Ural-Altaic Studies 1 (1) 2009 9781463234188

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ISSN 1562-1391 ISBN 978-1-4632-0081-7

Journal of Philology Ural-Altaic Studies Scientific Journal JVo 1 / U A

(1)

2 0 0 9

Established in 2009 Published twice a

year

Editor-in-Chief A. V. Dybo Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences Deputy Editor-in-Chief Yu. V. Normanskaja Executive Editor I. A. Gruntov, V. Yu. Gusev Editorial Board G. F. Blagova, P. P. Dambueva, A. I. Kuznecova, 0 . A. Mudrak, S. A. Myznikov, I. Nikolaeva (Great Britain), F. Sh. Nurieva, G. C. Pyurbeev, M. Robbeets (Belgium/Germany), I. Ya. Selyutina, R. A. Tadinova, Z. N. Ekba Advisory Board V. M. Alpatov, A. E. Anikin, R. G. Ahmet'yanov, M. Bakro-Nagy (Hungary), V. Blazek (Czech Republic), N. I. Egorov, M. Erdal (Germany), T. M. Garipov, F. G. Hisamitdinova, L. Honti (Hungary), I. V. Kormushin, I. L. Kyzlasov, J. Laakso (Austria), K. M. Musaev, D. M. Nasiiov, I. A. Nevskaya (Germany), T. Riese (Austria), K. Schonig (Germany), N. N. Shirobokova, E. K. Skribnik (Germany), P. A. Slepcov, M. Stachowski (Poland) Moscow IK03HaHII5[ P A H

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Editorial note The decision to create a new semi-annual series "Ural-Altaic Studies" within "Journal of Philology" was made during the conference "Historical Linguistics. Altaistics. Turcology" (June 4—7 2009, Moscow). The importance of such a journal became evident after one of the PIAC sessions, which took place in Inner Mongolia. The research on Altaic languages and writing systems done in China and on Taiwan was very well represented in this conference. Many researchers, who have made a lot of progress in their specific field of study, but didn't have a good picture of the general situation in the study of Uralic and Altaic languages and didn't know very well the works of each other, have finally met during these two conferences. These meetings were rather fruitful and showed the necessity of a journal accessible for everyone. Indeed, we very rarely see papers by Russian authors, especially authors from the provinces, in such established journals as Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica, Mitteilungen der Societas UraloAltaica, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher (published by Societas Uralo-Altaica), Finnisch-ugrische Forschungen, and in relatively new, but already reputable journals, such as International Journal of Central Asia Studies, Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen, Although, Russian researchers are extensively involved in field work, language description, and they develop unique methods of linguistic analysis, their scientific papers are often published in small numbers, and distributed only in the town or city, where the author lives, and sometimes are not distributed at all, but are collected in institute's store-rooms. Interesting and valuable results become inaccessible not only for foreign scholars, but even for researchers from other cities and towns. The situation with the accessibility of works by European, American and Chinese researchers for Russian scholars is similar. During the last 15—20 years Russian libraries don't receive books and journals from abroad. Researchers get access to foreign research only through personal connections; they receive reprints and monographs as gifts or make copies of necessary literature in the libraries during their trips abroad. We hope that creation of our journal will help to eliminate this information gap. For one thing, "Issues in Philology. Ural-Altaic Studies" is the only Russian journal on Altaic and Uralic languages reviewed by the State Commission for Academic Degrees and Titles. Collecting papers for the first issue of the journal,

we felt that Russian scholars are very eager to publish their work in this journal. Secondly, about half of editorial board and advisory board are leading foreign specialists in Uralic and Altaic languages. We also hope that their students and followers will be actively participating in the life of the journal. Our journal is aimed primarily for linguists, specialists in the languages of Uralic and Altaic groups. But we hope to also attract those authors, specialists in history, ethnography and theory of literature (and other areas), who are interested in information exchange with linguists. The problem of information exchange is, certainly, very close to the general question of scientific level of published papers. Following the example of Journal of Central Asia Studies' editorial board, we inform that the decision to publish a certain paper is based on the marks (from 1 to 5) given by two independent reviewers on four criteria: 1) Criterion of "scientific novelty": the paper must contain a representative amount of new material, collected by the author during field work or presentation of new results in interpretation of already collected material. Publication of a review is possible if such review contains author's point of view. Republication of one's own papers is not permitted. More than one third of information in a paper must be published for the first time in a certain language (i.e., if a paper was published previously in a national language, Tatar for instance, its subsequent publication in the journal in Russian or English is permitted). 2) Criterion "acquaintance with the literature on the question": the paper should take into account not only theoretical and descriptive works bearing relation to the problem in the studied language, but also achievements on similar issues in other world languages. For example, if we have a study of deep cases in Mari language, it would be useful to account for works on deep case in English, Russian and other European languages, as well as similar research on Finno-Ugric languages. Another example: comparative or historical semantic research should account for the data in all established etymological dictionaries of the languages being analyzed. 3) Criterion of "scientific value." 4) Criterion "value of presentment."

12

If the two latter criteria require expert evaluation, the first two are more objective and verifiable; therefore, we have explained their meaning in more detail. We plan to maintain these criteria, when selecting works for our journal. But if, regardless of knowledge of the literature, reviewers do find certain value in the work, editorial staff reserves the right to offer the author to elaborate his or her work. With regard to the difficult situation with scientific literature in modern Russia, editorial staff will gladly help authors find necessary publications. In particular, many important and useful works can be downloaded from "Monumenta Altaica" website (http://altaica.ru), created and maintained by I. Grountov, executive secretary of editorial board. Besides publication of scientific papers, we plan several other sections in the journal (not necessarily in every issue). "Discussion" section. The work with comments on it can be placed in this section in two cases: 1) if

Editorial note

any editor or reviewer has substantial comments on one of the papers selected for publication, 2) If a specialist in the field wants to share such comments after reading a published paper. Comments have to go through a regular reviewing procedure. In the "Personalia" section we publish information about prominent specialists, whose work is related to the topics of the journal. In the "Current Events" section we will announce conferences, congresses and symposiums thematically relevant to the journal. In the "Reviews" section we plan to publish reviews of books on relevant subjects published during the last 10 years. We accept papers in Russian, English, and German languages. If the author is not a native speaker of the language, he or she has to have the paper proofread by a native speaker. Editorial staff

©2009

Vaclav Blazek

Koguryo and Altaic On the role of Koguryo and other Old Korean idioms in the Altaic etymology There were at least three various language areas on the Korean Peninsula in the 1st millennium A.D. They were named according to the old kingdoms: Silla in the Southeast, Paekche in the Southwest and Koguryo in the North, including South Manchuria. The language of Koguryo seems to be the closest relative of Japanese, the languages of Paekche and Silla were apparently the closest relatives of one another. Silla is an immediate predecessor of Middle Korean. So, the etymological study of the relics of these languages, although their identification is sometimes difficult (cf. [Robbeets 2007]), is extraordinary important in any research in the field of linguistic prehistory of the Far East. The purpose of the present contribution is to summarize the most promising reconstructions of Koguryo, and particularly also Paekche (plus, exceptionally, Silla) lexical data, to compare them with their cognates in other Altaic languages. The main source of the reconstructed Koguryo lexical data is the most recent monograph of Christopher I. Beckwith ([Beckwith 2007], further B), occasionally the reconstructions of Itabashi and other scholars are added. Beckwith has collected the richest set of the Koguryo lexemes which were published till the present time. His material really confirms that the closest relative of Koguryo is Japanese, not Korean. From this point of view, the Koguryo language may be interpreted only as 'old Korean', i.e. in a geographical sense. On the other hand, Beckwith does not accept the genetic relationship between Japanese-Koguryo and Korean or Altaic at all, explaining all similarities via convergent processes. In spite of his skepticism, his material offers a unique occasion to demonstrate that the Koguryo-Altaic links are significantly stronger than it was documented earlier. The present study brings Koguryo data into Altaic context, includes Silla and Paekche material, discusses them, and thus initiates a réévaluation of the present views. The Altaic comparanda are chosen especially from the three-volume compendium of Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (EDAL), usually supplemented by references to [Robbeets 2005] (= R) for her careful comments and healthy criticism. Occasionally the other important lexica are used too, e.g. VEWT & ESTJa, KW, SSTMJa, SKE & PKE etc. The result of c. 90 Koguryo lexemes with more or less probable Altaic cognates from the total number of c. 150 collected by Beckwith and Itabashi seems quite promising for a positive conclusion concerning the Altaic affiliation of Koguryo. Vaclav Blazek: Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies Faculty of Arts, Masaryk University, Brno. Czech Republic. ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

A. Koguryo lexicon The following examples of Koguryo words are reconstructed especially on the basis of the glossed toponyms collected in the chronicle Samguk Sagi, A.D. 1145. A.l. Koguryo lexemes with Altaic parallels 1. OK **ha : *fay [ g ] 'foot ( £ ) ' — OJap *a [iSr] id., and derivatives as *asi [ H ^ ] id. (B 120). Alt: Tung *(x)aju 'knucklebone' (SSTMJa I, 23). In EDAL (292—93) it is derived from Alt *al'cà 'knucklebone; foot': Tung + Mong *(h)alcu id. + Tu *(i)al(c)uk 'id., ankle joint' + PJap *àsì 'foot' > OJap asi, in compounds a-. Note: In Tung there are two forms, differentiated in both SSTMJa and EDAL: (i) *('x)ajù-(kàn) (SSTMJa I, 23: Ewenki, Solon), (ii) *(x)alcu-kan (SSTMJa I, 34: Negidal, Oroch, Ulcha, Nanai, Manchu), while Dybo [Dybol988: 124] connected them together. In EDAL 85, the reflex of the Altaic cluster *-l'c- is double in Tungusic, i.e. *l ~ *j, without specific conditions (discussed in R 470—71). 2. OK **daip : *atp [fEp] / *yap / *yap [5=5;] 'west (H)' (B 120: OK + OJap yama 'darkness', but it is derived from Alt *jima 'dark, quiet' > ?Mong *jim 'calmness, quietness' || MKor cjèmir- 'to become dark' || PJap *dàmùi > OJap yami [iiz,7^] 'darkness' (see EDAL 1537; R 937—38). There are other alternatives: (i) Alt *jip'u 'evening, darkness': Tung *jip-ku'to dusk' || PJap *dupu > OJap yupu 'evening' (EDAL 1538; R 950). (ii) Alt *ipe ~ *iape 'cold, winter': Tung *iba-ksa 'frazil' || Mong *ebiil 'winter' (EDAL 589). 3. AK *yapma [Hl§] 'great mountains (y*vlli)' > *yagp(m) > OK **haip : *aip [fEp] / *yaip [llp^] / *kaip [lllEp] / *-ap 'high mountain, crag, peak (IM ~ 15)' (B 121: AK + OJap yama [ ^ f f i ] 'mountain'; cf. R 937 on cognates of OJap). Alt *op'V 'hill, heap of stones': Mong *obuya 'heap of stones, grave hill' || Tu *dpur 'rough, uneven ground' (EDAL 1059). Note: B 121 also connects OK **haip : *atp [fEp] 'cave, cavern, hole (/X)', *aip [fEp] 'tube ( f t ) ' with OK **haip : *aip [fEp] 'high mountain', so 'a hole in a mountain'?

c()mjiojio™m. Cepwa «Ypa^o-amaiiCKue iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

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VÀCLA VBLAZER. Koguryo and Altaic

4. OK **i : *yi [§*] 'to enter ( A ) ' — OJap *ir- / *yir- [#^L] id. (B 121: -r- should correspond with the OJap verbal formative -ra). Alt *ire 'to come, enter': Tung *i- 'to enter' || Mong *ire- 'to come' || Tu *er- 'to reach, pass' || Koguryo i- 'to enter' (after Lee) || PJap *ita-r- 'to reach' (EDAL 590; R 564—65; PJap *ir- 'to enter' is preferred as corresponding to Kor tir- id.). 5. OK **i: *yi [§*] 'breeze, wind (JH)' — ? (B 121). Cf. Tung *i3a 'wind' (SSTMJa I, 298). 6. OK **katp : *katp [^P] / *katpi / *katppi [^Ptb] 'cave, cavern, hole(/X)' — OJap *kapi [jf th ~ Rlfch] 'gorge, gap between mountains (B 123). Alt: Mong; WrMong gab a. 'Ritze, Spalt, Riss' (KW 147; cf. VEWT 215). In EDAL 655, PJap *kdpi 'valley between mountains' is compared with Tung *keber- 'plain, steppe, meadow' || Mong * keyere 'steppe, desert' < Alt *keba(rV) 'field, steppe', but the semantic correspondence is rather vague. Cf. also R 577. 7. OK **kakey : *kakey [jjtljii] 'leek-blossom ( * ) ' — OJap *ka [jjn] 'scent, odor ( # ) ' + *ki K ] 'onion (M)' (B 123). Alt *giatju 'wild onion': Tung *gutjur 'garlic' || Tu *gEmiirgen 'wild onion or garlic' || PJap *k(u)i 'sp. of onion or garlic' (EDAL 549; R 616). Note: Alternatively Mong *gogu- 'sp. of wild leek' (EDAL 563) could be taken in account. 8. OK **kami : *kammi [tf 1 ;^] 'vulture ( I f ) ' (B 123). Cf. Kor kamagui 'crow, raven', from Kor kem- : kam- 'black' (SKE 91) < MKor k§m-, kam- 'black' and other forms from N°14. 9. OK **kan : *kgn [|[|] 'head' — OJap *ka- in *kabu [jjn^] 'head (BM)' < *ka-n-pu, *kaube [ilD^fp] < *kau-n-pe, *kapo [njfg] 'face' (B 123). Alt *k'amp'a 'top (of head)': Tung *kiama/*kiapa 'temple, face' || Tu *K(i)amak/*K(i)apak 'forehead, front part' || MKor kama 'crown of head' || PJap *kam(p)- 'top, head' (EDAL 687—88; R 573, 587). Note: Maybe related is AK **ka : *ka [jj[l] 'tribal chief, official, minister (H* • cf. Silla **ka / **kan 'subordinate ruler' — OJap *ka- 'head', cf. OK *kcin 'head' (B 122). 10. OK **kati: *kati / *katsi 'east (|g)' — OJap *kasi / *-katsi in *pimukatsi 'east', cf. OJap *kdti / *koti 'east wind (JtJU,)' (B 124: perhaps from *ka + *-ti / *-si 'wind'). Alt *kledd 'wind, fog': Tung *xedun 'wind' || Mong *kude?j 'fog, mist' || Tu *Kad 'wind, whirlwind' || PJap *kgti 'East wind' (EDAL 771—72; R 643).

11. OK **kgwm : *kdwtj(m)- [St)(7f\)] 'bear (fg)' — OJap *kuma id. (B 124; Itabashi 2003: 144: Koguryo kum ~ kun [5t)7(\] = *kom ~ *kuymu id. by Vovin 1986: 100); cf. also Paekche koma 'bear' (Lee 1977: 41) = *koma ~ *kuma 'bear' (Vovin 1986: 101). Alt *kiàmù 'beaver; bear': Tung *kuma 'seal' || Tu *Kama 'beaver, otter' || MKor kdm 'bear' || PJap *kùmà 'bear' (EDAL 688; R 652). 12. OK **key : *key

/ ke 'king ( i ) ' , cf.

OK **makrikey [Jlfltjii] 'regent', lit. 'true king' — AJap *key in *keymi [St?^] 'king's wife ( 3 i ® ) ' , OJap *ki in *kimi [ K Ì I ] 'lord, ruler (^f • 3i)', *kimuK 5 E ] 'prince, duke cf. Puyo-Paekche *key/*ki 'king' (B 124—25: perhaps all from MChin *gai /*ge: 'king' < OChin [Baxter 1992: 796] *gra or [Starostin 1989: 561] *g(h)ra). Alt *k'iótji 'head of clan': Tung *(x)urj- 'head (of clan, kin), chief || Tu *K(i)atj 'father' || MKor kù'ti 'office, officer' || PJap *kimi 'lord' (EDAL 807; R 618). / *yey Note: Related may be OK **key : *key [ i j ] 'military, martial (K)', or cf. OK **kir 'brave' (B 125). 13. OK **keyr : *keylir [il^P] 'canine tooth ( i f ) ' — OJap *ki [IK] 'canine tooth (3f)' (B 125). Alt *k'iuge 'palate, jaw': Tung *xukte 'tooth' || ?Mong *koyemej 'throat, pharynx' || Tu *Kogme 'gum of tooth' || MKor kdhum 'jaw' || PJap *k(u)i 'fang' (EDAL 815; R 614). Note: The final *-r !*-lir appears also in OK **kur / **kir : *kulir / *Mlir [ j U P ] 'heart ( J |j)' (B 128) — it probably represents the marker of the paired body parts (cf. EDAL 220). 14. OK *k9mur 'black (H)', cf. Silla kamur [^ty] id. ([Itabashi 2003: 142]; B 166—67: OK *kim(m)ur he expresses doubts concerning the meaning 'black'). Alt *k'ume 'black; coal': Turkic *kòmiir 'coal' || MKor kSm-, kèm- 'black' || Koguryo (Miller) *kamul id. (EDAL 852). 15. OK *ki / *ku [ £ ] 'poplar, willow ( f l ) ' (B 125—26: OK + OJap *ki / *ki [§£] 'tree, wood' or its allomorph in compounds *ku [g'f] id., but it is better compatible with OK **ktr : *ktn [fx] ~ **ktr : *ktnir [fxZi] ~ **key / *yey 'tree, wood (?K)'). Alt *kiba 'sp. of a foliage tree': Tung *kibe 'birch bark' || Tu *Kibak / *Kabak 'white poplar, willow' || PJap *kàpài or *kàpia 'sp. of a cypress, Thuja' > OJap kap(j)e (EDAL 676; R 574); or alternatively Alt *k'ibà 'ash tree': Tung *xiba-gda- 'ash tree' || Mong *kiijir- > Khalkha xiijrs id. || Tu *Kebriic 'ash tree, hornbeam' || PJap *kàpiàru(n)tai 'sp. of maple' (EDAL 786—87; R 575).

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16. OK **kir : *kinlir [ f r j 3 ] 'marks, streaks, letter, writing (XY — ? (B 126). Alt *gere(bV) 'word, name, witness': Tung *gerbu 'name' || Mong *gere(-ye) 'witness, agreement' || Tu *ger-tii 'true, truth' || MKor Mr 'poetry, letter'; Koguryo *kil (after Lee) || PJap *kgtg 'word, speech' (EDAL 542; R 643—44).

23. AK **kuru / *kulu [;|fpJi] 'walled city, fort o ® ) ' > OK **1aiar : *kuar [#]

/ *Xuar

id.; cf.

Paekche *kiri 'treasury'; MKor kiri id. ([Vovin 1986: 101]: Paekche + MKor + OJap) — OJap *kura 'storehouse, treasury' (B 127—28). Alt *kuri 'fence, enclosure, building': Tung *kori 'frame, blockhouse' || Mong *kiirijen 'enclosure' || Tu *Kur- 'to erect (a building)' || PJap *kuru-wa 'fortress 17. OK **kir : *kin [ j f ] ~ **kir : *kinir [fxP] ~ embankment' (EDAL 746; R 657). Note: Related may also be OK **ktr : *ktn [fx] **key / *yey [F^] 'tree, wood — OJap *kt / *ki 'mound; ruins of a city (ij|)', cf. Puyo-Paekche *ki [IE] 'tree' (B 126). Alt k'tto 'stem, stalk': Tung *xila- 'blossom' || [ B ] 'walled city, fort (M)' (B 126). Mong *kilgana 'meadowgrass' || Tu *KU-ga(n) 'beard 24. OK **kuar : *ku3rlir [#]=•] 'rotten ( | 5 ) ' — (of grain), awn' || MKor ldri(h) 'stumb, stubble' || OJap *kut- 'to rot ()ü)', *kutur- 'to die (ifl)'; cf. PJap *kai, OJap ki 'tree' (EDAL 790; R 613—14). NJap kuso 'dung', kusa 'smelly', kusaru 'to rot', ku18. A K **kor : *kwan [ S ] 'front ( t o ) ' (B 126:

AK + NJap kao 'face' < OJap *kapaw : *ka 'head'?). Alt *k'iotja 'nose': Tung *xoya- 'nose, front part' || Mong *kamar 'nose', *kaysiyarl*koysiyar 'beek, nose' || Tu *K(i)arj-(ir) 'nose, beak, snout' || MKor ko : koh- 'nose' || PJap *kan-k- 'to smell' (EDAL 806— 07; R 576—77). 19. A K

**kor

: *kwen

[>I]

'right

(?&)' —

OJap *miki 'right' is not clear (B 126—27 thinks about a correspondence in NJap ko- 'this, previous' < OJap *ko / *kii [ f f ] < PJap *koi — see B 143 and seeks support in AK **zwir : *zwin [)[[ff] 'left ( £ ) ' vs. NJap so 'that' < OJap *zew [ i 1 ]). Cf. WrMong qoyur 'right in the middle; among themselves' (Lessing 1960: 953) < *kowrl 20. OK **kur : *guli

'pine

(B 252),

perhaps also OK **ku : *gu [{ji] 'pine (f£)' (B 127: OK + OJap *ki / *ku [g^f] 'tree' in compounds; he also mentions OK *ki / *ku [/£] 'poplar, willow (fi§)'). Alt *kdru: OJap kiiri 'chestnut' || MKor karai 'wild walnut' || Tung *kuri 'cone, nut' (R 659), or alternatively Alt *k'olV / *k'ulV (~ *-L-): Tung *xola-

'oak' || MKor kur-pam 'acorn' (EDAL 836). 21. OK **ku : *gu [\K\ 'child (m. ~ I f ) ' OJap *ko [^J] > NJap ko 'child (i=- ~ 3i)' (B 127; cf. [Itabashi 2003], K+OJ+Ewenki). Alt *kutji: Tung *kutja 'child(hood)' || Mong *kow-yiin,

*kewken

'child, son' || Tu *giiy

'female

slave' || PJap *kiia 'child' (EDAL 742; R 627). 22. A K **kweru / *kweylu

'yellow ( I t ) ' >

OK *kusr [ # ] id. — NJap ki- 'yellow' < OJap **ki / *gyi [ K ] id., in compounds NJap ko- < OJap *ka [lE'Er], implying pre-OJap *kui / koi (B 127). Alt *k'uli 'yellow, brown, grey': Mong *kujilen 'grey, bluish' || Tu *Kula 'light yellow, brown' (EDAL 849; R 614). ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

C()MJIOJIO™M.

chiru id. (B 128; cf. R 666).

Alt *gufu\ Tung *gutu- 'to disgrace' || Mong *gutu- 'to deteriorate' || Tu *Kütur 'mad, enraged' (EDAL 576; R 669). Note: In EDAL 748 PJap *küsä- 'foul, stinking' is compared with MKor Msi-'odorous' || Tung *kusu 'touchwood, dandruff, soot'. 25. OK **ku9rßiy

: *kuariy

[ H * ^ ] 'wilderness,

wasteland (jit)', cf. OK **kusr : *kugrlir [H*]13] 'rotten ( | 5 ) ' (B 128). Note: [Itabashi 2003: 144] compares it with MKor kacul- [jit] and Paekche kogrcer [jit] 'to be rough'. 26. OK **ku3rtsi

: *xuartsi [%!?%] / *kuair

/

*katsi [c 1 ?^] 'mouth ( P ) ' — N J a p kuchi < OJap *kuti

/ *kuta- [tyjffi] < pre-OJap kutui ' m o u t h '

(B 128; he speculates about a borrowing from Chinese — cf. OChin •*kho? [Starostin 1989: 560] or *kh(r)o? ' m o u t h ' [Baxter 1992: 771] < *kor

[koK]l).

Alt *kiäc'ü 'hole; mouth': Tung *kuci-n 'well; dimples' || Tu *k£cir 'trachea, cartilage' || Koguryo Ixucel 'mouth' || PJap *kuti 'mouth' (EDAL 682; R 667—68). 27. OK **kür / **kir : *külir / *Mir [ J i r F ] 'heart ( ; I J ) ' — N J a p kokoro < OJap *kikiri / *kükürü

[ n f f f S ] 'heart'; one of several reduplicated bodypart terms in Japanese (B 128; [Itabashi 2003: 143]: OK *kor [ g P ] 'heart; mind ('h)'). Alt *k'ök'e 'breast; heart': Tung *xuku-n/*kuku-n 'breast' || Mong *kökön 'breast, nipple' || Tu *gökür & *Kökrek 'breast, chest' || MKor kokäi- 'heart of wood, pith, core' || PJap 'heart' (EDAL 713— 14; R 633). Let us mention the final *-r, perhaps the specific suffix of the paired body parts (EDAL 220), occurring also in Turkic *gökür and Old Japanese kokoro. 28. OK **kutsi : *gutsi [\j\?X] 'solid, thick; hon-

est, sincere ( I : OJap *ka ["¿"J 'thick, dense' (B 129).

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?Alt *kusV 'intestine': Tung *kuci / *kusi 'large intestine, sausage' || Mong *kos, *koskinag 'large intestine, colon, rectum' (EDAL 749). 29. OK **kafiiy : *kaiy [c'j^x] 'swan / Cygnus bewicki (SI)' —NJap kugui 'swan (§J)' < OJap *kukupi the source of OJap *-pi is uncertain (B 129). Alt *kügu 'swan': Tung *küku 'swan' || Tu *Kugu id. || MKor *kdhai 'heron' || PJap *kukupi 'swan' (EDAL 733; R 652; cf. [Itabashi 2003: 144]). 30. OK *ma 'arm' [Itabashi 2003: 158], Alt *mäna 'hand, paw': Tung *mana 'paw (o an animal) || Tu *bÄn- 'sole of foot' (EDAL 902: Tung + Tu) || Korean man 'hand', mandi- 'fingern, mit den Händen betasten', man d'ilda 'arbeiten' (PKE 105— 06; KED: 'to make, to manufacture'). 31. OK **mawr : *mawir 'round, circle (HI)' — Jap maru 'round (thing), circle', mawaru 'to turn around' (B 129). Alt *müra 'round; to turn': Tung *murV- 'to walk round; round' || Mong *murui 'curve' || Tu *bur(a)'to twist, wind round' || Korean muri 'halo, ring around the sun or moon' || PJap *mara 'round' (EDAL 956; R 680). 32. OK **meru : miära [MH] 'colt (,ffij)' — OJap *uma [ ^ J l f ] 'horse (IS)'; cf. OChin and other parallels (B 129—30; [Itabashi 2003: 146]). Alt *morV 'horse': Tung *murin 'horse' || Mong *mori(n) id. || ?K *bura 'soul of a sacrificial animal (horse)' || MKor mar 'horse' (EDAL 945). 33. OK **mey : *mey [fa] 'water (7}C); river (J 11)' — OJap *mi [H] 'water (7JC)' (B 130). Add Silla mur [U] 'river, water (7JC)' [Itabashi 2003: 146—47], Alt *miuri 'water': Tung *mü 'water' || Mong *mören 'river' || MKor mir 'water' || PJap *mi(-n-tu) 'water' || cf. Tu *jag-mur 'rain' = 'falling *water' (EDAL 935—36; cf. R 688). 34. AK **meytj : *miaytj [B^|] / *mgwtj [ d ] > OK **mey : *mey [fa] 'excellent, good (i#)' / **mew : *muw id. — OJap *mi [=¡1] 'exalted, honored (fP)'(B 130—31). Alt: Tu *bäj 'rich, noble; many, numerous' (VEWT 56; EDAL 340—41 otherwise). 35. OK **meyr: *meylir [ H J 3 ] 'garlic ( f f ) ' — OJap *mira / *miratj [=¡1 i y 'leeks, Chinese chives, fragrantflowered garlic (II), shallot, scallion ( Ü )' (B 131). Alt *menrV 'garlic, onion': Tung: Oroch metjgulike 'sp. of an edible grass-like plant' || Mong *matjgir, matjgina 'wild onion, ramson' || MKor mänär 'garlic' || Koguryo *mail (Lee) || PJap *mira 'onion' (EDAL 912; R 690). ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

36. OK *miy [{ft] 'female (P#)' — OJap *mi [H ~ / *me / *mey [m] ¡ *mina 'woman, female' (B 131; cf. R 686). Ramstedt (SKE 147) connected Kor + Solon bener 'brother or sister of my wife', cf. MKor mjènàri 'daughter-in-law' (cf. EDAL 896) and Tung *bener 'younger relative-in-law' (SSTMJa I, 125; cf. EDAL 339). In PKE 110 he explained -ari in the MKor form as the diminutive suffix and added the comparison of Jap me 'woman', Ryukyu mi id. Note: Cf. also the compounds OK **miylér : *miykin [iJbir] 'scholar tree / Sophora japónica (®|)' < *mi9 'female (P#)'? + **kir 'tree' (B 131) — see JSbl7; and OK **mitjpar : *mitjbuar 'grain (fit)', cf. OK **par : *palir [ J S P ] 'second growth paddy rice' — OJap *par- [ S M ] 'to open up a new rice paddy ( g ) ' (B 131). 37. OK *mir [?g] 'three ( = ) ' ; cf. Silla *mir '3' [Itabashi 2003: 147] — OJap *mi [;1] id. (B 132). In EDAL (pp. 1032—33; cf. also R 692) PJap *mi- '3' is compared with Mongolian *gu(rban) '3' and Turkic *otur '30' or *üc ~ *oc '3' and all is derived from PAltaic *y\iu]. With the same probability it is possible to connect Japanese, Koguryo and Silla numerals with Mongolian, all derivable from *tjiur-. Compatible is also MKor nirkop '7', analyzed a 'three bent' by Ramstedt (SKE 77, 124, 167; cf. also [Blazek 1999: 131]). Interesting is Korean tug 'some few', traditionally derived from *'two or three' (SKE 275). Vovin [Vovin 1993: 252, 256] reconstructs the MKor starting point as *two.ne(h), implying *ne(h) = '3'. 38. OK *mur 'roof-beam, bridge (B 132: OK + NJap mune 'roof-ridge beam < OJap *mune ~ ip-flf], homonymous with OJap *mune 'breast'); cf. Silla *murih 'mountain' (Lee 1977, 80). Alt *müro 'tree, forest': Tung *md 'tree' || Mong *modu 'tree' || MKor mòro, mài : mdih 'mountain, wood, forest' || PJap *méri > OJap m(w)ori 'forest' (EDAL 956; R 700). Note: Interesting is Kor dial. (Casòng & Kanggye regions) muthu 'tree' (PKE 118: Kor + Mong). 39. OK **na : *na i *nay g f ] 'bamboo (ft)' — OJap *no / *ngy / *narj [t£] 'arrow bamboo, bamboo used for making arrows ( ^ • f u t í ' ^c)' a n d NJap shino < OJap *sino / *sina [Jff^l] / *tsimy 'small bamboo ( / h f t ) , a kind of bamboo (Ü)', plus -nai in NJap shinay 'bamboo sword' (B 132). Alt: Tung *nawi 'pole, rod' (SSTMJa I, 578) || ?Tu *jaj 'bow' (VEWT 186: from *jan). Cf. EDAL 960; R 735. 40. OK **na : *naw [fg] / *n ay [Ñ] 'land, earth (J^)', *nay [J1]} 'province, prefecture (ffi)'; cf. Paekche *na ~ *ra 'earth' [Vovin 1986: 101] — OJap *na[§|3] in *nawi [i|3JS,] 'earthquake (ift/St)\ maybe

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NJap suna 'sand'; cf. also OK *no ~ i f ] 'land, earth (ig)' (B 132). Alt *nalV 'earth, land': Tung *na 'earth' || Mong *nala- 'extensive, wide' || Tu *jalay 'field, steppe' || MKor narah 'country' (EDAL 962; R 714). Note: Related can be OK **na : *na [§|3] / *ngy [ftf] 'in, inside ( f t ) ' — OJap *na [§|3] 'inside, middle (4 1 )', *naka / *nayka [ ^ J n ] 'inside, middle (4 1 )' (B 132—33). 41. OK **nair : *nwair [ f t Z , ] 'sand ()j>)'; cf. Paekche *nari 'river', Silla *na id., MKor nai : naih'river' < OKor *nari (Kono) or *narik ([Lee 1977: 80]; see B 15, 133: OK **na 'land, earth' + OK **(w)ir 'well, spring' —NJap suna 'sand' < OJap *su [M] 'sand (¿J>), sandbank' + unattested *na-, known from the compound *nawi 'earthquake'). Alt *najV(rV) 'lake, river': Tung *niaru 'lake, swamp' || Mong *nayur 'lake' || MKor nai (naih-) 'river' (EDAL 961; OK & Silla data support the reconstruction *najVrVas only satisfactory). 42. OK **namey : *nwgymey [ftyH] 'rough water [such as below a waterfall] (;H>tfc)'; cf. Paekche *namu ~ *nami 'sea' [Vovin 1986: 101] — OJap *nami [l|3p] 'wave (>$)' (B 133). Alt *lamd 'sea, wave': Tung *lamu 'sea, wave' || Mong *namug 'marsh, swamp' || PJap *nami 'wave' || Koguryo (Lee) *nuami 'pond, sea' (EDAL 866—67; R 719—20). 43. OK **namey : *nwgymey [ftyH] 'long (-ft)' — OJap *naga / *naya [I|3f|] / *na'ga [I|3$$] 'long (-ft)' (B 133: root *na-\ [Martin 1987: 836]: naga < *nanka). Alt *niombu 'thin': Tung *nem(i)- 'thin', *niambu'thin, lean' || Mong *nimgen 'thin' (EDAL 989; in EDAL 1035—36 and R 716, PJap *nanka- 'long' is compared with MKor nari- 'to be extended' || Tung *ydli- 'long' || Mong *nolig 'long, boring' || Tu *ula'to extend, prolong'. Note: semantic dispersion 'long' vs. 'thin' has analogy in Greek iiaKpog 'long, big, high, deep, thin, distant', iiaKeSvog 'tall, thin' vs. Latin macer 'thin, lean', Old High German magar id. 44. OK **namur : *ngymur [Jb^] 'lead [metal] (I'D1)' —OJap *namari [W5M id. (B 133). Cf. also early MKor (13th cent.) *namar, late MKor (15th cent.) & NKor nap 'lead' [Lee 1977: 96, 115; Itabashi 2003: 147—48; Miller 1979: 8], Alt *nialpa 'lead': Tung *nalban 'tin' || PJap *namari 'lead, tin' < *napan-[rji || Koguryo (Miller) *naimul (EDAL 985; R 719). 45. OK *nan [ f t ] 'seven ( t ) ' , with the genitiveattributive suff **nan-ir : *nan-tn [SIB] — OJap *nana / *naynay [§|3§f) ~ id. (B 133). I S S N 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa

In EDAL 959—60, Alt *nad[i] '7' is reconstructed on the basis of Tung *nadan || ?Mong *dal- < *lad- || Tu *jetti || MKor nirkup; Koguryo *nanan (Lee) || PJap *nana-; cf. also R 720. On its internal structure — see [Blazek 1999: 124], 46. OK *ko ~ if] 'land, earth (i()' — NJap no < OJap *no [f§ ~ i f ] / *my !*nay [f&] 'land, field, moor, plain ( i f ) ' ; cf. OK **na [ f t ] 'land, earth (tg)' (B 133). Alt *niayu / *ylayu: Tung *yuyi / *yoyi(-ka) 'place of hunting or fishing' || Mong *nintug /*nuntug 'grazing place' || Tu *(i)ayir 'stubble-field' || MKor non 'rice-field' || PJap *nua 'field' (EDAL 988). 47. OK *pa 'sea ( M ) ' — OJap *pa- in *pama [SJSi] 'seashore, beach (Ift • 7}C|5g)', analyzable as *pa 'sea' + *ma 'place'; (B 134: OJap *wata [ f D ^ ] 'sea (My cannot be directly related for phonetic reasons; [Itabashi 2003: 149] adds Koguryo *patan [iSM] 'ocean CM)'; cf. also Silla *pator 'sea' —see Lee 1977, 80). Alt *beta !*pedd 'sea; ford': Tung *pede- 'to ford, cross over' || MKor paid, parar 'sea' || PJap *bdtd 'sea' (EDAL 340; R 932). 48. OK **padiy : *pauy [E^c] / *paiy [ ¿ g ^ ] / *payey [ S ^ ] 'cliff (Jg), mountain (ll[); crag (|g), precipice (lUjt)' (B 253)j= OK *pa'iy [E^C ~ *payey [ > ¿ 4 ] 'cliff (M), rock ( g ) , precipice (lll|)' ([Itabashi 2003: 149]; he adds Nivx pax [H]) = OK *paxe / *pa'i 'rock' [Lee 1977: 38]). Alt *pako 'rock, cliff: Tung *pakta 'hill, precipice, sand bank' || MKor pahoi 'rock' || PJap *paki 'steep rock' (EDAL 1074; R 490). 49. OK *pai [ E ] 'male person, man (B 134). Alt *beje 'man; self, body': Tung *beje 'person, man' || Mong *beje 'body, person, self || PJap *bb > OJap wo 'male' (EDAL 335; R 764). 50. OK *paik [] 'spring, source (Hi); well (J^^t)' / **iir 'spring (J^.)' — OJap *wi [J^] 'well ( # ) ' , all from Common JK *wir 'spring, well' (B 142). Cf. Alt *biujri > Tung *bira 'river', *bira-xan 'spring' (SSTMJa I, 84) || Mongolian *burudu 'swamp', but Khalkha burd 'well' (KW 67) || MKor u in ii-mir 'well' : mir 'water' || PJap *bi / *bui / *bai 'well' (EDAL 359: plus Koguryo *wdl and Silla *ol in reconstruction of [Miller 1979: 9]; [Lee 1977: 38] reconstructed Koguryo *er and Silla *ol). Cf. R 549. 87. OK **utsi : *utsi / *utsi [ i 'five (£.)' < PK *utui / *itui — NJap itsu id. < OJap *itu (not attested in transcription in OJap), all from Common JK *itu- / *utu- 'five' (B 142; Itabashi 2003, 154: OK *uc [i^]'5' OUyghur, Karakhanide i/esi; borrowed in M & WrMong esi 'empress', Kalmyk is 'mother' (cf. EDAL 598). 92. AK **zwir : *zwin [lllg] / **dzir : *dzin ['|fi] 'left (¿£)' — (B 143 connects it with NJap so 'that' < OJap *zew / *zetj [ft]). Alt: Mong *jeyün 'left; North' > MMong j e ' u n 'left', WrMong jegün 'left; North', etc. (KW 1008). Note: In EDAL 1008 otherwise: Mong + Tung *neijne 'spring (season)' + PJap *minami 'South, south wind'. A.2. Koguryo lexemes only with Japanese cognates 1. OK **hatsir : *atsin [Mf^] 'poor ( f § ) ' — OJap *atsi/*antsi / *asi 'bad, evil' > NJap ashi id., OJap *iyatsi [ffitficQ 'lowly, inferior, cheap ( H ) ' (*iya 'vile, miserable, greedy, hungry' + *atsi) > NJap iyashi id. (B 121). Cf. MKor a-chyet-, inf. a-chyele- 'to dislike, hate', derivable from PKor *achi 'hateful, evil' (R 253).

21

AK **makri(p) > OK **makri / makari 'true, correct, rightful' — OJap *ma 'true, genuine' (B 129). Cf. also R 674. 6. OK *mutsi [SS^p] 'section, festival (Iff)' < preOK *mutui — perhaps NJap matsuri < OJap *maturi 'festival, offering ( Ü ) ' (B 132). Cf. EDAL 894; R 683. 7. OK *pen 'man, person ( A ) ' — OJap *pi- 'man, person' (B xii). Note: In EDAL 1103, it is compared with Tung *puj-kte 'child, junior'. Cf. also R 524—25. 8. OK **par : *palir [ i S f 3 ] 'second-growth paddy rice' — OJap *par- [¡KM] 'to open up a new rice paddy ( g ) ' (B 134). 9. OK *o [J§] 'pig ( $ ) ) ' , probably originally *ui, reanalyzed as *u + the suffix *-i — OJap *wi [JS,] 'boar, pig ( | g ) ' (B 141). Note: In EDAL 335—36, it is compared with *bejü- 'an ungulate animal' || Mong *bajta[lj-sun 'farrow' || Tu *bije 'mare'. Cf. R 549. 10. OK *ü / *i [S^] 'broad-axe (jf )' — NJap yoki 'broad-axe (9r)' < OJap *üki / *iigyi / *ytgyi id. — see below (B 141: perhaps related with OK *ü / *i [St] 'border, edge (Si)')A.3. Koguryo lexemes without relatives 1. OK **ha : *a [P5f] 'to look down at, overlook (Eg)' — ? (B 120; [Itabashi 2003: 157]). 2. OK **im : *im [gf] 'to supervise, imprison (gg)' — ? ( B 122).

2. OK **kasira : *yaseylttj [¡njjg [=L] / *yasirla [ M S ® ] 'capital of the former Puyo-Koguryoic state 3. OK **kim 'to rest ( # ) ' — ? (B 126). of Ye(-Maek)' — OJap *kasira / *kasira !*katsira 'head' (B 123). 4. OK **mawk : *mawk [7(\] 'to flicker, glitter, From EDAL 660—61, MKor korchi 'brain', may dodge (P4)' — ? (B 130). be added. See also R 596—97. 3. OK **kir : *ktn [fx] 'brave ( I S ) ' — p e r h a p s cognate to OJap *kimi / *gimi [ R H ] 'lord, ruler ( j g • £ ) ' (B 126). 4. OK **kasi : *kosi / *kasi [ ^ ^ f ] 'riverdeer (B 129) = *kasi 'roe-deer; gem' [Itabashi 2003: 1 4 4 ] — N J a p kujika < OJap *kudzika [XUIfW] id., from *kusi / *kudzi 'river-deer' + *ka 'deer' (B 129: OK + OJap; [Itabashi 2003: 144]: OK + MKor kusul + OJap kuciro2). 5. OK **makir : *maikin [ U f r ] ' a kind of tree C ^ i I ) ' , lit. 'big willow' — OJap *maki [§fi§£] 'a tree word with several meanings including 'Chinese black pine / Torreya nucifera', 'timber', 'firewood" (B 129).

5. AK **wi [fir] 'to resemble, look like (ffifK)' — ? (B 142; [Itabashi 2003: 154]: OK *wi 'similar' + MKor isis- id.). A.4. Koguryo lexemes of hypothetical Chinese origin 1. OK **tar : *tar [gt] 'mountain (LÜ)', cf. OK *tar [§] / *tarir [ S Z i ] 'high (flj)' — OJap *take / *takíy [^M¡] 'high mountain, mountain peak (tf£ • LliS); high, long • -ft)', OJap *taka [ # j j n ] 'high' (B 136—37; he mentions MOChin *tar 'mountain' as aprobable source). 2. OK *tawrj [ # ] 'iron ( Ü ) ' — from 'iron' (B 138).

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VÀCLA VBLAZER. Koguryo and Altaic

3. OK **tawr : *tawl- [ZJ(3i)] 'pheasant (£(£)' — NJap tori / to- < OJap *tgwri / *tgtjri [iJiJI] / *dgyri

[ ^ I J ] / *taw- / *tSy [ g ] 'bird (,H); fowl, chicken ( I t ) ' (B 138: all lw. from OCh H *tdwr 'fowl, bird'). Note: In EDAL 1463, PJap *ian 'bird' is connected with MKor tark 'fowl' || Tung *turaki 'crow, rook' || Mong *turayu 'raven, crow' || Tu *torgaj 'lark; a predatory bird used for hawking'. Cf. also R 875—76. 4. OK [J§] 'ox, cow, cattle (4 1 )' — OJap *usi / *utsi / *iitsi [^-¿L] 'cow, cattle (4 1 )', analyzable as *u 'ox' + *si 'animal'. It is possible that Common Japanese-Koguryo *u is a loan from Late OChin *rju 'cow, ox, cattle'. This borrowing had to occur before the change *m > *a, diagnostic for Middle OChin (B 140). B. Silla lexicon *jirri 'star' (Lee), cf. Modern Korean irinaj 'Milky Way' (Menges 1984, 268) — Tu *jul-dur!-dir 'star' : *jul-dir-V- 'to lighten; lightning' : *jul-a 'light' (VEWT 210, 201). In EDAL 1155, the Tu word is compared with Mong *hodu || MKor pjor || PJap *pasi id. || ?Tung: Ewenki hildenre- 'to dawn'. Cf. also R 534. Cf. further JV°JV°14, 33, 37, 38, 41, 47, 75, 86. C. Paekche lexicon 1. *ciri 'little stone, gravel' ([Vovin 1986: 102]: Paekche + OJap tin 'dust, dirt') — Alt *fdire 'dust, soil': Tung *turV 'earth' || Mong *tor- 'flying dust' || Tu *tor 'dust' || MKor iin'field, steppe' (EDAL 1465). 2. *koran 'blue' ([Vovin 1986: 102]: Paekche + OJap) — Alt *k'iuru 'dark': Tung *xuri- 'grey' || Mong *kiire- '(dark) brown' || Tu *Kw 'red' || MKor kuri 'copper' || PJap *kurd- 'dark' (EDAL 828—29; R 658). 3. *kuti 'falcon' [Vovin 1986: 101] — A l t *guci 'eagle': Tung *gusi 'eagle' || Tu *guci- 'eagle' (EDAL 569; R 668: Paekche + Alt). 4. *marke 'bright' (Lee 1977, 41)—Alt *miali(k'V) 'bright; to shine': Tung *mia(l)- 'glittering, bright' || Mong *mel- 'bright, polished, shiny' || Tu *bAlk- 'to shine, glitter' || MKor mark- 'clear, transparent' (EDAL 921).

besa 'young growth of fir and pine', Turkmen mese, Azeri mesa 'forest', Turkish me§e, Gagauz mesa 'oak' (VEWT 336; [Dmitrieva 1972: 185—86; Levitskaja, ESTJa 2003: 59]: they indicate their Iranian origin, referring to Persian bisa 'forest'; [Horn 1893: 59] quoted Mod Persian bese, Classical Persian besah, yesah 'forest', Zoroastrian Pahlavi vesak id., and compared it with Kurdic vise, Avestan varssa- 'tree', Vedic vrksa- 'tree', but [Bailey 1979: 162] separates Avestan and Vedic with original meaning 'plant', deriving the Middle and Modern Iranian forms from IE *wei-; in any case, the Iranian and Turkic forms can be quite independent). 7. *puri 'village' [Vovin 1986: 101] — Alt *piulu ~ -o: Tu *ulu-l 'country, city' || MKor piirir 'possessions, estate' (EDAL 1183—84) || PJap *pure 'village' ([Vovin 1986: 101]: Paekche + PJap). 8. *syoma 'island' ([Vovin 1986: 102]: Paekche + OJap) — Alt *sfiajmi 'island; forest': Tung *sumi ~ *cumi 'foreland, shallow place' || Tu *simek 'forest, jungle' || MKor sjom 'island' || PJap *sima 'island' (EDAL 1332—33; R 800). 9. *tap!*tep 'warm' ([Menges 1984: 290—92] after Doh Sou Hie) — Alt *fep' V'warm; to burn': Tung *tepe- 'to catch fire, to burn' || Tu *tepi- 'to dry, become dry' || MKor top- (taw-) 'to be warm' (EDAL 1421). 10. *turak 'stone' [Lee 1977: 4 1 ] — A l t *tiol'i id.: Tung *jola || Mong *cilayu id. || Tu *dial id. || MKor tor (torh-) id. || PJap *(d)isi > OJap isi id. (EDAL 1373; R 562). 11. *uc 'upper side' [Vovin 1986: 102] — Alt *-c 'end, edge': Mong *iijuyur 'end, edge' || Tu *uc 'end, edge' || Mod Kor 11311k 'top of a tree, upper branches' < *ucuk (EDAL 1482). Cf. further JV°JV° 9, 11, 12, 23, 25, 40, 41, 42, 59, 60, 63. Abbreviations A Archaic, Alt Altaic, Chin Chinese, Jap Japanese, K Koguryo, Kor Korean, M Middle, Mod Modern, Mong Mongolian, N New, O Old, P proto-, Tung Tungusic, Tib Tibetan, Tu Turkic, Wr Written.

5. *muri 'group; many' (Vovin 1986, 101) — Alt *maru ~ *maru 'heap, crowd; many': Tung *mar(b)u 'heap; flock, herd' || MKor mur 'every', Mod Kor muri 'crowd; many' || PJap *mari>, *mura 'all, every; References crowd; mountain' (EDAL 906; cf. R 708). 6. *pisa 'sp. of tree' —MKor piza 'sp. of tree' || B —Beckwith Ch. Koguryo. The Language of Japan's OJap pisa-gi 'Japanese oak; catalpa' ([Vovin 1986: 102]: Paekche + MKor + OJap) || Tu *bitd > Bashkir Continental Relatives. An Introduction to the HistoricalISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi c()mjiojio™m. Cepwa «Ypa^o-amaiiCKue iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

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Comparative Study of the Japanese-Koguryoic Languages. Leiden; Boston, 2007. Bailey 1979—Bailey H. W. Dictionary of Khotan Saka. Cambridge, 1979. Baxter 1992 — Baxter W. H A handbook of Old Chinese phonology. Berlin, 1992. Blazek 1999 — Blazek V. Numerals. Brno, 1999. Dmitrieva 1972—DmitrievaL. V. Nazvanie rastenij v tjurkskix i drugix altajskix jazykax // Ocerki sravnitel'noj leksikologii altajskix jazykov. Leningrad, 1972. S. 151— 223. Dybo 1988 —Dybo A. V. Etimologiceskij material k rekonstrukcii pratungusomanczurskix nazvanij castej tela // Sinxronijai diaxronijav lingvisticeskix issledovanijax. C. 1. Moskva: Institut vostokovedenija, 1988. S. 108—127. Dybo 2006—Dybo A. V. Mongol'skie nazvanija derevjev v altajskom slovare // T. A. Bertagaev: K 100-letiju so dnja rozdenija. Elista, 2006. S. 42—64. ESTJa — Etimologiceskij slovar tjurkskix jazykov. Obscetjurkskie i meztjurkskie leksiceskie osnovy na bukvy L-M-N-P-S / Ed. Dybo A. V. Moskva: Vostocnaja literatura, 2003. Horn 1893—Horn P. Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologie. Strassburg: Trübner, 1893. Itabashi 2003—Itabashi Y A Study of the Historical Relationship of the Koguryo Language, the Old Japanese Language, and the Middle Korean Language on the Basis of Fragmentary Glosses Preserved as Place Names in the Samguk Sagi // Perspectives on the Origin of the Japanese Language / Ed. Osada T. and Vovin A. with the assistance of RussellK. Kyoto: International Research Center for Japanese Studies, 2003. P. 131—185. KED — Martin S. E., Yang Ha Lee, Sung- Un Chang. A Korean-English Dictionary. New Haven; London, 1967. KW — Ramstedt G. J. Kalmückisches Wörterbuch. (LSFU3.) Helsinki 1935. Lee 1977—LeeKi-Moon. Geschichte der koreanischen Sprache. Wiesbaden, 1977. Lessing 1960 — Mongolian-English Dictionary / Ed. Lessing F. Berkeley; Los Angeles, 1960. Martin 1987—MartinS. E. The Japanese Language Through Time. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987.

Menges 1984 — Menges K. H. Korean and Altaic — A preliminary sketch // CAJ. 1984, 28. P. 234—295. Miller 1979 — Miller R. A. Old Korean and Altaic // UAJb. 1979, 51. S. 1—54. PKE — Ramstedt G. J. Paralipomena of Korean Etymologies / Collected and edited by Songmoo Kho. (MSFOu 182.) Helsinki 1982. SIGTJa 2006 — Sravnitel'no-istoriceskaja grammatika tjurkskix jazykov 6 / Pratjurkskij jazyk-osnova: Kartina mira pratjurkskogo etnosa po dannym jazyka / Ed. Tenisev E. R„ Dybo A. V. Moskva, 2006. R — Robbeets M. Is Japanese Related to Korean, Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic? (Turcologica 64.) Wiesbaden, 2005. Robbeets 2007—Robbeets M. Koguryo as a missing link // Korea in the Middle. Festschrift for Boudewijn Walraven / Ed. by Remco Breuker. Leiden, 2007. P. 118—141. SKE — Ramstedt G. J. Studies in Korean Etymology. (MSFOu 95.) Helsinki 1982. Starostin 1989—Starostin S. A. 1989. Rekonstrukcija drevnekitajskoj fonologiceskoj sistemy. Moskva, 1989. SSTMJa — Sravnitel'nyj slovar tunguso-manczurskix jazykov. T. I—II / Ed. by V. I. Cincius. Leningrad, 1975—1977. Vovin 1986— Vovin A. V. O drevnekorejsko-drevnejaponskix jazykovyx svjazjax // Narody Azii i Afriki 1986, 5. S. 98—102. Vovin 1993 — Vovin A. About the phonetic value of the Middle Korean grapheme A // BSOAS. 1993. 66. P. 247— 259.

Acknowledgement This study originated in cooperation with the Centre for the Interdisciplinary Research of Ancient Languages and Older Stages of Modern Languages (MSM 0021622435) at Masaryk University, Brno. Thanks to the grant No. IAA901640805 the author had an occasion to present its preliminary version at the conference on Altaic linguistics held in Moscow in June 2009. Special thanks belong to Michal Schwarz (Brno) for his help with Chinese characters and to Heiner Eichner (Wien) for mediation of personal communication with Ch. I. Beckwith (Indiana University).

SUMMARY In the contribution all seriously interpreted lexemes of the language of one of Old Korean kingdoms, Koguryo, are presented. Although the main source of these interpretations is a very careful philologist Ch. I. Beckwith known for his negative position concerning the genetic model of the Altaic theory, the collected comparative material supports the Altaic affiliation of both Old Koguryo and Japanese. On the other hand, Beckwith is undoubtedly right, if he finds in Koguryo the closest relative of Ryukyu-Japanese. PE3IOME

B 3TOM coo6ineHMM npefldaBneHbi Bee HaflewHO MHTepnpeTupyeMbie cnoBa H3biiKaMiuMM poflCTBSHHMKOM KorypëcKoro aBnaeTca piOKKJCKO-flnoHCKaa rpynna.

Appendix:

Schemes

I. Divergent models 1. Qualitative approach of Poppe and Lee (modified after Beckwith 2007, 14) Japanese Puyo Koguryo Eastern Han

Silla

Altaic

Korean Tungusic Mongolie

Western Turkic

2. Quantitative approach of Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak (EDAL 234) and Robbeets (2007, 20)

-5000

-3000

-1000

1000 Japanese 0 Ryukyu

-1000

Koguryo

Eastern Paekche

-2900

-1000

Silla

MKorean

Korean

Altaic Tungusic

-4750

Central -3700

Mongolian

Turkic

-4350

Western

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VACLAVBLAZEK. Koguryo and Altaic II. Convergent model based on qualitative approach of Beckwith (2007, 28) pjapanese Yayoi ?Tibeto-Burman Pre-Kara

pjapanese-Koguryo

?Tungusic Common Japanese-Koguryo

Japanese

pRyukyuan

Ryukyuan Puyo-Paekche Koguryo

Late Middle Old Chinese Ye-Maek Early Old Chinese Puyo In Beckwith's scheme two types of lines are used: genetic links areal influence

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Wu

Yingzhe

A brief discussion on the vowel attachment in the Khitan Small Script 1 The Khitan (Chinese: qidan) were nomadic people, who lived in the eastern Mongolian Plateau. They founded a powerful and great empire known as Liao M (liao) (sometimes called Great Khitan da qidan), which existed from 907 to 1125. Later, they also founded Western Liao in Central Asia which existed from 1124 to 1218. At present, most scholars believe that, being a member of the Altaic complex, Khitan language is more closely related to the Mongolic languages. In 920, the fifth year of the Shence I M (shence) era, Yelu Tuliibu (yelu tulubu) and Yelii Lubugu IfPfllll^F ]if (yelu lubugu) created the Khitan Large Script with which they recorded texts in Khitan language. This is an ideographic script and, thus, somewhat inconvenient to record an agglutinative language such as Khitan. Before long, Diela ¡ffiM (diela), the emperor's younger brother, created another writing system called Khitan Small Script, which is a kind of phonographic writing. Both scripts were used in the period of the Liao Empire for nearly two hundred years and they continued to be used in the Jin vfe (jin) dynasty after the fall of the Liao Dynasty until the 2nd year of Ming-chang 0^11 (mingchang) era (1191) of the Jurchen Jin Zhangzong ¿¿jpc^; (jm zhangzong) Emperor. Later, the Khitan scripts were gradually forgotten and all records of them vanished (?in the changing social environment). Khitan language has also gradually become extinct. Nearly several hundred years had passed until the Khitan Small Script was accidentally rediscovered by Belgian Father L. Kervyn in 1922 from the Qingling Tomb of the Liao dynasty, located in Baarin Right Banner of Inner Mongolia. Since then, 15 Khitan Large Script inscriptions which have over 15000 characters and 35 Khitan Small Script inscriptions which have about 40000 characters have been found in the northern China. Currently, work on them is being done by a number of specialists from China, Ja-

pan, Australia, Russia, USA, and Finland. It is extremely difficult for researchers to decipher Khitan Script materials, because there is no reference document except for very few Khitan words, which were recorded in the Liao Shi Mife (The History of the Liao Dynasty, liaoshi). So, although considerable progress has been made, the materials of the Khitan Large Script and the Khitan Small Script are not fully understood yet. This paper will briefly introduce the Vowel Attachment in the Khitan Small Script. The Vowel Attachment is one of the spelling methods. Former research has reconstructed that a lot of original characters start with a consonant sound. However, in my research it is shown that we can add a proper vowel in front of some of these original characters. Chinese loanword am,

>S A

(H. 'three', san) reads s-a-

({llj 'immortal', xian) reads s-ie-en,

¥ (/J\

'small,' xiao) reads s-iau, so their first original character must be s, which was already identified by Khitan Script Research Group in 1970s. Based on this conclusion, which means 'night', pronounces sonj which is close to the "^r^ son ~ fon in Mongolian language. However, after publishing both Khitan and Chinese versions of Yellii Zhixian Epitaph I f P f l l ^ ^ l i f i (yelu zhixian muzhi), the researchers realized that also denotes personal name Axin ( H f l f , axin) . Moreover, they understood that

^

in

the Xuwang Epitaph (g^fHiB&c; xuwang muzhi) denotes tomb owner's name Yixinyin (yixmyin). Therefore, we can read the original character as as ~ ES. Even though at present we are still unable to identify its exact vowel, there is no doubt that original character has a vowel in front of its consonant s. The character

denotes 'filial piety'

xiao)

1

This paper is a research achievement of the project named "Research on the Khitan Small Script and studies of Khitan language Grammar" (Approval number: 06CMZ006) sponsored by the State Social Science Fund, ft is also a research achievement of the national level key project named "The Khitan Script and the History of Liao and Khitan: Interdisciplinary Study of National History" (Approval number: 07JJD770090) sponsored by the key research base of the humanities and social science study, the Ministry of Education. Wu Yingzhe: Doctor at Institute of Mongolian Language, School of Mongolian Studies, Inner Mongolia University

and reads chi shi de ben ^¡SltlM^ (chishideben). It is recorded in the Liao Shi and its original characters read: -ft t f , X. i, d, H p and n. Its third original character % has a meaning of 'nine'. If % reads is, it is similar to the Mongolian word and consistent with historical records. In the same way we can also understand that the pronunciation of ^ ^ ( Z i S E ^ - tribal name, yishijizhi) is isgan. Both these examples sup-

ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi c()mjiojio™m. Cepwa «ypajio-amaiiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

WU YINGZHE. A brief discussion on the vowel attachment in the Kliitan Small Script port the hypothesis that the pronunciation of % might be is. However, after reading

^^

#

(MSK^-M'Jffi. official name, yanchanggong zhifushi), we are able to learn that the # which denotes {¡J ('messenger', shi) shi also probably reads si. It seems certain that the original character # has a vowel i but sometimes the vowel comes after the consonant s. The original character 11 appeared in 5511 which means 'horse'. Chinese loanword 'secret', mi) reads mi, 55*1 (f1^ 'door', men) reads mun or man, so their first original character might read mo or m which was identified in 1970s. As in Mongolian language 'horse' is pronounced mori, scholars believed that the original character 11 read ri, and that 5511 read mori, which is the same as the Mongolian equivalent. The pronunciation ri for 11 was also confirmed in other blocks (complex characters). For instance, researchers Liu Fengzhu fPJIHIi (liu fengzhu) and Yu Baolin (yiibaolin) considered that the block * 11 reads iri [Yu Baolin 1981], researcher Ji Shi

iPlltGishi)

considered

that

^

reads

tirik,

which means (official title, tilljl) [Ji Shi 1986], In spite of this, sometimes we can read the original character 11 as ir. For instance, the character 1L^ A which frequently appears in materials of Khitan Small Script means 'Yilijin' ^ f | I t 3 i (official title, yilijin) [Ji Shi 1996], In the light of this statement, the 1L A pronunciation of ^ might be irgin, so 11 reads ir. It indicates that original character 11 has two pronunciations: ir and ri , and its vowel i can appear not only in front of consonant r, but also behind it. The block

A

, which denotes personal name

WPf'&L (tabuye), reads toboji and the block

^ it ^ ,

which means the name of 'zubu' [¡Jtllj (tribal name, zubu), reads tfobog ~ tfubug that was discussed by researcher Wang Hongli (wang hongli) [Wang Hongli 1986], Thus, the original character i which is the second in this block can be read as bo ~ bu. Despite this, there are still a few characters which indicate that i can be occasionally read as ab ~ ob. For in^ ffl stance, the characters ^ 4. which appeared in the 28 th line of the Xiao Zhonggong Epitaph ( I f ft^Sfi: xiao zhonggong muzhi) denote personal name S f t S P 5 ! ^ (dinian abu) [Ji Shi 1996], Researcher Ji Shi, who pointed this out, said that this personal name ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

C()MJIOJIO™M.

27

¡S&SjlpBl^F (dinian abu) had been recorded in the biography of Xiao Zhonggong in the Jin Shi (The History of the Jin Dynasty, jtn shi). For this reason, we can read 4. as ab ~ ob. On another occasion, Khitan Script researchers have all known that 4. + means 'grandfather'. If 4. reads ob, this pronunciation is close to ^ ^ abog-obo: of Written Mongolian language; the word ^ ^ 'grandfather' is pronounced ob or obo in many dialects of Mongolian languages. It is clear that 4. can be read as bo ~ bu, but sometimes it can also be read as ob. Some researchers believe that the pronunciation of the original character ft is ru and some others read it as ru or ra. However, this original character is often used in the initial position of blocks (31 time in all known materials of Khitan Small Script). For exampie,

1b K denotes o, u and N denotes 6, ii.

Cepwa «ypajio-amaiiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

28

WU YINGZHE. A brief discussion on the vowel attachment in the Kliitan Small Script

(2) The vowels a, a at the beginning of a word or at the end of the first syllable are usually omitted. For instance, the letter & (t1) (Arabic numeral 1 marks a consonant spelt with back vowel) reads at 'horse', the letter h (t2) (Arabic numeral 2 marks a consonant spelt with front vowel) reads cit 'meat', the letter -J (L1) reads al- 'to take' and the letter Y (I2) reads cil 'country'. But if they appear at the end of a word, they are usually written out. For instance, the block .Ml it (qr'a) reads qara 'black', the block >M (pa) reads apa 'forefather' and the block (I'mya) reads tamya 'stamp'. (3) If the vowels i. i and o. u. o. u are at the beginning of a word or in the first syllable, they are not written out. If the vowels o. u or d. u appear in both front and back of the consonant 1 q and ft k they are usually omitted. The vowels u. u which appear in affixes are also omitted. For instance, ¿-iff 1 iducj means 'saint', hot- ic'f i'tti means 'dispatch', X>-P. Ovim oylum means 'my son' and tx N U£rr ticun means 'in order to' [Geng S h i m i n 2005], I suppose it is possible that there is a definite relation between these rules and the Vowel Attachment. In fact, comparative study of Khitan Small Script and Old Turkic script is not a new topic. As early as in the 1950s, a Japanese scholar Murayama Shichiro Wlii-tsp v ^ C2 r>) attempted to reconstruct Khitan words with the help of Old Turkic graphemes. His main idea was that the Khitan Small Script was of Turkic origin, and its writing system, that, according to the Liao Annals, Diela learned from the Uygurs 0 f § (huigu), was not the Uygur alphabet, but the script of the ancient Turks. To demonstrate this, Professor Murayama gave a chart of Khitan characters with their alleged Turkic equivalents [Murayama 1951], Later studies showed this idea to be wrong. It means that there is no relation between the Khitan original characters and Old Turkic characters in terms of grapheme. Nevertheless, it is possible that some spelling rules in Khitan Small Script are based on Turkic spelling rules. Of course, when Khitan people created their own writing system — Khitan Large Script and Khitan Small Script, Old Turkic writing system had already faded. But according to The Liao Shi. in 924, Khitan people were still using Turkic writing system: EfJ-f-, q]";fmfyM^ft • g g p ; - ¿ J l ^ g S f i l j t j ("In the year of Jiazi, imperial order had been given to make a monument of Longpie khan's merits in Khitan, Turkic and Chinese"). From this brief record we can understand that at that time Turkic writing system might still be familiar to Khitan people. So, they must have employed some idea from Old Turkic script to create the Khitan Small Script. More interesting, if we continue to apply Vowel Attachment rule, we will be able to solve some problems that have long existed in the study of Khitan Small Script. ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa

(1)The original character denotes 'female' and fl denotes 'woman', but the pronunciation of original character is still unclear. According to: (nouwome), JH (me), itFfpfX (also regard as gai, yizuogai) ° (nouwo), f j ? i h f H (call earth, houtucheng )0 JH (me), fitfH (call mucheng) which is recorded in the Liao Shi. Khitan Script Research Group knew that f l denote 'empress'. Prior to this, they also knew that reads a, so they considered that reads nou-e and reads muo. But none of Altaic languages has a word muo with the meaning 'female, woman'. If in front of it we add the vowel a, it will read amuo ~ anw. The fl can be read as anw ku, ¡5 -i- can be read as anwd which is plural of . This reading is phonetically close to the semantic equivalent in some Mongolic languages, for example, 'woman' in Mongolian sounds as [am], in Dagur [amgun], in Shira Yughur [eme], in Dongxiang [anw], in Baoan [enw], (2) According to another scholar, Liu Fengzhu, A. means 'grandson', and he reads it as mu [Liu Fengzhu 2006], If in front of the word we add the vowel o, it will sound as omu, and this pronunciation is close to the equivalents in some Altaic languages, for example, in Manchu 'grandson' reads omolo, and omul in Dagur. (3) The original character -t means 'one', this has been identified by other scholars, but so far, its pronunciation proved to be a problem. In the Daozong Aice Epitaph J j t ^ S f f f l " (daozong aice), the character 4=- ^ was rewritten by , and so some scholars believed that - t equals to 1f , and according to the pronunciation of 1f the character -t can be read as mas [Chinggeltei 2002], Even though such conclusion solved the problem to some degree, this pronunciation does not correspond to any equivalents in Altaic languages. We know that cardinal number 'one' in Old Turkic reads bir, in Mongolian neg~negen, in Manchu emu, in Xibe language amkan, in Hezhen language amkdn, in Evenki ammj, in Oroqen umun. Based on the Vowel Attachment, we can read it in Khitan as emom ~ emo. According to the later study, we can read 1f as m and as nw. Therefore, the pronunciation of 1i may be different from mas. If it is correct to read the original character as emo, Khitan language might have had a number of features of ManchuTungus languages. (4) The character often appears in front of the word with plural suffix: (1)1?

fl •

wife these OTiiMHSIt

^

##

two's second son; Yellu Dile Epitaph (yelii dilie muzhi)-do6uuyldëpeuy, ceB. cejibKyn. KëëjibmuMa)

MHt[)bi, npe^aHHS, 3araflKH, KOpOTKHe 3KaHpbi (HeHeij., 3Heij., cejibKyn.)

HaHrpbimH Ha 3ByKOBbix opyqHa x : MaHKax, fleTCKHX HrpyniKax, ([lOHOHHCTpyMeHTaX. XopflO([)OHbi: My3biKajibHbiH jiyK cënmupn unmu (ceB.cejibKyn.), KOHZUHma dunms (HraH.); cnnaKo HZbiH (HeHeij.); jiioTHa Kazaí CKaZaÓblJlbKOKÍKyMÓbipCa (l03K. cejibKyn.), nuHKbip (ceB. cejibKyn.), m3muzoji c3H3Ky (sHeij.), CHHCIKO MUpe (HeHeiJ.). AspotjioHbi: tjmeiÍTbi H CBHCTKH aoiapca (HraHacaH.), cu3udu (3Heij.), nymu, cunarlo (ceB. cejibKyn.), nysu, cemunn (k>3k. cejibKyn.); BHxpeBbie/BpamaeMbie aspotjioHbi — canuxepul ôeaxepu (HraHacaH.), Koanbno, KbiMMano (ceB. cejibKyn.), nocuí eupebip (3Heij.), eueKO (HeHeij.). HjIHO([)OHbi — KOJIOKOJI, 6 y 6 e Heij, nonapHO coe^HHeHHbie TpyGoqKH, coyzjapaeMbie noflBecKH H norpeMyniKH, t[)HrypHbie Meraji. njiacTHHbi Ha npa3flHHI. H fleTCKoii ofleacfle, Ha ojieHbeìi ynpjDKH, oGpa^oBbix coopyaceHHax H T. FL.

IIIaMaHCKHe necHH (masa 6cmu HraHacaH., caMÖadaöu, HeHeij., cioMnmn cejibKyn.)

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MaHa c noMom-

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l inihi iiirKiiiauiKiiiiKi-aK'yciii'iccK'iix COÔMTHH B uia\iaiick'0\i ofipji.ie

HHKaMH

OôpaflOBbie HHCTpyMeHTbi: 3ByKonoflpaa(aHHa 6y6eH xenòup HraH., nemep! rojiocaM a y x o B neH3RplneHbuian HeHeij., nOMOIIIHHKOB neddul

flJM

i n a M a H C K H x n e c e H (})HHCKO-6ajrrHHCKHx n C H Ö n p c K H x HapoflOB, H B K a n e c T B e o ^ H o r o h3 n p i i M c p o B BaeT

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37

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CKne, HappaTHBHbie, TearpajibHbie

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n a n e c e H K o p e n c K H x inaMaHOB: s n m e c K n e ,

(flpaMarHHecKne).

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npeflcraBJisieT flpyniMH

flyxaMn)

1989],

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acaHpoB, BCTpenaeTCsi n B i n a M a H C K n x M e n o ^ n s i x ) ;

m e n p o j i n p a c n e B O B ( r n n n H H a jyisi n e c e m i O H

Be^yTpa^n-

IIHH, p e ^ K a c p e ^ H i n a M a H C K H x H a n e B O B ) . nepBbiìi

H3

TpnnecKHH — flHKH CKoro

yKaîaHHbix

saimeTCsi

THnoB

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rjix

(cuor —

HOTa),

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Meno-

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HTO M y 3 B i K O B e f l

MenoflHHecKHx

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onpe^ennii

crpoBbin —

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H

[AneKceeB

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Tpn

(KOHTpacTHO-pern-

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1986],

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KBapra) n nera)

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PHTMHKH —

inaMaHCKoro oöpsma. 3 T O M e n o ^ m i cnjuiaÔHHecrpoeHißi

ceeBa.

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(inaMaHOM) n

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n

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[Niemi

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114—134], «UlaMaHCKaa

1998:

74,

77],

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necra HaneBbi

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2).

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TaKnx Menoflnax nocreneHHoe

ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

H3 n n a B H o r o

TeneHna

Meno^nn.

BbicoTHoe

Cepua «Ypa^o-amaiiCKne ucc^eflOBaHua». 2009. N° W A (1)

a B

H3MeHeHne

38

O. 3.

3ByKOB

noflHepKHBaeTca

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2002: 94, 144—148],

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193],

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(JiopMbi

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ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa «ypajio-amaíiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

O. 3.

41

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M.,

2002. C. 4 9 8 — 5 1 1 .

maMaHCTBa

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aKT 2. Cn6., 1914.

j i H H r B H C T H q e c K H Ì i c 6 o p H H K . B b m . 1. M , 1 9 9 4 . C .

B e p e r n 1985 — B e p e u i I I . K B o n p o c y t[)HHH0-yr0pcK0H

K y 6 a p e B 1 9 9 2 — K y ó a p e e B.

ff.

17—107.

flpeBHenmne

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flaHHbix

// C I F U

6: S t u d i a

Hungarica.

Budapest, 1985.

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rajinijKaa 1981 — TaminKan C. TI. TeoperaiecKHe BOn p o c b i MOHOflHH. T a n n c e H T , 1 9 8 1 . TpaqeBa

BepoBaHaqano

co3HaHHa

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HCTopua

p e j i n r n a : reHe3HC, p e K O H C T p y K i i n a , TpaflHijHH. T e 3 . AOKJI.

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CKUX C. B.

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1981 — T p a m e a T. H.

3THHqecKaa

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M e a c ^ y H a p . H a y q . KOHC[). 1 5 — 2 2 a B r . 1 9 9 2 . i l K y T C K , C.

1992.

11—12. HOBHK 1 9 8 4 — HOSUKE.

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H r a H a c a H ( o n b i T c p a B H e H H a M e j i o f l u q e c K H X B a p n a H T O B ) //

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Y c T H b i ì i a n o c : n p o 6 j i e M b i H C T o p H H , T e o p n n H CKa3HTejib-

1984.

CTBa.

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KOHC[).

naMiiTH

A . E. Jlopaa. ilKyTCK, 1994. C . 5 0 — 5 2 . flo6a(aHCKaa

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2 0 0 8 —FFO&3ICAHCKAN O. 3.

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E.

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n e p e x o f l ' H a n d ' > ' p y K a ' (paciHiipeHHe «aHaTOMHHeCKOTO» 3HaHeHH3, B C T p y K T y p H O M OTHOHieHHH npOHC-

npOCOflMM B ypa^bCKMX H3blKaX MHCTMTyTa H3blK03HaHMfl P A H .

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M a p K H p O B a H H B I M H MOaceT B 0 3 H H K a T b CnOHTaHHO.

I S S N 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

Cepua «Ypa^o-amaiiCKue ucc^eflOBaHua». 2009. N° W A (1)

~

50

10. B. HOPMAHCKAH,

HeicoTopbie npnqnHbi ceMaHTnqecKnx H3MeHeHHH.

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Pa3yMeeTC5i, H3MeHeHiM ceMaHTHHecKHx CHCTeM — 3TO npoiiecc MHoro(J)aKTopHbiH. 3^ecb nepeHHCJieHbl JlHIHb HeKOTOpbie npHHHHbl, BbI3bIBaiOmHe CeMaHTHHeCKHe H3MeHHSI. 3aBHCHMOCTb CeMaHTHHeCKHX H3MeHeHHÌi T O H HJIH H H O H CHCTeMbi noKa npoBepeHa Ha MaTepnajie a3biKOB EBpa3HH, fljia K O T O P H X cymecTByeT aTHMOJiorHHecKaa Tpa^Hiina (HHfloeBponeìicKHx, ajiTaìicKHx, ypajibCKHx). BO3MO3CHO, HTO npn pacnpocTpaHeHHH n p e f l J i o a c e H H b i x 3aBHCHMOCTeìi Ha flpyrne a3biKOBbie ceMbH, OHH 6y^yT no^RoppeKTHpoBaHbi. Ho npeflCTaBJiaeTCsi, HTO pa6oTa B 3TOM HanpaBJieHHH Hpe3BbiHaHHO BascHa. OHa n03B0Ji5ieT He npocTO onncaTb a3biKOBbie H3MeHeHH5i, HO H BH-

Cepua «Ypa^o-amaiiCKue ucc^eflOBaHua». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

52

10. B. HOPMAHCKAH,

H. JI. KPACHKOBA.

SIBHTb npHHHHbl, BbI3bIBaK>mHe HX, a nOHHMaHIie n p n HHH

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i sät qßanba pegu na kybäjc3p. Tabyljup qßaazy, qßaazy i na tydynd tömba.

KaTb 3TOTO M a j l b l H K a .

3TOT

MyacniHa rneji, rneji H n o FLOMEJI

K TOMy K E ^ P Y

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B HacToameii c r a T b e MBI paccMOTpiiM CHCTCMy raaroiiOB, omiCMBaiomHx nepeMemeHHe B BO^E B ceiibKyncKOM 5i3biKe, nonbrraeMCsi B B M B H T B npiiHiiHBi, oöycJTOBHBimie e e H 3 M C H C H H C O T npacaMOflniicKoro 5I3bIKa K COBpCMCHHBIM CeJIbKynCKHM TOBOpaM. CeiibKynbi — 3 T O 3 T H O C , npoacHBaiomHH Ha TeppHTopHH 3ana^HOH C n ö i i p n , r ^ e HMeeTca öecHHO j i e m i o e MH0acecTB0 peic, 03ep H ÖOJIOT. B CBSÖH C oÖHJiHeM B0fl0eM0B Ha TcppHTopHH CBoero npoacHBaH H S ceiibKynbi nocrosiHHO ÖBIJIH BbmyameHbi n o H H M nepeflBHrarbcsi, np0H3B0flHTb pa3HOOÖpa3Hbie FLBHaceHHa B BO^E H n o BO^e. JJj.m c e n t K y n o B njibiTb Ha noflKe — 3TO noBce^HeBHoe n HacTOJibKO CCTCCTBCHHoe 3aH5iTHC, HTO OHO He TpeöyeT flononHemiii n n o acHeHHii n p n noBecTBOBaHnn. H a n p n M e p : Kusäk nenn 'ät natt 'ät ßarkä, temn 'at t 'aygßa. Nenn 'at qajda t3bylYÜnd Sjalgßä: «Qßallebe mannäni temn'äp pelel. Kusak teka qomdbp m 'ereygu? Mat m 'erjbnjäp». Na tsbylyiip omdlebe qßassa pegu. Cäja, kol'dit na körajyn na kybändyp 3ppa. Tab natidSli medymba, onj kybändyp konnS cäccymbat

CKOJIBKO cecTpa T A M JKHBeT, 6paTa HeT. 3Ta cecTpa KaKOMy-TO MyacqHHe TOBOPHT: «noiiflH Moero 6paTa nomiiH. CKOJIBKO Te6e FLEHER 3armaTHTb? Ä 3armaiy». 3 T O T MyvKMima c e s , o r a p a B i u i c n HCKaTb. I l / i e r ( e f l e r ) , BH^HT

Ha TOM necice TOT oGjiacoK jiejKHT. OH Tyzja n o ^ o u i e j i , CBOH oGjiacoK Ha 6eper BBITamHJi H B Taiiry norneji HC-

I I a . CEMAHTHHECKHE H3M6H6HH9 H HX

irpuMunw

B CHCTEME Ha3BaHHÖ n e p e M e m e H H H n o LIO IC OT n p a c e J i M c y n c i c o r o H3i>iKa k coBpeMeHHbiM c e J i t K y n c K H M r o ß o p a M B 3TOH HaCTH CTaTbH Mbi paCCMOTpHM CHCTeMbI raaroiiOB nnaBaHim B HyMbintKyncKOM r o B o p e ceiibKyncKoro a3biKa (flaHHbie coöpaHbi HaMH B SKcne^nI J H H , coBepineHHon B MapTe 2 0 0 9 r o ^ a B I l a p a ö e i i b CKHH p a i i o H TOMCKOH o ö n a c T H 6 ) n

B

KpacHOcejibKyn-

CKOM r o B o p e cpeflHeTa30BCK0r0 ^naneKTa c e n t K y n CKoro a3biKa (acHTeneii Ta3a, n p o a c n B a r o m n x Ha ceBep e K p a c H o a p c K o r o Kpaa) (MaTepnanbi coöpaHbi B n o jieBbix ycjiOBHax n onyÖJinKOBaHbi B p a ö o T e [ B o c TpnKOBa 2 0 0 7 ] ) . 3 T H ^Ba r o B o p a n p n H a ^ N E A C A T K pa3JIHHHBIM flnajieKTaM ceiibKyncKoro si3biica (roacHbiM n ceBepHbiM cooTBeTCTBeHHo), n HX HOCHTenn T e p p n TopnajibHO 3HaHHTejibHO y^aneHbi flpyr OT flpyra. B TaÖJiniie 1 npeflCTaBJieHa cncTeMa raaroiiOB nnaBaHißi B 3 T H X r o B o p a x . B TpeTbeii KOJiOHKe n p n B e fleHbi npacaMOflnncKne S T H M O H B I paccMaTpnBaeMbix CJIOB n o cjiOBapK) [ J a n h u n e n 1977]. H 3 T A Ö J I N I I B I BIIFLHO, HTO B I0ACH0-CEJIBICYNCICHX ^ N A -

neKTax 3HaHHTejibHO ö o n e e ö o r a T a a cncTeMa raaroJIOB nepeMemeHHsi B BO^e Ha miaBaiomHx cpeflCTBax. H 3 aTHorpatjmHecKon jinTepaTypbi [ r e M y e B 2 0 0 5 ] H3BeCTHO, HTO OCHOBHbIM npOMbICJIOM lOaCHblX CeJIb-

6 Onpoc HH([)0pMaHT0B npoBO^HJica no 3apaHee coCTaBJieHHbiM Ha pyccKOM 33biKe aHKeTaM, KOTOpbie npefljiaranocb nepeBecra Ha po^Hofi 33biK. B aHKeTax GMJIH npefljiojKeHbi pa3JiHqHbie KOHTeKCTbi c onHcaHHeM pa3JiHqHMX BHflOB nepe^BHaceHHa no BO^HBIM npocTpaHCTBaM (aKTHBHoe njiaBaHHe acHBbix cymecTB, naccHBHoe njiaBaHHe, HaxoameHHe Ha noBepxHOCTH BO^BI, njiaBaHHe Ha JioflKe). AHKeTbi GbiJiH cocTaBJieHbi TaKHM 06pa30M, ITO HOCHTEJIH flOJiacHbi GbiJiH noHaTb H3 npefljiaraeMoro KOHTeKCTa, o KaKOM BHfle nepe^BHaceHHa no Bo^e H^eT peqb. B 0CH0By aHKer GBIJIH nojioaceHbi napaMeTpbi, Bbi^ejieHHbie B pe3yjibTaTe aHajiH3a CHCTCM raarojioB nepe^BHaceHHa no BOfle B Gojiee qeM 40 33biKax MHpa H onyöjiHKOBaHHbix B KHHre [MaiicaK, PaxHJiHHa 2007]. HHJKe npHBe^eH O^HH H3 napaMeTpoB onpoca no aHKeTe «Diarojibi ruiaßaHHa»: IlapaMempu njiaeanun eydoe u jiiodeü na eydax: — ynpaejineMoe nepeMemenue eydna (no onpedenenHOMy Mapuipymy / 6es onpedejienHozo Mapuipyma), — oßjiacoK nanpaememcH e TOMCK. — ded nonnun do cocedneü depeenu. — Haecmpeuy nnuna jioÖKa.

ÜH([)opMaHTy 3aqHTbiBajiHCb TOJibKO npefljioaceHHa fljia nepeBo^a c pyccKoro Ha cejibKyncKHii 33biK. ripefljioaceHHa GbiJiH nofloGpaHbi TaK, ITOGM fleiicTBHa, onHCbiBaeMbie B HHX, aBJiajiHCb npHBbiqHbiMH fljia HOCHTejieii 33biKa, TO ecTb cocTaßjiajiH qacTb yicjiajia HX JKH3HH. B npHBe^eHHbix Bbirne npHMepax OT HOCHTejia 33biKa TpeGoBanocb no^oGpaTb HaHÖojiee noflxoflamHii raaroji fljia nepe^aqH ynpaBjiaeMoro nepeMemeHHa Ha oGjiacKe / jio^Ke. Bo-nepBbix, CTOHT OTMeTHTb, ITO ynpaBJiaeMoe ^BHaceHHe noapa3yMeBaeT HanHiHe rpeGija, n03T0My B KaamoM npefljioaceHHH ecTb HJIH noflpa3yMeBaeTca cy6i>eKT, ynpaBJiaiomHH eyaHOM. HanHiHe MapmpyTa nepe^aeTca c noMombio COOTBeTCTByiomHX oGcToaTejibCTB: HaBCTpeqy, B coce^Hioio flepeBHio, B TOMCK. fljra nepe^aqH ^BHACEHHA Ha jio^Ke HH([)OpMaHTbI HCn0JIb30BaiIH CneiJHajIH3HpOBaHHbIH cejlbKyncKHii raaroji o6.q. ändirgu, onHCbiBaiomHii HMeHHO 3TOT ran nepe^BHACEHHA no Bo^e, xora B pyccKOM npnMepe CTOHT HeHTpajibHbiii raaroji «njibiTb». TaKHM 06pa30M, raaBHaa nejib aHKerapoBaHHa GbiJia flocrarHyTa: GMJIH nojiyqeHbi pa3Hoo6pa3Hbie raarojibi, nepe^aiomHe pa3JiHqHbie BHflbi nepe^BHaceHHa no BO^HBIM npocTpaHCTBaM.

ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. C e p w a «ypajio-ajnafiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMä». 2009. N° W A (1)

IO. B. HOPMAHCKAH,

H e i c o T o p b i e n p i m H H b i c e M a H r a q e c K H X H3MeHeHHÌi.

H. JI. KPACHKOBA.

Taôjiuuta CpcviiiC'iajdiiCK'iiii i n a iCKi,

1 np:ic:iM(>uiiickiiii

rOBOp OÔCKIIX MyMbIJIbKynOB

KpacHOcejibKyncKHH r o B o p

53

1. ri:ip:iMci pi>i aKTHBHOro n. 1:111:1111111 KpacHocejibK. urqo 06. qyji. úrgu uqyltyqo

'njibiTb, rmaßaTb'

'njibiTb, rmaßaTb'

'pe3yjibTaT ^BHaceHHa:

BbinjibiTb, npanjibiTb'

*u- 'njibiTb'

ülsqo

[Janhunen 1977: 2 9 ]

'Haqajio ^BHaceHHa:

nonjibiTb' uqo

'njibiTb' úresp3gu

'njibiTb npo,zioji:>KHTejibHo'

2 . ri:ip:iMcipi>i Ii. in lui il il h c y . i o i i H IIOICM n a c y . i a x KpacHocejibK. tüqo 06. qyji. togu

'npHxoflHTb'

n C *tu- (*tu§-)

'npHxo^HTb, npHnjibißaTb'

KpacHocejibK. qenqo 06. qyji. kßéngu

'H^TH'

n C *kän-

'noHTH, nonjibiTb'

'rpecra' [Janhunen 1977: 166]

(*kâ3n-)

'H^TH' [Janhunen 1 9 7 7 : 5 9 ]

K p a c H o c e j i b K . p s n t y q o 'njibiTb Ha jio^Ke BHH3 n o TeieHHio'

*penc&- ~ *penc§-

0 6 . qyji. psnjygu

3HTb' [Janhunen 1977: 120]

'cnjiaBJiaTbca BHH3 n o TeieHHio'

KpacHocejibK. tityqo o 6 . qyji. ciccygu

'njibiTb npoTHB TeqeHHa p e r a '

*cicä

'njibiTb npoTHB T e i e H n a p e r a '

'napHTb B B03flyxe, CKOJib-

'flBHraTbca npoTHB TeqeHHa'

[Janhunen 1977: 33]

K p a c H o c e j i b K . p u q o 'nepeceicaTb Bofloeni' 06. qyji. púdespygu

'nepenpaBjraTbca HajioflKe' nörespygu ' HocnTb n o BO^e B pa3Hbie CTOpOHbl' ândyrgu túgu

'njibiTb Ha jioflKe'

*3nt3j

'rpecTH Ha jioflKe'

cájygu

'jioflKa' [ J a n h u n e n 1 9 7 7 : 14]

*tu- (*tu§-)

'rpecra' [Janhunen 1977: 166]

'nflTH, njibiTb'

täddrgu

'Be3TH Koro-To Ha njiaB.

nC *tà- 'flaBaTb, npHHOCHTb' [ J a n h u n e n 1977: 144]

cpeflCTBe'

3 . ri:ip:iMci pi>i n a c c H B H O r o n.i:iii:iiniii K p a c H o c e j i b K . p s n t y q o 'njibiTb Ha jio^Ke BHH3 n o TeieHHio'

*penc&-

o 6 . q . p s n j y g u 'cnjiaBJiaTbca BHH3 n o T e i e m i i o '

3HTb' [ J a n h u n e n 1 9 7 7 : 1 2 0 ]

KpacHocejibK. qompyrqo 06. qyji. qâmbyrgu kuryqo

'njiaßaTb Hen0,ziBH3KH0 Ha noBepxHOCTH BOflbi'

*kâmpâ

'napHTb B B03flyxe, CKOJib-

~ *penc§-

(ceB.-caMOfl) ~ *kämpä

(cejibK.)

'BOJiHa' [ J a n h u n e n 1 9 7 7 : 5 9 ]

'njiaßaTb HenoflBHJKHO Ha noBepxHOCTH BOflbi'

'njibiTb n o TeieHHio p e -

ra (o HejKHBOM n p e f l M e r e ) ' qamb3rjéspygu küijyltympyqo

'Teib (o peKe)'

nürßädespygu nürßätku

*kâmpâ

'KaqaTbca Ha Bo^e'

(ceB.-caMOfl) ~ *kämpä

(cejibK.) 'BOJI-

Ha' [Janhunen 1 9 7 7 : 5 9 ]

'Teib (o p y i b e , peKe)'

'Teib (o Bo^e)'

nörespygu 'HOCHTB n o BO^e B pa3Hbie CTOpOHbl' 4. U p c M c i i i i i . i c n:ip:iMci pi>i iic|>CM;ii,kCMiiii B lid io 1 úrespygu

K y n o B saimeTCsi

'njibiTb npo,zioji:>KHTejibHo'

p m ö o j i o b c t b o . Y c e B e p m i x ace c e n t -

K y n o B oiieHeBOflCTBO n p e o ö n a f l a n o H a ^ ^ p y r i i M i i flaMH

npoMbicna:

ptiöajiKOH,

oxotoh.

Y

kmkhhx

ceiibKynoB (ocoöeHHO b MecTax pacnpocTpaHeHira Bopa

HyMbiJibKynoB)

no

cpaBHeHiiK)

c

ceiibKynaM, y

hhx

cymecTBOBano

ro-

ceBepm>iMii

c e i i b K y n a M H ö b i j i o ö o n e e pa3BiiTO n e p e ^ B i G K e H i i e JlOflKaX. I l O M H M O OÖJiaCKa, H3BeCTHOrO h

bh-

Ha

ceBepHbiM

HecKOJiBKO

npiiH-

| *u- 'njibiTb' [ J a n h u n e n 1 9 7 7 : 2 9 ]

iIiimianbHO

hhbix

pa3HOBHflHOCTeñ

ö a n b H b i e j i o f l K H poHnibiK

( n o ^ i c a rjix

nofloic:

noipe-

inaMaHOB,

mh-

(JtonorHHecKasi ironica MepTBbix), o Ö H a p y s c e H H b i e b h h 3 y n o TeHeHHK) p e i c n K e H r n KpynHbie ^ o m a r a e

[Oacepe^OB 2008:

n o f l K i i anazo,

n03B0JMBimie

p e M e m a T b c a Ha ^ a j i e K n e paccTOsmira n innpoKoe

pacnpocTpaHeHne

b

TaKsce ö e p e c T s i H b i e j t c w k h kwesand

170], ne-

nonyniiBimie

HaptiMCKOM

Kpae;

a

[TeMyeB 2 0 0 5 : 329].

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54

10. B. HOPMAHCKAH, H. JI. KPACHKOBA. HeicoTopbie npimHHbi ceMaHraqecKHX H3MeHeHHii. Il.b. CEMAHTHHECKHE H3M6H6HH9 H HX N P H H H H B I B CHCTEME HA3BAHHÖ N E P E M E M E H H H n o 110,1c OT N P A C A M O ^ H H C K O R O H 3 M K A

K COBpeMeHHblM CaMO IHHCK'HM SUMKaYI Jlflsi Toro, HTOÖH npocne^HTT npiiHiiHti ceMaimiHeCKHX H3MCHCHHH OT npaCaMOflHHCKOTO 5I3tIKa K coBpcMGHHOMy centKyncKOMy B CHCTCMC rnaronoB nePEMEMEHHA

B BO^E,

HEOÖXO^HMO

NOCNEFLOBAREIIBHO

pCKOHCTpyiipOBaTI» 3 T y CHCTCMy flflSl n p a C a M O f l H H C K O -

ypoBira. K o p n y c n p a c a M O f l H i i c K H x STHMOJIOTHH HA3BAHHII rnaronoB nnaBaHHsi coöpaH B ciiOBape ro

[Janhunen

1 9 7 7 ] . OflHaKO, BO-nepBbix, c ö o p

nojiHoro

M a T e p n a n a HA3BAHHII n e p e M e m e H H s i B BO^e n o C T B y i o m H M c n o B a p a M caMOflHHCKHx 5I3BIKOB meHKO

1965;

XCJIHMCKHH

2007;

Kort,

1 9 8 5 ; KocTepKHHa, M o M ^ e , )KflaHOBa 2 0 0 1 ;

cyme-

JJflX yTOHHeHHSI peKOHCTpyKIJHH 3HaHeHH5I 3THX npacaMOflHHCKHx neKceM 6bina coCTaBJieHa Taönniia 3. B 3TOH Taönniie coBpeMeHHbie petJmeKCbi yKa3aHHbix npaCaMOflHHCKHX JieKCeM B 3aBHCHMOCTH OT HX 3HaHeHIÖI paCKJiaCCH(})HL[HpOBaHbI n o CeMaHTHHeCKHM 30HAM;

([Tepe-

1)

Simcenko

1977]

Helimski

AKTHBHOE NNABAHNE, NNABAHNE HO^OK H

IIC

3THMOJIOTHK)

M0acH0 ^ o n o i i H H T b

*kuHraH.

'treiben' kud'ü

1 9 9 7 ; D o n n e r 1 9 4 4 ; A n a T a n o 1 9 9 8 ; Ka3aiceBHH, K y 3 -

4 4 4 ] n 3H.

BeT ( j i e c - n n a B H H K ) ' [ H e l i m s k i 2 0 0 7 ] ;

C K H H 2 0 0 7 ] ) , M H o r n e H3 K O T O p b i x ÖBIJIH o n y Ö J i H K O B a HBI y s c e n o c n e B B I X O ^ A B C B C T [ J a n h u n e n 1 9 7 7 ] H e r o

3THM0J10THHeCKHH aHajlH3 npiIBeJIH K yBeJlHHeHHK) Kopnyca

npacaMOflHiicKHx r n a r o n o B

BTOpblX,

aKKypaTHblii

nnaBaHiia.

Bo-

CeMaHTHHeCKHH aHajlH3 CHH-

xpoHHbix CHCTeM rnaronoB nnaBamra B caMOfliincKiix a3biKax H nocneflOBaTenbHaa ceMaHTHHecKaa CTpyKiiHsi

n03B0Ji5ii0T

yTOHHHTb

peKOH-

peKOHCTpynpyeMoe

3HaHemie HeKOTOpbix npacaMOflHiicKHx neKceM. B pe3yjn>Tare 3 T i i M 0 J i 0 r i i 3 a i i H H r n a r o n o B nnaBaHffl B HeHeilKOM, 3HeiIKOM, HraHaCaHCKOM, MaTOpCKOM, KaMaCHHCKOM H CeJlbKynCKOM 5I3bIKaX 6bIJl n o nyneH cneflyromnii Kopnyc npacaMOfliincKiix jieKc e M 7 , o n n c b i B a i o m H x nepeMememie n o BO^e. Ta6jiuuta 2 ripacaMO^HHCKHe jieKceMbi8 *cicä- [Janhunen 1977: 33] *ksmcä- [Janhunen 1977: 52] *ksrs- [Janhunen 1977: 54] *kuptä- [Janhunen 1977: 78] *ku- [Janhunen 1977: 76]) *mulV-9 *p3t- [Janhunen 1977: 114] *penc&- ~ *pencs- [Janhunen 1977: 120] *sejS- [Janhunen 1977: 138] *solV*tes3- [Janhunen 1977: 156] *toj- ~ *tuj- [Janhunen 1977: 164] *tu- (*tuä-) [Janhunen 1977: 166] *u- [Janhunen 1977: 29], [Helimski 1997: 372] *wsj&- [Janhunen 1977: 169]

[Janhunen 'njibiTb

6e3-

BOJibHO ( o H e o f l y i n e B J i e H H b i x o ö i e i c r a x ) ' [ r y c e B 2 0 0 7 :

H e i i O B a , X e i i H M C K H H 2 0 0 2 ; EbiKOHH 2 0 0 5 ;

rpnropoB-

cy-

flOB, naccHBHoe nnaBaHne, ^BHaceHHe acH^KOCTH. PaccMOTpHM 3^ecb öoiiee noflpoÖHO STHMOJIOTHH, KOTOpbie npeflJioaceHbi HäMH, n Te cnynan, Kor^a HaM y^ajiocb yTOHHHTb ceMarnnRy npacaMOflnncKnx neKceM no cpaBHeHHio co ciiOBapeM [Janhunen 1 9 7 7 ] . flonoJiHeHHH npacaMO^HHCKHX UHVIO IOIHH, npe^JiOHceHHbix B cJiOBape [ J a n h u n e n 1977]:

kuuui-

'njibiBeT n o TeneHHio',

küüja

'niibi-

*mulV- ' M b i T b c a , K y n a T b c a , n n a B a T b ' : HCHT. Myjidbipifb 'Kynarbcsi' [TepemeHKO 1965: 261]; Myjixadapifb (npHMeiraeTC}i K nioflsiM, Bo^oniiaBAIOMHM nTHijaM H np.) 'öyiibKaTb, HbipaTb (npoH3BOFLA öyiibKaHHe)': um' Myjixada 'OH HbipHyn B BO^y' [TepemeHKO 1965: 261]; ceiibK. OÖ.H., Bac. Myjixcyey; OÖ.H., Bac. Myjidxcäey 1. ' B b i M b i T b ' : Bac. ydoM Myjidxcyey 'pyKH BbiMbiTb, C M b i T b ' : Bac. nay MyndoK3zy 'rpsi3b CMbiTb, HCKynarb, yMbiTbca': OÖ.H. MyndotcciK 'yMbinca'; OÖ.H. Myndwcswnyzy 'oTMbiBaTbca', O6.h. Myjidxcedxcäey 'BbiMbiTbc x, OTMbiTbca', O6.h. Myndwcuzsmy 'ononocHyTb MHoroe' [BbiKOHsi 2005: 132]; KaM. mulem ' n i i b i T b ' [Donner 1 9 4 4 : 1 9 5 ] , B ceiibKyncKOM 5i3biKe npeflCTaBJieH cy(})(})HKC -wcy-l -dotcy-/-dotce-, KOTopbiii Hcnonb3yeTC5i flna 0Öpa30BaHH3 rnaronoB OT rnaronoB: cp. TBIM. xajibduzy 'ono3flaTb' ~ Bac. ^ajviedxcyey ' o n o 3 f l a T b ' , OÖ.H., KeT. 2) I I C

H^aHyma(cb) 'njibiTb Ha jioflKe', [TepemeHKO 1965: 384]; 3H. oduir- 'njiaßaeT, pa3i>e32(aeT (MH.) Ha jioflKe' [Helimski 2007]; HraH. ysnts(u) 'ruibiTb HajioflKe' [ryceB 2007: 443]; cejibK. o6.q. ändyrgu 'njibiTb Ha jioflKe' [BbiKOHa 2005: 11]; MaT. ondoj 'qejiH, jioflKa'; MaT. onddi '6epecT3Hbie HXHHe jioflKH' [Helimski 1997: 328]; KaM. eni 'jio^Ka, qejiH, oGjiacoK' [Donner 1944: 17] 06pa30BaHbi c n0M0mblO pa3J!HqHbIX npOflyKTHBHblX Cyt[)([)HKCOB HJIH KOHBepCHH OT pet[)jieKCOB n C OCHOBBI *sntsj- 'jioflKa' [Janhunen 1977: 14]. nocKOJibKy oyt[)([)HKCbi BO Bcex 33biKax, 3a HCKJiioqeHHeM 3HeijKoro H cejibKyncKoro, pa3Hbie, TO cjie^yeT cqHTaTb, ITO 3TH raarojibi BO3HHKJIH He3aBHCHMO B coßpeMeHHbix CaMOflHHCKHX 33bIKaX. B CeJlbKynCKOM H 3HeiJKOM a3biKax npeflCTaBJieHbi raarojibi c cyt[)([)HKCOM -r-, KO7 TOpblH SBJiaeTCa CTaHflapTHbIM Cyt[)([)HKCOM B 3THX 33bIKaX Te c j i y q a n , Kor^a JieKceMbi B c o ß p e M e H H b i x caMOflHHCKHX 33biKax MoryT 6biTb n p o H H T e p n p e T H p o B a H b i KaK fljra 06pa30BaHHa OTbiMeHHbix raarojioB. n03T0My TaioKe Hejlb33 HCKJlIOTHTb, 1TO 3TH flepHBaTbl B03HHKJ1H B 3HeiJHe3aBHCHMbie 06pa30BaHHa c noMombio cyt[)([)HKCOB OT KOM H cejibKyncKOM 33biKax cenapaTHO. pet[)jieKCOB KaKofi-jmSo npacaMOflHHCKOH OCHOBBI, MM 9 BCJiefl 3a [Janhunen 1977: 14] He cmrraeM IIC jieKceMaMH. 3THM0Ji0rHH, n p H KOTOpbix 3 f l e c b H flanee He flaHbi 8 ccbiJiKH Ha CTpaHHijy H3 [Janhunen 1977], n p e f l j i a r a i o T c a , fljra IIC 33biKa He BoccTaHaBJiHBaercii ocoGoro TepHacKOJibKO HaM H3BecTHO, B H a c T o a m e f i CTaTbe BnepBbie, H MHHa 'njibiTb Ha jioflKe'. JieKceMbi c oooTBeTCTByiomHM no^poGHee pa36HpaioTca HHJKe. 3HaqeHHeM B coßpeMeHHbix caMOflHficKHX 33biKax: HeHT. ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

Cepwa «ypa^o-amaüCKne ncc^eflOBaHna». 2009. N° W A (1)

IO. B. HOPMAHCKAH, H. JI. KPACHKOBA.

H e i c o T o p b i e npimHHbi c e M a H r a q e c K H X H3MeHeHHÌi...

55

Taôjiuuta 3 Â K T H B H o e ii i a i t a i i i i o HeHT.

My.irìbipub

naTbca'

'Ky-

[TepemeHKO

I I j i a B a H H e iia

KI IKO

HeHT.

xaHmäHäcb

jWTh,

ye32(aTb, ynjibiBaTb'

'yxo-

cêÛHâ(cb)

1965: 261] < n C *mulV-

[TepemeHKO 1965: 741]
ip;nï>.

X

1965:

'yTOHyTb,

*solV-

a a

(Hanp., o cjie3ax, o Kanjrax)' [TepemeHKO

[Helimski 1965: 358]

n j i b i T b ( o q e j i o B e K e H 3KH-

s

'KanaTb,

692] < n C *tesS-

X

cojia(cb)

H e H T . mècà(cb)

T e q b , CTeKaTb, c o i H T b c a

n o r p y a c a T b c a B BO[TepemeHKO

[Janhunen 1977:

'no-

TC'IC'IIIIC VKII.Ik'OCIII

I l a c c H B H o e ii i a i t a i i i i o HeHT.

xìipiìfcb)

'npn-

HeHT.

[TepemeHKO

xàMÒa(cb)

'npo-

JlHTb, pa3JlHTb, BblJlHTb' [TepemeHKO 1965: 732]
WOlap.yuk-u (go-FIN) > Shuri 'ich-uN (go-FIN)"

In our opinion, PJap. *-um can be further analyzed as a compound of the existential auxiliary *wu- and the participle PJap. *-m. Other evidence for a nominalizer PJap. *-m may come from the accent class 2.5 of disyllabic nouns with a unique low-falling pitch, which is limited to the Kansai dialects. [Polivanov 1924: 126] was the first to link the origins of this accent class with the loss of a final consonant PJap. *-m. [Vovin 1994: 250; 2008] identifies the lost consonant as the nominalizer pre-PJap. *-m in verbal adjectives denoting colors, such as in OJap. awo- B 'be blue/green (adj.)' and derived awo 2.5 'blue/ green (n.)' (< *awo- 'be blue/green' + *-m.) We propose that the nominalizer PJap. *-m and the finite suffix PJap. *-m are connected through insubordination. 3.2. Korean 3.2.1. PKor. *-n participle The Korean participle Kor. -(u)n, MKor. -(' u/o)n functions as an imperfective modifier following adjectives and copula, while it serves as a perfective modifier following verbs.3 In Middle Korean, -(o!u)n was in essence time neutral (Ramsey p.c.): It combined with the tense and aspect morphemes MKor. -()no- processive, MKor. -' te retrospective, MKor. - ke effective to form the corresponding modifiers MKor. -non, - ten and -' ken. There are a few instances where the participles are used before the Middle Korean genitive suffix MKor. 'uy / ' oy in a nominal function. These examples are explained as a case of weakening and vanishing of the clitic noun MKor. ' i 'one, person, thing, fact' [Martin 1992: 924], They illustrate how adnominal use can gradually grammaticalize into nominal use by the phonological weakening and loss of nominal heads. Contemporary Korean has examples of insubordination in the logophoric domain such as To:n-i iss-nunl (money-NOM be.present-PROC.PTCP) 'He has money [you said]?' [Martin 1992: 722], in which the speech of an individual distinct from the speaker is reported on. Examples of finite use of the participle in Middle Korean, however, all include the clitic noun MKor. ' i in finite position. Table 6 illustrates the use of the Middle Korean participle -( u/o)n. The examples are taken from [Martin 1992: 719, 722, 924; 2002: 380], 3 After a consonant-final stem an epenthetic vowel is inserted. The MK ending has the shapes - un or - on. The choice of the shape is determined by vowel harmony with the vowel of the preceding syllable.

3.2.2. PKor. *-l participle The contemporary Korean participle Kor. -(u)l is usually called "prospective" because reference to the future is the most common meaning today. In Middle Korean, however, MKor. -( ulo)l is the default imperfective participle, in essence time neutral [Martin 2002: 376], The postadnominal cek 'time (when)' in the first example in table 6, for instance, calls for the participle regardless of the time. As a direct nominalization the participle precedes case suffixes, such as the Middle Korean genitive marker s in the example. Development towards finite use is found in the subjunctive attentive ending Kor. -(u)la, MKor. -(' ulo)' la. This suffix is likely to be morphologically segmentable into the imperfective participle and the vocative particle a (< -( ulo) l-a) [Martin 1992: 851; 2002: 378—379]. The vocative particle a follows nouns (e.g. Kor.palk-un tal-a (shine-PTCP moon-VOC) 'Oh shining moon!') and it also occurs in finite assumptive constructions with the nominalizer Kor. -{u)m (e.g. Kitali-m-a (wait-NML-VOC) 'I'll be expecting you.'). Table 6 illustrates the use of the Middle Korean participle -( ulo)l. The examples are taken from [Martin 2002: 376; 1992: 851,873], 3.2.3 PKor. *-m verbal noun The suffix MKor. -( u/o)m, Kor. -(u)m is restricted to nominal use. In the documentary style of written contemporary Korean it is used in main clauses, providing the impersonal alternative, prototypical for insubordination. Table 7 illustrates the use of the Middle Korean participle -(u!o)m. The examples are taken from [Martin 1992: 887], 3.3. Tungusic 3.3.1. PTung. *-n and -rA participles Manchu has an imperfective participle -ra / -re / -ro that has an adnominal, a nominal and an independent function as illustrated in Table 8. The examples are taken from [Gorelova 2002: 485, 256, 257], In the other Tungusic languages participles reflecting PTung. *-ri: have replaced the ones on *-ra in the adnominal and nominal functions. The participle PTung. *-ri: is likely to be a secondary derivation from the participle PTung. *-rA and the nominalizer PTung. *-i < *ra-i. The participles reflecting PTung. *-rA are maintained however in the finite paradigms throughout all Tungusic languages. Manchu has no conjugational paradigm reflecting finite participles because unlike the other Tungusic languages it has no grammatical category of person. Table 9 illustrates the common division into conjugational classes in Even [Benzing 1955 a: 1079—1080; Benzing 1955 b: 90; Malchukov 1995: 16; Menges 1968: 122—123],

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67

MARTINE ROBBEETS. Insubordination in Altaic Table 6. The use of the Middle Korean participle -(' ulo)n

adnominal use

nominal use

finite adnominal use

imperfective "wu- nu-n swo'li (1447 Sek 19: 14b) cry-PROC-PTCP sound 'the sound of crying' •PPYENG ho-'n-oy nek s-i illness do-PTCP-GEN spirit-NOM place-DAT kwo' t-ay two' Idw-a (1447 Sek 9: 3 lb) come.back-INF 'The spirit of the ill one came back on the spot' "manhi tut- tolwok "etwuk' SIN-thi a' frequently hear-PROJ more believe-SUSP NEG nV ho-no-'n i (1482 Nam 1: 36 b) do-PROC-PTCP fact 'The more I hear the less I believe'

perfective anc-on ce'k-uy (1463 Pep 5: 193b) sit.down-PTCP time-DAT 'when seated'

Table 7. The use of the Middle Korean participle -( u!o)l wo-l adnominal use

nominal use

ce'k-uy

'kilh-i

"ki-two-'ta (1481 Twusi 17: 17a)

come-PTCP time-DAT way-NOM

be.long-EMO-FIN

'The way is long when coming [here]' "se ' twoy tu'li-l-s HHWA-PPYENG-ul

nwo-khwo

three measure contain-PTCP-OEN vase-ACC

place-CONV

( 1459 Wei 10: 119 a)

'Placing a vase with a capacity of three cupfuls' ' QILQ-SIM- u ' Iwo kwoyGwoy ho- la (1464 Kumkang 12a)

finite use

wholehearted-ADV silence

do-SUBJ

'Be utterly quiet.' Table 8. The use of the Middle Korean participle -( u/o)m ... kes-ul meki-m-i nominal use

thing-ACC

mastang thi

feed-NML-NOM proper

ani

ho-n

i (1608 Twu-cip 2: 4b)

do.SUSP NEO do-PTCP fact

'It is unsuitable to feed them things [such as watermelon or pear or orangel' Kor. Onul-un swuep-i eps-um finite use

today-TOP class-NOM not.exist-NML

'No class today.' Table 9. The use of the Manchu participle -ra / -re / -ro bargiyata-ra adnominal use

protect-PTCP

niyalma people

'people who protect [him]' mama-de ala-ra-de, nominal use

mama

hendu-me...

old.woman-DAT tell-PTCP-DAT old.woman say-CONV

'When [hel has told [it| to the old woman, the old woman says: "..."' si nene-me isinji-ci uthai sin-de bu-re finite use

you be.first-CONV come-CONV at.once you-DAT give-PTCP

'If you come first, I shall give [it] to you straight away' Table 10. Conjugational classes in Even ma'- 'kill'

< PTung. *wa:-

SG 1 2 3

ma:ram ma:nri ma:n

*wa:-rA-n-bi *wa:-rA-n-si *wa:-rA-ni

yenpT 'go' yenrem r¡enenri yenren

PL 1 1 excl. 2 3

ma:rap ma:ru: ma: s ma:r

*wa:-rA-p(t)i *wa:-rA-bu *wa:-rA-su *wa:-rA

yenrep yenru yenes yenre

go:nm-

bi- 'be'

ga- 'take'

go •nem go •nenri go •nni

bisem bisenri bisni

gadam gadanri gadni

go •nep go •nu go •nes go •n

bisep bisu bises bis

gadap gadu gadas gad

ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C ( ) M J I O J I O ™ M . Cepwa «Ypajio-ajiTaííCKMe

'say'

iccjieflOBaHMä».

2009. N° W A (1)

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MARTINE

In Even, as in the other Tungusic languages, the vast majority of verbs (such as ma:- 'kill' and yen- 'go') take the participle -rA as a conjugational basis to which person endings are added. The endings have developed from the the personal pronouns in the nominative in PTung. *bi 1 SG, *si 2 SG, *ni 3SG, *bue 1PL EX, *miti 1PL IN, *sue 2PL, *ti 3PL. In the first and second person singular, however, we find an additional element PTung. *-n-. This element is assumed to be a relic of an older participial form, that is incorporated in certain inflectional endings [Menges 1943: 239, 241— 43; 1968: 80; Benzing 1955: 1080], This kind incorporation can be compared to what happened in the case of the Latin inceptive suffix -sc-, which leaves a trace in Italian fini-sco 'I finish', but not in fini-amo 'we finish' and in French (nous) fini-ss-ons 'we finish', but not in (je) fini-s 'I finish' [Greenberg 1991: 311], A limited number of (often stative) verbs such as bi- 'be' take a different base on -sA and only some (often telic) verbs such as ga- 'take' have a base on -dA. These markers -sA and -dA may reflect original aspectual markers and are not of interest for the present argument. Of interest, however, is the different behaviour of stem final nasal verbs: -n(1> final verbs like go:n(1>- 'say' form their base without participle -rA while -n(2) final verbs like yen(2)- 'go' take the usual participle -rA. This may be taken as an indication that -n(i) in go:ri(iy 'say' is originally not part of the verb stem, but reflects the older participle form PTung. *-n. Additional internal support for the morphological origin of stem final -n(i) comes from the fact that -n(i) is dropped before the majority of aspectual, diathetical and actional suffixes, whereas -n(2) is maintained as a part of the stem in this position, (e.g. in Even with -ke:c- intensive: gd:ke:c- 'repeat over and over again', with -(e)m- optative: gd:m- 'want to say', with -(e)I inchoative: gd:l- 'start to speak', with -me:c- reciprocal: gd:me:c- 'speak to eachother' etc.). Verb pairs in which a derivational element -n(i) is described as a suffix with unclear function [Benzing 1955 b: 46] such as dul- 'become warm (of wetter)' and dul.an- 'become warm' may incorporate the participial base on PTung. *-n as well, (compare 3 SG dulran 'it becomes warm' vs. dulnan 'id.'). Apart from relics in the finite paradigms of the Tungusic languages, the participle PTung. *-n leaves traces of nonfinite use. Even uses an optative construction on -(e)men o- 'to get the urge to' in e.g. Even kol-aman o- 'to get the urge to drink' which is derivable from the optative -(e)m-, a participial form on -n and the auxiliary o- 'become'. It also derives some deverbal nouns on -n, e.g. Even tayu- 'be counted' —> tayun 'number' [Benzing 1955 b: 39]. Evenki has a number of deverbal nouns on -n as well, such as Evk. yene- 'go' —> yene-n 'motion, moving ahead, walk' [Poppe 1972: 45—46], Manchu -n is the

ROBBEETS.

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most common derivative suffix to form nouns from verbs, e.g. edu- 'blow' —> edun 'wind', yabu- 'answer, respond' —> yabun 'answer', tad- 'teach' —> tacin 'science, skill' [Gorelova 2002: 194—195], The converb of simultaneity PTung. *-na which has reflexes in Even, Evenki, Negidal, Udehe [Benzing 1955 a: 1091] appears to reflect a nominal form of the verb since it can be followed by a diminutive suffix PTung. *-ka:n (e.g. Neg. na-xan, Even -ni:-ka:n). 3.3.2. PTung. *-mA participle In a number of Tungusic languages we find traces of a participial form on PTung. *-mA, lexicalized in deverbal adjectives such as in Evenki omngo- 'forget' —> omngo-mo 'forgetful, absent-minded', tuksa'run' —> tuksa-ma 'running' [Nedjalkov 1997: 305] and girku- 'walk' —> girkuma 'pedestrian' [Poppe 1955: 262], The derivation of colour adjectives with secondary nominal function such as bagdama 'white (adj. and n.)' from bagda- 'become white, freeze', reminiscent of the color derivations in Japanese above, illustrates the faint boundary between the adnominal and nominal use of the participial form. Udehe also derives some adjectives from verbs with a suffix -mA, such as xui- 'boil' —> xuili-me 'boiling', zegde- 'burn' —> zegdeli-me 'burning', kua- 'cut, make a framework' —> kuai-ma 'log (adj.)' [Nikolaeva 1999: 113], The nominal use of the participial form is preserved in the converbs of simultaneity Ma. -me Even -mi, Evk. -mi, Nan. -mi and Ud. -mi.A The Tungusic languages distinguish between those converbs that conjugate for person and number and those that do not. Some of the converbs without agreement have distinct singular and plural forms in a number of Tungusic languages. The -mi converb lacks agreement, but has distinct singular and plural forms, for instance, in Nan. -mi SG vs. -mari / -meri PL, Ud. -mi vs. -mei PL, Olc -mi SG vs. -mari / -meri PL, Oroc -mi vs. -mai PL. This number distinction reflect contraction of an original nominal form PTung. *-mA with the possessive-reflexive suffixes PTung. *-wi SG vs. PTung. *-wari PL [Benzing 1955 a: 1090; Menges 1968: 212], The observation that Ma. -me does not alter according to vowel harmony can be explained by the fact that morphological contraction of the vowel harmonic variants PTung. *-ma and *-me with the possessivereflexive suffix PTung. *-wi would yield *-mai and *mei respectively, but that phonological contraction to Ma. -me would erase the original distinction. Jurchen preserves the alternants *-mai and *mei. Insubordination of the participial form is partially observable in Manchu and Udehe. Although contro4 In the northern Tungusic languages, Even and Evenki, the -mi converb can also indicate immediately anteriority to a primary event, depending on the telicity / atelicity of the verb in the converbial form.

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versy marks the literature about the exact derivation of the imperfective finite suffix Ma. -mbi, most authors agree that it derives from a nonfinite form followed by the predicative copula Ma. bi [Benzing 1955: 1077; Menges 1943: 242 : < *-n (participle) bi; Zakharov 1879: 173; Avrorin 1949; Sinor 1968; Gorelova 2002: 289: < *-me (converb) bi; Gorelova 1995: 156: < *-ma (participle) bi)]. The most plausible account in the light of the present study seems to be the latter, namely that the finite form is formed by the participial form *-ma in its nominal use, followed by the predicative copula Ma. bi. The arguments are that (1) Ma. bi is an obligatory structural component of the predicate, especially in the nominal type of predication, (2) the imperfective finite in -mbi has a parallel in the perfective finite in -habi which is derivable from the perfective participle Ma. -ha / -he / -ho and bi and (3) two distinct imperfective finite forms in -mi and -ma, that seem to derive from PTung. *-mA bi and *-mA respectively, are present in the Sibe dialect of Manchu [Norman 1974: 168—169], In support of the derivation of the finite form from the -mi converb, however, it has been noted that Udehe makes uses of an insubordinated converb in -mi as an independent finite form. In combination with the copula bi- 'be' it forms a finite predicate in the progressive aspect. In the present the copula is usually omitted, although this is not necessarily so. Whether the Tungusic finite forms ultimately derive from PTung. *-ma (participle) bi or from *-mi (converb) bi (< *-ma-wi bi), it can be argued that a nonfinite nominal form is taking part in the insubordination. Table 11 gives some reflexes of the use of the proto-Tungusic participle *-mA in Udehe. The examples are taken from [Nikolaeva 1999: 129, 164], 3.4. Mongolic 3.4.1. PMo. *-n participle The use of a suffix -n, with the epenthetic vowel -u- / -u- if the stem ends in a cononant, is common to form participles and deverbal nouns in Mongolic [Poppe 1954: 49; 1955: 262; 1972: 45—46; Street 1957: 26], such as WMo. gene- 'to commit mistakes through carelessness, to be negligent' —> genen 'silly, careless, naive', WMo. singge- 'be absorbed' —> singgen 'fluid', WMo. nayad- 'to play' —> nayadun 'play, game'. The converb of manner on -n is by its origin a verbal noun [Poppe 1954: 96], This can be observed from the fact that it builds a plural form, replacing the ending -n by WMo. -d and MMo. -t and that in epic songs in Khalkha the -n converb can occur with a diminutive suffix in -xatj. In Middle Mongolian the plural of this deverbal noun suffix is used as a finite form [Poppe 1955: 262—264; Weiers 1966: 151—153], In Mogol we find traces of the insubordinated use of the singular in *-n in the finite paradigm, e.g. irambi < ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

*ire- 'come' + *-n PTCP *bi 1SG 'I come', irantsi < *ire- 'come' + *-n PTCP + *ci 2SG 'you come' etc. Table 12 gives some reflexes of the use of the protoMongolic participle *-n in Middle Mongolian. The examples are taken from the Secret History (SH). 3.4.2. PMo.

*-rparticiple

The use of a suffix is -r, with the epenthetic vowel -u- / -u- if the stem ends in a consonant, is common to form deverbal nouns in Mongolic, such as WMo. amu- 'rest' —> amur 'rest, peace' and iruge- 'bless' —> irttger 'prayer, blessing' [Poppe 1954: 49; Street 1957: 58], We find the suffix lexicalized in adnominal constructions such as WMo. siba- 'plaster, apply mud' —> sibar bayising 'adobe house', WMo. qayi'cut, chop (tr.)' —> qayir cilayu 'coarse gravel, pebbles' and in deverbal adjectives such as cilege- 'tire, exhaust, render weak' —> cilger 'slender (adj.)', onduyi- 'raise oneself, rise slightly' —> ondur 'high, tall (adj.)'. The local adverbs in WMo. -ra are originally dative forms in *-a of nominalizations *-r [Poppe 1954: 59]. The final converb on -ra and the preparative converb on -run are also derivable from verbal nouns in *-r with the dative in *-a and the genitive in *-un respectively [Poppe 1954: 98, 180], I am not aware of examples of finite use of the suffix. Table 13 gives reflexes of the use of the protoMongolic participle *-r in Written Mongolian. The examples are taken from [Lessing 1960] and [Sarkozi 2004: 47], 3.4.3. PMo. *-mA participle The suffix *-mA is lexicalized as a participial form and as a deverbal noun in a small number of words in Mongolic. Relics of its adnominal function are present in some deverbal adjectives such as WMo. yayiqa'be astonished' —> yayiqama 'wonderful, astonishing' [Poppe 1954: 48] and in participial constructions such as jayilu- 'rinse, wash out (tr.)' —> jayiluma usu 'brook'. [Poppe 1955: 262] finds reflexes in Khalkha and Ordos, such as Ordos andu:ra- 'err' —> anduirama 'misleading'. [Poppe 1955: 262] finds that in "Middle Mongolian and in some spoken languages forms in -ma still serve as substantive nouns", e.g. Monguor daqa- 'to follow' —> daqama 'menses', guru- 'plait' —> gurma 'plaited hair'. Much more common, however, is the deverbal noun suffix on -m [Poppe 1954: 47; 1955: 261; Street 1957: 58], such as in WMo. toqo- 'to saddle' —> toqom 'saddle cloth' and WMo. ban- 'seize' —> barim 'grip'. Since -m seems to be connected to the former marker by phonological erosion of the vowel, since it does not appear in adnominal function and since it has a higher producivity, we may take it to reflect a further grammaticalized variant of the participle PMo. *-ma. It is likely how ever that this process was already on its way in the Transeurasian ancestral language.

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MARTINE ROBBEETS. Insubordination in Altaic Table 11. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Tungusic participle *-n in Even adnominal use

nominal use

finite use

kol-ama-n od-ni drink-OPT-PTCP become-3SG 'He becomes the urge to drink' tayu-n be.counted-PTCP 'number' hokna-m be.happy.PTCP-1SG 'I am happy'

Table 12. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Tungusic participle *-mA in Udehe adnominal use

nominal use

finite use

xui-li-me boil-INCH-PTCP 'boiling' Nuani yele-mi susa-gi-e-ni He get.frightened.CONV escape-REP-PAST-3SO 'Being frightened, he escaped.' Wakca-mi (bi:-ni) hunt-CONV (be-3SG) 'He is hunting'

Table 13. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Mongolic participle *-n in Middle Mongolian adnominal use

nominal use

finite use

undur-un oron [SH 187] become high-PECP trone 'high trone' nis-iin ire-bei fly-CONV come-PST 'he arrived flying' bi ulus irgen ulu temece-t [SH 64] I land people NEG strive.for-PL.NML 'I do not strive for land and people'

Table 14. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Mongolic participle *-r in Written Mongolian

adnominal use

nominal use

qayi-r cilayu chop-PTCP stone 'coarse gravel' eke-yiigen eri-re od-bai mother-ACC search-CONV go-PST 'He went to find her mother'

Table 15. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Mongolic participle *-mA in the Mongolic languages

adnominal use

nominal use

finite use

WMo. jayiluma usu rinse-PTCP water 'brook' WMo. bari-m seize-NML 'grip' MMo .yabu-m walk-NML 'he goes, he will go'

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The suggested pathway of grammaticalization is confirmed by the fact that, contrary to -ma, -m can serve in finite position [Poppe 1954: 346; 1955: 261; Weiers 1966: 143—150; Sârkôzi 2004: 42—43], In Middle Mongolian -m marks narrative present forms, e.g. MMo. yabu-m (walk-NML) 'he goes, he will go'. The use in narratives is reminiscent of the cases of insubordination of nominal forms cross-linguistically, where the speaker wishes not to assume responsibility for the truth of what he is saying. The deverbal noun suffix -m is also incorporated in the Written Mongolian suffix -nam (praesens imperfecti), consisting of the participle *-n and *am, the extinct narrative present of the verb a- 'be', e.g. WMo. yabunam < *yabun am 'is going'. Table 14 summarizes the reflexes of the use of the proto-Mongolic participle *-mA in the Mongolie languages. 3.5. Turkic 3.5.1. PTu. *-n participle In Old Turkic we find a participial suffix -(X)n that derives deverbal adjectives such as OTu. yak- 'be near, to approach' —> yakin 'near', OTu. kalï- 'rise in the air' —> kalïn 'thick, massive, dense' and OTu. yïg'heap up' —> yïgïn 'heaped up' [Ramstedt 1952: 94; Erdal 1991: 302—304], The suffix further derives deverbal nouns such as OTu. yasi- 'flash' —> yasin 'lightning', OTu. àk- 'sow' —> akin 'sown land, the crop growing on it' and OTu. sa- 'count' —> san 'number, set of things counted' [Poppe 1972: 45—46; Ramstedt 1952: 94; Erdal 1991:301—302; 304—307], In support of the relative archaicness of the participle vis-à-vis the participles mentioned below, we can refer to Erdal's [Erdal 2004: 301] remark that "The -(X)n bases are all underived". Although we do not find examples of independent use of the participial form in Old Turkic, Chuvash preserves examples of insubordination of the cognate perfective participle. Chuvash preserves evidence for an old participial form in -(A)n incorporated in a few fixed phrases, as yux-an sïv 'river, lit. flowing water', vës-en kayak 'fowl, bird; lit. flying bird' and stire-n sul 'welltrodden path, lit. going road' [Kriiger 1961: 152], It is also preserved in the negative present participial form -mAn, e.g. kus kur-man sin (eye see-NEG.PTCP person) 'a blind man', which is derivable from the negative -m- [Kriiger 1961: 142—143] and -An. It is likely that the Chuvash perfective participle -nÀ which is still widely productive is a secondary derivation from this form. Phonological support comes from the observation that the final lax vowel in Chuvash is secondarily added as in many other Chuvash words, such as Chuv. ktilë 'lake' (cf. OTu. kôl 'large body of water, pool, lake'), Chuv. uDâ 'straw' (cf. OTu. ot 'grass, vegetation'), Chuv. yiDâ 'dog' (cf. OTu. it 'dog'). The addition of the final lax vowel probably made the

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insertion of a binding vowel after consonant stems superfluous, so ves-en (fly-PTCP) became ves-ne. The development towards perfective use is reminiscent of the observation made for the Korean participle in -n. Additional evidence comes from the fact that the present participle -(A)n and the perfective participle -nA share the same negative participle, namely -man, e.g. pel-men samax (know-NEG.PTCP word) 'an unknown word; a word one didn't know' [Kriiger 1961: 154], Traces of the nominal use of Chuvash -(AJn can be found in the negative participle that can be followed by case suffixes such as the ablative in the example in table 16. Like other nouns Chuv. -nA may take the past morpheme -cce and the verbal noun in -ni is derivable as -nA followed by the possessive of the 3sg -i [Kriiger 1961: 153—154], In finite use we find Chuv. -nA and the negative counterpart -man incorporating the simplex morpheme as illustrated below. Table 16 illustrates the reflexes of the use of the proto-Turkic participle *-n in Old Turkic and Chuvash. The examples are taken from [Erdal 1991: 304] for Old Turkic and from [Kriiger 1961: 150—155] for Chuvash. 3.5.2 PTu.

*-(A)rparticiple

In Old Turkic the participle -(AJr, which is known under the label "aorist", is still productive in its adnominal use, but it is used more often as a finite predicate [Erdal 2004: 282, 284], It is formed with -Ar after most simple consonant stems, -Ur or -Ir after diathetic consonants stems and -yUr or -r after vowel stems. In Runic Old Turkic we find a number of monosyllabic verb stems that exceptionally form their participle on -Ur or -Ir, such as kal- 'come' —> kalir and bar- 'go' —> barir. [Ramstedt 1952: 86; Johanson 1975: 111—112; Erdal 1979] support the viewpoint that deleted stem or (diathetical) suffix final vowels are recoverable in the participial forms. [Poppe 1964: 12—13] refers to a reflex of nominal use in e.g. Tur. kes- 'cut' —> kes-er 'adze'. The other examples are taken from [Erdal 2004: 284—285, 325], The aorist has been thought to be present in all Turkic languages except Chuvash. This exception would be remarkable, given the key role of Chuvash in the discussions on the Transeurasian hypothesis. [Johanson 1975] has shown, however, that the aorist has actually been preserved in Chuvash, surviving as a so-called finite "future" in -A. [Johanson 1975: 120—123] demonstrates that there is a clear functional match between both forms. He describes the functions in Chuvash as "unbestimmtes Futur" and "praesens generale". The first function, which [Kriiger 1961: 143] identifies as a more general future "when the speaker is less convinced that an action will definitely take place" is reminiscent of the avoidance of speaker responsibility, which is typically involved in insubordination proc-

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esses. The second function is observed in habitual and generic expressions and illustrated in table 17 below. The phonology of the Chuvash participial f o r m in -Ä raises t w o issues. First w e need to explain w h e r e the final lax v o w e l -Ä comes f r o m and then w e have to determine a possible environment for -r loss. The development of the final lax v o w e l probably went along the same line as that for the participle -(A)n to -nÄ in e.g. ves-en (fly-PTCP) to ves-ne, above. A s in m a n y Chuvash words a secondary lax v o w e l w a s added, w h i c h m a d e the preceding binding v o w e l in consonant stems superfluous. A s for the -r loss, there are a n u m b e r of Chuvash verbs that lose stem-final -r w h e n they cluster with t-, m- or n- initial suffixes (e.g. tar- ' s t a n d ' —> tä-tä-m (stand-PST-lSG), tä-nä (stand-PF.PTCP), tä-ma (stand-NML)). Since consonant clusters involving t, m, n provide an environment for r-loss, w e can posit the following phonological development for verbs like Chuv. sit- ' r e a c h ' : PTu. *yet-är (overtake-PTCP) > p C h u v * sit-är (reach-PTCP) > (lax v o w e l addition) *sit-äre > (binding v o w e l delition) *sit-re > (cluster -r-loss) sit-e Taking into consideration the phonological instability of -r , it is easy to see h o w the -r loss could have spread to all consonant and v o w e l final verbs by analogy. [Johanson 1975:130—137] takes the lax vowels in the Chuvash f o r m and the correspondence between Chuv -Ä- and O T K -U- as an indication that the original aorist f o r m w a s *-(A)yUr instead of *(A)r in Turkic, but on the present account there is no need for such a reconstruction. The Chuvash data rather indicate that the simplex allomorph OTu. -(A)r reflects the original m o r p h e m e , while the allomorph O T K -yUr that is restricted to v o w e l stems, is probably a phonotactic alternant. The Chuvash finite f o r m in -Ä leaves traces of earlier nonfinite use, for instance in the potential participle -i (negative -mi) and in the conditional -ÄttÄm. [Johanson 1975: 124—127] derives the potential participle as a c o m p o u n d of the participle *-A and the third person possessive -i, a derivation w h i c h is parallelled in the analysis of the verbal n o u n in -ni above. H e posits [Johanson 1975: 127] "Wir n e h m e n also an, daß das Partizipialsuffix -i aus "Futur" + "Possessivs u f f i x " besteht und sehen in den Funktionen dieses Partizips eine zusätzliche Bestätigung der A n n a h m e , daß die K o m p o n e n t e "Futur" mit d e m gesamttürkischen Aorist genetisch identisch ist." [Krüger 1961: 60] derives the conditional -ÄttÄm f r o m the grammaticalization of a verb 'to stand' and remarks that the "conditional has a short -Ä before the ending". F r o m a functional perspective the -Ä is a converbial form, reminiscent of the converb in *-nÄ. Traces of attributive use of Chuv. -Ä are petrified in the adjective marker -IÄ [Krüger 1961: 130—131], ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

C()MJIOJIO™M.

This suffix that derives adjectives from n o u n s incorporates the denominal verb marker -IA- followed by the participle -A. This can be inferred f r o m triplets such as Chuv. yat ' n a m e ' —> yatla- 'give a n a m e ' —> yatla ' n a m e d , having the n a m e ' or ilem ' b e a u t y ' —> ilemle- ' m a k e b e a u t i f u l ' —> ilemle ' b e a u t i f u l ' . The deverbal derivation is further supported b y the semantic contrast between the example in table 17 'salted water, water to w h i c h salt w a s a d d e d ' and expressions for 'naturally salt w a t e r ' such as távar külli ' a saltlake, lake salty b y nature'. W e do not exclude the possibility that relics of the participle PTu. *(a)r without secondary added v o w e l and resulting -r loss are preserved in the so-called Chuvash "past" in -(A)r, e.g. vula-r-am (read-PST1SG) 'I have r e a d ' . [Kriiger 1961: 145] describes its function as " a clearly past action, not relative to any other past, being more like a perfect tense: I have seen, have written." H e adds that " S o m e persons speculate that these formations like the preterite arose f r o m an original noun, in this case, in -r, to w h i c h reduced personal pronouns were added, ...". The negative article mar 'no, n o t ' that occurs before verbs and as a postposition in the negative imperative in the 1SG and 1PL m a y also preserve a trace of the primary form -(A)r. The secondary addition of a final lax vowels in Chuvash m a y have given rise to - r and -A allomorphs for the participial form. A s the process of insubordination w a s taking place, the allomorphs developed into two functionally distinct m o r p h e m e s , - r indicating perfect finite and -A- indicating general present and indefinite future finite. The functional shift can well be explained by the ambiguity of deverbal n o u n s with respect to relative tense: a nominal f o r m of the verb ' w r i t e ' can be interpreted as both ' m y writing' or ' m y written t h i n g ' and w h e n taking u p mainclausehood it can develop into either the interpretation 'I w r i t e ' or 'I have written'. Table 17 illustrates the use and reflexes of PTu. *-(A)r in Old Turkic and Chuvash. The examples are taken f r o m [Erdal 2004: 285, 325; Johanson 1975: 123, 125] and [Kriiger 1961: 131], 3.5.3. PTu. *-mA

participle

In Old Turkic w e find t w o lexicalized suffixes for the derivation of adnominal and nominal f o r m s f r o m verbs: OTu. -mA and and OTu. -(X)m [Erdal 1991: 2 9 0 — 3 0 0 , 316—320], T h e first suffix derives deverbal adjectives such as OTu. arksin- ' h a v e p o w e r or authority over (tr.)' —> arksinma ' d o m i n a n t ' and is petrified in participial constructions such as OTu. kutur' b e excessive, exceed, o v e r h a n g ' —> kutur-ma bork ' a cap w h i c h has two flaps, in front and b e h i n d ' and OTu. 'id- 'send, allow to go, release (tr.)' —> id-ma yilki 'animal w h i c h is allowed to go f r e e ' . It also derives deverbal n o u n s such as OTu. yal- 'trot or a m b l e ' —> yalma 'reconnoitring patrol', OTu. tut- 'hold, grasp, seize' —> tut-ma 'chest or c o f f e r ' and OTu. j a r -

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'split (open)' —> yarma 'crack'. According to Erdal this formative is added mainly to simple verb stems and only to a small number of derived ones, whereas the suffix OTu. -(X)m is much more common following derived bases. OTu. -(X)m appears rarely in attributive constructions, such as in isir- 'bite (tr.)' —> isrim kisi 'a man who clenches his teeth and scowls' and yil- 'catch on to something' —> yilim yi 'creeper plant'. However, the number of -(X)m derivates in nominal function is high and the semantic relationship between the base and the derivate is more straightforward than for -mA derivations, e.g. OTu. yil- 'catch on to something' —> yilim 'glue', OTu. or- 'plait' —> drum 'something knitted', OTu. yar- 'split (open)' —> yari'm 'half and OTu. tut- 'hold, grasp, seize' —> tutum 'handful'. The relative poverty in expansions for verbal derivates on -mA taken together with the semantic divergence of the -mA derivates and the low number of adnominal examples of -(X)m derivates, may indicate that the participle on -mA reflects an older form than the suffix -(X)m. In view of the form-function relationship of both suffixes, we think that they represent different chronological layers in the grammaticalization process, reminiscent of the situation in Mongolic described above. Further support for the secondary nature of -(X)m derivates comes from the observation that Chuvash only preserves -mA as the standard deverbal noun [Kriiger 1961: 156—157]. Table 17 summarizes the reflexes of the participle proto-Turkic *-mA in Old Turkic and Chuvash. The examples are taken from [Erdal 1991: 290—300, 316—320; Kriiger 1961: 156—157], 4. The direction of the development 4.1. From nonflnite to finite form The above case study of finite and nonfinite forms presents three formally different morphemes (-n, -m(V) and -rV) in five distinct linguistic groups (Japonic, Korean, Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic) that share three uses (adnominal, nominal, finite). Given the fact that the three uses appear together in nearly fifteen paradigms, it is reasonable to claim that we are not dealing with merely homophoneous suffixes, but rather with polysemy reflecting a historical connection between the three uses. Indications that the direction of the diachronic change is from nonfinite to finite form and not the other way around comes from the following observations. (1) In some cases the change from nonfinite to finite is attested in the written record. This is for instance the case with the nominal suffix MKor. -( u!o)m, Kor. -(u)m that developed main clause use in contemporary Korean documentary style only. (2) All finite forms have corresponding nonfinite uses, but not vice versa. MKor. -( u!o)n, WMo. -(U)r,

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WMo. -mA, OTu. -mA, OTu. -(X)m and Chuv. -mA are restricted to nonfinite use. (3) In many cases the finite forms show the kind of semantic specialization such as avoidance of speakers responsibility, habitual or generic statements, impersonal alternative to a proposition or speakers reaction, that is prototypically observed in insubordination. This is among others the case for OJap. (-ur)u, Kor. -(u)la, MKor. -( uto) la, Kor. -(u)m, MMo. -m, Chuvash -Á- and OTu. -(A)r. (4) The nonfinite forms are often petrified, while the finite counterparts still enjoy a certain degree of productivity at the language stage in which they are observed. Except for Manchu the reflexes of PTung. *-rA, for instance, are maintained in the finite paradigms of the Tungusic languages. The nonfinite forms, however, are restricted to a small number of lexicalizations. A similar observation is that the reflex of PJap. *-m in Mainland Japanese has petrified in nonfinite uses, but still productive in finite use. The fact that nonfinite use is occassionally restricted to the negative verb, as in the case of OJap. -u, can also be taken as an indication of its relative archaicness. Transeurasian languages mark the negative on the verb. Following [Bybee 2002: 269] "[L]ow-frequency verbs, such as weep/wept, leap/leapt, creep/crept, are regularizing, while highfrequency verbs with the same pattern show no such tendency: that is, keep/kept, sleep!slept, leave!left show no evidence of regularizing." we expect that verbs with high frequency, such as the negative verbs in Transeurasian, tend to preserve traces of archaic morphology. (5) Grammaticalization involves phonological weakening. The observation that the finite use of PMo. *mA is restricted to the reduced form WMo. -m may indicate the direction of the grammaticalization process. 4.2. From adnominal to nominal On the basis of the previous observations we can argue for insubordination, but why do we assume that the direction of the change in the nonfinite forms went from adnominal to nominal use? [Johanson 2006: 76] makes an observation on Turkic participles that suggests the other direction: "...participles are commonly taken to be of adjectival nature. ... However, the primary affiliation of those participles might also be analysed the other way around. ... it should be noted that participles ... lack several typically adjectival properties. In particular, they cannot be used adverbally as adjectives commonly do." However, in the case of the forms discussed above, we find indications for the development of adnominal to nominal use. Against Johanson's objection that unlike adjectives, Turkic participles do not occur in adverbial func functions, we can observe some traces of converbial use in the reflexes of PTu. *-(A)r in Chuvash and Old

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Table 16. Reflexes of the use of the proto-Turkic participle *-n in Old Turkic and Chuvash Old Turkic yig-in tuprak adnominal use heap.up-PTCP earth 'a heap of earth' sa-n nominal use count-PTCP 'set of things counted'

—

finite use

Chuvash siire-n sul kur-na sin go-PTCP road see-PTCP person 'well-trodden path' 'seen person/ person who saw' pél-men-ten an lyt keneke vula-ni usalla know-NEG.PTCP PROH ask(IMP) book read-NMLuseful 'don't ask a man who doesn't know' book reading is useful semyi-sem perì te sis-men. sin kur-na family-PL one even notice-NEG.PTCP person see-PTCP 'Not one of the family members noticed' 'the person saw'

Table 17. The use and reflexes of the PTu. participle *-(A)r in Old Turkic and Chuvash

adnominal use

nominal use

finite use

Old Turkic ak-ip kal-ir sogik suv flow-CONV come-PTCP cold water 'cold water flowing forth (or coming up)' Tur. kes-er cut-PTCP 'adze' Oliim-ta oz-upan ogir-a death-ABL escape-CONV rejoice-CONV savin-ii yor'i-r be.happy-CONV go.on-PTCP 'Having been saved from death it happily goes on with its life'

Chuvash tavarla siv salted water 'water to which salt was added' kur-i kus-a kur-mi tu see-PTCP eye-ACC see-NEG.PTCP make(IMP) 'Make the seeing eye blind.' vyras eun-e cas kan-me Russian heart-POSS3SG soon calm.down-NEG.PTCP.3SG 'The Russian heart does not calm down easily'

Table 18. Reflexes of the participle proto-Turkic *-mA in Old Turkic and Chuvash

adnominal use

nominal use

Old Turkic orma sac plait-PTCP hair 'plaited hair' yalma trot-PTCP 'reconnoitring patrol'

Chuvash isr-im kisi bite-PTCP person — 'a man who clenches his teeth and scowls' or-iim yurla-ma plait-PTCP sing-NML 'something knitted' '(the act o f ) singing'

Table 19. Form-function matches of participial forms across the Altaic languages Japonic PJap. *-n adnominal nominal finite PJap. *-m adnominal nominal finite p j *-ra adnominal nominal finite

Koreanic PKor. *-n adnominal nominal finite PKor. *-m nominal finite PKor. *-l adnominal nominal finite

Tungusic PTung. *-n adnominal nominal finite PTung. *-mA adnominal nominal finite PTung. *-rA adnominal nominal finite

Mongolie PMo. *-n adnominal nominal finite PMo. *-mA adnominal nominal finite PMo. *-r adnominal nominal

Turkic PTu. *-n adnominal nominal finite PTu. *-mA adnominal nominal

Altaic PAlt. *-n adnominal nominal finite PAlt. *-mA adnominal nominal

PTu. *-(A)r adnominal nominal finite

PAlt. *-rA adnominal (nominal)

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Turkic. The Old Turkic conditional converb -sAr can be derived as a participial form on *-(A)r [Johanson 1995: 336], If its base is not an original verb root PTu. *sa:- 'think, reckon (as), count (on), desire', it may well be an original perfect PTu. *-sA.5 The Chuvash negative article mar 'no, not' that occurs before verbs is a relic of converbial use. Other indications that the direction of the change went from adnominal use to nominal use for the forms dealt with above, come from the following observations. (1) The meaning of the insubordinated clause in most cases suggests that it grammaticalized over a nominal form into a finite form. This is the case for the evaluative meaning of OJap. -(ur)u, the use in narratives of MMo -m and impersonal or indirect alternatives to the proposition such as Kor. -(u)la, MKor. -(uto) la and Kor. -(u)m. The finite uses of Old Turkic -(A)r and Chuvash -A, however, would suggest that the grammaticalization process went over the participial form. (2) Phonological reduction goes hand in hand with grammaticalization. It appears in the nominal use of WMo -m, whereas it lacks in the adnominal use where we find WMo. -mA. Similarly, OTu. -(X)m appears rarely in attributive constructions, while its is frequent in nominal ones. (3) Forms that are older reflect a higher degree of petrification. Lexicalizations of adnominal forms generally reflect a broader semantic latitude than those of nominal forms. This is a.o. observed in the meanings of lexicalizations with WMo. -mA and OTu. -mA and -(X)m . Traces of the adnominal use of Chuv. -A are petrified in the adjective marker -IÁ , thus restricted to derived -IA- verbs only, while the relics of the nominal use apply more generally to all verbs. (4) Most adnominal forms have nominal uses, but not vice-versa. The Shodon forms incorporating -r, the Shodon -(á)m perfective, the reflex of PJap. *-m in OJap. -M, MKor. -( u/o)m, Kor. -(u)m and Chuvash -mA all lack adnominal use. (5) Participles or verbal adjectives, like other adjectives can easily assume secondary nominal tasks and serve as heads of noun phrases. [Johanson 2006: 57] shows that Turkic adjectives can develop nominal functions by way of a markerless nominalization process: all adjectives can become nouns, not all nouns can be used adjectively. The tendency for adjectives to develop a secondary nominal use is observed across the Transeurasian languages: Jap. aka5

The reconstruction pTk *sa:- 'think, reckon (as), count (on), desire' is based upon reflexes in Karakhanid sa'count, reckon (as)' and verbs meaning 'count' such as MTk sa— say-, Tk. say-, Az. say-, Tkm. say-, Chuvash su-, Yakut á-, Kazakh say-, Gagauz say- [Clauson 1972: 782—783]. In Old Turkic we find derivations with the inchoative formant such as OTk sak- 'think' and further with the reflexive formant such as OTk saJan- 'think about, desire, think anxiously about'. ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

'(be) red' and aka 'redness', Kor. kanan 'poor' and 'poverty', Evk. gugda 'high' and 'heigth', Khlk. ulan 'red' and 'redness, the red one', OTu. kiz'il 'red', but MTu. lazil 'red' and 'a kind of red bird'. These adjectives occur in a modifier position, but they can sporadically function as a head and take nominal morphology. This confirms the direction of the development proposed for the participles under investigation. 5. Conclusion The present paper compares insubordination, the main clause use of morphologically nonfinite forms, between the Japonic languages, the Koreanic languages, the Tungusic languages, the Mongolic languages and the Turkic languages. We find comparative evidence for this diachronic process not only as a shared structural feature, but also as a reflection of a systemic set of form-function matches. This observation may be diagnostic of genealogical continuity. The typological strength of the argument lies in the fact that the process of insubordination is geographically concentrated in a group of adjacent Altaic languages, although the process is rather infrequent in the world's languages. Following [Croft 1990: 206— 207] such phenomena are common to genealogical units. The historical-comparative strength of the argument lies in the form-function matches and in the system formed by three basic participles that succeed eachother chronologically in what appear to be different cycles of insubordination. The data suggests that the most archaic participle is PAlt. *-n. In the process of grammaticalization to verbal noun suffix and finite form, it was replaced by a new participial form PAlt. *-mA that gradually developed along the same pathway. A third cycle of insubordination was started by the introduction of the participial form on PAlt. *-r, which is still productive as an adnominal, but is independently developing in finite direction in the individual branches. The individual branches preserve evidence for the relative chronology of the markers. For Japanese, there is no cognate for the incorporated Shodon participle in -n available in western Old Japanese, which suggest that the form may be very archaic and therefore practically worn-out in Mainland Japanese. In nonfinite uses in Mainland Japanese the reflex of PJap. *-m has completely petrified, whereas the reflex of PJap. *-r is still highly productive as an adnominal form. The Korean data suggest that it was the competition with the imperfective adnominal PKor. *-/ that pushed the earlier imperfective adnominal *-n to specialize as a perfective adnominal. The finite *-rA paradigm is still fully productive in Tungusic, while only Sibe preserves evidence for the finite use of PTung. *-mA, not followed by the predica-

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tive copula *bi. The element PTung. *-n- is highly petrified, incorporated only in certain inflectional endings. As for Mongolic, traces of the finite use of the singular *-n are restricted to Moghol only, whereas in Middle Mongolian only the plural alternant survived. MMo and WMo -m, on the other hand, is still productive in finite use, whereas WMo. -(u- / -u)r has not yet developed finite use. In support of the relative archaicness of PTu. *-n we can refer to the fact that OTu. -(X)n bases are all underived. The reflexes of PTu. *-r are still productive in adnominal use, while those of PTu. *-mA are restricted to lexicalizations. Table 17 summarizes the systematic formfunction matches of imperfective participial forms across the Altaic languages. It is arguable that we are dealing with a miniparadigm in which imperfective participles yield present-future finite forms and we expect to find a mirror-image for the recruitment of past finite forms from imperfective participles. However, our "paradigmatic" evidence is substantially different from the verbal paradigms shared by the Indo-European languages. The different nature of the morphological evidence is a consequence of the typological and the chronological differences between both language families. It cannot be used as an argument contra genealogical affiliation: it is rather an argument pro since it confirms our expectations based on structural and temporal considerations. The time difference between the written record and the estimated date for the original unity lead to the expectation that traces of common verbal morphology will occur in derivational rather than inflectional morphology. The Structural differences such as Indo-European fusion in contrast with Altaic agglutination, the lack of person agreement in Altaic or its secondary development from independent personal pronouns and the relative frequency of insubordination in Altaic have an impact on the nature of the evidence as well: we expect less shared irregularities as the result of fusion of form or function, the absence of verbal paradigms that reflect person agreement and the backward projection of finite verbal categories such as tense and mood to nonfinite participles. In sum, one possible answer to such authoritarian Altaic stances such as the one expressed in [Vovin 2005: 122] that [EDAL] is "another etymological dictionary of a non-existing language family" is: "Insubordination in Altaic" in both the linguistic and general sense. Abbreviations ABL ablative ACC accusative

Grammatical terms ADV adverbilizer CAUS causative

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COND conditional CONV converb COP copula DAT dative EMO emotive EX exclusive FIN finite GEN genitive HON honorific IMP imperfective IN inclusive INCH inchoative INT interrogative INF infinitive NEG negative NML nominalizer NOM nominative

OPT optative PTCP participle PERF perfect PF perfective PST past PL plural POSS possessive PROH prohibitive PRO J projective PST past Q question marker SG singular SUBJ subjunctive SUSP suspective TENT tentative TOP topic VOC vocative

Az. Chuv. EOJap. Evk. Jap. Kor. Khlk. Lat. Ma. MKor. MMo. MTu. Nan. Neg. OJap. OTu. PAlt. PETu. PJap. PKor. PWTu. PMo. PTung. PTu. Tur. Tkm. Ud. WMo. WO Jap.

Azerbaijanian Chuvash East Old Japanese Evenki (contemporary standard) Japanese (contemporary standard) Korean Khalkha Latin Manchu Middle Korean Middle Mongolian Middle Turkic Nanai Negidal Old Japanese Old Turkic proto-Altaic proto-East Turkic proto-Japanese proto-Korean proto-West Turkic proto-Mongolic proto-Tungusic proto-Turkic Turkish Turkmenian Udehe Written Mongolian West Old Japanese

Sources Kumkang Nam. Pep. Sek. Twu-cip Twusi Wei.

Kumkang kyeng enhay (1464) Nammyeng-chen kyeysong enhay Pep-hwa (1463) Sekpo sangcel (1447) Twuchang cip'yo enhay (1608) Twusi enhay (1481) Wel'in sekpo (1459)

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skim) // Bjulleten' 1-go Sredne-Aziatskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. 1924, 4. P. 101—108. Poppe 1954 — Poppe N. Grammar of Written Mongolian. Wiesbaden, 1954. Poppe 1955 — P o p p e N. Introduction to Mongolian Comparative Studies. (MSFOu 110.) Helsinki, 1955. Poppe 1964 — Poppe N. Der altaische Sprachtyp // Handbuch der Orientalistik 5.2. Wiesbaden, 1964. P. 1—16. Poppe 1965 — P o p p e N. Introduction to Altaic Linguistics. Wiesbaden, 1965. Poppe 1972—Poppe N. Über einige Verbalstammbildungssuffixe in den altaischen Sprachen // Orientalia Suecana 1972. 21. P. 119—141. Ramstedt 1950—Ramstedt G. J. Das deverbale Nomen auf -m in den altaischen Sprachen. (MSFOu 98.) Helsinki, 1950. P. 255—264. Ramstedt 1952 —Ramstedt G. J. Einführung in die altaische Sprachwissenschaft. II: Formenlehre. (MSFOu 104.2.) Helsinki, 1952. Robbeets 2005 —Robbeets M. Is Japanese related to Korean, Tungusic, Mongolie and Turkic? (Turcologica 64.) Wiesbaden, 2005. Russell 2006 — Russell K. L. A reconstruction and morphophonemic analysis of proto-Japonic verbal morphology. [PhD dissertation.] Hawaii, 2006. Sárkozi 2004 — Särközi A. Classical Mongolian. München, 2004. Street 1957 — Street J. The Language of the Secret History of the Mongols. New Haven, 1957. Trask 1993 — Trask R. L. A dictionary of grammatical terms in linguistics. London, 1993. Traugott, Heine 1991 —Traugott E., Heine B. Introduction // Approaches to grammaticalization. Vol. I. Focus on theoretical and methodological issues / Traugott E., Heine B. Amsterdam, 1991. P. 1—14. Sunik 1962 — Sunik O. P. Glagol v tunguso-man'czurskich jazykach. Moscow, 1962. Vovin 1995 — Vovin A. Origin of register in Japanese and the Altaic theory // Japanese/Korean Linguistics 1995. 6. P. 113—133. Vovin 2005 — Vovin A. The end of the Altaic controversy//CAJ 2005, 49, 1. P. 71—132. Vovin 2009 — Vovin A. A descriptive and comparative grammar of Western Old Japanese. Part 2: Adjectives, verbs, adverbs, conjunctions, particles, postpositions. (Languages of Asia 8.) Folkestone, 2009. Weiers 1966 — Weiers M. Untersuchungen zu einer historischen Grammatik des präklassischen Schriftmongolisch. [PhD dissertation.] Bonn, 1966. Wrona 2008 — Wrona J. The Nominal and Adnominal forms in Old Japanese: Consequences for a reconstruction of pre-Old Japanese syntax // Proto-Japanese. Issues and prospects / Frellesvig B., Whitman J. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 294.) Amsterdam, 2008. P. 193— 215.

«Ypajio-ajiTaííCKMe iccjieflOBaHMä».

2009. N° W A (1)

MARTINE

ROBBEETS.

79

Insubordination in Altaic

ABSTRACT The present article discusses historical development of participles to verbal nouns to finite verb forms in the Altaic languages. The label Altaic is used in the expanded sense, i.e. in reference to a group of languages including Japonic, Koreanic, Tungusic, Mongolic and Turkic languages. The term "insubordination" is applied to the conventionalized finite use of what morphologically appears to be a nonfinite form. The article presents comparative evidence for this diachronic process not only as a shared structural feature, but also as a systemic set of form-function matches. This evidence is taken as diagnostic of genealogical continuity. PE3HDME B HacTOflineii CTaTbe o6cy>KflaeTca MCTopunecKoe pa3BMTMe npmacmun > omenaeonbHbie uMeHa > (puHumHbie enaeoribHbie (popMbi B amaticKMx H3biiiikauiui

TepMHHOB

3jieMeHTapHbie

po.ieiiia

Ph,

CjiojKHbie

3HÌIHCHHC

JieKCHHeCKOÌÌ

THBHblX

eflHHHIJtl

KOHTeKCTa. H t o

npH

H C T O H H H K O B , Mbl C T a p a j l H C b

cpcviiic\ioiii 0 . n > c k 0 \ i

CocTaBHbie

OnncaTejibHbie

yeke ecege, yeke eke

yeke ecge ekìn, yeke ekeyìn eke, ecgeyìn deù, ekeyìn ókìn dìgii, *kiinì kù'iin, ecgein eme

flHCTpH6yTHBHoro

TaM

He

aHanH3a

TOJlbKO H a CMBICJI HH05I3bIHHbIX TJIOCC iHHHCTBe c j i y n a e B ^ a H H b i e ,

nOJiyHeHHbie aHanH3a

flHCTpH6yTHBHblìÌ

n3biKe

n a x x m b i Bcer^a OT^aBajiH npeflnoHTeHHe pe3yjiKra-

Happa-

OmipaTbCSI

M n

o t Tex, k K O T o p t i M npHBOflHJi ^ p y r o ì i . B TaKHx c n y -

OTCyTCTBHH

KacaeTCsi

ini.ika npoqne

HyT

h CBOHCTBa b

boroqaì, yolìnmucu[q], elìncuk, ebuge(n), eeé eeé, aya eeé, aqaì egecì, dewii emege(n), ecige, eke, ebìn, abaqa, eeé, aya eke, naqacu egecì, abu 'a naqacu, aqa, de 'ù, egecì, dóyi, ùye, berìgen, qadum ecige, qadum eke, ke'ùken, kó'u(n), nu'u(n), 6kì(n), yìn, abulìn eme, berìgen eme, de 'ù (h)aeì, je'e, berìgen, ajìn, baja, qadum, beri, kurìgen aqaì, kiirìgen dó'ii, ere, *kuìru, jìtiir, eme, gergeì, beri, Xadun dó'ii, qadum egecì, qadum de 'un qadun, *tórgun, giiregen, qaya, quda

flHCTpH6yTHBHoro

o

HappaTHBHbie

THM,

KG, ZYy, HM, AL, RH, HyG, MA, V d l , Yy, Yb, BLk Ta6jiuuta 3.

iinkoiì

nerape

KaTeropHH:

mojkho

noflpayjejiHTb

sneMeHmapHbie

(caMOCTOsi-

TeiibHbie cjiOBa, Hepa3Ji05KHMbie Ha 3HaHHMtie

kom-

nOHeHTbl), CJlOMCHbie (TepMHHbl pOflCTBa, MOflH(})HI[H«ypajio-amaiiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

82

II. O. PbIKHH.

C e M a H T H q e c K H Ì i a H a j i H 3 TepMHHOB POFLCTBA H CBOHCTBa B C P E ^ H e M O H r o j i b C K O M ji3biKe

poBaHHtie

2.5. — + 4 noKoneHHe

OCHOBBI),

flpyrHMH TepMimaMii p o ^ c r a a B cjiopMe cocmaeHbie (NPEFLCTABJMIOMHE C O 6 O H O C H O B y B COHCTaHHH C KaKHM-JlHÖO fleTepMHHaTHBOM, KOTopbiìi caM no c e 6 e He a B n a e T c a TepMHHOM p o ^ c r a a ) H onucamejibHbie (06pa30BaHHbie KOMÖHHaijHeH HeCKOJIbKIIX 3JieMeHTapHbIX HJIH COCTaBHblX TepMHHOB pOflCTBa, B KOTOpOH MOflH(})HI[HpyK>MHH 3JieMeHT o(})opMiieH reHHTHBOM). CM. HHace, Ta6n. 3. H a n ö o n e e o ö i H H p H y i o KaTeropHK) cocraBnsiiOT aneMenrapHbie TepMHHbl ( 2 2 H3 3 5 TepMHHOB pOflCTBa H 15 H3 2 6 TepMHHOB CBOHCTBa), KOTOpbie 5IBJ15HOTC5I nepBHHHblMH H B flHaxpOHHHeCKOM (nOCKOJlbKy ÖOJlblHHHCTBO H3 HHX BXOflHT B 6a30BblìÌ neKCHHeCKHH (})OHfl 5I3bIKa) H B CTpyKTypHOM (nOCKOJlbKy HMeHHO H a HX ocHOBe nocTpoeHbi T p n n p o H H x K a T e r o p H H TepMHHOB) CMbicne.

2.6 .

1 noKoneHHe

2.7 .

2 noKoneHHe

3. reneajiozuuecKoe 3.0. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 3.6.

paccmonnue

(pam)

— 0 paHr — 1 paHr — 2 paHr — 3 paHr — 4 paHr — 5 paHr — 6 paHr

4. lion 4.1.

ajibmepa MyjKCKOH

4.2. — 3KeHCKHH 5. non KOHHeKmopa

B COOTBeTCTBHH C n p H H H T b l M H B 3THOJIHHTBHCTH-

Ke H CTpyKTypHOH ceMaHTHKe cnocoöaMH n p e f l c r a B nemra 3HaHeHHÌi TepMHHOB poflCTBa nnaH co^epacaHHs Kaacfloro H3 nepenHcneHHbix TepMHHOB 6bin noflBeprayT KOMnoHeHTHOMy aHanroy, npnneM B flByx ero pa3HOBHflHOCT5IX. IlepByK) COCTaBIM TpaflHIJHOHHbiii rjix OTenecTBeHHOH ampononorHH po^CTBa «KOfl JleBHHa» [CM.: JleBHH 1970], K O T O P B I H no3BonsieT npe^CTaBHTb 3HaHemie Kaayjoro TepMHHa B BH^e

5.1.

MyjKCKOH

5.2. —3KeHCKHH 6. lion 320 6.1.

MyjKCKOH

6.2. — 3KeHCKHH 7. JlamepajibHocmb

ajibmepa

KOMÖHHaiJHH HeCKOJIbKHX ÖyKBeHHblX CHMBOJIOB H crpenoK, OTOÖpaacaromHx Bee ocHOBHbie THnbi OTHOineHHÌi poflCTBa H CBOHCTBa: 3 — aro; P — po^HTeiib; ,ZJ — flHTa; C — cynpyr; M — MyaccKoro n o n a ; ac — aceHCKoro n o n a ; f — CTapinnii; { — MJiafliHHH. KpoMe Toro, MH Hcn0nb30BanH e m e o ^ h h BapnaHT MeTasi3biKa KOMnoHeHTHoro a H a n r o a , KOTOPHH B no-

7.1. — naTpHnaTepanbHbiìi

cneflHee BpeMH innpoKO Hcnonb3yeTC5i B HCcne^OBa-

9. JIuneÜHOcmb anbmepa

HH5IX TepMHHOB po^craa Ha MaTepnane caMbix pa3Hbix 5i3biKOB. 3TOT BapnaHT onepHpyeT CHCTCMOH HeCKOJibKHx nepeMeHHbix, HJIHflHcjxjtepemiHanbHbixnpn3HaKOB CZJJI), KaaCflOH HS KOTOpblX COOTBeTCTByeT CBOH Haöop 3HaHeHHÌi. J^jisl cp.-MOHr. C T P 3 OKa3anHCb pejieBaHTHbiMH 10 nepeMeHHbix: ÖHHapHbie npH3HaKH «xapaKTep po^CTBeHHOH CBSI3H», « n o n anwepa», «non KOHHeKTopa», « n o n aro», «naTepanbHOCTb anbTepa», «OTHOCHTenbHbiìi B03pacT anbTepa», «jiHHeììHOCTb anwepa» H «OTHOCHTenbHbiH B03pacT KOHHeKTopa» H rpa^yanbHbie npH3HaiCH «reHeanonraecKoe noKoiieHHe» (3HaneHH5[ OT + 4 ^ o -2) H « r e H e a n o r m e CKoe paccToaHHe (paHr)» (3HaneHH5[ OT 0 flo 6): 1. XapaKmep podcmeennoù

censu

1.1.

KpOBHbie pOflCTBeHHHKH

1.2.

CBOHCTBeHHHKH

2. reneajiozuuecKoe

noKonenue

2 . 1 . — 0 NOKOJIEHHE

2.2. — + 1 noKOJieHHe 2.3. — + 2 noKOJieHHe 2.4. — +3 noKOJieHHe

7.2. — MaTpHnaTepanbHbiìi 8. OmnocumejibHbiü

C T P 3 f l e c b H flanee — CHCTenia TepMHHOB

ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

anbmepa

8.1. —CTapiiiHÌi 8.2. — MnafliHHH

9.1. —nHHeìiHbiH

9.2. — KonnaTepanbHbiìi 10. OmnocumejibHbiü

eospacm KOHHeKmopa

10.1. CTapiiiHÌi 10.2. — — MnaflmHÌi

Pe3ynbTaTbi

KOMNOHEHTHORO

aHanroa

OÖOHX

TH-

n o B ÖBINH C B E ^ E H B I B ¿JBE T a ö n m j b i : OFLHY JYISI T e p M H HOB POFLCTBA,

flpyryio

FLNA T E P M H H O B C B O H C T B a .

Ilpn

3 T O M B T a ö n H i j b i 3AHOCHNHCB H NOFLBEPRANHCB K O M n o H E H T H O M Y AHANH3Y H E N P O C T O N E K C H H E C K N E EFLHHHIJBI,

a HX CONETAHHSI C onpefleneHHbiMH 3HAHEHH5IMH, T. e. BapnaHTbi ( J I C B ) . 3 T O 6bino 06ycn0BneH0 n o n n c e M H e n TepMHHOB, ö n a r o ^ a p a KOTopoH OFLHA H TA ace (})opMa Morna BbipaacaTb cpa3y NEKCHKO-CEMAHTHHECKHE

HECKONBKO 3 H A H E H H Ì I , OTHOCAMNXCSI K c ( } ) e p e POFLCTBA. K a a c f l b i ì i H 3 J I C B O ^ H O T O H TOTO a c e T E P M H H A P O ^ C T B A H n n CBOHCTBA FLNA H A R N A ^ H O C T H N O M E N E H HAMH B T a 6 -

nnije

HHCNOBBIM

IHHÌI

6paT

HH^EKCOM

OTija',

(Hanp.,

abaqa 2 ' 6 p a r

abaqa 1 OTija',

'MNA^H T. n . ) .

CTpyKTypa oöenx T a ö n n i j H ^ E H T K H H A : B nepBOH r p a (J)e YKA3AHBI Hanöonee n a c T O T H b i e (JiopMbi T e p M H H O B , 3ACBHFLETENBCTBOBAHHBIE

B

A3BIKE

naMsiTHHKOB,

BO

ynoTpeÖHTenbHbie ( J ) O H e T H H e poflCTBa. CKHe BapnaHTbi, a TaKace KopeIMH

qadum ecige cp.-MOHr.

H

06mecp.-M0Hr. H

TOJlbKO

qadum eke)

(J)opM

23

2

(J)OpM

CJioacHbiMH,

Ta6jiuuta 7. ^ H A J I E K T H O 06ycji0BJieHHan iiia'ic'iiiic

BOCT.

cp.-MOHr.

HM

COOTBeTCTByiOT

O

TOM,

HTO

CHCTeMa

I S S N 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

'poflHa no jKeHe' ' 3 3 T b , MyjK cecTpbi'

H3 9

3Jie-

TepMHHOB Cepua

yeke eke dewii ecé ekeyìn òkìn dìgù *kùnì kù 'ùn qadum 2 bafa 2

'BHyK n o c b i H y '

MeHTapHbie H cjioacHbie TepMHHbi, a ¿TRA onHcarejibH H X o6o3HaHeHHÌi FLE^A H 6 A 6 K H no Marepn 3KBHBaJICHTOB H E O6HAPYACHBAETC5I B 0 0 6 M E . 3 T O MoaceT CBHfleTeiIbCTBOBaTb

3 a n . cp.-MOHr.

inaiCKibi emege(n) aqaì egecì naqaeu egecì (h)acì *tòrgùn gùregen 1

no OTijy' 'TeTKa, cecTpa OTna' 'TeTKa, cecTpa Marepn'

25 3an. c p . - M O H r . sjieMenrapHblMH 5IBJMIOTC5I T O J l b K O 11, a OCTajlbHbie npeflcraBJ M I O T co6oìi cjioacHbie (6), cocTaBHbie (2) H onncaTeiibHbie ( 6 ) T E P M H H B I . O C O G C H H O JIK>6ONBITHO T O , HTO Bce 6e3 Hdanonemui cocTaBHbie H omicaTeiibHbie T e p M H H b l , KOTOpbie B a H T p O n O J I O r i I H p O f l C T B a C H H T a IOTC}! noKa3aTeii}iMH OTCYRCTBHJI B 5i3biKe cneiiHanbHOTO TGPMHHOJIORIIHCCKORO Bbipaacemra COOTBCTCTBYIOMHX POFLCTBEHHBIX OTHOineHHÌi [Einc6yjiaTOB 1981: 20], BcrpenaroTCsi TOJIBKO B 3an. c p . - M O H r . ^ N A B

BOCT. cp.-MOHr.

'6a6Ka

C J i o a c H b i x , T O R ^ A KAK H 3

JieKTaX.

CHHOHHMHH

T e p M H H O B p O f l C T B a H CBOHCTBa B C p . - M O H r . H JI.lk'C

23

H

BbIBOfl, KOTOpblìÌ, HaCKOJlbKO

MHe H3BecTHO, HHKeM paHee He flenanca, HO K O T O P H Ì Ì noflTBepacflaeTCsi IJEJIBIM pa^OM ^ A H H B I X no H C T O P H HeCKOÌÌ (J)OHeTHKe, MOp(})OIIOrHH H CHHTaKCHCy MOHroiibCKHx a3biKOB, B pa3p03HeHH0M BH^e BCTpenaiomnxcsi B jiHHrBHCTHnecKHx pa6oTax 12 . 06pamaeT Ha ce6si BHHMaHne, HTO MHorne H3 (J)OpM, BKJHOHeHHblX B Ta6jl. 4 H 5, 5EBJI5H0TC5I nOJlHOCTbK) CHHOHHMHHHbIMH, T. e. HMeiOT OflHHaKOBbie 3KCTeHCHOHanbi H HHTeHCHOHanbi. H A C T B 3 T H X cjiynaeB Taicace M0acH0 o6r>5iCHHTb flHaneKTHbiMH pa3JiHHH5IMH, KOTOpbie npHBeJIH K B03HHKH0BeHHK> CBOerO po^a fl0n0iiHHTeiibH0H ^ H C T P H 6 Y R P I H cjiopM. C M . H H ace, Ta6n. 7:

(TepMHHbl

AIIEMEHTAPHBIX

poflCTBa H CBOHCTBA B 3an. cp.-MOHr. flHaneKTax H O CHT BTopHHHbiìi xapaKTep H o6HapyacHBaeT npH3HaKH pa3JioaceHH5i, K0T0pbie NPOSIBNSHOTCSI, B nacmocTH, B 3aMeHe ajieMenrapHbix H cjioacHbix TepMHHOB coCTaBHbiMH H onHcaTeiibHbiMH. OTCìOfla HanpaiHHBaeTca BbiBOfl o 6ónbineM apxaH3Me BOCT. cp.-MOHr. flHaneKTOB H npeflCTaBJieHHOH B HHX CTP no cpaBHeHHK) C 3an. Cp.-MOHT.

BOCT. cp.-MOHr.

boroqaì elìncuk ebiige(n) ecige eke naqaeu aqa 1 de 'il 1 de 'il 2 egeeì 1 ke'ùken 1 ke 'iiken 2 kó'iifn) 1 kó'iifn) 2 óki(n) ere eme qadun berìgen 2 beri 2 quda beri 3 gùregen 2 qadum ecige qadum eke

5[BJI5[K)TC5[

87

CEMAHTHQECKHH a H a j i H 3 TepMHHOB POFLCTBA N CBOHCTBa B 0 p e , z i H e M 0 H r 0 J i b C K 0 M si3biKe

in a.iC'Kibi

OflHaKO B 6oiibiHHHCTBe cnynaeB CHHOHHMHHHbie (J)opMbi BCTpenaiOTC}! B paMKax KaKoìi-jiH6o O^HOK flHaneKTHOÌi rpynnbi naMsmniKOB HJIH ^aace B O ^ H O M OT^eiibHO B3}ITOM naMaTHHKe. Oco6o cne^yeT OTMeTHTb HaHMeHOBaHHSI pOflCTBeHHHKOB -1 nOKOJieHHJI, KOTOpbie o6HapyacHBaroT CBo6oflHoe BapbnpoBaHHe B o6enx ^HaneKTHbix rpynnax. C M . miace, T A 6 J I . 8. 06r>5iCHHTb STH cjiynan ropayjo CJioacHee; OHH MoryT 6bITb 0 6 y C J 1 0 B J i e H b I HHflHBHflyajlbHblMH 0 C 0 6 e H H 0 CTSIMH a3biKa KOHKpeTHbix naMsiTHHKOB HJIH ace OTpaacaTb pa3JiHHH5i B cnoco6e ynoTpe6jieHH5i (BOKaTHBHOM HJIH pe(J)epeHTHBHOM) COOTBeTCTByiOmHX TepMHHOB pOflCTBa HOCHTeJIJIMH 5I3bIKa. Cjie^yeT OTMeTHTb, HTO B ijejiOM cp.-MOHr. TepMHH0J10TH5I pOflCTBa H CBOHCTBaflOCTaTOHHOTOHHO 0T06paacaeT 0C06eHH0CTH coiiHajibHOÌi CTpyKTypbi cpeflHeBeKOBbix MOHTOJIOB. TaK, H3 2 5 J I C B TepMHHOB poflCTBa, fljia KOTOpbix pejieBaHTeH npH3HaK «jiaTepanbHOCTb ajibTepa», 17 o6o3HaHaroT naTpraaTepajlbHblX pOflCTBeHHHKOB H TOJlbKO 8 MaTpHJiaTe12

flaHHbie no eooTHOCHTejibHOMy ypoBHio pa3BHTHa cpeflHeMOHrojibCKHXflHajieKTOB6y^yT npnBefleHbi H npoaHajiH3HpoBaHbi B ^ p y r o ì i C T a T b e aBTopa 3THX CTpoK.

«ypaiio-amairae ucc^eflOBaHua».

2009. N° W A (1)

88

II. O. PblKHH. Ta6jiuuta

C e M a H T m e c K H H a H a j i H 3 TepMHHOB p o ^ c T B a n CBOHCTBa b c p e ^ H e M O H r o j i b C K O M si3biKe

8. l i n y i p i i . u i a . i b K i h o c r . a p i > i i p o r . a i i n e t c p m h h o b p o i c u s a h CBOHCTBa b cp.-Monr. h j i . i k c

iiia'ic'iiiic

B o c t . cp.-Monr. i i t a iCK i h i

'npanpa^efl no OTny'

boroqai ( T H M , H y G , Y b ) ~ yolinmucu[q] (Yy, B L k ) ebiigefn)

( M i l ) ~yeke ecege ( A L ) ~ ecé ecé ( H M ) abaqa 2 ( R H , M n , M A ) ~ eegeyin deii (AL) ~ aya eee ( H M ) naqacu ( R H , M n , M A ) ~ aya eke ( H M ) ~ abaqa 3 ( A L )

-

'mnn, 6paT OTna'

naqacu

6paT MaTepn'

doyi ( T H M , Z Y y , H y G , Y b ) ~ de 'it 2 (Yy, Y b , B L k )

'MJia^maa cecTpa'

de 'il 2

-

'cecTpa'

egeci 2 (KG, R H ) ~ de 'ù 3 ( H M , A L ) ke'iiken 1 ( R H , M A ) ~ kò'ii(n) 1 ( M A ) ke 'iiken 2 (AL, M A ) ~ kò'ii(n) 2 ( H M , A L , R H , M n , V d l ) berigen 1 ( H M , M n ) ~ eegein eme ( A L )

ke'iiken 1 ( T H M , H y G , H y T , Y b ) ~ kò'ii(n) 1 ( T H M , H y T , Y y , B L k ) ~ nu 'u(n) ( Z Y y , H y G , Y b ) ke'iiken 2 ( T H M ) ~ kò'ii(n) 2 ( T H M , Ph, H y G , H y T , Y y , Y b , B L k )

'peGeHOK 3ro' 'CMH'

-

'jKeHa OTna' 'TeTKa, aceHa 6paTa OTna'

abu 'a berigen

'Myac'

-

(Yy, Y b , B L k ) ~ afirt ( Z Y y ) qadum

'TecTb, OTen aceHbi'

qadum

eeige

ere ( T H M ) ~ *kiiirii (Yb) eme ( T H M , Z Y y , Y y , B L k ) ~ gergei ( T H M , H y G , Y b ) ~ beri 1 (Yb) qadun ( T H M , H y G , H y T ) ~ aqa 3 (Yy, B L k )

'jKeHa' 'aceHa, c y n p y r a ' (zonop.) 'HeBecTKa, aceHa MJia^mero 6paTa'

eeige (AL, R H , M A ) ~ qadum 1 ( M A ) ere eme qadun

beri 2 ( H y G ) ~ de 'it beri (Yb)

b c p e f l H e B e K O B O M MOHroiibCKOM o 6 m e c T B e naTpHJiHHeìÌHbiH

cneT

beri 2

hto

3HaneHHeM * ' p o f l i r a n o M y a c y ' b cp.-MOHr. naMHTHn-

rocnofl-

Kax He 3acBHfleTeiibCTBOBaHO B o o 6 m e . B e e 3 t o BMe-

p a n t H t i x . 3 t o BnoiiHe o6mchhmo, ecjrn ynecrb, CTBOBan

boroqai

ebiige(n)

'flea no OTny'

'mnn,

3 a n . cp.-Monr. i i t a iOK i h i

npoHCxoameHHsi

n

CTe n p e K p a c H O o G M C r a e T C s i c r a r y c H b i M

HepaBeHCT-

o6y-

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o THnonorHHecKOH npHHa^neaiHOCTH CHCTeMbi p o ^ c r Ba H (JiopMax 6 p a K a y cpeflHeBeKOBbix MOHTOJIOB, KOToptie HMeiOT HenoepeflCTBeHHoe OTHOineHHe K pacC M A T P H B A E M O Ì I npo6neMaTHKe. OflHaKO 3 T H Bonpocbi 3acnyacHBaiOT cneiiHantHoro paccMOTpeHira, KOTopoe nyHine ocymecTBHTb B paMKax OTflejibHOH p a 6 o r a .

E H6JI HO r p a c [ ) HA BHKGyjiaTOB 1981 —EuKÓyjiamoe H. B. BaniKHpcKaa BOPOBKOB 1 9 6 5 —EopoeKoe A. K. K HCTopHH cjioBapa «MyKafliiHMaT an-afla6» 3aMaxmapH // B.H. 1965, 2.

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ceMaH-

T H i e C K O Ì Ì peKOHCTpyKIJHH TepMHHOB p O f l C T B a B ajlTaHCKHX H nepcneKTHBbi

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CHCTeMbi TepMHHOB p o f l C T B a / / A n r e G p a p o f l C T B a . B b i n . Cn6., 2001.C.

3CaHqHB flypcran

7.

136—172.

2002

— M a r n i l e E.flepBOJiJKHHycrHÌm

MOH-

( 3 x , y c r H Ì m r a j i H r , x e p B y y j i 3 r , y r H H H XSJIXSS,

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nHCb-

raoccapHÌi,

6H6jiHorpat[)Ha]). ( N a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y o f M o n g o l i a :

Centre

f o r M o n g o l Studies. M o n u m e n t a M o n g o l i c a 3). YjiaaHGaaTap, 2 0 0 2 . 3CaHqHB, B a M 6 a t ( 3 H f l 2 0 0 3

—Marnile E., E)m6aif3Hd

HAHRAAFL MOHTOJI « X y a - H H - i o ì i » TOJIB TaHCKO-MOHTOJibCKHH

cjioBapb

Z|.

(= KH-

Xyau woù).

YjiaaHÒaaTap,

2003. Ky3bMeHKOB, CKaa

Bße-

fleHHe, TeKCTbi, HH^eKC, ÔHÔJiHorpatjiHa). (Monuments in Mongolian Language: The International Association for Mongol Studies 2 ) . Y j i a a H Ô a a T a p , 2 0 0 2 . ToMopToroo 20026 — TeMepmozoo JJ. Apa6 ycsrHHH aypacxajibiH cyqauraa: Yj\wpj\xaji, yrcHHH xapbnyyjicaH TOJib, HOM 3yfi (= IlccjieflOBaHHe MOHrojibCKHX naMaTHHKOB apaôcKOH nHCbMeHHOCTH: BBe^eHHe, cpaBHHTejibHbiii HH^eKC, ÔHÔJiHorpatjiHa). (Monuments in Mongolian Language: The International Association for Mongol Studies 3). yjiaaHÔaarap, 2002. Xyr3n3HJi3Ty, Caacyjia, 2004 — Xyz3if3iiM3my, Caztcyna. Bacbi6an3bi MSHryioH BSHbcaHb xyfiGaHb (= C6opHHK naMÎITHHKOB MOHTOJIbCKOrO 33bIKa Ha KBa^paTHOM nHCbMe). (A Series of Books for Altaic Studies). Xyx3-XaoT3, 2004. Golden 2000 — The King's Dictionary: The Rasûlid Hexaglot. Fourteenth Century Vocabularies in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian and Mongol / Transi, by Halasi-Kun T. et al.; With introductory essays by Golden P. B. and Allsen Th. T.; Ed. with notes and commentary by Golden P. B. (Handbuch der Orientalistik; Abt. 8: Zentralasien 4). Leiden; Boston; Köln, 2000. MOHTOJI

C. 9 8 — 1 0 1 .

roji

IlaHKpaTOB 1962 — IOaHb-qao 6H-IIIH (CeKpeTHaa HCTopHa MOHTOJIOB): 15 ij3ioaHeH / 113fl. TeKCTa H npe^HCJI. IlaHKpamoea E. II. M., 1962. T. 1: TeKCT. lionne 1938 — l i o n n e H. H. MoHrojibCKHH cjioBapb MyicaaziHMaT aji-Afla6. M.; JI., 1938. H. 1—3. (Tpyflbi HHTa BOCTOKOBeaeHHa AH CCCP; T. 14). PbIKHH 2005 PblKUH n. O. CeMaHTHqeCKHH aHajlH3 TepMHHa aqa B cpeflHeMOHrojibCKOM 33biKe (K npoôjieMe peKOHCTpyKHHH HOCTpaTHqeCKOH TepMHHOJlOrHH pOflCTBa H CBOHCTBa) // AjireGpa po^cTBa. Bbin. 9. CII6., 2005. C. 32—44. CaHuceeB 1953 — Canjiceee T. JJ. CpaBHHTejibHaa rpaMMaTHKa MOHrojibCKHX 33biK0B. M., 1953. T. 1. ToMopToroo 2 0 0 2 a — TeMepmozoo JJ. MOHTOJI flepBOJiacHH YC3THHH flypacxajibiH cyaajiraa: y^Hp^xan, sx 6wmr, yrcHHH xsjixss, HOM 3yfi (= Ilccjie^oBaHHe MOHTOJlbCKHX naMÎITHHKOB KBaflpaTHOH nHCbMeHHOCTH:

CHCTeMa p o f l C T B a . M . , 1 9 8 1 .

33biKax

MejiHopaHCKHH 1904 — MemiopaHCKiiü II. Apa6 t[)Hjiojior o MOHTOJibCKOM 33biKe // 3anHCKH BOCTOIHOTO OTflejieHHa HMn. PyccKoro apxeojiorHiecKoro oômecTBa. 1904. T. 15,2/3. C. 75—172. 03aBa 1998 — Osaea III. flyH^afl 3yyHbi MOHTOJI XSJIHHH HyTrHHH aajiryyHbi Tyxafi (= O ^HaneKTax cpe^HeMOHrojibCKoro 33biKa) // MOHTOJI cyzjjianbiH oryYJiJiYYfl: AKa^eMHq III. B H p a r H H H 70 HacHbi oHfl 3opHyjicaH 6oTb. Essays on Mongol Studies: Commemorative Volume to the 70 year Birthday of Academician Sh. Bira / 3pxji. aoKTop Z|. Eamôanp, flsa aoKTop Z|. Iluidopjtc, 3. EIyHii,az. YjiaaHGaaTap, 1998. 49—51 T.

1993 —

peKOHCTpyKijHa

KysbMeHKoe E. A. CDoHerHqe-

MOHrojibCKoro

TeKCTa

«lOaHb-iao

6H-IHH» // M o n g o l i c a : K 7 5 0 - j i e r a i o « C o K p o B e H H o r o

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saHHa». M., 1993. C. 2 9 4 — 3 2 7 .

JleBHH 1970—Jleeim IO. II. 0 6 onncaHHH CHCTeMbi TepMHHOB poflCTBa // C 3 . 1 9 7 0 , 4 . C . 1 8 — 3 0 . I S S N 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa

Farudi 2001 — r a r u d i . Dumdadu erten-ü mongyol kelen-ü sudulul (= HccjieflOBaHHe cpe^HeMOHrojibCKoro ü3bnca). Mükden, 2001. Kara 1990 — Kara G. Zhiyuan yiyu: Index alphabétique des mots mongols // AOH. 1990, 44, 3. P. 279—344.

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2009. N° 1/YA (1)

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ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi

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Cepua «Ypa^o-amaíiCKMe ncc^eflOBaHna». 2009. N° W A (1)

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Cepwa «Ypa^o-amaíiCKMe ucc^eflOBaHua». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

H. C. yPTErEIUEB

106

u òp. ¿DoHeTHiecKHe

TpaHCKpumjHOHHbie

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ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi c()mjiojio™m. Cepwa «ypajio-amaiiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

H. C. yPTErEUIEB

u dp. ¿DoHeTHiecKHe TpaHCKpHmjHOHHbie CTaimapTbi yyT h Mie.

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iccjieflOBaHMa».

2009. N° 1/YA (1)

108

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ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi c()mjiojio™m. Cepwa «Ypa^o-amaiiCKne ucc^eflOBaHua». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

onymeHHtie

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I S S N 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa «ypajio-amafiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/yA (1)

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ISSN 1562-1391. Bonpocbi C()MJIOJIO™M. Cepwa «ypajio-amaiiCKMe iccjieflOBaHMa». 2009. N° 1/YA (1)

Personalia JIhh CepreeBHa JleBHTCKan (1931—2009) B

roiTHimy

2 - r o OKTsiöpsi 2 0 0 9 r . o t

BOcnajieHira 3a-

j i e r K i i x C K O H H a n a c t J l i r a C e p r e e B H a JleBiiTCKasi,

M e H a T e i i b H b i H c n e i i i i a j i n c T n o TiopKCKOMy 5i3i>iK03Ha-

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JIHa CepreeBHa JleBHTCKaa (1931—2009)

117

OHa 6e30TKa3H0, HeB3npa5i H a ö o j i b H b i e r n a 3 a , ¿jepacaJia KoppeKTypy H C B e p K y 3CT3. I l o c n e C M e p m 3 . B . C e B o p T s m a ( 2 3 . 0 3 . 1 9 7 8 ) J t a C e p r e e B H a BO3r n a B H J i a r p y n n y 3 T H M O J i o r n l i e c K o r o CJiOBapa T i o p K CKHX 5I3BIKOB B CeKTOpe TIOpKCKHX 5I3BIKOB I l H C T H T y T a 5I3bIK03HaHH5I, n p H H H B H a Ce6fl He TOJIbKO p y K O B O flCTBO, HO H H c n o j i H e H H e o n e p e f l H b i x TOMOB 3CT3; B n o c n e f l H e M e ñ n o M o r a n n T . O . E n a r o B a , A . B . ,Z],bi6o, /],. M . HacHJiOB, JI. r . 0(})p0CHM0Ba-Cep0Ba, E . A . I I o IIENYEBCKHH, B . I I . P a c c a ^ H H . OAKTHHECKH HE MEHEE

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