studies with a view to generating a transitional implementation plan for switching from private motorist automobile dominated ecosystem to a shared and carpooling MaaS paradigm. The following extract from a PWDs provides useful insights on a possible PWDs transport and spatial turn pathway for adoption, thus: “I do not think irrespective of their shortcomings, any of our city fathers (sic) is intent on building cities that do not work for people. Honestly, none of our leaders would say, let us build this city to present successive constraints and barriers to PWDs. I however think that if our leaders continue to preside and approve plans and designs that assume that everyone is in their mid-thirties or prime age-wise, active and non-disabled, then the result is the (re)creation and (re)production of fractured urban cities and places that are biased, nonaccessible and non-inclusive of PWDs”. Extract of a verbatim interview with a respondent who lives with a PWD.

From the above-referenced statement, one can deduce that changes in policy, planning and practice are required at all levels (i.e. micro, meso and macro) if better and friendly PWDs built environments are to be created through the transport medium as an entry point. Indeed, future urban cities therefore besides undertaking retrofitting projects needs to support initiatives aimed at redesigning and re-imaging cities that are planned, designed and built around principles of inclusion, accessibility and community. This may suggest that the policy and planning action spaces be redefined to accord rights and entry of PWDs in the co-planning, co-designing, co-implementation and co-management of cities. The following extract from a key informant challenges existing planning, policy and practice stereotypes and black box approaches in attempting to solve PWDs access and constraints to commuting, thus: “Accessibility for PWDs should not be treated as an appendage and afterthought of any development. Having such a distorted approach explains the PWDs distorted access and constraints to commuting experiences and practices we share with you. I am of the very strong opinion that persons with no disabilities have no atom of understanding what it means to be a PWD. If they had the slightest understanding, then they would turn current PWDs approaches, strategies and policies in a manner that the result will be a (re)constructed built environment ecosystem in which it is a pleasure for all of us to work, produce and recreate in”. Extract of a verbatim interview with a key informant who is a PWD

Invariably, a fit for purpose transport system and governance set-up is one which promotes the right mix of balance, choices and options for commuters in respect of journey value chain, interchanges and experience such that the vehicles, the stations, the platforms, the bus stops—and ways of operating public transport systems subscribes to norms, standards and principles of (re)creating and (en)acting open and universal use of facilities and modes of transport (Pineda and Corburn 2020; Wilson 2003). Granted that PWDs, the aged, minorities and disadvantaged communities represent a growing market and previously silenced voice, it is important that scholars and practitioners in the transport and related industry finds practical, innovative and effective ways of engaging and responding to the needs and demands of this segment (Bezyak et al. 2017; Friedner and Osborne 2015; Rattray 2013; Wilson

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2003). The scope and possibilities opened by advancements in smart mobility entail that customized transport applications for commuters including PWDs can be developed. This is an area that requires further investigation (Melis et al. 2016). In addition, educational institutions need to adapt and update curriculum to better train, equip and prepare graduates to plan for inclusive cities, inclusive spaces and inclusive transport.

17.7.2 Bridging Theory, Policy and Practice: Towards an Access and Constraints to Commuting Turn In order to convert and turn around the access and constraints to commuting for PWDs in Gauteng province, South Africa, the following are proposed: buttressing spatial efficiencies; re-aligning policy and projects priorities; redesigning existing public transport infrastructure and services; retrofitting improvements to old public transport modes, infrastructure and designs; funding, provision, access, design and sustainability of assistive technologies and devices for PWDs; universalizing the communication and sign meta-language for PWDs; strengthening governance commuting policy shifts and changes; and centring a universal and inclusive “whole of government and stakeholders” PWDs approach and philosophy in tackling commuting and non-commuting matters in Gauteng province. Integrated and connected efforts are required to address the systemic access and constraints to commuting challenges for PWDs that is inclusive of travel and movements for all users including women, children, youths and the elderly in our cities, societies and communities.

17.8 Conclusions This chapter set out to explore access and constraints to commuting for persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Gauteng province, South Africa. The chapter has sustained the argument that PWDs face subtle, peculiar and differentiated access and constraints to commuting in undertaking everyday activities and sustaining livelihood lifestyles. In Gauteng province and by extension similar and related urban regions, the need to strive to make transport inclusive and accessible to PWDs in alignment with the sustainable development goals (SDGs 2030), the New Urban Agenda (2015), as well as various national and international policy documents is important. Generating PWDs inclusive standards, policies and strategies is important in advancing the new generation of spatial and transportation plans and frameworks. Potential levers and inflexion points in promotive inclusive cities that do not leave behind PWDs can consider the following: • Co-working, innovating and management of the spatial, transportation and built environment infrastructure and services system through working with PWDs rather than working for PWDs

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• Consolidating and upscaling actions and measures aimed at promoting and advocating spatial, transport and related plans, policies and practices to improve the transportation and built environment value chain to be disability inclusive for all modes of public transport systems including pedestrian environments is critical. • Exploring and investing in evidence-based research and modelling aimed at investigating deeply access and constraints to commuting barriers in current transportation systems, networks, built environment architecture and structure through conducting impact audits and evaluations of accessible transport with the close involvement of users with disabilities is an important research and policy review strategy. • Developing, reviewing and implementing policies, regulations and standards supporting accessible and universal design throughout the transport and built environment system is a non-negotiable transport justice and environmental sustainability agenda. • The need to build back better and stronger practical ways of ensuring that universal access and universal design approaches are at the centre of any transport and related projects in the built environment. This can take the route of casting universal access and design requirements as standard approaches in standard procurement documents. Indeed, integrating and aligning better spatial and transport solutions, innovations and activities should constitute an “urban transport disability justice” strategy that can be updated through leaflets, brochures, policy briefs as an interim way of locking the gains as countries transit from one level of urban transport disability justice to the next higher level (Pineda and Corburn 2020; Valderrama Pineda 2016). It can be argued that if the future vision for cities is for them to evolve into the “smart cities” of the future, mobility planning and implementation will require urban tactical, deliberate and strategic investments that will enable that everyone can access the new and advanced integrated transport and related systems. Overall, granted rapid urbanization of cities globally against a movement aimed at creating more just and equalized socio-economic policies, it becomes imperative that cities and industries find more mechanisms to ensure that PWDs be included in the mobility revolution. The movement, revolution and push for new mobility devices to be integrated into city innovation strategies and infrastructure serve to emphasize the need for disability-inclusive cities. The right of mobility for all requires that we engage in total planning solutions that carry along PWDs.

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Appendix

Table 2: Distance to job opportunities Score

Table 3: Number of workers from nearby township

Score

Close—Key job site within 15 km from home

3

High—21 to 30% of overall

5

Far—Key job site within 16-30 km from home

2

Below average new jobs created

4

Very far—Key job site over 30 km from home

1

Average new jobs created

3

Table 4: Earnings quality

Score

Table 5: Labour market security

Score

High average earnings by age, sex and skill

3

High unemployment risk

3

Moderate average earnings by age, sex and skill

2

Moderate unemployment risk

2

Low average earnings by age, sex and 1 skill

Low unemployment risk

1

Table 6: Quality of working environment

Score

Table 7: Strategic alignment to transition objectives

Score

High job strain/excessive job demands/insufficient resources

3

Very high alignment with more than 4 4 transition objectives

Moderate job strain/excessive job demands/insufficient resources

2

High alignment with 3–4 transition objectives

3

Low job strain/excessive job demands/insufficient resources

1

Moderate alignment with 1–2 transition objectives

2

No alignment with transition objectives

1

Table 8: Expected Transition Impact

Table 9: Land supply

Score

Competitiveness of product/service

Score

Very high—Vacant buildable land parcels

4

Very high—very high quality at affordable price

4

High—Partially vacant buildable land parcels

3

High—high quality at affordable price

3

Moderate—Re-developable land parcels

2

Moderate—low quality at affordable price

2

Low—Constrained land parcels unsuitable for development

1

Low—low quality at high price

1

Integration with other investment projects

Score

Table 10: Demand for buildable land

Score (continued)

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J. Chakwizira et al.

(continued) Very high—compliments more than 6 4 projects

Very high number of poor households in housing need

High—compliments 4–5 projects

High number of poor households in 3 housing need

3

4

Moderate—compliments 2–3 projects 2

Moderate number of poor households in housing need

2

Low—compliments 1 project

1

Low number of poor households in housing need

1

Project inclusiveness

Score

Table 11: Deprivation

Score

Very high—targets more than 6 demographics

4

Well below average Index of Multiple Deprivation

1

High—targets 4–5 demographics

3

Below average Index of Multiple Deprivation

2

Moderate—targets 2–3 demographics 2

Average Index of Multiple Deprivation

3

Low—targets 1 demographic

Above average Index of Multiple Deprivation

4

Well above average Index of Multiple Deprivation

5

1

Governance of investment project

Score

Very high—public participation in 6 project phases

4

Table 12: Service delivery/capacity

Score

High—public participation in 6 project phases

3

High—Service within dwelling/always available/safe to use

3

Moderate—public participation in 2–3 project phases

2

2

Low—public participation in 1 project phase

1

Moderate—Service within 100 m from dwelling/ always available/unsafe to use

Score

Low—Service over 100 m from dwelling/sometimes available/unsafe to use

1

Resource utilization in investment project Low—1 departmental unit is needed

4

Moderate—2 to 3 departmental units are needed

3

Table 13: Quality of service to users Score

High—4 to 5 departmental units are needed

2

High customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

3

Very high—6 departmental units are needed

1

Moderate customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

2

Low customer satisfaction/willingness to pay

1 (continued)

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(continued) Project resilience

Score

Very high—technical/organizational/ social/economic

4

Table 14: Supply coverage within township

Score

High—meets technical/social/economic domains

3

High—Above 60% of households access reliable service

3

Moderate—meets social/economic domains

2

Moderate—30 to 60% of households access reliable service

2

Low—meets economic domain

1

Low—Below 30% of households access reliable service

1

Table 15: Access to shopping/banking/dining/postal service

Score

Table 16: Access to outstanding/good primary schools

Score

Very High—Service within 1200 m

4

Very High—Primary school within 400 m

4

High—Service within 2000 m

3

High—Primary school within 800 m

3

Moderate—Service within 4000 m

2

Moderate—Primary school within 1200 m

2

Low—Service over 4000 m away

1

Low—Primary school over 1200 m away

1

Table 17: Access to outstanding/good Score secondary schools

Table 18: Education attainment at primary level

Score

Very High—Secondary school within 4 1200 m

Well above average Grade 7 results

5

High—Secondary school within 2000 m

3

Above average Grade 7 results

4

Moderate—Secondary school within 4000 m

2

Average Grade 7 results

3

Low—Secondary school over 4000 m 1 away

Below average Grade 7 results

2

Well below average Grade 7 results

1

Table 19: Education attainment at secondary level

Score

Table 20: Learning environment and resources

Score

Well above average Matric results

5

Adequate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

3

Above average Matric results

4

Moderate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

2

Average Matric results

3

Inadequate classrooms, textbooks, equipment, high-quality teachers

1

Below average Matric results

2

Well below average Matric results

1 (continued)

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(continued) Table 21: Access to doctor, clinic and Score pharmacy

Table 22: Access to hospitals

Score

High—Doctor and amenity within 800 m

3

High—Hospital within 10 km

3

Moderate—Doctor and amenity within 1200 m

2

Moderate—Hospital within 20 km

2

Low—Doctor and amenity over 1200 m away

1

Low—Hospital over 40 km away

1

Table 23: Community participation in Score planning/design/ budgeting/policymaking

Table 24: Community participation in project implementation

Score

High influence over decision-making

3

High No. of volunteers, attendees of 3 project milestone-meetings

Moderate influence over decision-making

2

Moderate No. of volunteers, attendees of project milestone-meetings

Low influence over decision-making

1

Low No. of volunteers, attendees of 1 project milestone-meetings

2

Table 25: Community participation in project monitoring and evaluation

Score

High level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact

3

Moderate level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact

2

Low level of community oversight/monitoring of public expenditure and project impact 1

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James Chakwizira is a Senior Lecturer and Head of Department: Urban and Regional Planning, School of Environmental Sciences, University of Venda, South Africa. Dr. Chakwizira is an experienced spatial and transportation specialist who has consulted on national and regional projects/programs in Africa, Asia and Europe. His research interest includes transportation planning, infrastructure and services planning, planning law, sustainable human settlements and urban design. Peter Bikam is a professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning, School of Environmental Sciences, University of Venda. His research interest includes infrastructure planning, spatial planning, housing and urban design. Thompson Aina Adeboyejo is a Registered Planner and Professor of Urban and Regional Planning at the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology, (LAUTECH), Ogbomoso, Nigeria. His research interests include Urban and Regional Development; Population—Environment and Health Relationship; Research Techniques in Planning and, Climate Change and health. His teaching and research experience span more than two and a half decades.

Chapter 18

Situating Citizens’ Participation in Inclusive Infrastructure Development Samuel Medayese, Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu, Lovemore Chipungu, and Ayobami Abayomi Popoola

Abstract At the core of city inclusivity are infrastructure provision and service delivery to address city residents’ inequality. It then follows that a failure or exclusion in terms of infrastructure can often lead to a breakdown in the city functions. Therefore, from available literature, citizen participation is a cardinal factor in achieving inclusion in the city without any part of the city feeling excluded. However, one crucial issue that often leads to exclusion in infrastructure provision and service delivery is the lack of urban governance participation. The cross-disciplinary review involved the consultation of material from disciplines including library and information management, politics, social policy and social sciences, cultural studies, psychology, management, and organizational theory. It was structured according to the following themes: dimensions of inclusion, the Southern African experience of exclusion, inclusion and social policy, social inclusion in public services and the cultural sector, linkages between inclusion and Infrastructure in Southern Africa, roles of citizen participation in achieving inclusivity and finally lessons for countries in Southern Africa. Four critical dimensions of inclusive infrastructure development are identifiable, with all driven within the confines of participation, which often defines the extent of acceptability and infrastructure resilience. The paper provides an abridged version of the section of literature review of ongoing research. For inclusivity in the city infrastructure provision and service delivery to be achieved, the governance of these infrastructure provisions must be participatory, and holistic planning must be considered. Keywords Social inclusion · Safety · Poverty · Governance · Vulnerable groups · Infrastructure · Participation

S. Medayese (B) · H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu · L. Chipungu · A. A. Popoola SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, School of Built Environment & Development Studies, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal Mazisi Kuene Road, Durban 4041, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_18

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18.1 Introduction Over time, infrastructure and service provision has proven to be an essential driver of growth and development within the city space. However, the provision of this infrastructure within the African context has been fraught with enormous challenges in terms of the level of comfort these infrastructures provide for the users or communities they are provided. It is on the strength that it has become imperative to provide infrastructure in an inclusive manner that addresses equity, resilience, and safety, critical indicators of inclusion in infrastructure provision within the city space. The argument, however, for inclusion cannot be realizable if such infrastructure is not provided with the users as a focal point; it is therefore based on this fact that there is a need to situate citizen participation within the inclusive infrastructure provision as a veritable tool for enhancing the process of achieving inclusion in infrastructure provision within the city space. According to, the pre-colonial development model in the Southern Africa region can be characterized as a community-orientated development strategy in which the individual’s development was inextricably linked to and directed at meeting community needs. Personal development was community-driven because it found meaning only when the individual contributed to the community’s development. Individuals were pragmatically accommodated by what they were able to contribute to the community’s life and welfare. Disabled children participated to varying degrees in the life of the community. Their roles might have been to carry water, herd cattle, or assist with domestic chores (Kisanji 1995). Family and kinship ties, competence in doing tasks considered useful for the household, and the ability to behave in a socially accepted manner determined the status and inclusion of a person within a community. Any society’s willingness to allocate resources for individuals with disabilities depends in no small measure on the anticipated role that the individual with a disability will have in the community as an adult (Groce 1999). While South Africa’s democratic transition occurred recently, all African countries were colonies of European powers, and most achieved independence during the 1950s and 1960s. However, for some—such as Zimbabwe in 1980 and Namibia in 1990—independence came more recently. It follows that almost every African country had enjoyed a historical moment within the last half-century when the government changed, from one that was, at best, paternalistic or indifferent and, at worst, hostile to the needs and aspirations of the local populations, to one that represented the interests of the majority and acceded to power with a mandate to advance these interests. However, in many cases, the opportunity provided by this historical moment was either squandered or eroded over time, for a variety of reasons ranging from military coups to collapsing commodity prices, to economic mismanagement and “neo-patrimonialism” (van de Walle and Gunewardena 2001). These challenges have tilted the balance of infrastructure to the disadvantaged of ordinary citizens, hence analysing the various dimensions of inclusive infrastructure development and the orientations aligned to when considering the infrastructure provision is the primary aim of this chapter.

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18.2 Participation and Social Inclusion Linkage Several definitions of community participation exist, making the concept of community participation challenging to operationalize. The term community participation is used interchangeably in the literature with other terms such as community involvement, community inclusion, community integration, and social participation (Cobigo et al. 2012; Overmars-Marx et al. 2014). Furthermore, aspects of community participation are found within definitions of other concepts such as social inclusion (Simplican et al. 2015). Community participation in this chapter is conceptualized to include community inclusion, community involvement, community integration, social participation, and social inclusion to inform physical development. Participation in community life is conceptualized as a shared responsibility between society and individuals (Cummins and Lau 2003; Hammel et al. 2008; van de Ven et al. 2005). Participation has the unique role of being both a right and a core principle which underpins the process by which other rights are fulfilled. This is provided for by Article 27 of the UDHR and Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which entitle citizens to participate in public affairs and decisionmaking processes (UNHCR 1996). A rights-based framework honours these principles and allows people to change the way they see themselves vis-à-vis government and the formal power structure; it reframes “problems” as “violations” which are neither inevitable nor tolerable (Oxfam America 2001). With increased government control, community participation decreases. This is further compounded in many developing countries by the colonial rule that failed to develop residents’ and communities’ participation but excluded most of these populations from accessing an infrastructure. In fact, in most of these countries, real control rested with the colonizing government distance away—this in part gave rise to some of the initial protests and agitation for rights, long before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Additionally, in some countries, the community disconnect was a by-product of the ‘professionalization’ of infrastructure development: professionals such as planners, architects, and civil engineers, viewed communities as inadequately prepared to contribute productively and so separated themselves from communities. Hence, while professionalization was geared towards providing a better infrastructure, it exempted input from the people for whom the infrastructure was being provided (Medayese et al. 2016). According to the World Bank (2007), quality and timeliness in delivering services will be enhanced where clients can hold providers accountable. This principle underpins a lot of the thinking around the benefits of community involvement in infrastructure provision. Watt (2001) argues that accommodating the concerns, needs, and interests of communities in infrastructure planning and management can generate strong demand for facilities and improve utilization and quality of life offered by the services. The positive correlation between community participation outcomes and communities is confirmed by research from diverse settings, including Latin America (Destefano et al. 2006), North America (Henderson and Mapp 2002; Epstein 1997),

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Sub-Saharan Africa (Watt 2001), and south-east Asia (Mozumder and Halim 2006). The relationships forged as part of community and citizens’ involvement also go a long way in determining the culture, acceptability, and overall perception of citizens (Epstein 1997; Noguera 2001). The participation of communities seems to hold the potential to fulfil social inclusion in infrastructure provision and utilization within the community settings. However, Anderson (1998) suggests that access to governance structures that community participation provides might not affect decision-making but results in contrived collegiality, reinforced privilege, and participants’ greater control. Even question whether participation is not antithetical to equality, arguing that “Any system that calls for more than minimal participation will favour the active over the apathetic and the rich over the poor”…. Participation is described as inegalitarian in certain climes, as posited by Anderson (1998). This is consistent with one of the perennial concerns about community participation, elite capture: local notables dominate other community members (Chapman et al. 2002). However, the overall performance ensures that participation promotes inclusion within the communities when it concerns infrastructure provision.

18.3 Methods and Materials This research employs the interpretivist approach. Black (2006) accorded that the interpretive approach’s strength and power lie in its ability to address situations’ complexity and meaning. This is because the approach provides a better understanding of participation relying on past literature (Mertens 2005; Mackenzie and Knipe 2006). In giving substance to these experiences, various research publications that employ the community participation approach in providing infrastructure were obtained from internet sources. A thematic analysis of the various research works accessed, which amounts to about 200 Journal articles from different parts of Southern Africa, was examined. The thematic armchair analysis of the articles obtained through an extensive literature review established the various dimensions of inclusive infrastructure development in Southern Africa. The various dimensions are shown in Table 18.1 which present four broad dimensions identified in the literature: poverty and inequality, economic integration, employment and empowerment, good governance, access, and vulnerability. These dimensions are examined and presented in subsections on the linkages of inclusive infrastructure and citizens’ participation within Southern Africa communities.

X

X

X

GI

X

AI

X

PR

TP

X

Nleya (2008)

Poku et al. (2017)

X

Crush et al. (2005)

Mannan et al. (2012)

Lund et al. (2008)

Landau (2007)

Kabzems and Chimedza (2002)

Hodgkinson-Williams and Paskevicius (2012)

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X

X

X

X

Harrison et al. (1997) X

X

X

SP

X

X

X

X

C/E

Harris (1999)

Chitakiraa et al. (2011)

Alexandra Arellano (2011)

Alam and Imran (2015)

de la Brière and Rawlings (2006)

Meagher and Lindell (2013)

X

X

PE

X

X

GT

Adams and Howell (2001)

X

MA X

X

IN

Nel and Humphrys (1999)

Stephen (2010)

PO

Elements of inclusiveness definition

Table 18.1 Dimensions of inclusive infrastructure

X

X

X

X

X

X

BSS

X

X

GG

X

X

X

OPP

X

X

BFI

X

X

BoG

X

X

X

X

X

R/A

X

X

X

ACS

(continued)

X

X

X

X

EI

18 Situating Citizens’ Participation in Inclusive … 399

Saidi et al. (2020)

Jeyacheya and Hampton (2020)

Hart et al. (2020)

X

X

X

Gupta et al. (2019)

X

Cross and Seager (2010)

X

X

Conole (2012)

Ainscow and Sandill (2010)

X

X

Chu et al. (2017)

X

IN

Rogerson (2020)

Chitakira et al. (2012)

Booyens (2010)

Jo Beall et al. (2010)

X

X

Stilwell (2011)

Turokl and Borel-Saladin (2014)

X

X

PO

X

MA

X

X

X

GT

X

PE

X

C/E

Elements of inclusiveness definition

Snowball and Courtney (2010)

Rispel et al. (2009)

Porter and Craig (2004)

Table 18.1 (continued)

X

GI

X

X

X

X

AI

X

X

SP

X

X

X

X

X

PR

X

X

TP

X

X

BSS

X

X

X

X

X

GG

X

X

X

X

X

OPP

BFI

BoG

R/A

X

X

X

ACS

(continued)

X

X

X

X

X

EI

400 S. Medayese et al.

X

X

X

PO

X

X

X

IN

X

MA

X

GT

X

PE

X

X

C/E

Elements of inclusiveness definition

X

GI

X

AI

X

X

SP

X

PR X

TP

BSS X

GG

X

X

OPP

BFI

X

BoG

R/A

X

EI

X

X

ACS

PO poverty, IN inequality, GT growth, PE productive employment, C/E capabilities/empowerment, GI: gender inequality, AI access to infrastructure, SP social protection, PR participation, TP targeted policies: BSS basic social services, GG good governance, OPP opportunity, BFI barriers for investment, BoG benefits of growth, R/A radicalism/activism, ACS access to city space, MA migrant access, EI economic integration Source Authors Review (2020)

Devereux (2020)

Titz and Chiotha (2019)

Petersen and Charman (2018)

Miles and Singal (2010)

Ho and Sun (2020)

Kempe (2020)

Paseka and Schwab (2020)

Fransman and Yu (2019)

Mualam and Sotto (2020)

Mcmahon et al. (2010)

Table 18.1 (continued)

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18.4 Dimensions of Inclusive Infrastructure in Southern Africa The subject of inclusive infrastructure development in Southern Africa can be classified into poverty and inequality, economic integration, employment and empowerment, good governance, access, and vulnerability. Various authors from Southern Africa typify these classifications (Devereux 2010; Arellano 2011; Crush et al. 2005; Mannan et al. 2012; Meagher and Lindell 2013; Jo Beall et al. 2010; Devereux 2020). These different dimensions of inclusive infrastructure development at this moment are examined in this section of the chapter.

18.4.1 Poverty and Inequality Various authors have examined spatial infrastructure inclusion from the standpoint of poverty and inequality (Devereux 2020; de la Brière and Rawlings 2006; Arellano 2011). Devereux (2010) averred that comprehensive social protection systems comprise several components: social assistance, social insurance, developmental mechanisms that simultaneously protect and promote livelihoods, and transformative measures that promote social inclusion and social justice. While most African countries are implementing a range of social protection projects or programs, very few (if any) can claim to have fully articulated social protection systems. However, South Africa probably has the most comprehensive poverty and social protection intervention in sub-Saharan Africa. These include social grants to vulnerable groups (Child Support Grant, Disability Grant, and the Old Age Grant), which reach a quarter of all South Africans. This position is further reinforced by the research from Arellano (2011) in Machu Picchu. The research explores the workers’ pathway to socio-economic mobility, a discussion based on qualitative data and guided by indicators of social exclusion as they relate to economic integration, employment, access to services, political representation, participation in civil society, and social capital (Nleya 2008; Porter and Craig 2004). It is argued that an increase in income generated by their involvement in tourist service provision cannot justify the porters’ mistreatment and that an understanding of local structural inequalities is crucial to appraise poverty reduction (Rispel et al. 2009; Snowball and Courtney 2010). A further dimension of poverty and inequality angle of inclusion was examined by Porter and Craig (2004). They noted that poverty reduction strategies currently prominent in international development, and the Third-way OECD ‘Social Inclusion’ policy frames claim common purpose to promote ‘opportunity, empowerment and security’ for people and places on the peripheries of global economies and societies. They share commitments to global economic integration and openness, market-led growth, ‘good’ and ‘joined-up’ governance, local and social partnerships, and wideranging activation of ‘capacities.’ But the high rhetorical aspirations of liberalism

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to social ‘inclusivity’ have so far overreached empirical gains for the poor. Drawing on developing country examples of poverty reduction strategy and public policy in New Zealand’s current Labour government, sketches salient features of ‘inclusive’ liberalism.

18.4.2 Economic Integration Indices of economic change such as income levels and monetary values, it has been argued, do not address these issues around economic integration for economic inclusion (Cabezas-Clavijo et al. 2008; De Kadt 1979; Tucker et al. 2004). The universal reduction of poverty is a global concern and has been on the international agenda for many years. The establishment of the UN’s Millennium Development Goals to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger (United Nations 2010) further raised awareness of these issues and encouraged a renewed trend of sustainable tourism development that is now, in turn, subject to academic scrutiny (Campbell et al. 2003; Fennell 1999). Several authors have conceptualized the dimensions of inclusive infrastructure from the spectrum of economic integration, looking at growth, benefits of growth, participation, and capabilities/empowerment. In view of growth and benefits of growth authors have (Harrison et al. 1997; Turok and Borel-Saladin 2014; Meagher and Lindell 2013; Ho and Sun 2020) examines the subject of inclusive Infrastructure as a function of growth and enjoying the benefits of growth within the city space. Another group of authors also examines inclusive infrastructure from participation and capabilities/empowerment, which is a significant factor in the economic integration purviews of infrastructure inclusion. Literature from Arellano (2011), Snowball and Courtney (2010), Chitakira et al. (2012), Conole (2012) viewed inclusive infrastructure from the standpoint of participation between the city managers saddled with the responsibility of providing infrastructure for communities and the people for which these infrastructures are provided. At the same time, Hart et al. (2020), Saidi et al. (2020), Paseka and Schwab (2020) appraised inclusive infrastructure from the standpoint of capabilities/empowerment for the citizens for which infrastructure is provided. Most of this literature looks at the inclusive infrastructure from the four standpoints of growth, benefits of growth, participation, and capabilities/empowerment. All of these helps to define inclusive infrastructure from the dimension of economic integration.

18.4.3 Employment and Empowerment One of the measures adopted to bridge the employment gap and reduce endemic poverty is the conditional cash transfer to the vulnerable groups to empower such groups. Conditional Cash Transfer programs (CCTs), according to de la Brière and Rawlings (2006), provide money to low-income families contingent upon specific

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verifiable actions, generally minimum investments in children’s human capital such as regular school attendance or primary preventative health care. Therefore, they promise to address the inter-generational transmission of poverty and foster social inclusion by explicitly targeting the poor, focussing on children, delivering transfers to women, and changing social accountability relationships between beneficiaries, service providers, and governments (Rogerson 2020). CCT programs are at the forefront of applying new social policy theories and program administration practices. They address demand-side barriers, have a synergistic focus on investments in health, education, and nutrition, and combine shortterm transfers for income support with incentives for long-run investments in human capital (Devereux 2010). They are also public sector leaders in program administration, using modern targeting, registering, monitoring systems, and strategic evaluations (Petersen and Charman 2018). Their impact depends on the supply of quality, accessible health, and education services. It may increase with strengthened links to the labour market and a greater focus on early childhood and transient support to households facing shocks (Hodgkinson-Williams and Paskevicius 2012). CCT programs face several challenges as they evolve, from reaching vulnerable groups to fostering transparency and accountability, especially at the community level. Centralized programs have been criticized for limiting local governments and civil society’s engagement, and in limited capacity environments, a greater reliance on communities is warranted (de la Brière and Rawlings 2006).

18.4.4 Good Governance The right governance dimension of inclusivity in Southern Africa was appraised from the standpoint of targeted policies of the government, public social services, opportunity, and barriers to investment (Nel and Humphrys 1999; de la Brière and Rawlings 2006; Rispel et al. 2009; Gupta et al. 2019; Fransman and Yu 2019; Hart et al. 2020). The global resurgence of interest in the social determinants of health provides an opportunity for determined action on unacceptable and unjust health inequalities that exist within and between countries. According to Rispel et al. (2009), whose paper reviews three categories of social inclusion policies: cash-transfers; free social services; and specific institutional arrangements for program integration in six selected countries—Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe. The policies were appraised as part of the Social Exclusion Knowledge Network (SEKN) set-up under the auspices of the World Health Organization’s Commission on Social Determinants of Health. The paper highlights the development landscape in sub-Saharan Africa and presents available indicators of the scale of inequity in the six countries (Rispel et al. 2009; de la Brière and Rawlings 2006; Fransman and Yu 2019). Targeted policies appraised include whether or what the impact of these policies has been on health inequalities. Some of the crosscutting benefits include poverty alleviation, notably among vulnerable children and youths, improved economic opportunities for

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disadvantaged households, reduced access barriers to social services, and improved nutrition intake. The review also shows weakness because of the impact of these benefits. These weaknesses include designing and implementing infrastructure policies (Nel and Humphrys 1999; de la Brière and Rawlings 2006). The policy design weaknesses include targeting criteria, enforcement, and latent costs, inadequate community participation, and failure to take the cultural context into account (Rispel et al. 2009). Therefore, as these authors conclude, health disparities must be calculated for most sub-Saharan African governments; social policies must be carefully crafted and efficiently implemented to resolve the constraints identified; monitoring and assessment mechanisms need to be improved; and community engagement needs to be promoted through a conducive and enabling atmosphere (de la Brière and Rawlings 2006; Rispel et al. 2009).

18.4.5 Access and Vulnerability The access and vulnerability dimension of inclusive infrastructure is predicated on gender inequality, access to the city space, access to infrastructure, and migrant’s access, as shown in the literature cited in Table 18.1. Based on the literature, Crush et al. (2005) and Alan and Imran (2015) analysed inclusive infrastructure from gender inequality in access to infrastructure by the city’s various residents, especially the female folks. This position on gender inequality was also re-enforced by Gupta et al. (2019). Further, access to space was another dimension of the description of inclusive infrastructure examined in Southern Africa as appraised by authors. From the point of view of access to space and the difficulties faced by the different groups within the city space on the use of space within the City, Rispe1 et al. (2009) conceptualized it, a role further reinforced by Arellano (2011) and Nleya (2008) who posited that the inclusion of facilities for people could be studied from the point of view of space within the city. Access to infrastructure is another dimension of inclusion that was examined by various authors in Southern Africa. Kabzems and Chimedza (2002) described inclusion in infrastructure from the standpoint of access to infrastructure within the city space in Southern Africa; this was a position that is enhanced by Jo Beall et al. (2010), Snowball and Courtney (2010), Alan and Imran (2015). The position on access to infrastructure as a dimension of inclusive infrastructure in Southern Africa is a prevalent argument within Southern Africa scholars. It presents a situation in which the different elements who use the city space have access to different Infrastructures such as transport infrastructure, health infrastructure, and other city infrastructure (Rogerson 2020; Titz and Chiotha 2019). The challenge of migrants within the city is also an issue under the view of inclusive infrastructure within the city space. These challenges involve, amongst others, their access to the city space and infrastructure. From the advanced position by Crush et al. (2005) and Landau (2007), migrants have continued to face very precarious situations with infrastructure within Southern Africa. This infrastructure challenge

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involves those associated with access to recreation infrastructure, health, and transport infrastructure. Tourism infrastructure also has its fair share of challenges for migrants in Southern African cities (Arrellano 2011). The Southern African countries have been observed as a central tourism hub, as seen in countries like South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (Cross and Seager 2010). Therefore, it is noteworthy that infrastructure inclusion must be seen from the dimension of its impact on the lives and livelihood of migrants who should also have access and a sense of belonging in space in the use of the infrastructure.

18.4.6 South African Experience Inclusive infrastructure has been taken from different perspectives within the Southern African region. It has been described based on education access as presented by Asongu et al. (2020) in the research, which assesses how inclusive education affects inclusive economic participation through the financial access channel, focussing on 42 sub-Saharan African countries data for the period 2004–2014. The research established that inclusive secondary education moderates financial access to exert a positive net effect on female labour force participation, and inclusive “primary and secondary school education” and inclusive tertiary education modulate financial access for a negative net effect on female unemployment. The research also revealed that inclusive secondary education and inclusive tertiary education moderate financial access for an overall positive net effect on female employment, provide more gender macroeconomic management policy options, and inclusive education thresholds for complementary policies are provided and discussed. The policy implications are discussed considering economic development challenges in the sub-region and sustainable development goals. Booyens (2010) examines township tourism in South Africa and its popularity since 1994. The research conducted in Soweto to understand visitor demand and tourism stakeholder perspectives suggests responsible tourism in townships. Therefore, the research contributes to South African debates about tourism’s developmental role, township tourism and local economic development, responsible tourism, and the related policy implications. It calls for responsible township tourism development. Local authorities play a vital role and recommend developing township tourism attractions, focussing on culture and heritage, to create unique visitor experiences. Furthermore, Chu et al. (2016) analysed the increasing number of cities which have begun to recognize the impacts of climate change on their development pathways. The authors assess strategic climate adaptation actions in the cities of Durban (South Africa), Indore (India), and Medellin (Colombia) and examine different approaches to integrating emerging adaptation priorities into urban plans, programs, or governance arrangements. They highlight planning tension sources—particularly between aspects of the planning process and larger urban political-economic forces that reshape how subsequent adaptation interventions are framed and implemented.

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Chu et al. (2016) reported that when advanced with a focus on alignment with development, strategic actions that transcend individual actor or sectoral interests have a better chance at taking root with a procedural focus in strategic urbanism accompanied by an integrated assessment of planning outcomes to ensure more equitable and inclusive development in cities. Although strategic approaches may facilitate coherent policy framings, targeted actor coalitions, and opportunities for collaborative action, such approaches are often unable to adequately capture the difficult policy trade-offs or contestations required to further cities’ overall adaptive capacities. In other words, strategic adaptation actions must be considered about the powerful, and often entrenched, political-economic interests that constrain urban equity at-large.

18.5 Roles of Citizen Participation in Enhancing City Inclusion Series of scholarly literature has been presented at various forums on participation and how it enhances infrastructure provision. This section examines the roles of citizen participation as it pertains to infrastructure inclusion in Southern Africa. However, this section of the review examines the case studies on infrastructure inclusion from various world regions to draw inferences and lessons for Southern African countries. Taking the work of Alam and Imran (2015) as a critical example of participation in inclusive infrastructure in Australia, the authors examine the access to information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure in Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia. This research developed a conceptual framework keeping the ‘use’ of digital technology as the digital divide’s centrepiece. The empirical data were derived from a series of focus group discussions with refugee migrants in a region of Australia. Alan and Imran (2015) noted that there is a digital divide among refugee migrant groups. It is based on inequalities in physical access to and use of digital technology, the skills necessary to use the different technologies effectively, and the ability to pay for the services. The opportunities to use digital technology could support refugee migrant groups’ social inclusion in the broader Australian community. Another research examination was carried out by Arbaci and Malheiros (2010). It is predicated on the migrant domain of inclusion to achieve social inclusion for migrants in Southern Europe. Focussing on the six metropolises of Lisbon, Madrid, Barcelona, Turin, Milan, and Rome, we explore patterns and dynamics of socio-ethnic segregation in Southern Europe, paying particular attention to marginalization processes through dispersal and questioning the orthodox association between residential de-segregation and social inclusion. It was revealed that despite data limitations and the fact that these examples may not be representative of all Southern European metropolises, the research interpreted more accurately the contemporary socio-urban dynamics associated with the presence of immigrants within the city space and therefore concludes

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that for inclusion to be deemed to have taken place, access of migrants within such spaces to infrastructure must be balanced and be devoid of any form of inequalities. Furthermore, this research also considered the subject of participation in infrastructure inclusion in different South African cities: Johannesburg and Pretoria. The research examines Homelessness and Eastern Cape, and KwaZulu’s issues Natal the Multidimensional nature of poverty was presented. Sanchez (2010) argued that the study was broader and more in-depth in the Johannesburg area. The study provided some insights into civil society responses to homelessness. It revealed that the kind of services Christian-based organizations provide depends on how they understand homelessness and that their services are essential because they have a broad scope, capacity to respond to specific local needs, and their role in channelling individuals’ interest in social issues. Fransman and Yu (2019) used the Census 2001 and 2011 and Community Survey 2007 and 2016 data to derive a multidimensional poverty index in South Africa for each year before assessing the changes in non-money-metric, multidimensional poverty over time. Both the incidence and intensity of multidimensional poverty decreased continuously, and these declines were more rapid than that of moneymetric poverty. The decrease in multidimensional poverty between 2001 and 2016 was most rapid for female Africans residing in rural areas in Eastern Cape and KwaZulu–Natal provinces. Multidimensional poverty was most serious in numerous district councils in these two provinces, even though poverty decline was also most rapid in these district councils. The multidimensional poverty index decomposition results indicated that Africans contributed more than 95% to multidimensional poverty. At the same time, unemployment, years of schooling, and disability were the three indicators contributing most to poverty. Landau (2007) also evaluates structural change, inequality dynamics, and industrial policy in South Africa between 1960 and the present day. The research finding shows that South Africa experienced growth-enhancing structural transformation until the early 1970s, before entering a premature deindustrialization period. The service sector has become the primary driver of growth and employment in the country, while the agriculture, mining, and manufacturing sectors have declined in relative importance. While the post-apartheid government has systematically strengthened its pro-poor policies, the high levels of poverty, unemployment, and inequality forged under the past race-based colonial and apartheid regimes remain stagnant. The future of South Africa’s structural transformation and inclusive growth path rests on the country’s ability to move into more skills-intensive and higher value-added manufacturing while also promoting employment-enhancing services subsectors. Finally, Lilenstein et al. (2020) appraised discrimination and development, immigration, urbanization, and sustainable livelihoods in Johannesburg. This article examines how official and popular responses to international migration and urbanization may undermine Johannesburg’s efforts to build a prosperous, safe, and inclusive

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city through its analysis of new survey data and interviews coupled with participant observation. Working from the position that international migration is an inexorable response to regional economic inequality illustrates how ignorance, xenophobia, and legal discrimination prevent significant numbers of foreign migrants from productively integrating into Johannesburg’s political economy and communities. It concludes that, in an era of migration, building inclusive and sustainable cities means finding creative ways to combat discrimination based on nationality, even when such exclusion is legally, politically, and socially mandated.

18.6 Lessons for Countries in Southern Africa In evaluating the lessons inherent for Southern African countries on the critical role of citizen participation in the infrastructure inclusion paradigm, Cornelissen (2005) argued that tourism is geographically focussed, with tourist activities concentrated in a few locales sub-regions. This follows the general demographic and economic contours. However, trends in capital investments tend to reinforce the spatial concentration of tourism. The government’s attempts to spread tourism’s benefits have not been too unsuccessful due to institutional and capacity deficiencies. Greater emphasis should be placed on developing domestic tourism through the active involvement of local communities. Arbaci and Malheiros (2010) noted that migrants’ inclusion could be used as a more accurate interpretation of the contemporary socio-urban dynamics associated with the presence of immigrants and ensuring their participation in the city development and infrastructure provision could further reinforce the position of effective urban dynamics, shifting the scale of inequality to a more balanced position. Archer et al. (2014) identified obstacles to mainstreaming in urban contexts remain, some lessons in addressing these challenges of lack of inclusion in the process of evolving adaptation measures, community-based participation can come in handy to ensure that the lessons of inclusion in urban adaptation and climate change can better be related to citizens, giving credit to the position of citizen participation in the decision on adaptation in the urban setting. Towards developing a new model for Inclusive Cities in China, a Case of Xiong’an New Area was researched by de Jong et al. (2020), and the positioning step towards realizing an integrated framework that allows analysts and decision-makers to delineate, evaluate, and guide the development of these cities towards inclusiveness. This study analyses urban inclusiveness and then proposed a multidimensional framework for the evaluation of inclusive development. This holistic approach adopted in this research can be a profound lesson for Southern African countries. The suggestions given on how to direct Xiong’an towards higher levels of inclusiveness, including offering equal access to public services and employment opportunities, preserving environmental health and sustainable use of natural resources through waste recycling, and encouraging public participation in decision-making to bring higher levels of inclusion within reach are a critical lesson for Southern African countries and even South Africa as a country.

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18.7 Conclusion and Recommendations Available literature resources have established that there exist various dimensions to inclusion. These dimensions determine the variants of ideas that exist when inclusion is analysed globally in general and Southern Africa. These dimensions include poverty and inequality, as described by Devereux (2020), de la Brière and Rawlings (2006), who examined inclusion’s poverty dimension. Their position reinforces the notion that exclusion is a significant cause of poverty and inequality within the city space. Porter and Craig (2004) advocate for the inclusion of vulnerable groups within the city space to foster inclusion and equitable development. This dimension is also aligned with the economic integration dimension promoted by CabezasClavijo et al. (2008) and the United Nations (2010), emphasizing eliminating extreme poverty and hunger as a significant step towards enhancing inclusion within the city space. Participation in the vulnerable groups’ developmental process leads to inclusion when developing infrastructure within the City (Snowball and Courtney 2010; Conole 2012). After the challenges of poverty and inequality have been dealt with and access to economic integration is enhanced, ensuring access to employment and the empowerment of residents within the city is another important dimension of inclusion that requires the right of space. de la Brière and Rawlings (2006) noted that conditional cash transfer (CCT) is one necessary tool that can be employed to fight poverty amongst households within the city space. Though Petersen and Charman (2018) argued that CCT had had several defects in terms of the determination of who within the communities deserved the CCT and how to identify these groups in the light of pervasive corruption in African countries, CCT is still considered as a handy tool in reaching the poor and systematically including them in the cities scheme of development. Furthermore, for all the dimensions of inclusion to be put in proper perspectives, good governance as another dimension of inclusion is advanced by Rispel et al. (2009) and Nel and Humphrys (1999), who looked at targeted policies of government, public and social services; opportunity and barriers to investment as the hurdles that must be crossed for inclusion and liberation from endemic poverty currently bedevilling most Southern African countries. Most of the reviews from these authors point at weakness because of the impact of implementing infrastructure policies in terms of designs, often taking away the social spheres associated with the infrastructure’s utilization. This dimension of good governance in the inclusion paradigm, therefore, is the gateway to city access. This is founded by Crush et al. (2005) and Alan and Imran (2015), both noting that to achieve spatial balance and equity in the use of urban space and the operationalization of urban infrastructure, inequalities in access to infrastructure by various residents in the city such as women, girls, aged people and people living with disabilities (PLWD) must be effectively addressed. Therefore, worthy of note is that for cities in Southern Africa to achieve inclusion, all the identified dimensions must be effectively covered by policies and programs before the city can be deemed inclusive. However, all these dimensions will only

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be confined to the realm of literature if communities and citizens’ participation is not accorded priority in providing city infrastructure. This, therefore, brings to the fore the challenge of achieving inclusion by situating development within the framework of citizen participation. Arbaci and Malheiros (2010) revealed that, despite data limitations, the contemporary socio-urban dynamics associated with the presence of immigrants within the city space and therefore concludes that for inclusion to be deemed to have taken place, access of migrants within such spaces to infrastructure must be balanced and be devoid of any form of inequalities. Alan and Imran (2015) noted a digital divide amongst refugee migrant groups, and it is based on inequalities in physical access to and use of digital technology. Sanchez (2010) revealed some insights into civil society responses to homelessness and opined that the kind of services Christian-based organizations provide depends on how they understand homelessness and that their services are essential because they have a broad scope, capacity to respond to specific local needs, and their role in channelling individuals’ interest in social issues. de Jong et al. (2020) analysed urban inclusiveness and proposed a multidimensional framework to evaluate inclusive development. The research suggested that to direct Xiong’an towards higher levels of inclusiveness, including offering equal access to public services and employment opportunities, preserving environmental health and sustainable use of natural resources through waste recycling, and encouraging public participation in decision-making to bring higher levels of inclusion within reach is a critical lesson for Southern African countries and even South Africa as a country. Finally, Landau (2007) posited that the service sector had become the primary driver of growth and employment in several Southern African countries. The agriculture, mining, and manufacturing sectors have declined in relative importance. The future of Southern Africa’s structural transformation and inclusive growth path rests on the countries’ ability to move into more skills-intensive and higher value-added manufacturing while also promoting employment-enhancing service subsectors through the active involvement citizens in infrastructure delivery.

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Samuel Medayese holds a Bachelor of Technology and Master’s degree in Urban and Region Planning from Federal University of Technology Minna and University of Ibadan, two of the most highly rated Universities in Urban Planning in Nigeria. He works as a Lecturer in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the Federal University of Technology Minna. He is currently carrying out his Ph.D. Research in the Department of Town Planning at the University of KwaZulu Natal, where he is currently researching of the lines of interlink within Sustainable development, Urban Liveability and Inclusive physical development in North Central Nigeria. Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design.

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Ayobami Abayomi Popoola is a trained Geographer and now an Urban and Regional Planner with a lifelong interest in how planning and plans shape human well-being and livelihood. He has a Ph.D. Town and Regional Planning, from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Dr. Popoola is currently a part of the team in the SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities project, SOBEDS, UKZN. His research interest is focussed on rural and city planning, human livelihood, and wellbeing studies.

Chapter 19

The Language of Struggle and Radical Activism as an Inclusive City Tool Among the Neglected Urban Poor of South Africa Ayobami Abayomi Popoola, Nunyi Vachaku Blamah, Choene Mosima, Mjabuliseni Nkosi, Samuel Medayese, Lovemore Chipungu, and Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu Abstract The right to space, place access, infrastructure demands and bridging the inequality gap are the momentum and increasing language of the urban poor in the post-apartheid South Africa. The demands for the taste of the seen, reported and scarcely experienced urban quality of life led to the increased city designated migration among many urban poor. Many of whom reside along the city fringes and peri-urban corridor. Poverty and high cost of city lifestyle result in exposure to urban struggles that reflect in ‘illegal’ developments. These developments are characterised by limited or lack of access to basic social amenities. This declining livelihood experience among urban poor results in agitation and protests against the city authority for their share of the urban life. Muddling through the radical planning, political protest and social movement theories, the study examines the process and mechanism to the inclusive city struggle among urban poor. Evidence-based data used were the secondary media reported protest across South Africa. Focus was more on the last three presidential regimes of the country. Thus, reports dated back from 2008 until date were examined and placed within the inclusive city principles. A systematic qualitative think-through analysis of the capture reports was done thematically. The study articulated the reasoning behind protests and social movement and indicated that protests are reflection a dysfunctional society characterised with exclusion. It therefore recommends that local government be tasked with enhancing and championing the process of inclusionary participatory approach in service delivery. Keywords City right · Infrastructure needs · Urban protest · Service delivery · Urban struggle · Urban poor · Post-apartheid South Africa A. A. Popoola (B) · L. Chipungu · H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] N. V. Blamah · C. Mosima · M. Nkosi · S. Medayese · H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu Department of Town & Regional Planning, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa L. Chipungu Department of Housing, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_19

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19.1 Introduction Unequal distribution of resources within the urban space brings into play the resource endowed location and disadvantageous locations (Medayese et al. 2016). It was reported that the urban spatial inequality shocks and vulnerability is evident and more pronounced among urban poor (Popoola et al. 2020). The history of planning in South Africa can be traced back from the colonial city, pre-1910 unification of South Africa, through the apartheid era to the transition phase since 1985 and towards a post-apartheid epoch of 1994 onwards. This period encompasses historical phases of spatial development, racial segregation, trends in black people’s involvement in the urban settings since the origin of urban settlement until 1994 situation. The myth of decades of planning ideas within the South African territorial space has revealed the arguments for planning and human activities within the apartheid and postapartheid era. The apartheid planning era in South Africa reflected class and racial segregation, inequality and weak service and infrastructure delivery. Space has long been a powerful determinant of inequality and exclusion in South Africa. From the 1980s, in many countries processes of ‘unbundling’ of infrastructure development through privatisation, corporatisation and developer-driven development have underpinned the creation of sprawling, fragmented and divided cities (Graham and Marvin 2001). The divided city in South Africa is reflected in urban poverty evident amongst migrant (rural–urban) urban poor. The demands for the taste of the seen and reported urban quality of life led to the increased city designated migration among many urban poor. Njwambe et al. (2019) have identified migration from rural areas into informal spaces within urban South Africa. Mlambo (2018) forecasted that by 2030, 70% of urban residents due to rural depopulation and region and local area infrastructure collapse and backlog will have migrated to cities in South Africa. Østby (2015) reported that why city migration might be perceived a positive livelihood motivation for rural emigrants; the urban exclusion experiences amongst city immigrants could not be downplayed. African and Asian cities experiences reveal that migration could be a positive advantage to immigrant place of origin and a negative effect to the destination cities. An instance of urban immigrants residing in informal settlements was identified. If such expectations are not met, migrants may feel frustration and despair, particularly if they feel discriminated against, owing to their origin (Østby 2015: 7). The struggle to survive within the city can lead to social fragmentation, creating grievances that can manifest in crime, violence, and harmful protests. Alexander et al. (2018) mentioned that the community protests and agitations are infrastructure and service delivery focus. Akinboade et al. (2014) narrated that poor service delivery is major determinant of community protests within South Africa. This experience is mainly common among informal settlers and urban poor. Mutyambizi et al. (2020) pointed that citizen response and feedback to service delivery and state (availability, access and affordability) of infrastructure can sometimes be reflected in protests. Community protest according to Alexander et al. (2018) is a protest in which a geographically defined and identified ‘community’ frames

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its demands in support and/or defence of their collective demands. This explains that protest for infrastructure and services is often a function of the residents lived experiences. McKinley (2014: 268) alludes that struggles over land, housing and a wide range of other social issues began emerging in communities across South Africa in the late 1990s. Most focused on the negative and localised impact of the neo-liberal attack on public services that translated into a widespread lack of service delivery in the urban townships where the poor lived. With the increasing protests in South Africa (Death 2010), service delivery demonstrations are the major dimension of community protests in South Africa (Lavery 2012). Atkinson (2007) iterates that the increasing protest from the mass action in 1980 to the post-millennia is mainly a political, social and economic tool used by city poor to vex their angers and express their opinion on public activity and policy directions. Alexander (2010) referred to community protests in South Africa as the ‘rebellion of the poor’. The rebellious activities inform of quest for space right, place access, infrastructure demands and bridging the inequality gap are the momentum and increasing language of the urban poor in the post-apartheid South Africa. The rebellious poor according to Jobo (2014) are due to past injustices and socioeconomic inequality and imbalance in South Africa. There was hope among the poor and disadvantaged that things would begin to change, and indeed the newly elected government set about instituting policies to implement change (Jobo 2014). Despite the expected government responsibilities, the failed state in South Africa is reflected in the concentration and continuous emergence of informal settlement and urban poor in South Africa. The 2011 South Africa census recorded that about nine per cent of the country population resides in informal settlements. Dawson (2014: 525) pointed that since the birth of the ‘new’ South Africa, rural–urban migration and immigration into the greater Johannesburg metropolitan region have resulted in the overcrowding of existing informal settlements and the creation of entirely new ones on the urban fringe. With the increasing infrastructure dichotomy within the city, urban poor often results in protest as tool for negotiation of social infrastructure inclusion. This declining livelihood experience among urban poor results in agitation and protests with the city authority for their share of the urban live. Muddling through the radical planning, political protest and social movement theories, the study examines the process and mechanism to the inclusive city struggle for service delivery and infrastructure among urban poor.

19.2 Theorising City Infrastructure Inclusion Struggle Through Radical and Social Movement Theories In previous years, the struggle for urban inclusion using political unrest was mainly studied and addressed in fields of sociology and development studies and it has been a question that has been bothering the social scientist in pursuit of understanding why people protest or engage in political activism that seek to advocate levels of

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dissatisfaction in society. Against this backdrop, modern approaches indicate that planning should also be in the forefront in addressing and understanding the struggle for urban inclusion in a form of social movements. There are various reasons that result in urban dwellers to resort to social movement in pursuit to achieving inclusion in the city economy and infrastructure. Social movement theory seeks to explain questions that are mostly asked after witnessing people engaging in activities that seek to address their grievances or the feeling of being alienated. The questions of ‘Why do people protest’, ‘Who is protesting’ and ‘What forms of protest do most people take part’ remain the questions that the social movement approaches seek to address (van Stekelenburg 2009). Authors in pursuit of detailing the theoretical aspiration of social movements have put various explanations forward. According to Porta and Diani (2006), social movements are interlocking networks of groups, social networks and individuals and the connection between them with a shared collective identity who try to prevent or promote societal change by non-institutionalised tactics. In the case of urban environment, it can be firmly argued that such changes may be directed to a local authority. The struggle or movement that is often termed a political protest is often an advocacy for city residents that remain marginalised and excluded. For example, at eThekwini (Durban), ‘Abahlali Basemjondolo’ social movement is targeted at advocating infrastructure inclusion for informal settlers within the city. For Porta and Diani (2006), political protest has its inception in strain and societal transition, because of industrialisation, urbanisation, unemployment and derives its motivational power from dissatisfaction with the current form of life. According to Blumer (1969), the motivating forces for collective action are, next to dissatisfaction and subsequent agitation, ‘wishes’ and ‘hope’ for a new scheme or system of living. In support of Blumer’s notion, Gurr (1970), asserts that when changing social conditions cause people to experience ‘relative deprivation’, the likelihood of protest and rebellion significantly increases. Thinking about how the poor make their voices to be heard in the urban territories makes one to think of the radical planning and critical urban theories such as the political unrest and social movement theory (discussed above). These theories challenge the traditional way of planning that excludes the poor. Traditional planning focuses more on maintaining the current social order (Albrechts 2015). According to And and Heskin (1973), traditional planning can be defined as perpetuating elitist and anti-resistant. Meaning it addresses the needs of the elites while excluding the poor. Radical planning pushes for human development and further considers issues of equality. Due to growing inequality, radical planning challenges the status quo. The inclusion of the poor in formal spaces of the cities is a struggle, as most do not afford such spaces. This is where radical planning appears to be an approach that makes governments to listen. Radical planning is a programme in which individuals and communities are accounted for as both the object and the engine of the planning process (Tironi 2015). As a result of affordability challenges, the poor raises their voices through occupying space unlawfully, making demands to the state or by working closely with the state and agencies providing aid (IIED 2008). Governments appear to respond when activists or people from the ground take laws into

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their hands and occupy urban spaces. To get the government’s attention, the poor use grassroots mass action as was used in Chile (Tironi 2015; Yiftachel 2009), in Israel and Palestine, collective action for social transformation in Indonesia (Beard 2003) and elsewhere in the globe. Landless people use a similar approach globally. In Southern Africa, particularly South Africa, it is not different from other parts of the globe. The inequalities created by the apartheid regime have made it worse and more difficult for the poor to get spaces in the urban parts of the country. Municipalities are busy evicting people from private lands in the peripheries of the cities, and those occupying spaces in the inner city, because of land invasion people come to urban areas in search of better lives, access to facilities and available infrastructure and a hope to participate in economic activities. It appears to be a norm for government to respond positively because of mass actions often characterised by violence and grassroots NGO supported litigations. Very recently, houses were demolished in North of Pretoria, South of Johannesburg and some shacks in the Western Cape. As recorded in studies commissioned by Urban Landmark (2007), various cities including Cape Town, Pietermaritzburg, Port Elizabeth and Johannesburg were consulted to hear the perspective of urban poor on how they access urban land. The methods used to access land are much like those reported elsewhere around the globe as mass action and formation of grassroots organisations are the way to go. Millstein (2020) reported case of a violent protest of vandalism, burning of tires and throwing of petrol bombs in Westlake, Cape Town, to stop people from going to work and access to various services. This was in protest of a 20-year public housing settlement that was supposed to benefit the poor. The same method of mass action was used during apartheid as a way of protest for government to include black people in its planning. The main question that guides the study is: What is the dynamics and nature (language, process and outcome) of service- and infrastructure-related struggles and protests among urban poor in South Africa?

19.3 Urban Struggle for Inclusion Using Case Studies This section provides an insight into protests around some of the cities of southern Africa.

19.3.1 Housing Protest in Cape Town, South Africa Located on the southwest coast of the country, Cape Town was once engulfed with racism and exclusion perpetuated by the apartheid regime, and during that period various acts of exclusion and marginalisation occurred, for example, the displacement or forcibly removal of the District 6 people from their township and their land seized (Ludvigsen 2002; Thompson 2017; Strauss 2019; Bosch 2020). After the demise of the brutal apartheid system, previously excluded Capetonians had hope

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for better life especially with regard to housing delivery. According to Levenzo (2017), the juridical deracialisation of urban space after the transition to democracy residents in need of durable shelter increasingly saw mass land occupations as a viable strategy. Pejoratively termed ‘land invasions’ by housing officials, these occupations are typically derided as opportunistic means of gaining inclusion in existing housing developments. Officials describe this contravention of formal rationality as ‘queue jumping’, assuming. It can be noted that Lovezo’s statement also indicate that officials consider the invasion of land as an act of individuals whereas it can be argued that land occupations are nearly always collective enterprises. They are an example of social movements that seek to address the need for housing in Cape Town. This is because poor housing delivery by the city managers fuel political and social unrest from pocket locations of land invasions.

19.3.2 Housing Social Movements in Harare, Zimbabwe Harare is one of the cities that have history with regards to the use of social movements in pursuit of addressing the injustices associated with poor housing delivery. The choice of metropolitan Harare is based on its being Zimbabwe’s capital and housing most of the country’s urban population. In past years, the president Mugabe administration had been widely critiqued for harassing the urban people of Zimbabwe especially those who lived in informal settlement through the implemented bulldozer approach. In cities, social movements challenge planning processes and housing delivery approaches and offer alternative approaches that are pro-poor and inclusive. Social movements are important agents for social change and transformation in cities (Miraftab 2009). In Harare, Zimbabwe examples of social movements are in the form of housing co-operatives (Muchedenyika 2017). The aim of housing cooperatives is to change planning and housing outcomes within cities. In other words, housing cooperatives advocate for a new order in terms of the conduct of planning and resultant housing delivery processes (Muchedenyika 2017). According to Muchedenyika (2017), the problem of housing in Zimbabwe has been characterised by the weak financial and technical capacity of local authorities and central government to deliver low-income housing and social movements challenging conventional housing delivery approaches and promoting alternatives. Ordinary people through grassroots movements, pool resources and skills acquire or invade land, build houses for members and install infrastructure (water, roads and sanitation). These social movements emerged and assumed greater significance after the country entered a period of unprecedented socio-economic and political crisis, beginning around 2000 and continuing to this day (Muchedenyika 2017). Harare social movements indicate that these types of movements do not only occur for the purpose of undermining the institutions of the state, but they seek to address and balance the need for services to people especially those who are poor, and they are resulting from the housing for the low-income urban poor (Ramsamy 2006).

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19.4 Methods and Materials The methodological approach of this study is based on the interpretivist research approach. Black (2006: 319) accorded that the strength and power of the interpretivist approach lie in its ability to address the complexity and meaning of (consumption) situations. This is because the approach provides a better understanding of participants (protesters) experiences and social reality (Mertens 2005; Mackenzie and Knipe 2006). To explain this experience, qualitative reported cases of protests within South Africa were used. Keyword search using protest, service delivery, infrastructure, urban poor and informal settlements within South Africa was used to identify the media reports to use. The search was done purposively. The study relied extensively on secondary data as a means of collecting relevant and required information. The preference for media report was based on the sociological dimension to protests within South Africa. The research took into consideration the evidence-based data that provided a narrative into the infrastructure- and service-driven protests. As proposed by Nwankwo et al. (2020), media reports provide a contextual explanation and understanding to events. It provides real-life experiences for the readers who were not part of the events. As identified, it allows for events articulation, predication and subject positioning. Gever and Essien (2019) portrayed that mass media provides a professional empowered avenue for the explanation of societal events. It was mentioned that empirical examination and analysis can be done on mass media coverage, reports and text contents. The empirical analysis of the media report was done thematically using Nvivo 10 software. The analysis was done qualitatively and presented in the study discussion section. The focus of the analysis was based on community struggle and protests process, protests outcome and the languages involved in the reporting of the community protests in the mass media. The identified arguments were discussed under various sub-themes and explanations provided. The exploration of the arguments provided led to the deductive reasoning of various protest outcomes through the qualitative data analysis. In this study, a close and in-depth thematic analysis (Using Nvivo 10 with the aid of MS Excel to plot bar chats) was carried out to explore in details some important themes with coding reference rate of their sub-themes. To explore the use of language and common terms used in reporting infrastructure and service-related protests, 70 articles identified (by saturation of themes in an analysis) in this study were used. The selection of the article was done purposively. The key defining criteria for the selection of an article for the study analysis includes: • It must be a media report • It must fall within the study area (South Africa) and targeted to capture urban poor, townships and informal settlers. • The article must be published between the year 2008 and 2020 • It article must focus on reported protests or agitations that key issue of discussion on service delivery and infrastructure provision and allocation.

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19.5 The Language of Service and Infrastructure Struggle Emphatically, a close and in-depth thematic analysis (using Nvivo 10 with the aid of MS Excel to plot bar chats) was deployed for an early broad-brush word frequency query was run on the source materials (with criteria of synonym word matches, 1000 most frequently used words and 2 letter minimum words). From the analysis, the word ‘protest’ was found to dominate the outcome of the query (having relatively the biggest font size) followed by words that seemingly depict why the protests take place, by who and where (See Fig. 19.1). To this extent, the analysis shows that struggle for services and infrastructure was the argued segregation created by the South Africa apartheid regime (Fig. 19.2). Wafer (2012) provided an extensive explanation to the infrastructure, power and state nexus. The argument forwarded in the discussion was the one that points that infrastructure moves from the material commodity but the type that is embedded in the citizenship power for right of good living within a place. The idea of place speaks to the city-oriented investments (within the context of wealthy areas) with continued neglect to townships and vulnerable informal areas within the urban areas.

Fig. 19.1 Tag cloud of most frequently used words

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100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Fig. 19.2 Language involved

The revelations of ‘city within the city’ as reflected in inequality is the genesis of the contestation as seen in reported cases of protests for services across informal spaces. Maphumulo and Bhengu (2019) went further and gave an instance that the apartheid South Africa contributed immensely to radical and discriminatory configuration of the South African State. Despite the apartheid footprint, Managa (2012: 1) pointed out a growing concern has been expressed about the government’s ability to deliver the public services that its people yearn for and are entitled to—and that they have, since 2004, taken to the streets to demand. The taken to streets in protests are characterised by crimes, violence, and infrastructure vandalism within and across provincial and metropolitan boundaries. In fact, it was emphatically reported that the weak response of the political stakeholders and public mangers to solve the backlogs of infrastructure and service provision, delivery and allocation continues to fuel protests within and along the city corridors. To this end, it was alluded that poor institutional capacity, mismanagement of funds, high levels of corruption and a lack of public participation are the peculiar limitations to responsive management of the needs of the people (Managa 2012). According to Mutula and Mostert (2010), corruption, limited capacity and technical expertise, poverty and inequality are limitations to service delivery in South Africa. Hollands (2007) buttressed that the political and administrative sector of the South African state is stained with various dimensions of corruption. It was identified in the study that municipal services (electricity and water) are the main trends of corruption and bribery incidences in South Africa. Other dimensions to corruption in service delivery have identified by Tooley and Mahoai (2007) including bribery, embezzlement, fraud, extortion, abuse of power, conflict of interest, favouritism and institutional corruption. (This emails both political and bureaucratic components of the government.) In summary, it was identified that corruption delays and limit service delivery and infrastructure provisions to the poor. All these are flawed in the seven principles (leadership, accountability, openness, integrity, selflessness, objectivity

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and honesty) as championed by Raga and Taylor (2005). Thus, a failed governance because service delivery and governance are interlinked. The South African failed experience is presented thus: …Citizens anticipated improved service delivery that would address the evident and persistent legacy of apartheid, especially on the issue of delivery of social services in rural and poor urban areas. To some certain extent, citizens had come to equate the current system of governance with improved service delivery, especially in black communities which were bludgeoned by the evil system of Apartheid. Marginalised citizens argue that this democracy does not translate into improved bread and butter issues as eagerly anticipated. Unmet needs create a groundswell of dissatisfaction and mistrust of the current political system with a soft chorus of Egypt was better. Service delivery protests punctuate and pervade life in South Africa. Those that are socially excluded do not see much of a difference between the current political dispensation and the previous one. This argument creates a loophole for the credence of the current governance system from citizens’ point of view who consider themselves ignored by the government…. Sithole and Mathonsi (2015: 6)

This above expression is summed that South Africa like any other apartheid nation are always characterised by urban division and exclusion (Pieterse 2009). Alluding to the social divide using the Cape Town protest epicentre, Pieterse (2009) presented a visual map (see Map 19.1) which points that the weak stance of achieving a redistributive South Africa.

Map 19.1 A class map of Cape Town metropolitan region. Source Pieterse (2009)

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Fig. 19.3 Language involved in protests

Digging deep into the content and context of the words in the above tag cloud (Map 19.1), the term protests are found to refer to community-based protests carried out by residents of informal settlements in South African cities, mostly around Cape Town, on issues related to access to land, housing and service deliveries such as water, toilet facilities and electricity. Languages used by protesters (mostly from low-income communities/informal settlements) and government apparatus (who are politicians, head of agencies and law enforcements) are divergent (Fig. 19.3), which may be why protests are reoccurring. The mention of apartheid by the low income/informal settlers is on the bases that things are not better now than during the apartheid rule. Anti-apartheid campaign was full of promises of liberation and for provision of basic facilities and services to the black majority, but things don’t seem to be any different, as the dynamism of civic life in mostly black communities is still matched by economic hardship. The black communities still feel excluded as there is no justice and equality in the distribution of resources, and against police brutality just like in the days of apartheid. Their right to live and have access to employment, land, decent housing (lower-income housing in better-resourced areas of the city) and other basics of life are being suppressed despite their constitutional right to have them. Although the government believes that provision of services to the previously marginalised black majority has increased substantially, black working-class households still face an increasing crisis of affordability. For instance, even when access to electricity mediated by prepaid meters increases, the ability to afford the service is still an issue. The low-income black communities believe that the leaders are riddled with corruption and maladministration, as they alleged misappropriation of resources to themselves and their families. They feel they have no voice (as the government does not respond to letters, mails or engage in meaningful dialogue) anymore because they are used to protests and think they have mastered the script, thereby leading into protests the more even by burning tyres. If the poor conditions remain, the low income is bent to continue with the struggle.

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Despite these allegations, the provincial government in Durban, for example, is said to be warming towards the idea of ‘cities with slums’, which would mean incorporating slums/informal settlements into city planning to ease growth and improve slum conditions. Some schools of thought believe that the informality of slums creates a more flexible environment for innovative planning and growth. The government also claims in 2014 to have had an elaborate programme to eliminate the bucket sewage system in informal settlements nationwide. The government though acknowledges the right to protests, but any protests that are violent, not peaceful, damage property and do not respect the rights of others to access public spaces are referred to as illegal. The government also sees forceful land invasion, undue process of electricity connection and living under electricity pylons as illegal. The government has attributed the cause for the lack of basic needs by the low-income black community to scarcity of financial resources based on already budgeted finances for service delivery programmes and to limited natural resources e.g. water shortage due to increasing population and number of communities. The government also claims not to have the resources to continuously divert from planned projects of Integrated Development Plan to newly invaded areas.

19.6 Community Struggle and Agitation Protests in South Africa are driven by varied and diverse community struggle and agitations for better living conditions in mostly the low-income communities/informal settlements (see Fig. 19.4). The protests are always violent involving city lockdown and roadblocks, burning of tyres, destruction of public and private facilities and confrontational to the police, thereby leading to social unrest, reduced Community struggle and agitation 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Fig. 19.4 Community struggle and agitation in South Africa

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economic activities, deaths and injuries, traffic issues, etc. The police, city officials and/or the media always report such situations. Though the protesters see their demands and actions as a right, the government or municipality officials see the processes and some of their claims as illegal. It is not a coincidence that South Africa is named the protest capital of the world, as it is one of the most disintegrated and socio-economically unequal countries in the world. The poor rural dwellers migrate towards the city as cities represent hope for a large portion of them. The sharp economy gap between the rich and the poor in the cities results in frustration and discontent. According to Davies’ theory of relative deprivation, frustrated expectations are a cause of social unrest and increased potential for political unrest. The aggrieved impoverished black majority living in informal settlements near rich cities mostly carry out protests in South Africa. For instance, Khayelitsha is a township in South Africa, near Cape Town, and is where the dynamism of community life is matched by the hardship of economic situation. This and similar other communities in South Africa are at risk of many social ills. Even the working class among them continued to live in abject poverty and face unprecedented levels of unemployment and violence. Social movements in South Africa have also acted as response the inability of government to provide services to the people; this paper has argued that social movements that seek to address the need for housing in Cape Town as result of poor housing delivery by the city managers which also fuel political and social unrest from pocket locations of land invasions. This further outlines that people protest because they feel neglected and excluded from participating in the economy and the quality of services rendered to them also remains questionable. The study results also show that protests are mainly carried in informal settlements as result of people feeling deprived and denied access to services, and this notion further supports the acts of ‘Abahlali Basemjondolo’ a social movement group in Durban that fights for the rights of the poor people living in informal settlements. Agitations in South Africa also include those over poor housing condition and insufficient basic infrastructure and services (such as electricity, water, roads, sanitary and toilets facilities) (see Fig. 19.5). South African black majority require these essentials being central to post- apartheid promises. Today, the anticipation of the people happened not to be quite met, whereby they protest for the earlier promises, which were not just indecent, inefficient or inadequate, but totally absent in many places. Such protests occur mostly by the low income living in informal settlement around major cities of the country such as Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban. Residents of the suburban and sprawling informal settlements around it, for instance, faced the city of Cape Town, with several housing and service delivery protests. The limited infrastructure (such as electricity) in Soshanguve, Tshwane, contributes to spatial domicile of criminals and their activities and poor WASH conditions in places like Peddie, East London and Nomakanjani settlement due to lack of access to WASH infrastructure for over ten years. With an increasing urban population and expansion of informal settlements in South Africa, basic utilities, housing and employment get scarcer. Furthermore, water shortage caused by natural phenomenon (for instance, the three-year drought in

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Fig. 19.5 Low-income communities and informal settlements struggles and agitations

Cape Town that emptied the city’s dams) and the floods that engulfed some Durban communities (houses and shacks) are arguably attributed to climatic events and are major issues and, thus, require government and NGOs to promptly work together for solutions, else protests set in. These are crucial issues as such complexities and expenses are overwhelming municipal authorities. They therefore cannot be solely responsible to solve the challenges of urbanisation. Furthermore, many in South Africa, even among the working class, live in overcrowded communities. In 2014, 23% of the urban population in South Africa lived in informal housing settlements or ‘shacks’, which are generally built poorly out of tin and other materials. Eldorado Park protests were based on the narrative that the government did not want to build houses for them. However, housing was promised many years ago to South African citizens, but many residents have shown their dissatisfaction to the Department of Human Settlements over the slow delivery of houses. The government of Gauteng and Greater Kliptown Development Programme, for instance, was viewed as a dismal failure as thousands are still landless and homeless. This restricted access land and its adjoining resources by the poor black population are also an issue, leading to protests and land grabs. The high level of corruption in the public and private sectors and unequal allocation of resources exacerbate the poor’s plight‚ as they see the resources that they believe are meant to improve their living conditions being syphoned by politicians and government officials. This they see as depriving them access to the basic facilities and services.

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Thus, local leaders of the informal settlements have severally called on government for finances to ensure supply of basic facilities and services to all the informal settlements, while the government (Mayoral Committees, Municipalities, councillors, etc.) has on many occasions indicated intentions to supply the informal communities with essential services and extending them further. The government claims that most informal settlements in Khayelitsha, for instance, have been serviced with water, sanitation and refuse and areas not serviced will temporarily be serviced with water through tankers. The government (of President Jacob Zuma) saw the service delivery protests in South Africa as indicative of success and remarkable achievements that the far increasing access to services over the past 20 years was the cause for the upsurge by the very few not serviced yet who are eager. The government therefore believed that provision of basic services to the previously marginalised black majority has increased significantly. Even when access to these basic needs increased, the ability to settle the bills is inextricably linked to improved socio-economic status by making available better jobs. The governments still do not seem to notice the plights of the excluded to have access to economic opportunities. Population growth, urbanisation and high level of dependency among the blacks also exacerbate the situations. Most protests represent the exclusion of the black working-class households from institutions. The Unemployed People’s Movement (UPM) thus engage in protest for job opportunities. Resident of informal settlements believed they could easily be self-employed with basic services such as water and electricity made available. Challenges faced by the government in service deliveries are the unlawfully invasion of especially private lands (Nxumalo 2016). It is worthy to note that the land occupations and protests are mostly well-planned, well-funded and orchestrated (Cruywagen 2020; Meyer 2020). In many instances, even after successful eviction, the evicted always tend to come back to rebuild their shacks. Such as had happened when more than 400 people gathered on open land in Bloekombos protesting as they rebuild their shacks demolished by the law enforcement (McCain 2020; The Citizen 2020) which results in more coordinated protests, resistance and clash with the law enforcement. Report has it that incidences of injury to government officials during violent actions characterise land invasions across South Africa and most especially Cape Town (Turok 2001; Van Niekerk et al. 2008; Lamb 2018). The act continually limits project upgrade and delivery projects. Aside the invasion, it is still difficult or impossible for some locations to be reached with decent housing and basic service deliveries, as they are either sprawled and unorganised (without subdivision), next to a river and wetlands, or on a hill or in graveyards, thus, are unsuitable for habitation and/or constitute major engineering issues. The government also noticed some beneficiaries of the RDP houses often sold or rented them out for quick cash and returned to the informal settlements. Other land-related protests are those demanding for all undocumented foreign nationals on their land to leave (McConnell 2009; Von Holdt and Alexander 2012).

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19.7 The Politicisation of Community Struggle Triggers for protests in South Africa are usually deeply anchored within highly specific power struggles from the local to the national level. While the issue of housing, employment and service delivery is rarely completely absent, it may only be a symptom of a far deeper issue. Recently, political leadership positions have been fiercely fought as oppositions have proliferated and factions within the ruling party multiplied. As a political statement, for instance, against the ruling party, an opposition claimed in parliament that the country experiences ‘30 service-delivery protests a day’ (Bhardwaj 2016; Central 2016; Wasserman et al. 2018). Such allegations will have an enormous impact in a politically volatile and economically straitened country. Many believe that the more numerous protests in Cape Town and its home province are politically motivated, being the only province governed by the DA, and not the ruling ANC which has dominated national politics since post-apartheid era began (Mottiar and Bond 2012; Thomas 2012; Matebesi and Botes 2017; Friedman 2019; Staff 2020). Accusations and counter accusations have been flowing between the local, provincial and national tiers of government, each with its own legislatively determined role in water service-related procurement process. This political alignment is reflected in the EFF support for land grabbing, land expropriation without compensation and the political intensification for the occupation of the land in Cape Town and across the metropolitan region. Agitations for protests in South Africa are also found to be based on frustrations caused by the political leaders. Reported is the lack of trust in government by the communities, due to perceived lack and weak government and political commitment/political will to meet various infrastructure demands, promises and pre-existing negotiations that often fuels the protest incidences. This perception of lack of commitment continues to limit the ability and will of the marginalised communities to further engage in negotiations, community participation and deliberations. The undelivered promises of housing, infrastructure and service deliveries are common with government officials. The governments and their agencies are accused of not treating the plight of shack dwellers with utmost urgency and breach of agreements and trusts. This lack of trust according to Madzivhandila and Asha (2012) is further aggravated by the national reported cases of service and infrastructure related corruption across all levels of government and sectors in the country. The communities are protesting that they are taking back their power to govern themselves‚ as those meant to serve them have proven to be untrustworthy and unaccountable (Mbazira 2013; Dawson 2014). Aggravating the failed infrastructure negotiation and commitment protest are inequalities and harassment experienced in the hands of law enforcement officials in the infrastructure and service demand-oriented protest process. Succinctly explained by Friedman (2012), the politics of the protests may not necessarily present a socio-economic drive and demand but rather a test of the potency of the power and weight of authority willed by a political party or person in public management. For example, Mkhize (2015) was of the view that top-down approached

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may often result in an increase crisis zone and continued protests in an area. However, the perception to an approach to be top-down or bottom-up is often conceptualised by the community or the protesting group, thus giving room for the shaping of protest along political and socio-political (The DA-ANC-EFF political party narratives) line. An event continually expressed by indigenous locals in Cape Town. This as perceived by Ballard et al. (2006), there seems to exist a movement for inclusive service and infrastructure delivery that is characterised by political opportunities. This political opportunistic movement as expressed by various aligning individuals presents a call for development of participation by each political aligning protesting individual (Mkhize 2015).

19.8 Protest and Its Outcome Protests have both positive and negative consequences: positive when protesters’ requests are heard and carried out immediately or in the future by the government, and negative when protests turn violent, destructive or disruptive. Since protests have become a routine in South Africa even into the post-apartheid era, it may mean that the outcries of the low income and informal settlement dwellers are not always heard, which is why most protests end up with negative consequences. Thus, peaceful protests become very rare as they come with consequences as in Fig. 19.6. Protests in South Arica are mostly tied to city shutdown/ roadblocks of major arterials and vandalism, thus negatively affecting economic and social activities in the city. Most of the lockdowns and road barricades are accompanied by burning of tyres and rubble, pelting and petrol-bombing/burning down of infrastructure, facilities and vehicles/trucks belonging to low enforcements/other agencies, politicians, companies and private individuals, and violent attacks on adjoining community dwellers, passer-by and private and public (city/Eskom) officials. Invariably, these acts affect the poorest and the most vulnerable communities as it robs them of the

Fig. 19.6 Protests and protests outcome

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much-needed services they hitherto enjoyed. Instances of such are withdrawal of electricity by Eskom, car services by (Dial-A-Ride) and emergency fire and rescue response service, respectively, in Khayelitsha and Mfuleni communities of Cape Town due to continuous land invasion and property damage. Some effects of the protests include looting, death, loss of assets, injuries, traffic congestion and diversion to alternative routes and disruption of taxi operations thereby causing delayed movement and limited access to economic and social opportunities. All these points that protests in South Africa can be live and livelihood threatening.

19.9 Urban Poor and Service Protests Process Beard (2005) iterates the relevance of community collective participation in time, knowledge and resources towards development. However. how true this is, she failed to mention the mechanism of collective activity towards achieving a goal, focus or structural drive and need within a society or group of dwellers. In the instance of this study, the perception is that protests are mechanism adopted by community dwellers to achieving their collective infrastructure and service needs. The study ponders on the view that community individual identities are peculiar to process of arriving at a developmental need or goals. Protests in South Africa are found to follow steps as shown in Fig. 19.7. The dimensions of these process are further discussed in the sub-topics that follow.

19.9.1 Protest Planning, Advise and Warning Tsheola (2012) mentioned that the dynamics of protests in South Africa is a reflection of the poor service and infrastructure vulnerability of urban poor settlement. The argument was that there seems to be an inconclusive evidence to the protests planning and advise in the country. Thus, the root causes of these violent protests remain contested, with views ranging from those that accept them as services-based to those portraying them as politically motivated (Tsheola 2012: 161). Although general to both instances are that protest plan is based on struggle and agitation. The agitation is a reflection of the community approach to advocacy and radicalism for their fair share of democratic dividends. The model thematic analysis (Fig. 19.7) shows that protest could be well-planned or impromptu triggered by an incidence. Mkhize (2015: 190) reported that the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy in South Africa has created many political opportunity structures that were previously curtailed, including the use of radical tactics to bring about political change. Studies (Mottiar and Bond 2011; Newham 2013; Mkhize 2015) alluded that the constitutional backing that supports protests as legal (see Gatherings Act 205 of 1993) is a major driver for the increasing reported cases of protests. This basis is why those communities coming together to engage

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Fig. 19.7 Protest process in South Africa

in a protest or organising a planned protest may apply for permission in line with the national Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993, indicating time, location and nature of protest. Sometimes, protests plan is only seen circulating on social media. On the knowledge of a planned protest of any kind, government agencies/law enforcements may advice or warn intending protesters against any violent protest, as destroying public facilities only renders communities worse off, and any protester found wanting would be arrested and prosecuted accordingly. Individuals in the areas are also advised to monitor the situation and stay safe.

19.9.2 The Legality of Protest Process: Policing, Protest Crime Record, Case Review, Negotiation and Engagement South African Police Service (SAPS) and the media are in the business of reporting and recording crowd-related incidents such as protests. However, there seems to be lack of clarity on the reporting and difference between a crowd-related incident (including peaceful and unrest-related) and protests. To this end, Dr. Carrin Runciman as reported by Bhardwaj (2016) alluded that ‘there is no reliable estimate of the numbers of protests in South Africa’. The literature (Runciman et al. 2016; Ngcamu

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2019) identified that community protests can be as high as 2000 recorded cases in South Africa. The intending protesters may engage the government or the other way round for a discussion or negotiation, which may yield positive result to halt the protest, if not come to terms, protest goes on. In the cause of the protest, negotiation and engagement can still take place. It was reported that protest activities in South Africa are often not done without the presence of SAPS and other law enforcements on ground during protests to maintain law and order. The law enforcement officers engage in monitoring the area of protest, disperse the crowd where necessary, arrest erring protesters, but also protect them against other groups of opposing ideas. The presence of law enforcement and sometimes military personnel has been necessitated because of incidences of crimes during protests. Bohler-Muller et al. (2017), using empirical national study SAPS data, reported the South African populace has become more negative towards peaceful protest actions and more supportive of violent and disruptive actions, despite the unsustainable activity that characterises the non-peaceful protests. So, of the identified stress effect of such type of protest was an increasing strain on the capacity of the police to manage protests crowd effectively and responsively. In most instances, the inability of the strained SAPS results in police brutality, clashes between officers of the law and protesters and sometimes injury or deaths from both sides. As postulated that protests can take forms such as police confrontations, municipal functionaries forced to resign, toyi-toying, mass meetings, submission of memoranda and petitions, processions, stay-away, chasing unpopular residents out of townships, election boycotts, road blockades, construction of barriers and burning of tyres and the destruction of property and looting (Reddy 2016: 4). There are reported incidences where during a protest there might be need for police investigation, after which erring protesters appear before the court of law. This will demand a review of incidence based on records of incident at that time and evidence from the law enforcement. Case review here also has to do with service delivery demand in protesters, communities or assessment of damages made during a protest and police-protesters interactions. Lancaster (2018) summed police inability to reduce or curb crimes, use of force and high-handedness by police and weak responsiveness on the side of the government, all of which can be achieved through improved negotiation technique and engagement by both government officials and public office holders.

19.9.3 The Institutional and Political Dimension to the Protest Process The cloud analysis of the media reported protests in South Africa shows that blame game, offering of apologies and menial ‘bait-like’ donations represent the most common institutional and political dimensions to the protest process and outcomes.

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According to Clark (2011) and Mashamaite (2014), the planning and execution of a protest by a community are often due to weak or failed expectations of municipal managers of the request of the people. In this study, we found out that despite the abundant exclusion of the urban poor in the decision-making processes, Mashamaite (2014) summarised that protests in South Africa are related to ineffectiveness and the lack of responsiveness to the needs of citizens seem jointly to comprise the main reason for these protests; the organisational culture of municipalities does not lend itself to effective service delivery; the intergovernmental system does not favour local municipalities; most municipalities are forced to carry the burden of failed policies; and the reaction of the role-players to the protests has been mixed, ranging from an acceptance of responsibility, and disregard to protesters demands. Most protesters have indicated that their actions are as a result of lack of services and their exclusion in the decision-making processes in their municipalities and the political office managers. The reaction of the public managers is usually characterised by apologies or blame games. Identified cases of rendering apologies come from agencies for not meeting the requirements of communities as at when due or any inconveniences created. In the same instance, blames are cast to different stakeholders for the state of things in the low-income communities, for example, government agencies and private companies accusing each other of negligence to their statutory duties. The Water and Sanitation, for instance, has blamed other agencies for not reacting vigorously enough when it became apparent, years ago, that the city’s population has increased by 50% in the past decade and was going to strain water supplies. The agencies also accused the national government of dragging its feet on capital funding for infrastructure and maintenance. In another instance, the Environment and Infrastructure Services Department blamed Eskom for dragging their feet in addressing electricity problem. Politicians also blame climate change for the water scarcity, which some researchers see it as a cop-out. When blames are being shared across various quarters, compensations inform of menial donations, reactive service delivery such as water tanker provision, cash grants and materials are given to the victims of circumstances during the violent protest. For instance, following a protest in the West of Pretoria in 2019, which wreaked havoc across the area, NGOs and other residents jumped in to help victims of the protest with blankets, clothing, food as well as other household items. This explains that donations and compensation can come from public, non-governmental, and private societies. Instance of limited humane responses or failed promises or negotiation processes often results into extended protests activities across South Africa.

19.10 Policy Implications of City Struggle for Urban Inclusion The continuation of exclusion and deprivation of poor people from having a ‘right to the city’ has continuously contributed to the struggle for existence in cities. This is

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mainly embedded on limited or no access to infrastructure and employment opportunities. This article indicates that the struggle by urban poor people to have a voice in cities remains a contentious issue. This form of struggle has demonstrated results of dissatisfaction that comes along poverty, unemployment, lack of sense of belonging and the general neglect from those tasks with formulation and implementing policies intended for economic growth. This article highlighted that the most common form of dissatisfaction is in the form of protest and some instances violent protest as result of inadequate access to services. For example, in the case of South African Cities, protests are motivated by inability of people to get sufficient services as they were promised since the demise of the apartheid system. Against this backdrop, it is of vital importance that new policy interventions should be formulated with and for the people, and they should speak to the needs of people; for example, most protest in South Africa is linked to water infrastructure and housing; therefore, new policies should prioritise increased access to affordable quality housing with all amenities and services installed. For instance, Freire et al. (2016) stress that access to decent housing is one of the most important issues that cities face when dealing with inclusion. The study also stress that the capacity of cities to deal with exclusion and equity (as well as with economic growth) is determined in large part by the decentralisation framework that defines the responsibilities of local governments. According to Arnott (2009), in developed countries, public policies may be interventionist, either providing public housing or subsidised rental housing for people unable to afford ‘decent’ housing; for example, in the USA, about 7 million households (half of the renter households) receive rental assistance. Bertaud (2015) also emphasises the urgency to use flexible but accommodating pro-active planning that will guarantee access and connectivity for the new arrivals while benefiting from the dynamics and efficiency of the informal land and housing markets. In order to minimise the risk of having a protesting society policy intervention should also be collaborative and emphasise active citizen participation so that people can be part of what they need and able to be included in decision making. This paper has rigorously articulated the reasonings behind protest and social movement indicate that protests are not just merely act of barbarism by they reflect a dysfunctional society that seek to exclude certain group of the society. Therefore, this study may also recommends that government especially local government since they are tasked with enhancing and championing the process of delivering services to the people, they should have an inclusionary participatory approach to service people, and they should also prioritise consultation with communities so that the sense of neglect from communities can be minimal. Future research also should focus on tracking the level of dissatisfaction with regard to services being delivered to people in South Africa after 1994.

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19.11 Conclusion Every city dweller has a direct and indirect ways of creating an urban space of their dream. Why urban struggle due to inequality remains a characteristic of cities in developing nations of the world, the urban poor remains the most excluded. Despite this, Jacobs (1962) quote ‘…cities have the capacity of providing something for everybody, only because and only when they are created by everyone…’ provokes the thinking that despite city inequality, the city cannot and will not survive for long if it is not re-planned to be responsive to the disadvantaged group’s needs. The reimaging and shaping of the city move it from a state of despair and exclusion to an inclusive urban society. It is evident that from this paper analysis and argument that exclusion in cities remains an issue that needs to be addressed from a planning and policy framework perspective. This is because cities especially South African Cities have become a place for spatial inequalities that can be traced back to previous injustices. The struggle for inclusion and access to infrastructure and services remains problematic and has contributed to mixed emotions that result in unfavourable responses by the communities. This paper highlighted that social movements can be considered as a response to a failing society embedded in exclusion, dissatisfaction and neglect that city dwellers face when they need to be provided with services. Using an interpretivist research approach to understand the experiences of people engaging in protests, this study relied on secondary data as a means of collecting relevant and required information. In further concluding remarks, this study demonstrated that the struggle for services in South Africa is mainly rooted in segregation and hence there is a persistence of service delivery protests. The literature for this study has revealed that factors such as corruption, mismanagement of fund and lack of public participation are the major contributions to the failure of government to deliver services to people. This study outlined and discussed the fact that protests in South Africa specifically are driven by diverse community struggle and agitation for better living conditions especially in low-income communities/informal settlements influenced by the lack of access to adequate infrastructure and services. This paper also recognises the implications for policy framework presented by the argument of this paper, and it concludes by stating that policy intervention should promote and prioritise active citizen participation so that people can be part of what they need and able to be included in decision making. This study also indicated that community engagement in a bottom-up system of governance that gives room for engagement, dialogue and negotiation remains a sustainable and less destructive process to infrastructure provision for urban poor. Alluding to this, Breuer et al. (2014) through a case study identified that bottom-up approach assists in a collective and collaborative planning of city to sustainability. They proposed that enhancing local innovation cannot be divulged of bottom-up approach in planning. As posited by Alverti et al. (2016), to identify the relevance of people participation is critical to promoting local community smarter intervention

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towards the setting planning. To this end, Popoola and Magidimisha (2020) point out that the local people were a critical part of infrastructure provision and spatial livability of spaces. This paper also argued that away from the destructive radicalism, civil societies and non-governmental associations remain a potent force to shaping the mechanism of communal advocacy in service and infrastructure related protest. The view was that formal coordination as a protest leader by the civil societies will assist in coordinating and calming the infrastructure protest anger of the urban poor during protests. Thus, the blockage of roads, destruction of properties, loss of life and city shut down are reduced if not totally prevented. Haven said this, the place of responsive governance that is participatory and acknowledges service negotiation agreements between protesting communities and service managers is critical to preventing and bringing an end to continuous protests. The protest process analysis from the study shows that community protests have often become a relevant tool for attracting city managers attention to the needs of the public. However, the instances of the repeated protests are somehow a reflection of failed commitments and meeting of the negotiation agreements by various parties. This study also identified the need for public and private stakeholders to adhere to negotiation, political processes agreements and plans which is important to sustainable service delivery for urban vulnerable groups. The argument props from the politicisation of the negotiation process towards inclusive service delivery for urban poor. Haven stated this, the study limitation brings to fore the journalistic and emotional narrative tendencies of communal agitations and protests by media professionals or authors of the articles. The authors still align with the argument that the reportage of community experience must best be understood from an ‘A-political’ investigator and narrator. This was further limited with the COVID-19 pandemic which limited the possibility of engaging in primary data capture techniques such as the interviews of urban poor, informal settler, non-governmental organisations and political stakeholders.

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Ayobami Abayomi Popoola is a trained Geographer and now an Urban and Regional Planner with a lifelong interest in how planning and plans shape human wellbeing and livelihood. He has a Ph.D. Town and Regional Planning, from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Dr. Popoola is currently a part of the team in the SARChI Chair for Inclusive Cities project, SOBEDS, UKZN. His research interest is focused on rural and city planning, human livelihood, and wellbeing studies. Nunyi Vachaku Blamah is a Ph.D. student in Town and Regional Planning program at UKZN, Durban, South Africa. He holds a B.Tech (Hons) in Urban and Regional Planning from the Federal University of Technology Yola and an Msc. in Environmental and Resources Planning, University of Jos, both in Nigeria. He is registered with Town Planners Registration Council of Nigeria and his research interests covers urban land use, transport, environment, Road Safety, sustainability and inclusive development.

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Choene Mosima is a lecturer in Town and Regional Planning at University of KwaZulu-Natal. His interests are in GIS, land use planning and planning law. Mr Mosima completed his first degree in Soil Science from the University of Limpopo, MSc in Geo-Information Science and Earth Observation from ITC Faculty, University of Twente and a Master of Town and Regional Planning from University of Pretoria and currently working on his Ph.D. concept proposal. Mjabuliseni Nkosi holds a Master’s degree in Town and Regional Planning (UKZN) and he works for eThekwini Municipality Development Planning Department which is responsible for assessing land development applications for township establishments rezoning, consolidations and subdivisions. His Ph.D. will focus on Gentrification and Exclusion on the urban poor. Samuel Medayese holds a Bachelor of Technology and Master’s degree in Urban and Region Planning from Federal University of Technology Minna and University of Ibadan, two of the most highly rated Universities in Urban Planning in Nigeria. He works as a Lecturer in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the Federal University of Technology Minna. He is currently carrying out his Ph.D. Research in the Department of Town Planning at the University of KwaZulu Natal, where he is currently researching of the lines of interlink within sustainable development, urban liveability and inclusive physical development in North Central Nigeria. Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design. Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy.

Chapter 20

Closing Remarks on Inclusive Cities Lovemore Chipungu and Hangwelani H. Magidimisha-Chipungu

Abstract This chapter provides a platform to reflect on the various perspectives and discussions that were presented in this book under different contexts. Put together, these different chapters are a collection of realities that are observed and experienced in different cities. Therefore, this chapter thematically summarises these lived experiences in an effort to create a common understanding which cuts across the board. These are systematically presented in a diagram format, and appropriate recommendations are equally provided. However, it should be acknowledged that given different contextual backgrounds, there are no universal solutions that can be used to solve prevailing challenges. Hence, this chapter provides broad guidelines that can be modified to suit local dynamics. The authors acknowledge the fact that the best solutions can only be achieved by analysing and understanding local situations before designing intervention measures that are responsive to challenges. Keywords Strategy · Guidelines · Recommendations · Policy · Frameworks The search for inclusivity in global cities will remain unreachable if governments do not take drastic measures to arrest gulping gaps of inequality. Ever-increasing migrations to the city coupled with the high pace of urbanisation are not helping this situation. Instead, these factors (among others) are exacerbating the already futile situation. What makes the whole scenario worse is the fact that forces that contribute towards creating pillars of inequality are dynamic and their levels of mutation are beyond corrective measures governments are currently implementing. These are further fuelled by half-hearted policy measures (punctuated by inadequate doses of financial injection) which perpetuate the status quo. Indeed, the structural dimensions of inequality at work today are equally increasing at the same pace as was witnessed yesteryear under colonial powers. However, that does not rob contemporary governments the need and opportunity to provide workable remedies L. Chipungu (B) · H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu School of the Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 H. H. Magidimisha-Chipungu and L. Chipungu (eds.), Urban Inclusivity in Southern Africa, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81511-0_20

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in order to achieve inclusivity in cities. The concluding remarks in this chapter take a niche from the empirical evidence provided in the various chapters to articulate befitting recommendations that can contribute towards remedying prevailing issues of exclusivity. However, it must be emphasised that there is no universal remedy in this regard. Each strand of inequality must be weighed within its own context in order to prescribe remedial measures that are responsive to each situation. There are five (5) thematic positions taken in this book and each of them is a collection of complex and dynamic forces that cannot be disentangled through one solution. Most of them border on policy issues which in essence are messy and do not easily respond to universal prescriptions. Therefore, the recommendations that follow in this chapter should not be treated as prescriptions—but as guidelines that can be used to stimulate further debate and can be applied where necessary in adaptable contexts. One fundamental solution that contributes to building inclusivity revolves around creating employment by investing in the urban economy. The argument proffered in this regard is that empowering the urban poor through employment contributes significantly towards liberating them economically. This in turn would eradicate the dependency syndrome where most people look forward to the governments and other charity organisations for “handouts” in the form of food, housing and grants. A vibrant urban economy also reduces pressure on the government fiscus thereby allowing re-channelling government resources to other equally needy areas such as infrastructure which is the backbone of any urban economy. Hence, this requires pro-activeness on the part of both the central and local governments in the arena of policy-making (and associated by-laws) to make them responsive to pressing issues. More so, the “winning card” to such economic intervention measures can be found in public–private partnerships. The government alone, faced with a mammoth of pressing demands, cannot achieve this alone. While there are counter arguments to these recommendations, the bottom line is that economic empowerment is a structural solution upon which other strands of remedial measures can be built. More so, there are no guidelines that can solve economic problems on their own—but they have to be considered and implemented collectively in order to have a remarkable impact. A summary of guidelines in support of economic intervention measures is given in Table 20.1. Housing emerges as one of the most critical themes in this book. Its multifaceted nature coupled with the fact that it expresses the human dimension of inequality makes it the centre of this discourse. For instance, within this theme, there are a number of sub-themes that are directly linked to it such as the sub-themes on women, infrastructure and disability (among others). Therefore, any proposed recommendations meant to improve inclusivity of the city from a housing perspective will equally impact positively or negatively on other facets of the urban economy. In this regard, it is imperative that guidelines provided under housing should be read and understood within the context of other guidelines in order to avoid confusion, contradiction and conflict in such resolutions. A glance at Table 20.2 shows that intervention measures to improve access to housing revolve around the need to address mindsets, promote participation in housing development, address land shortages and promote incentives

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Table 20.1 Guidelines to stimulate economic development Strategy

Description

Flexible and accommodative urban policies • Develop policies that are responsive to local needs • By-laws should embrace emerging local needs • Develop investment plans that enable implementation of economic projects • Provide targeted tax incentives for firms that support and invest in small-scale economic activities • Assess and monitor all economic investment programmes • Promote mixed development to allow diversity in economic development Public–Private sector partnerships

• Allow stakeholder collaboration and partnerships at all levels and in all sectors • Shift from competition to avoid monopolistic tendencies that lead to exclusion • Support entrepreneurship programmes through provision of funding and collateral arrangements

Infrastructure

• Provide infrastructure to support economic activities • Upgrade infrastructure where it is in poor state or inadequate to support economic development • The cost of providing infrastructure should be governed by budgetary limitations of beneficiaries

Source Author (2021)

to diversify housing production. This is closely related to government policy frameworks supported by prevailing funding mechanisms available to support provided recommendations and guidelines. Among the vulnerable people in the urban environment are people living with disabilities. A closer analysis of the urban physical environment shows that this is a “forgotten” section of the population whose existence is neglected. While the constitution and other policy pronunciations do acknowledge their existence, developments (which guide investment into infrastructure and other services) are not accommodative of their needs. Prevailing evidence documented in this book shows that people living with disabilities are plagued with a multitude of personal and city-wide problems that require concerted efforts to diminish them. These range from the need to recognise them so that they can participate at various development fora, provision of appropriate supportive infrastructure within the city environments to the provision of affordable and appropriate housing facilities. Table 20.3 summarises some of these intervention measures. At the same, it must be emphasised that disability does not translate into inability—a factor which insinuates that once people living with disabilities are provided with supportive mechanisms, they are equally capable of achieving their own destiny.

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Table 20.2 Guidelines to promote housing production Strategy

Description

Changing housing beneficiaries’ mindsets • Educate people about the value of housing as an asset • Educate housing beneficiaries about housing policies and their implication • Housing beneficiaries should be made aware that housing provision is not only a government responsibility Participation

• Allow the participation of beneficiaries in the housing development process • Encourage participation of the private sector and other stakeholders in the development of housing especially for low income households

Incentives

• Provide tax incentives for firms that invest in low income housing • Provide supporting packages (such as free land) for low income groups who engage in housing production

Land

• Explore other measures to acquire land in locations close to opportunities, e.g. compulsory acquisition • Such measure should target vacant or and under-utilised land in strategic locations • Design and implement land banking strategies for future urban development • Allocate land and other supporting infrastructure to allow cultural practices within housing neighbourhoods

Source Author (2021) Table 20.3 Guidelines to address gaps for people living with disability Strategy

Description

Policy frameworks

• There is need to put responsive policies in place • Where policies exist (such as in IDPs), the needs of people living with disabilities should be addressed • Incorporate sign language in school curricula to accommodate the blind • Minimise dependence on grants and other handouts

Participation

• All stakeholders should be included in the preparation of policies and the designing of the physical environment • Conscientise people about disability through leaflets, brochures, policy briefs as an interim way

Technological advancement • Use of autonomous vehicles could be used to improve the mobility of people living with disabilities • Customised transport applications for commuters including PWDs can be developed Source Author (2021)

20 Closing Remarks on Inclusive Cities

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In conclusion, it must be categorically emphasised that the city is a “living organism” with many structural facets that are interlinked. Hence for the city to function efficiently, all these facets must be in a state of equilibrium. However, achieving this level of balance in all sectors of the urban economy is an illusive fit which most cities are chasing. This in turn explains the magnitude of disharmony and in balance which manifest itself in various forms of exclusions. What emerges from this book is the understanding that achieving inclusivity in any city requires governments to analyse the nature of prevailing challenges contextually. The different themes discussed in this book, supported by diverse theories (used as analytical frameworks) and methodological tools (fused during data collection and analysis), are all pointers to the complexity of factors that impact on inclusivity. Hence, the emphasis in this regard is that there are no universal solutions to the challenge—but guidelines that should be taken within the context of each city and analysed to their logical conclusion. But more so, a prognosis of each theme reveals unique attributes which need to be holistically understood before engaging any course of action. Therefore, the complexity of forces at work, coupled with the rate of responsiveness from stakeholders, will always determine the pace and extend to which inclusivity in cities is achieved.

Lovemore Chipungu is an associate Professor at University of Kwazu-Natal. He holds a Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, a Master’s Degree in Rural and Urban Planning as well as a Bachelor of Science Degree (Honours) in Rural and Urban Planning. He is an active member of the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners as well as a Corporate Member of the South African Planning Institute. He has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and his areas of interest are in housing policy, urban land and housing and urban design. Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha-Chipungu She is a professor and SARChI chair for Inclusive Cities at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. Head of Town and Regional Planning Unit at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. She serves on a number of boards at both national and international levels. She has also won numerous awards of excellence based on her work which has received international recognition. She has published widely in peer-reviewed journals and books; and her areas of interest are Inclusive Cities, Spatial Planning, Urban Design, Migration and Planning policy.