Uniforms of Austerlitz: Napoleonic Uniforms of the Grand Armee and the Russian and Austrian Imperial Armies of 1805 9781739695002, 1739695003

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Uniforms of Austerlitz Napoleonic Uniforms of the Grand Armee and the Russian and Austrian Imperial Armies of 1805 All Rights Reserved No part of this book including images and artwork may be reproduced in any form,
by photocopying or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval systems, without permission in writing from both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book Copyright © Dead Don’t Talk Publications 2022 ISBN 978-1-7396950-0-2 First Published 2022 Illustrator and author: Co-author:

A Blanfurt

Publishing Editor:

GP Musetti

Dead Don’t Talk Publications

London Email: [email protected]

Other Titles in the series: • •

EPM Gerard

Uniforms of Marengo Uniforms of Blenheim

2 Soldiers, I am satisfied with you. In the battle of Austerlitz you have justified what I expected from your courage. You have covered yourselves with eternal glory. An army of one hundred thousand men which was commanded by the emperors of Russia and Austria has been in less than four hours either cut off or dispersed. Those that escaped your swords have thrown themselves into the lakes. Forty standards of colours, the standards of the Russian imperial guard, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, twenty generals, and above thirty thousand prisoners are the fruits of this ever-memorable battle. Their infantry, so celebrated and so superior to you in numbers, has proved unable to resist your charge, and henceforth you have no rivals to fear. Soldiers, when everything necessary to the security, the happiness, and the prosperity of our country has been achieved, I will return you my thanks in France. Then will you be the objects of my tender care. My people will receive you with rapture and joy. To say to me, “I was in the battle of Austerlitz,” will be enough to merit the reply, “That is a brave man. Napoleon’s address to the Grand Armee 1805 “Good! Everything’s settled which is just as well as I was only free this morning!” We were surprised to hear His Majesty laugh several times and complain at length about some damage done to one of his estates by marauding cossacks. It upset us to think that amidst all the miseries caused to his dominions, this Monarch should be concerned with such trivialities. Comte de Segur commenting on Emperor Francis I’s reaction to Austerlitz If you had listened to the advice we were constantly giving you not to go to the army and afterwards not to remain with it ... the battle of Austerlitz would not have been fought and lost ... General Kutusov, if left to himself would have avoided a battle... Prince Czartoryski’s letter to Emperor Alexander I after the battle You say you want a king, so you will have one. He will take your sons and make them serve in his army and run before his chariot. He will take your daughters and make them servants. He will seize the best of your fields, vineyards and olive groves and give them to his lackeys. Your property he will put to his own use and you will become his slaves. When that day comes, you will cry out against the king you have chosen but there will be no-one to hear you.

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4 Russian Imperial Army – See pages 48-145 below

5 French Grand Armee – See pages 146-242 below

6 Austrian Imperial Army – See pages 243-287 below

7 Contents

1. The Campaign of 1805 2. The Battle 3. Warfare in 1805 4. Map and Order of Battle 5. The Russian Army 6. The French Army 7. The Austrian Army 8. Map and views of the battlefield 9. Index of artists and printmakers 10. Bibliography

Page 14 Page 21 Page 29 Page 36 Page 48 Page 146 Page 243 Page 288 Page 294 Page 301

List of Illustrations Russian Infantry 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Grenadier Kaptenarmus (Colour-Sergeant) of Butyrsk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 3rd Column Musketeer of Old Ingermanland Musketeer Regiment - 2nd Battalion – Northern Sector Grenadier Guard – Ismailovski Guard Regiment – 1st Battalion – Russian Imperial Guard Field Officer (Major) – Semenovski Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard Grenadier Guard Mladshchie Unter-Ofitser of Semenovski Guard Regiment Junior Officer Guard of Preobrazenski Guard Regiment (Lieutenant) – Russian Imperial Guard Drummer of Preobrazenski Guard Regiment – 1st Battalion – Russian Imperial Guard Grenadier - Life Guard Grenadier Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Brigaded with Russian Imperial Guard Grenadier - Phanagoria Grenadier Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 2nd Column Fusilier Sergeant - Little Russia Grenadiers – 2nd Battalion – 4th Column Musketeer - Moscow Musketeer Regiment – 3rdst Battalion – 1st Column

8 12 13 14 15 16 17

Officer Musketeer - Ensign of the Pskov Musketeer Regiment – 2nd Battalion – Northern Sector Grenadier Company Drummer – Riazan Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 2nd Column Musician – Moscow Musketeer Regiment – 1st Column Musketeer - Apcheron Musketeer Regiment – 2nd Battalion – 4th Column Grenadier - Kursk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 2nd Column Grenadier - Bryansk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion - 1st Column The Jagers

18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Pioneer - Pioneer Company ‘Virubov’ – 3rd Column Jager Mladshchie Unter-Ofitser (equivalent of Corporal) of 8th Jager – 2nd Battalion – 2nd Column Jager – 7th Jager regiment – 1st Battalion – 2nd Column Jager – 5th Jager regiment – 1st Battalion – Northern Advance Guard Jager – 6th Jager Regiment – 2nd Battalion – Northern Advance Guard Jager Officer, Second Lieutenant – Life Guard Jager Battalion – Northern Sector Jager sharpshooter – Life Guard Jager Battalion – Northern Sector Russian Artillery

25 26 27 28 29 30

Regimental Train Wagon Driver – Novgorod Musketeer Regiment – 4th Column Cannoneer (Cleaning rod) of 5th Artillery Regiment - Colonel Golostonov’s Heavy Battery – supporting Northern ‘Advance Guard’ Gunhandler – 3rd Artillery Regiment – Count Sivers’ Heavy Battery Company – 1st Column Artillery Train (Barber) – 4th Artillery Regiment –Major Mitrofanov’s Light company – 2nd Column Bombadier : Russian Imperial Guard Artillery Heavy Position Company – commanded by Colonel Fedor Rall. Fireworker (Sergeant) of the Guard Horse Artillery Company commanded by Colonel Kostenetsky.

9 The Cossacks 31 32 33 34 35

Ural Cossack Uryadnik (NCO) – attached to Sisoyev’s Polk – Advance Column Don Cossack Uryadnik (NCO) – Isayev’s Polk – attached to 2nd Column Don Cossack Officer – Cossack Polk ‘Denisov’ – 5th Column Bashkir Hetman – attached to Isayev’s Don Cossack Polk – Supply Train Don Cossack picket – Khaznekov Don Cossack Polk Russian Cavalry

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

Dragoon – St Petersburg Dragoon Regiment - Lieutenant Balk’s squadron – 3rd Column Dragoon – Karkhov Dragoon Regiment – 5th Column Dragoon – Tver Dragoon Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Dragoon –Chernigov Dragoon Regiment - ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Horse Guard – Russian Life Guard Horse Regiment (Horse Guards) – Russian Imperial Guard Chevalier Guard – Russian Chevalier Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard Cuirassier - Empress Life Cuirassier Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Horse Guard Vakmistre (Sergeant) – Horse Guard Regiment– Russian Imperial Guard. Hussar - Guard Hussar Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard. Hussar – Mariupol Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Hussar Staff Trumpeter – Elisabethgrad Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard Hussar Lieutenant – Pavlograd Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Hussar - Elisabethgrad Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Uhlan – Constantine Uhlan Regiment – 5th Column – Northern Sector Cossack: Life Guard Cossack regiment: Russian Imperial Guard. French Infantry

51 52 53 54

Fusilier – Regiment of 51st Ligne 1st Battalion – Northern Sector Fusilier – Regiment of 43rd Ligne 2nd Battalion – Advance on Pratzen Heights at Stare Vinohrady Grenadier Sergeant-Major - Regiment of 36th Ligne – Assault on southern end of Pratzen Heights Grenadier - Regiment of 57th Ligne - Assault on northern end of Pratzen Heights at Stare Vinohrady

10 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Fusilier – Regiment of 95th Ligne – 2nd Battalion - Second wave assault on Pratzen Heights Voltigeur – Regiment of 64th Ligne – 1st Battalion – Voltigeur Company – Northern Sector Sharpshooter – Tirailleur du Po – Stationed at Tellnitz Carabinier – Tirailleur du Po – Stationed at Sokolnitz Drummer – Regiment of 88th Ligne – Northern Sector Sous-Lieutenant – Regiment of 3rd Ligne – Defending Tellnitz Sapper - Regiment of 94th Ligne – Second wave assault on the Pratzen Heights Light Infantry and Guard

62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

Chasseur Sergeant – Chasseurs a pied of the Imperial Guard - 2nd Battalion Grenadier – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard - 1st Battalion Grenadier – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard - 2nd Battalion Grenadier - Grenadiers a pied of the Italian Royal Guard Regimental Fifer – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard Pioneer Corporal – Pioneer Battalion of the ‘Pionniers Noir ‘– Line of Communications Voltigeur – Regiment of 15th Leger – Defending Tellnitz and Sokolnitz Carabinier Corporal – Regiment of the 2nd Leger - Carabinier Company of 1st Battalion – attached to the Grenadier Reserve Division Chasseur Corporal – Regiment of the 26th Leger – 2nd battalion Defending Sokolnitz Artillery, Train and Gendarmerie

71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78

‘Ouvrier’ artilleryman – 12th Battery Company of 5th Foot Artillery Regiment – supporting the first-wave assault on Pratzen Heights ‘Ramrod’ gunner– 5th Battery Company of 1st Foot Artillery Regiment – Northern Sector. Gun Commander – 3rd Battery Company of 2nd Horse Artillery Regiment – First-wave assault on Pratzen Heights Bombadier – 3rd Battery Company of the Horse Artillery of the Imperial Guard (Italian Royal Horse Artillery) – supporting the Guard cavalry Sergeant of Artillery Train – Supporting 5th Corps – Northern Sector Farrier of Artillery Train – Supporting 5th Corps – Northern Sector Foreman of Military Supply Depot – ‘Equipage Militaire’ - Grand Armee Chasseur Sergeant – Chasseur of the Equipage Militaire – Grand Armee

11 79 80

Gendarme Sergeant - Mounted Military Gendarme – Grand Armee Gendarme Private – Foot Gendarme – Grand Armee Chasseurs-a-cheval and Hussars

81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91

Chasseur Marechal des Logis (Sergeant) - 5th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval Chasseur Sous Lieutenant - Elite Company of 5th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval – Northern Sector Chasseur – Elite Company of 26th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval – Tellnitz Velite – Chasseurs a Cheval of the Imperial Guard – Garrison at Brunn Chasseur – Chasseurs a Cheval of the Imperial Guard Hussar Brigadier (equivalent of Corporal) – 2nd Hussar Regiment Northern Sector Hussar – Elite Company of 10th Hussar Regiment – Bosenitz in Northern Sector Hussar - 2nd Hussar Regiment - Northern Sector Hussar - 4th Hussar Regiment - Northern Sector Hussar Captain – 9th Hussar Regiment – Bosenitz in Northern Sector Mameluke Sergeant - Mameluke squadron - brigaded with the Chasseurs of the Imperial Guard Dragoons and Heavy Cavalry

92 93 94 95 96 97 98

99 100

Dragoon - 5th Dragoon Regiment – General Boye’s Division - Supporting Assault on Pratzen Heights Dragoon Sapper – 11th Dragoon Regiment – General Walther’s Division Northern Sector Dragoon Brigadier (Corporal) – 16th Dragoon Regiment - General Boye’s Division- Assault on Pratzen Heights Dismounted Dragoon – 6th Dragoon Regiment – Reserve Cuirassier Trooper – 12th Cuirassier Regiment – Heavy Cavalry Division – Cuirassier Brigadier (Corporal) – 3rd Cuirassier Regiment - General Nansouty’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern Sector Elite ‘Grenadier’ Cuirassier – 1st Company of 1st Squadron of the 11th Cuirassier Regiment - General d’Hautpoul’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern Sector. Carabiniers – 1st and 2nd Carabinier Regiments - Heavy Cavalry Division Horse Grenadier – Imperial Guard Grenadiers-a-Cheval

12 Austrian Infantry 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112

Fusilier Private – 23rd Regiment ‘Salzburg’ – 4th Column Fusilier Lieutenant – 1st Regiment ‘Kaiser’ – 4th Column Fusilier recruit – 6th Battalion – 20th Infantry Regiment ‘Kaunitz’ Grenadier ‘Hauptmann’ Captain – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 23rd Infantry Regiment ‘Salzburg’ Grenadier ‘Feldwebel’ Sergeant-Major– assigned to 6th Reserve Battalion – 29th Infantry Regiment ‘Lindenau’ ‘Hungarian’ Grenadier recruit attached to 3 rd Battalion– 38th Infantry Regiment ‘Wurttemberg’ Fusilier – 49th Infantry Regiment – Major Mahler’s 6th Reserve Battalion Grenadier drummer – 9th Infantry Regiment – 2nd Battalion Grenz Infantry Sharpshooter – ‘Broder’ Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Grenz Infantry Sharpshooter – 1st Szeckler Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Jager – Austrian Jager Regiment – Kienmayer’s Advance Guard Pioneer Corporal – ‘Drier’ Pioneer Company – attached to 4th Column Austrian Artillery

113 114 115 116 117 118

‘Feuerworker ’ (Sergeant) – Captain Zocchi’s Horse Artillery Company – 5th Column Vormeister – (Gun Commander) - Battalion Guns of 23rd Salzburg Regiment – 4th Column Grenzer Cannoneer – Szeckler Battalion Guns – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Cannoneer Munitioner – Major Frierenberger’s Battery Company – Bagration’s ‘Advance Guard ‘ ‘Veteran’ Pontoneer – Attached to Position Gun Battery supporting 4th Column Corporal of Artillery Train – Battalion Guns of 49th Infantry Regiment ‘Kerpen’ – 4th Column

Austrian and Hungarian Cavalry 119 120

Cuirassier – 1st Kurassierie Regiment ‘Kaiser’ – 5th Column Cuirassier – 7th Kurassierie Regiment ‘Lothringen’ – 5th Column

13 121 122 123 124

125

Dragoon NCO – 1st Dragoon Regiment ‘Erzherzog Johann’ Light Horse (Chevauxleger) Trooper – 3rd Regiment ‘O Reilly’ Chevauxlegers Hussar – 11th Szeckler Hussar Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Hussar ‘Wachtmeister’ (Sergeant-Major) – 4th Hussar Regiment ‘HessenHomburg’ – squadron of Lieutenant Rakovsky attached to Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’. Uhlan – 1st ‘Merveldt’ Uhlan Regiment– Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’

14 The Campaign of 1805 The morning of the battle was cold and the fog fairly thick; there was complete silence throughout our ranks. This extraordinary calm after so strange and noisy a night, had in it something solemn, as of a majestic submission to the decrees of God; it was the precursor of a violent, deadly storm about to rise and lay empires low. Title : Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] ; publiés par Maurice Barrès, son petit-fils Author : Barrès, Jean-Baptiste-Auguste (1784-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris)Publication date : 1923

For those who experienced the 1805 war and recorded it in diaries and memoirs, it marked the beginning of what appeared to them as an almost uninterrupted period of conflict, on a new and vast scale. For the French in particular, war would last nearly 10 years. Europe had been in an uneasy peace since the 1802 Treaty of Amiens. Napoleon’s military successes had made France the new pre-eminent power, yet she remained isolated. The ‘ancien regime’ powers of Austria, Russia, Britain and Prussia were still deeply hostile. After Napoleon became Emperor of the French and then King of Italy in 1804, Britain, Austria and Russia signed a treaty committing themselves to a third coalition war against France. The allied plan was to attack France in a series of co-ordinated invasions. William Pitt, Britain’s Prime Minister and the architect of the first two coalitions against France, was to partly finance the armies of Austria and Russia. However, the 28 year-old Russian Emperor Alexander and Emperor Francis I of Austria would lead the European-wide coalition. Coalition forces would invade French territories from four main areas of operation. The first attack would happen through Italy, with the main Austrian army under Archduke Charles invading the Kingdom of Italy. A second combined Austrian and Russian force would then attack France directly, passing through Bavaria. A third invasion force would comprise a naval landing of English, Swedish and Russian troops in the Baltic, passing through Hanover. Finally, a fourth force of British and Russian troops would invade central Italy, passing through Naples. Britain would also ensure that French and Spanish shipping remained blockaded. Alexander fully expected Prussia’s King Frederick William III to join the coalition and further augment the overwhelming forces aligned against France.

15 It was an ambitious plan that nevertheless had every chance of succeeding, particularly if Prussia joined. Austria stood to regain Italy and her influence over Southern Germany, her source of economic wealth. Britain stood to neutralise its only rival to maritime supremacy and the control of world international trade. Russia, in the person of Alexander, sought to become a new arbiter of European power, allied with Austria. Napoleon also had much to gain from a successful war. If attacked, he felt confident enough to fight a war on just as ambitious a scale as the coalition forces ranged against him. His plan, facilitated through secret alliances with Bavaria and other Southern German states, was to take his main invasion force into the very heart of Austria, aiming directly at its capital, Vienna. Both plans were equally bold and equally high risk. All armies would potentially be travelling huge distances with vulnerable lines of supply and communication. This was a new unnerving, experience for armies that were still very much rooted in the limited warfare of the 1700s. Segur commented that the Austerlitz campaign was the first occasion where he and other officers felt the need to draw up their wills. The distances involved and the long months of winter campaigning made them question their chances of survival. The campaign opened with agreements drawn up between Alexander and Pitt in April 1805 with a view to begin mobilisation in August. In September, Grand Duke Charles moved his army into Austrian-controlled territory in Italy and the newly appointed pro-war Field-Marshal Mack led a second Austrian army through Bavaria. Mack fully anticipated Bavaria’s support and believed he was moving into allied territory. Although Mack had a less than successful career, he had become part of the pro-war faction in Austria centred around Foreign Minister von Cobenzl. As such, he assured the Emperor that the Austrian army was ready for war and that the French would not be able to mobilise in time to prevent an invasion. He was wrong on both counts. The huge reduction in the Austrian annual military budget from 87 million florins in 1801 to less than 40 million in 1805 had weakened the army. Dire warnings of this military weakness from competent leaders like Archduke Charles were ignored.

16 On the 8th September 1805, Mack took the Austrian army into Bavaria and then stationed his regiments along the Danube with Ulm as a base, using the river as a barrier. He planned to block and forestall any potential invasion of Austria and await the arrival of the main Russian army under General Kutuzov, anticipated in mid-October. In fact, Napoleon had prepared nine powerful French Army Corps totalling almost 200,000 men, ready to cross the Rhine as early as the 25th September. Their orders were to by-pass Mack’s position at Ulm and cross the Danube at multiple points to the rear of the Austrian army, effectively surrounding it. Napoleon had amassed most of his armed forces for this one mission, leaving only a small defensive force in Italy. This giant army was appropriately referred to as the Grand Armee. By the 8th October 1805 most of the French army corps had crossed the Danube behind the Austrian army, cutting off the roads to Vienna through the towns of Augsberg, Landberg and Memmingen. Mack’s army totalling over 72,000 men was trapped in enemy territory. The Austrian army was still a powerful force, but conflict between Mack and his fellow commanders prevented any concerted plan of action. In particular, his rivalry with Archduke Ferdinand and Field Marshal Schwarzenburg lost him the respect of most of his General Staff. One Austrian corps and a cavalry division did break out of the encirclement of Ulm, but by 15th October it was too late. Comte Segur described the situation: The Emperor was now master of the outskirts of Ulm. From the summit of the surrounding hills, he was able to contemplate the town of Ulm, at his feet, surrounded and well within range of his cannon. It was crowded with enemy troops, unable to move within its walls, without food, without forage. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

Mack’s entire force, starving, besieged and under bombardment, surrendered five days later, on the 20th October 1805. Over the following days most of the Austrians who escaped from Ulm were also intercepted and captured, as well as the remaining Austrian forces in Bavaria. Only one Corps of about 18,000 men under Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kienmayer was able to retreat successfully to join up with Kutuzov’s Russian army of 30,000 men who had arrived at the Bavarian border in late October.

17 At a stroke, through forced marches and minor engagements, Napoleon had destroyed the main Austrian army in Germany. Kutuzov’s Russians had no choice but to retreat. Yet Napoleon’s further advance into Austria was also at high risk. Three Russian armies under Generals Buxhowden, Essen and Bennigsen were en route to join Kutuzov. The Austrian Army of Italy under Archduke Charles was also advancing from the south. Joined together, these armies would still outnumber the French forces, increasingly strung out along growing lines of communication. Perhaps the biggest threat was Prussia’s anticipated intervention in support of the coalition. Frederick William of Prussia had already prepared an ultimatum and eventually delivered it to Napoleon on 28th November. The French army, faced the risk of being trapped by a combined allied and Prussian threat from the North and an Austrian army in the South. The Grand Armee had suffered greatly in its 1,000-mile journey from its camps in Boulogne to Vienna; the further east Napoleon travelled, the more exposed his army became. However, the risk he took was a calculated risk, based on his confidence in the superiority of his army and its ability to beat the Russians and Austrians in open battle. As the French forces converged on Vienna, the competency of the Austrian military was again called into question when they allowed Marshals Murat and Lannes to capture a key bridge across the Danube at Vienna – a bridge that should have been destroyed. This oversight almost led to the destruction of Kutuzov’s army and resulted in the Russian High Command losing all remaining faith in their Austrian allies. Kutuzov, aided by the commander of his rearguard General Bagration, fought a skilful retreat, with rear-guard actions at Durrenstein, Krems and Schongrabern/Hollabrunn. By the 18th November, he had succeeded in linking up with Buxhowden’s army and the Russian Guard under the direct command of the Emperor Alexander at Olmutz in Moravia (modern-day Czech Republic). He was also joined by Kienmayer’s Austrian cavalry and by a corps of Austrian reserve infantry. They were now being pursued by only four French Army-Corps. This gave the allies a concentration of over 70,000 troops, significantly outnumbering Napoleon’s depleted army for the

18 first time. French troops were also exhausted by months of campaigning and poor supplies. The tables appear to have turned dramatically. Both Alexander and Francis knew about the Prussian ultimatum. The allies could also expect further reinforcements from a Russian army commanded by General Essen as well as the still powerful Austrian army of Archduke Charles, now south of Vienna. With French forces dispersed and guarding their supply routes, Napoleon was vulnerable. Under the influence of his clique of young aristocratic advisers and the Austrian Chief of Staff, Weyrother, Alexander decided to advance on what they assumed to be a retreating French army. Kutuzov and others favoured a continued retreat but they were over-ruled. Perhaps Alexander wanted to claim a victory before Prussia entered the war, or he may simply have been overconfident. Whatever the reason, the allied army began their advance on the 27th November, a day before the Prussian ultimatum. As the allied army advanced, the French retreated. Napoleon actively engaged in the pretence of a full retreat, but in reality, he sent orders for Third and First Corps to join him and concentrate at Brunn. He had also identified an area west of the town of Austerlitz as a favourable ground to face the Allies. On the 21st November, he walked the area with his General Staff. At this point, the Brunn-Olmutz road was dominated by a hill to the north, which he named the Santon and the Pratzen Plateau to the south; a series of hills forming an undulating plateau. This ridge of high ground formed a natural barrier. Behind this, was a marshy valley traversed by a deep stream called the Goldbach, dotted with villages and buildings – yet another barrier. The following description by Segur can be cross-referenced with the battlefield map below. On his way back, he stopped on the road near a small hill called The Santon, about two and a half leagues (8Km) from Brunn. It was shaped like a truncated cone with a flattened top. He ordered that entrenchments should be dug on the lower slope facing the enemy. Then he turned towards the south. Here we found a high plateau two leagues wide and three leagues long (6km by 9km), bordered by two embanked streams on either side which ran north to south. To the west, the plateau sloped down towards a valley dominated by two lakes. The Emperor surveyed this new ground slowly and

19 silently, stopping several times on its most elevated points, principally towards the village of Pratze. He carefully examined all its characteristics, and during this survey turned towards us and said, “Gentlemen, examine this ground carefully. It is going to be a battlefield and you will have a part to play in it.” Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

If the allies reached this point, Napoleon believed he could defend the line of the Santon and the Goldbach stream against any direct assault; this would effectively block any further direct advance along the road. If the allies then moved to occupy the high Pratzen Plateau, they would be faced with the choice of either making a flanking move towards the south or retreating; either option would involve them vacating the Plateau. It would be at this point, that Napoleon planned to launch his counterattack. He said: “As master of this grand position (on the Heights), it would be easy to stop the Russians right here, but, in that event, it would be just an ordinary battle. Whereas, by abandoning it and withdrawing my right, they might dare to come down from these heights to surround me. Then, then they will be lost, completely. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

Austerlitz was seen by contemporaries as a prime example of Napoleon’s strategic genius. In fact, he was doing what he always did; planning for a set of predictable contingencies and looking for an opportunity. In doing this, he had absolute confidence in Grand Armee’s ability to defeat any allied army of equal size. It took the allies a further three days to reach and occupy the Plateau on 1st December. In that time, through forced marches, Napoleon had gathered a force of about 70,000 men, roughly equal to the army he faced. Over the night of 1st December, Napoleon reconnoitred the battlefield once more and gave his final plans and dispositions to the Corps and Division commanders. As planned, the southern end of the Goldbach stream was lightly defended and Napoleon kept his main force to the North along the area of the road behind the fortified Santon hill, ready to occupy the Plateau as soon as the Allies vacated it. The Allied High command had every reason to think that Napoleon was in full retreat, outnumbered and fighting a rear-guard action.

20 In fact, they were about to attack a battle-ready army of equal size, on chosen ground. Napoleon had lured the allies into a prepared ambush on a vast scale.

21

The Battle

THE BATTLE When at last, dawn began to break on the morning of 2nd December, Napoleon called us over to his hut. There we were served with a light breakfast, which we all ate standing. Then he buckled on his sword belt saying, “Now gentlemen, let us go and begin a grand day!” -Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

The Austerlitz battlefield could be divided into three main areas. These include the Goldbach valley to the south-west, the central Pratzen Plateau and the northern-sector either side of the strategic Brunn-Olmutz road. (Please see map below) The south-west was dominated by a marshy valley, closed off to the south by two large ponds and to the west by an embanked stream, the Goldbach. In 1805, the only roads out of this part of the valley crossed the bridges at the villages of Tellnitz and Sokolnitz. Behind this valley rose the imposing, undulating plateau of the Pratzen Heights. At its highest points above Pratze village and Stare-Vinohrady, it rises to an elevation of about 300m, dominating the entire battlefield. Including its western and eastern slopes, it measures nearly 9 km long and 6km wide. There were streams and marshes to the east of the Heights, along the eventual allied escape routes. The Heights formed the centre of the allied position. To the north of the Heights was an undulating plain either side of the BrunnOlmutz road. The road ran on a high ridge along this plain. To the west, the road was dominated by the Santon hill, close to the village of Bosenitz. To the east, it was also overlooked by the villages of Krug/Holubitz, at which point the road begins a steep descent towards Olmutz. A map with photographs of key features of this terrain can be found at the end of this book. The allied plan was to attack to the south-west of the Plateau with 4 strong ‘Columns’, crossing the lightly defended valley at the two bridges of Tellnitz and Sokolnitz. Meanwhile a fifth cavalry ‘Column’ of 8,000 cavalry and an ‘Advance Guard’ under General Bagration would attack in the northern sector, pinning down the French army along the Brunn-Olmutz road. It was

22

The Battle

hoped that the allied advance from the south-west would outflank an already weakened and retreating French army, turning their retreat into a rout. The plan, devised by the Austrian Chief of Staff, General Weyrother, had the backing of both Emperor Francis and Alexander. It was the plan that Napoleon had hoped they would take, as attested by senior officers like Thiebault; When, on the morning of December 1st, he saw the Heights of Pratzen covered by the Russians, he said: - "Our enemy will have to stay up there a long time, if they think I’m going to climb up and push them off!” But on the same day, returning around midnight to his bivouac, he received reports that many of the enemy had already left these Heights. They were moving towards the village of Tellnitz, and increasing their forces at this point. It was then that he exclaimed: “Tomorrow Gentlemen, this army is ours.” Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

The allied plan did not gain the enthusiastic support of the Russian General Staff. They had lost faith in the Austrians and there was mutual mistrust. Furthermore, the plan was only communicated to the Russian Generals in the early hours of the morning on the 2nd December, the very day of the battle. The orders and dispositions were still being circulated at dawn, creating delays and confusion. The confusion was made worse by the overcomplicated nature of Weyrother’s planning, which involved regrouping regiments into new ad-hoc corps which the Austrians called ‘Columns’. The battle opened with an advance by the first four of these Columns to capture 3 villages (Tellnitz, Sokolnitz and Kobelnitz) along the Goldbach stream. These four Columns comprised the bulk of the allied army and numbered over 40,000 men, mainly infantry and artillery. The early morning of 2nd December saw them march laboriously down the slopes of the Pratzen Plateau, each Column forming two files of men either side of their cumbersome artillery trains. The valley in to which they descended was shrouded in mist and bivouac smoke, hiding the French positions. The allies also neglected to maintain a screen of forward scouts, despite their retinue of cossack squadrons. All this was observed by Napoleon and the French

23

The Battle

General Staff, who stood poised to occupy the Pratzen Heights as soon as the allies vacated it. By about 7am, the First Column attacked Tellnitz village and the Second and Third Columns attacked Sokolnitz, assaulting the village, the castle and its walled estate (called the Pheasantry). The Fourth Column under Kutuzov and Miloradovitch was delayed and remained on the Plateau. The fighting for the two villages was bitterly contested by the French regiments defending them. These belonged to General Legrand’s 3rd Division of 4th Corps, comprising two Line regiments and two Light regiments. By early morning, the allies had secured the villages, but had yet to secure the bridges and bridge-heads crossing the Goldbach. This became increasingly more difficult as further French reinforcements arrived from Vienna. The fighting for the villages dragged on, with the buildings around Sokolnitz and Sokolnitz Castle changing hands many times during the course of the day. The protracted struggle saw 15,000 French troops effectively neutralise the energies of the greater part of the allied army. Although the fighting for Sokolnitz and the surrounding area was intense, many Russian regiments remained inactive, awaiting orders. This was particularly true of General Buxhowden’s First Column - comprising 7 Line Regiments, 11,000 men strong. In the absence of Kutuzov, it was Buxhowden who carried overall authority over the three attacking Columns. Buxhowden was to do very little for the entire day, something that appears incredible and inexplicable. It may have stemmed from his distrust of the Austrian plan or from his antipathy towards the Generals leading Second and Third Columns. Both Russian and Austrian officers reported that he was drunk. Whatever the reason, despite repeated requests and entreaties, Buxhowden kept his men effectively out of the battle. He claimed he was awaiting orders from the Commander in Chief, Kutuzov. Unknown to Buxhowden, General Kutuzov had not arrived to give him orders because his Fourth Column was already under attack. At 9 am, the first wave of an assault force of 30,000 French troops had climbed the Pratzen Heights. This first wave included 12 French regiments mainly from 4th Corps. Emerging from the mist and gunpowder smoke of the valley, they immediately attacked Kutuzov’s Fourth Column, which was

24

The Battle

dispersed, in line of march. Kutuzov and the rest of the Allied High Command had no forewarning as they had neglected to post scouts. This first firefight on the Plateau lasted for only 30 minutes and all but destroyed the four Russian regiments of Fourth Column. Desperate attempts were made to defend the Heights. A reserve force of 7,000 Austrian infantry under Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kollowrat still faced the French. They were helped by the initiative of Russian commanders from the Second Column, who sent another 4,000 Russian infantry to counterattack. This second stage of the battle raged on for nearly 2 hours. Thiebault, one of the French commanders, recalled the fighting: The Russians at last realised the gravity of their situation and made the greatest efforts to recapture these Heights of Pratzen from us. Four counterattacks were made against us at this point, sustained or renewed fiercely for more than two hours... During this fighting, fire was engaged along the whole line of the battlefield from north to south, and more than two hundred cannon mixed their thunder with the fusillade of 150,000 men. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

Throughout the battle, French regiments held the initiative, while the allied responses remained uncoordinated and piecemeal. French regiments had also out-fought their allied counterparts; often coordinating infantry, cavalry and artillery with a proficiency rarely matched by their opponents. By midday, the French had won, securing the greater part of the Plateau. They had now cut the allied army in two, trapping the remaining 32,000 troops of the First, Second and Third Columns between the Heights, the Goldbach stream and the frozen ponds and marshes to the south. With the allied army effectively divided, centralised command and control ceased. Realising the situation, individual commanders began a withdrawal. In the northern sector of the battlefield, the fighting had been dominated by successive cavalry charges and counter-charges, involving about 8,000 Russian and Austrian cavalry and a similar number of French. The charges witnessed light and heavy cavalry from both armies fighting for control of the valley, either side of the Brunn road. At the same time, infantry from both

25

The Battle

sides vied to capture the 3 villages bordering the road, as well as the village of Blasiowitz, the halfway point between the road and the Heights. The order to retreat weakened the allied forces in the north. They split in to two parts, with the Russian ‘Advance Guard’ retreating along the main road and the Russian Imperial Guard and Austrian cavalry retreating south-east towards the bridge at Krenowitz, their escape route. Over the remainder of the afternoon, General Bagration’s Russian ‘Advance Guard’ conducted a staged retreat along the main road, repelling French assaults. Attacking them were the 13,000 French infantry of 5th Corps which now outnumbered the 8,000 remaining Russian infantry. Once the French had captured of the villages Krug and Holubitz south of the road, they were able to outflank the Russian front line. At this point, the retreat turned into a rout, as French cavalry broke up the Russian defensive-squares and pursued fugitives. The exhausted Russian regiments escaped due to the chance arrival of an Austrian Heavy-Artillery Battery. Fighting ceased with the fading light, shortly after 3pm. The Russian Imperial Guard and Austrian cuirassiers had followed a different line of retreat from the northern plain. They skirted the eastern edge of the Plateau and made for the Krenowitz bridge. In so doing, they were meant to secure the escape route for other allied units withdrawing from the Heights and render what assistance they could. The Krenowitz bridge led directly to the village of Austerlitz and other pre-arranged routes of retreat. However, as the Russian Guard moved south, they came under increasing fire from the French regiments controlling the Heights above them. The Russian Imperial Guard cavalry responded decisively. They counter-attacked the closest French regiments, routing two battalions. By this time, the second and third waves of the French assault had reached the Heights. Both these forces numbered about 11,000 men each. The first to arrive was Marshal Bernadotte’s 1st Corps and it was closely followed by the French Imperial Guard and Grenadier Reserves. While Bernadotte’s leading troops attacked the Russian Guard infantry, the cavalry of the Russian and French Imperial Guards clashed on the Heights above. In the engagement that followed, the Russians were routed with heavy casualties sustained by the Russian Chevalier Guard, a regiment manned by the cream of the Russian aristocracy. By now, the allies were in full retreat across the entire battlefield.

26

The Battle

The battle had been won by the common infantrymen of the French Line regiments. Napoleon had not even needed to use his powerful infantry reserve of 9,000 elite Grenadiers and Imperial Guard infantry. In particular, the 16 regiments of the 4th Army-Corps had borne the brunt of the fighting and the greater part of the casualties. Regiments like the 55th Ligne or 10th Legere had undergone over 6 hours of constant firefights and hand to hand combat, beating a succession of allied regiments. In nearly every engagement where the opposing forces were equal in numbers, the French prevailed. The effectiveness of the French infantry was partly due to the experience of the large number of older veterans in their ranks. In part, it was also due to many months of training in the Boulogne training camps, during the preceding year. The deciding factor was also the leadership of junior and senior officers, led by Napoleon. Without a doubt, Napoleon had fortune on his side – everything had gone his way during the course of the day – even the weather. What he later called ‘the sun of Austerlitz’ had given him a clear, bright day, where French superiority in manoeuvring and musketry could be used to effect. His greatest stroke of fortune was to encounter an overconfident enemy, blissfully ignorant of their own deep-rooted weaknesses. This was particularly true of the Emperors Alexander and Francis, who had over-ruled the more competent views of their best generals. In a sense, all three Emperors were equally responsible for the outcome. A competently led allied army, defending the Pratzen Heights, would not have afforded such a victory. Indeed, the outcome may have been very different. The end-game played out as the sun began to set behind the now burning villages of Tellnitz and Sokolnitz. It was shortly after 3pm in the afternoon and it had also begun to rain. The remaining troops of that morning’s attacking allied Columns, trapped below the Pratzen Heights, tried to find a way to escape. The entire weight of the French army was now converging on them, as the French began a general advance from all directions. The allied Third Column and what remained of Second Column was steadily enveloped and destroyed, with soldiers now surrendering in large groups. Under cannon fire from the French, General Buxhowden finally made a decision, the only one left open to him - to retreat. The first attempts to retreat directly eastwards failed when the only bridge across the

27

The Battle

Rausnitz/Littawa river collapsed; at this point, Buxhowden abandoned his men, making his own escape. His subordinates, Kienmayer and Dokhturov decided to lead the remaining allied soldiers across the frozen ponds to the south-east. This was an act of desperation. There was a single narrow causeway across these ponds and as the thousands of soldiers and stragglers waited their turn to cross, retreat gave way to rout. During this rout, the allies lost most of their cannon, draughtvehicles and ammunition. Eyewitnesses like General Langeron of Second Column, attest to the chaos and desperation of the Russians trying to cross the ice and marshes. It was about 4 o’clock and it had turned dark and for the preceding hour a cold sleet had begun to fall. The ground was covered in thick mud which was ankle deep near the canals and streams. Nothing was missing from the absolute horror of our situation. You would have had to be there to believe the confusion that reigned during our retreat. Everything was in chaos and you couldn’t find two men from the same company still together. The soldiers had thrown away their weapons and wouldn’t listen to either their officers or their generals. The officers called out to their men to no avail and ended up joining the general flight. Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805. Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

The allied army that escaped towards Austerlitz on the night of 2nd December 1805 no longer constituted a fighting force. In the following days, only the Russian Imperial Guard and the remnants of Bagration’s troops could maintain any form of cohesion. Within two days, Emperor Francis I sued for peace and in the days that followed so did the deeply humiliated Czar Alexander. The Prussian Monarchy was also forced to seek whatever terms they could from Napoleon, embarrassed by their own ultimatum. The French military victory was total. They had caught the Allied army unprepared and attempting a complex outflanking manoeuvre. More significantly, the allies were convinced they were fighting the rear-guard of an outnumbered and retreating enemy. It was a gross misjudgement, for which the two Emperors were in great part responsible, particularly Alexander.

28

The Battle

The allies had lost huge numbers of men. Most estimates place allied casualties at not less than 21,000 in killed, captured and missing. French ‘returns’ for captured prisoners of war listed 9,767 Russians and 1,686 Austrians, leaving over 10,000 allied soldiers, dead and missing, of which up to 3,000 may have been Austrian and over 7,000 Russian. French official casualties numbered about 8,800, of which 1,300 were killed; this may be an under-estimate and Marshal Bernadotte thought French casualties were much higher. Whatever the numbers, an 1800s battle-field was always horrific: We advanced a little, and I found myself for the first time on the field of battle. It was literally covered with the dead; which in spite of the shrinking of our horses, they were obliged to tread under foot. In a hollow road where we stopped, besides the corpses beneath my horse's feet there were others on the hedges on each side, so close to me that l could have touched them. They were perfectly naked, and their hideous wounds were visible; those at the bottom of the road had been mutilated and crushed by the wheels of the artillery. Their hair generally stood on end and their faces were dreadful. I confess that this sight very much cooled my martial ardour. Recollections of Colonel de Gonneville by Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829- Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-AlexandreJules, 1804-1890; Publication date 1875 Publisher London, Hurst and Blackett

France’s political victory was short-term. The allied powers remained either powerful committed enemies or harboured permanent resentment. Yet Austerlitz established the idea that war could achieve lasting solutions, not attainable by other means. An idea bequeathed to succeeding generations. There was nothing glorious about the dead and dying strewn over the battlefield on the night of 2nd December, yet Napoleon carefully cultivated the myth of Austerlitz. It became a myth of martial glory and personal genius. For statesmen, like the French minister Talleyrand, who were seeking political compromise and lasting peace, this glorious victory may have been the least desirable outcome.

29

Warfare in 1805

Warfare in 1805 Despite almost constant warfare since the French revolution in 1789, conditions of war had changed little from the preceding century. There was a vast social gulf between the ordinary soldier and their officers. Literacy as well as poverty and class played a role in this. Most men in the lower ranks were barely literate and published memoirs were the preserve of the officer class. There are very few surviving accounts from ordinary soldiers. Despite the more meritocratic nature of the French army, promotion usually favoured those who had the social and literate skills to pursue it. These were usually men from the middle classes or the minor aristocracy, like Napoleon himself. This meant that the life of the ordinary soldier came very low on the list of priorities. On a moving campaign, armies were routinely poorly supplied. Roads and military transports were simply not capable of regularly supplying an army on the move. In the French army, soldiers were expected to organise their own supplies and ‘bivouac’ in the open. In these conditions, lice and malnutrition and disease abounded. Typhoid and typhus plagued armies on campaign. Typhus was particularly misunderstood; spread by lice and exacerbated by exhaustion, it resulted in a debilitating feverish condition and could kill within days. Conditions were always at their worst after a battle. De Gonneville, an officer of the 6th cuirassiers, describes what happened after the battle of Heilsberg in 1807: All I had to eat or drink was a little tea made in a bit of a canister shot case. The ground was covered with pieces of these cases, and shot and muskets. The day was spent in burying our dead, and putting the living in order as far as might be. We made up two weak squadrons; Marulaz had command of the first and I of the second. Next day, about five in the morning, the supplytrain arrived. We had bread, but very little of it; General Renauld gave me half a bottle of beer, which I shared with Marulaz; since the preceding evening we had been living on the grass which we plucked and chewed. Recollections of Colonel de Gonneville by Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829 Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-AlexandreJules, 1804-1890; Publication date 1875 Publisher London, Hurst and Blackett

Poor supplies meant that armies on the move had to find food and fodder from the surrounding countryside; officers tacitly allowed this. This resulted

30

Warfare in 1805

in bands of armed marauding soldiers, sometimes laying waste to the villages and farms they passed through. Marauding was not limited to the French and all armies were equally as reliant on pillage, if supplies were not forthcoming. Denis Davidov, a young Russian hussar, describes his shock at seeing a burnt-out village for the first time: I believed that provisions were provided by special officials, who bought everything from the local residents and delivered supplies to the army on carriages hired from the same population; that bivouac bonfires were lit not from peaceful villagers’ huts but rather from bushes and trees. In short, I was certain that the inhabitants of those areas, where military operations were taking place, were not subjected to any misfortune and ruin... It was only then that I became witness to the hardship and misery caused by war to that class of people, which, unlike us soldiers, seeks no glory or honour, but instead loses not just its very last property, but its very last piece of bread, not only life but the honour of their wives and daughters, and dies, emaciated and stricken... Davidov Denis: In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 1806-1814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999

Wounded officers, like de Gonneville or Davidov, might receive individual treatment from a surgeon or doctor, nursing care from their orderly and even find shelter with a family. The fate of the ordinary wounded soldier could be bleak. Tolstoy describes the soldier’s ward in a military hospital in the 1806 campaign: The hospital stench was so strong there, that Rostov had to hold his nose and stop and pull himself together before going on...it was even stronger inside. It was different, more pungent. Most of the patients were unconscious, oblivious to the arrival of anyone. The conscious ones rose up, or at least lifted their pale, emaciated faces, and every one of them stared, all with the same expression, a passive and hopeful request for help. Tolstoi, L. N. (1886). War and peace. Wounded enemy soldiers left on the battlefield could be abandoned completely, left to die of exposure. A week after the battle of Austerlitz, dying and wounded Russians could still be found on the battlefield. The French had their own rudimentary ambulance service to collect their own wounded, but this assistance did not extend to enemy wounded.

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Warfare in 1805

On the 5th day after the battle, I was crossing the battlefield still covered with dead, when I came across a group of 14 Russians. They had been wounded and had crawled together for warmth. Twelve had died, but two were still alive. Their sunken cheeks, covered in tears, showed something of the agonies they had endured. They held out their hands, begging me to help. I ordered some peasants from Sokolnitz to carry these poor wretches to where they would get food and shelter. Memoirs of Baron Lejeune, aide-de-camp to marshals Berthier, Davout, and Oudinot;by Lejeune, Louis François, Baron, 1775-1848; D'Anvers, , ed. and tr; Maurice, John Frederick, Sir, 1841-1912 Publication date 1897

Given the conditions of war, it is not surprising that most lower ranks were drawn from the poorest elements of society. This was certainly the case in Russia, where landowners would provide the sons of their most dispensable serfs for recruitment. Like convicts, new Russian recruits had the front of their heads shaved to prevent desertion and could even be shackled. Although the ‘levee en masse’ made French recruitment theoretically fairer, with everyone potentially subject to conscription, it was the poor who ended up being conscripted. For those born into relative wealth, lower-rank conscription could be avoided through marriage, trade, bribery or even an officer’s commission. There were many loopholes for those with money. Marginalised Imperial subjects of different nationalities provided another ready source of recruitment. The armies of Austerlitz included men from nearly every subject nationality in Europe, including Poles, Italians, Slavs, Ukrainians and Germans. Warfare had traditionally been conducted in the spring-summer campaigning season, but the protracted autumn-winter campaign of 1805 marked an end to this. Henceforth, European wars were waged in all seasons, including winter. Waterproof winter clothing became increasingly more important. The weapons and tactics of 1805 had also changed little form those of past decades. Infantry still fought in lines, usually three men deep, firing their muskets in volley-fire to precise commands and following strictly prescribed drill movements. When attacking, the French had developed a more compact rectangular formation called the ‘Column’. In defence against cavalry, infantry still formed defensive ‘squares’. These ‘squares’ involved infantry lines joining to form an enclosed perimeter, and were usually rectangular or irregular in shape. Infantry of the period were also trained to march in these squares, either advancing or retreating. At Austerlitz, the

32

Warfare in 1805

Russian infantry used moving defensive squares to retreat along the BrunnOlmutz road. One development was that the light-infantryman or skirmisher was becoming increasingly more important. These troops were trained to fight in open order and in pairs or small groups. In 1805, the French were masters of this new tactic, using it to great effect. The main weapon of the infantryman continued to be the flintlock musket. The best design was the French 1777-pattern musket called the ‘Charleville’ which still equipped French armies. The Austrians had copied this design in their 1798-pattern musket which equipped many of their troops. However, the Russian standard musket in 1805 was based on a Prussian model that was heavier, less reliable and less accurate than the French Charleville. Whatever the design, all muskets were problematic weapons and an infantryman needed to know how to look after them. The flints had to be good quality and regularly changed; the firing mechanisms needed to be protected from damage and dampness and cartridges kept dry. Even in perfect conditions, accurate ranges rarely exceeded 100 metres. In battle, with gunpowder smoke, moisture from sweat and damp weather, as well as powder residue in gun barrels, the musket could become an inaccurate and unreliable weapon. Russian officers placed more trust in the bayonet, with good reason. The musket’s real effectiveness lay in massed fire. This meant soldiers in line, firing in co-ordinated volleys, without aiming but on an accurate trajectory, so that the ball would hit someone in the opposing enemy line. For every type of musket, there was an equivalent short-barrelled version called a ‘musketoon’. These equipped artillerymen, light infantrymen or dragoons. Carbines were even shorter versions, where often the entire stock and barrel were redesigned; they equipped light cavalrymen. Rifles were muskets with internal ‘rifling’ in the barrel, a system of corkscrew grooves designed to give the bullet a straighter trajectory. They were becoming increasingly important as armies made greater use of light infantry in open order. More accurate, and with greater range than a musket, they were also slower to load and fire and more difficult to maintain.

33

Warfare in 1805

By far the biggest killer on any battlefield was the cannon. Although the basic design and calibres of cannon remained relatively unchanged, the guncarriages and support-vehicles had become more efficient. This meant that armies could field a greater number of cannon, and (more importantly) keep them supplied with ammunition. Combined-arms infantry and cavalry tactics often focussed on bringing artillery-fire to bear on opposing enemy troops. The French led the way in this, particularly with Horse Artillery. Cannon ranged from ‘Light’ 3-4 pounders firing shot no bigger than a tennis ball to ‘Medium’ 6-8 pounders. The Heavy Batteries included 12 pounders. Medium to Heavy guns could have an effective range of between 1,500 to 2,000 metres. In their trajectory, cannon balls would bounce (ricochet) three to four times along the ground, gaining a lower trajectory with each bounce; like stones bounced along the surface of a pond. Travelling with a high velocity and momentum, cannon-balls would kill and maim repeatedly along this ever lowering trajectory. A single high-velocity cannon ball could destroy an entire row or file of infantry in formation, a common occurrence. Just as destructive was grape shot or canister, also fired by cannon. Essentially, these were bullet sized balls either loading directly into the cannon (grape) or loaded inside a thin tin canister. The effect was equivalent to a sudden, explosive burst of machine-gun fire. Grape and canister was usually a short-range weapon, devastating against cavalry. Howitzers fired explosive shells, most often used against buildings or sight-obstructed targets. However, cannon remained dependent on the protection of cavalry and infantry. The cavalry of 1805 varied greatly in weapons, dress and tactics but were always divided into Heavy, Medium and Light. The categories depended more on the size of the horses, than on uniform or equipment. Heavy cavalry rode very large horses and were used as a battlefield shock weapon to charge and overpower the enemy. Their expense and specialist role usually set them apart as the more exclusive, prestigious regiments. Medium cavalry was usually synonymous with dragoons - cavalrymen who were expected to perform infantry duties and adapt flexibly to any required role. Light cavalry rode smaller, lighter horses, built for speed and endurance. Like light infantry, they specialised in reconnaissance and skirmishing.

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Warfare in 1805

Backing and supporting these three main arms, were a plethora of support services including supply trains, artillery trains, non-combatants, pioneers and various branches of engineers. The basic equipment of the soldiers of 1805 differed only in detail. They included the ever-important cartridge case. Usually made from a solid wooden block, drilled with cartridge size holes, it could carry about 40 lead and paper cartridges, making it a potentially heavy weight. The block fitted into a leather pouch, fixed to a shoulder strap that usually passed over the right shoulder. Many soldiers of the period also carried a short sabre on a second cross-belt. Knapsacks took many different forms but were usually too small to carry anything other than regulation items, including cleaning kits and spare shirts or breeches. Food and cooking utensils were carried in non-regulation bags or simply tied to the knapsack. Non regulation items extended to trousers and coats, often worn over the uniform as an extra layer. Cavalrymen usually carried their belongings in cylindrical leather ‘valise’ fixed to the rear of their saddles. Cold-weather and waterproof equipment was becoming standard issue, as campaigns began to extend in to the winter months. The 1805 campaign was the first in which all armies were issued with greatcoats. Waterproof covers were also becoming standardised, made from oiled or waxed fabric. Cavalry still tended to wear large woollen cloaks with capes or hoods, stored in a waxed-linen cylindrical bag, which the French called a portmanteau. Shoes were another valuable item of equipment, often ruined on marches. Shoes could be repaired and soldiers carried spare soles and even spare shoes when possible. Uniforms in 1805 served to maintain personal dignity and regimental pride, despite the harsh realities of military life. As with the standard French infantry ‘Habit Francais’ (French coat), which was designed in the colours of the tricolore, there was a growing element of national pride in uniforms. However, the uniforms of the full-dress parade ground were often very different to those actually worn on campaign. In wartime, colourful plumes, braiding and saddlecloths were usually packed away and replaced with practical trousers, overcoats and cloaks – usually of undyed or grey-brown material. Furthermore, the debt-burdened governments of the Napoleonic

35

Warfare in 1805

wars could not afford to waste existing equipment. Outdated uniforms were usually worn until they needed to be replaced – new-pattern uniforms were issued only when the old ones were ready to be scrapped. This often resulted in regiments being attired in a mix of old-issue and new-issue uniforms. Elzear Blaze describes how in 1807 new recruits from France arrived in new-regulation white uniforms, whilst the rest of the regiment still wore the old blue uniforms. Wholesale changes occurred only after a protracted campaign, when the wear and tear of war occasioned new equipment for entire battalions; sources suggest this was infrequent. The appearance of a soldier’s coat after 3-4 months of fighting and sleeping in the open, in all weather, can be imagined. This ragged appearance was heightened by the quietly condoned use of non-regulation clothing, like privately acquired coats and trousers. On the march, with motley coats, trousers and waterproofed coverings, it was often difficult to tell one army from another. Indeed, Private Jacob Walter, fighting for the French in 1813, found himself joining an enemy column on the march, by mistake. Fortunately for him, they also failed to recognise his uniform. However, for a set-piece battle like Austerlitz, soldiers would prepare their equipment and uniforms – for identification if nothing else. Once battle was joined, evidence suggests that greatcoats were removed and uniform and full equipment was worn.

36

Map and Order of Battle

1. Map of Battlefield With numbered references to photographs in Section 8

37

Map and Order of Battle

2. Map of Battlefield at 11.00 am -12.00 noon (with numbered references to the order of battle below)

Map and Order of Battle

38

Order of Battle (With references to Map 2 above) Numbers and positions of troops are, at best, general estimates based on available sources. Any order of battle for this era must by its very nature be an approximation. Even where precise figures for a regiment exist, this is no indication of the number of men fielded on the day of the battle, which would tend to be lower. The margin for error is magnified when one deals with irregular regiments like the cossacks or troops arriving on the field of battle, like those of Davout’s 3rd Corps.

The French Grand Armee Total estimated strength – 72,400 men

1. Defending Tellnitz:

Total: 4,200 men

(Both Tellnitz and Sokolnitz were originally held by 4 regiments of General Legrand’s 4th Corps. This small force was increasingly reinforced throughout the day by the arrival of 3rd Corps regiments under General Friant and Marshal Davout.)

- 3rd Ligne - Tirailleurs du Po (also at Sokolnitz) - 26th Chasseurs a cheval - 4th Company 5th Horse Artillery

3 Btn 1 Btn 3 Sqn

1,700 men 200 300 150

(the following regiments of 3rd Corps arrived during the morning – from the direction of Raigern and Vienna, increasingly reinforcing the troops at Tellnitz)

- 108th Ligne - 15th Dragoons - 17th Dragoons - 27th Dragoons

2 Btn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

2. Defending Sokolnitz: - Tirailleurs du Po - 26th Legere - 11th Chasseurs a cheval - 14th Company 5th Horse Artillery

800 men 340 360 350

Total: 9,750 men 1 Btn 2Btn 3 Sqn

400 men 1,500 300 200

(the following regiments of 3rd Corps arrived during the morning – from the direction of Raigern and Vienna, increasingly reinforcing the troops at Sokolnitz)

- 15th Legere

2 Btn

400

39 - 48th Ligne - 33rd Ligne - 111th Ligne - 18th Dragoons - 19th Dragoons - 1st Dragoons - 3rd Company 2nd Horse Artillery - 2nd Company 7th Foot Artillery - 1st Company 5th Horse Artillery

Map and Order of Battle 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

600 600 700 330 400 320 100 150 150

(the 75th and 18th attacked by mid afternoon – from their original position in front of Kobelnitz)

- 75th Ligne - 18th Ligne - Tirailleurs Corse 3. Assault on southern end of the Pratzen Heights:

2Btn 2Btn 1Btn

1,500 1,500 600

Total: 4,900 men

(General St Hilaire and Generals Morand and Thiebault as part of Marshal Soult’s 4th Corps.)

- 36th Ligne - 14th Ligne - 10th Legere - 12th Company 5th Foot Artillery - 17th Company 5th Foot Artillery

2Btn 2Btn 2Btn

1,500 men 1,500 1,500 250 150

4. Assault on centre of Pratzen Heights at Stare Vinohrady: (Generals Vandamme, Schiner, Ferey, Vare, Candras, part of Soult’s 4th Corps). Total: 11,000 men -24th Legere - 46th Ligne - 57th Ligne - 4th Ligne - 28th Ligne - 43rd Ligne - 55th Ligne -13th Company 5th Foot Artillery -18th Company 5th Foot Artillery

2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn

5. Second Wave of assault on the Pratzen Heights

1,300 1,300 1,600 1,600 1,600 1,600 1,600 250 150 Total: 11,200 men

(Generals Drouet and Rivaud under Marshal Bernadotte’s 1st Corps)

- 27th Legere - 94th Ligne

3Btn 3Btn

2,000 1,800

40 - 95th Ligne - 2nd Company 8th Foot Artillery - 3rd Company 3rd Horse Artillery - 8th Ligne - 45th Ligne - 54th Ligne - 1st Company 8th Foot Artillery - 2nd Company 3rd Horse Artillery

Map and Order of Battle 3Btn

3Btn 3Btn 3Btn

1,900 150 150 1,800 1,600 1,600 100 100

6. Imperial Guard - Third Wave of assault on the Pratzen Heights (The French Imperial Guard under the command of Napoleon and Marshal Bessieres) Total: 5,500 men - Grenadiers a pied - Chasseurs a pied - Royal Italian Guard - Grenadiers a cheval - Chasseurs a cheval - Mamelukes

2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 4Sqn 4Sqn 1Sqn

1,500 1,600 750 700 400 50-100

- 1st Company Horse Artillery - 2nd Company Horse Artillery - Royal Italian Horse Artillery

200 200 200

7. Grenadier Reserve – Third Wave of assault on the Pratzen Heights (Under generals Oudinot and Duroc – each regiment was made up of both Grenadiers/ Carabiniers and also Voltigeurs from two line or light regiments; all the elite units.

- 1st Grenadiers (from 13th and 58th Ligne) - 2nd Grenadiers (from 9th and 81st Ligne) - 3rd Grenadiers (from 2nd and 3rd Legere) - 4th Grenadiers (from 28th and 31st Legere) - 5th Grenadiers (from 12th and 15st Legere) - 1st Company 1st Foot Artillery - 4th Company 5th Horse Artillery - Reserve Artillery (18 guns) - Foot Dragoons (units not known)

Total: 5,300 men 700 1,200 900 800 1,000 150 150 400 unknown

41

Map and Order of Battle

8. 5th Corps and Cavalry Reserve on Northern Flank of French Army (Generals Suchet and Caffarelli under Marshal Lannes for 5th Corps – Generals Nansouty, d’Hautpoul, Walther and Kellermann under Marshal Murat for Cavalry)

Total: 14,400 men

(General Suchet)

- 34th Ligne - 40th Ligne - 64th Ligne - 88th Ligne -15th Company 5th Foot Artillery -16th Company 5th Foot Artillery -5th Company 1st Foot Artillery

2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn

1,600 1,100 1,000 1,400 150 150 150

2Btn 2Btn 2Btn

1,100 1,000 1,500 150

2Sqn 2Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

200 180 250 250 230 280 200

3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

290 270 220 250

3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

200 200 270 130 170 150 100

(General Caffarelli)

- 61st Ligne - 30th Ligne - 17th Ligne -1st Company 7th Foot Artillery (General Nansouty – 1st Heavy Cavalry Division)

- 1st Carabiniers - 2nd Carabiniers - 9th Cuirassiers - 2nd Cuirassiers - 12thCuirassiers - 3rd Cuirassiers - 4th Company 2nd Horse Artillery (General d’Hautpoul – 2nd Heavy Cavalry Division)

- 1st Cuirassiers - 5th Cuirassiers - 10th Cuirassiers - 12th Cuirassiers (General Walther – 2nd Dragoon Division)

- 10th Dragoons - 11th Dragoons - 13th Dragoons - 22nd Dragoons - 3rd Dragoons - 6th Dragoons - 2nd Company 2nd Horse Artillery

Map and Order of Battle

42 (General Kellermann – Light Cavalry Division)

- 2nd Hussars - 5th Hussars - 5th Chasseurs - 4th Hussars

3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

8b. Defending Santon and Bosenitz - 17th Legere - 10th Hussars - 9th Hussars - 16th Chasseurs - 22nd Chasseurs

320 340 320 280

Total: 2,000 men 2Btn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

9. Attacking Blasiowitz and then Krug and Holubitz

1,300 150 150 200 200 Total: 2,400 men

(detached from General Cafferelli’s 5th Corps 1st Division)

- 13th Legere - 51st Ligne

2Btn 2Btn

1,200 1,200

10. Boye’s 3rd Dragoons supporting assault on the Heights: Total: 1,740 men (Under General Boye)

- 5th Dragoons - 8th Dragoons - 12th Dragoons - 21st Dragoons - 16th Dragoons - 9th Dragoons - 3rd Company 2nd Horse Artillery

3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn 3Sqn

230 290 290 290 250 290 100

In addition, the 13th and 21st Chasseurs and 25th Dragoons were stationed on far right and left flanks and were not involved in the battle. The 8th Hussars arrived at the closing stages of the battle and a further 12 regiments from Davout’s 3rd Corps arrived at Raigern by nightfall. Most of these regiments were awarded battle honours for Austerlitz, though they were not involved in the fighting.

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Map and Order of Battle

Austrian Imperial Army Total estimated strength – 13,570 men 1. Advance Guard on Southern Flank

Total: 4,420 men

(Led by Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kienmayer)

- 1st Szeckler Grenz Regiment - 2nd Szeckler Grenz Regiment - Broder Grenz Regiment - Grenz Artillery Company

2 Btn 2Btn 1Btn

1,000 1,000 500 150

- 11th Hussars ’Szeckler ’ - 3rd Chevauxlegers ‘O’Reilly’ - 4th Hussars ‘Hesse Homburg’ - 2nd Uhlans ‘Schwarzenberg’ - 1st Uhlans ‘Merveldt’

5Sqn 8Sqn 6Sqn 1Sqn 1 Sqn

500 900 220 100 50

2. General Jurczik’s Brigade defending southern end of Pratzen Heights Total: 2,350 men - 38th Line Regiment ‘Wurttemberg’ 1Btn 500 - 58th Line Regiment ‘Beaulieu’ 1Btn 500 - 55th Line Regiment ‘Reuss-Greitz’ 1 reserve Btn 300 - 49th Line Regiment ‘Kerpen’ 1 reserve Btn 300 - 29th Line Regiment ‘Lindenau’ 1 reserve Btn 400 - Supporting Battalion Guns 14 Guns 150 (Supported by 200 Szeckler and Hesse Homburg Hussars from Advance Guard.) 3. Main Austrian defensive position on Stare Vinohrady

Total: 5,250 men

(Led by Fieldmarshal Kollowrat and Generals Rottermund and Sterndahl)

- 23rd Line Regiment ‘Salzburg’ - 9th Line Regiment ‘Czartoryski’ - 1st Line Regiment ‘Kaiser’ - 20th Line Regiment ‘Kauntiz’ - 24th Line Regiment ‘Auersperg’ - 1st Dragoon Regiment - Supporting Battalion Guns

6Btn 1Btn 1 reserve Btn 1 reserve Btn 1 reserve Btn 1 Sqn 14 Guns

4. Austrian Heavy Cavalry Division

2,800 600 700 300 600 100 150

Total: 1,200 men

(Led by Lieutenant-Fieldmarshals Hohenlohe and Liechtenstein)

- 1st Kurassier Regiment ‘Kaiser’

6Sqn

400

44 - 5th Kurassier Regiment ‘Nassau’ - 7th Kurassier Regiment ‘Lothringen’ - Cpt Zocchi’s Horse Artillery Company

Map and Order of Battle 8Sqn 8Sqn

300 300 200

There were additional Austrian troops supporting the Russian Columns, amongst whom were the 200 artillerymen of Frierenberger’s Heavy Artillery and 150 Pioneers of the ‘Drier’ Company.

Russian Imperial Army Total estimated strength – 69,370 men 1. First Column:

Total: 12,750 men

(Led by General Dokhturov but under the overall command of General Buxhowden. Tasked with the capture of Tellnitz, Buxhowden kept the Column out of the fight and inactive until the closing stages of the battle.)

- 7th Jager - 5th Jager - Kudzevich Pioneers

1Btn 1Btn 1Cmp

- New-Ingermanland Musketeers - Yaroslav Musketeers - Vladimir Musketeers - Bryansk Musketeers

3Btn 3Btn 3Btn 3Btn

1,700 1,300 1,500 1,300

- Vyatka Musketeers - Moscow Musketeers - Kiev Grenadiers

3Btn 3Btn 3Btn

1,300 1,600 1,200

- Battalion Guns - Count Sivers’ Heavy Artillery Battery – (3rd Artillery Regiment) - Denisov Cossack polk - Sisoyev Cossack Polk - Melentev Cossack Polk

18 guns 24 guns

200 500

2Sqn 5Sqn 5Sqn

200 500 500

2. Second Column:

400 400 150

Total: 7,050 men

(Led by General Langeron and tasked with the capture of Sokolnitz village.)

- 8th Jager

2Btn

600

45 - Berg Pioneers - Vyborg Musketeers - Perm Musketeers - Kursk Musketeers - Isayev Cossack Polk - Battalion Guns 2b. General Kamensky’s Brigade:

Map and Order of Battle 1Cmp 3Btn 3Btn 3Btn 1Sqn 12 guns

150 2,000 2,000 2,000 100 200 Total: 4,200 men

(Led by Kamensky and Langeron, this brigade attempted to counterattack the French regiments on the Heights.)

- Riazan Musketeers - Phanagoria Grenadiers - St Petersburg Dragoons

3Btn 3Btn 2Sqn

3. Third Column:

2,000 2,000 200 Total: 8,600 men

(Led by General Prebyshevsky and tasked with the capture of Sokolnitz castle and area up to Kobelnitz)

- 7th Jager - 8th Jager - Virubov Pioneers - Galitz Musketeers - Butyrsk Musketeers - Narva Musketeers - Podolsk Musketeers - Azov Musketeers - Battalion Guns

2Btn 1Btn 1Cmp 3Btn 3Btn 3Btn 3Btn 3Btn 30 guns

4. Fourth Column:

800 300 150 1,400 2,000 1,900 800 900 350 Total: 5,900 men

(Led by General Miloradovich and accompanied by Czar Alexander, Emperor Francis I and General Kutuzov. Tasked with the capture of Kobelnitz. The Austrians under Fieldmarshal Kollowrat and General Jurczik were also part of this ‘column’, though they operated as separate units.)

- Novgorod Musketeers - Apsheron Musketeers - Austrian ‘Drier’ Pioneers - Smolensk Musketeers - Little Russia Grenadiers - Battalion Guns - Kudriatsev’s Heavy Artillery Battery (3rd Artillery Regiment) 5. Russian Imperial Guard

3Btn 3Btn 1Cmp 3Btn 3Btn 24 guns 12 guns

1,200 1,200 200 1,400 1,400 250 250

Total: 10,530 men

(Led by the Grand Duke Constantine and originally positioned as a reserve in the northern sector of the battlefield. It later attempted to secure the route of retreat towards Krenowitz, by counterattacking the French.)

46 - Preobrazhensky Guards - Semenovsky Guards - Ismailovsky Guards - Col. Rall’s Guard Heavy Artillery Battery - Guard Artillery Battalion guns - Col. Kostenetsky’s Horse Artillery Cmp - Life Guard Horse Regiment -Life Guard Hussars 5a. Russian Imperial Guard defending Blasiowitz - Life Guard Jager 5b. Russian Imperial Guard reserve column - Life Grenadiers - Chevalier Guard Regiment - Life Guard Cossacks - 4th Artillery Regiment Heavy Battery - Guard Artillery Battalion Guns

Map and Order of Battle 2Btn 2Btn 2Btn 12 guns 20 guns 10 guns 5Sqn 5Sqn 1Btn

3Btn 5Sqn Sqn 6 guns 6 guns

1,500 1,400 1,400 280 300 200 800 700 500

2,100 750 300 150 150

6. Bagration’s Advance Guard and the Fifth Cavalry Column: Total: 20,340 men (General Bagration was the senior commander on the allied northern flank, the northern sector of the battlefield. Commanding the forces in this sector, he conducted a staged retreat.)

- Old-Ingermanland Musketeers 3Btn - Pskov Musketeers 3Btn - Archangel Musketeers 3Btn - Battalion Guns 24 guns - Col. Boguslavsky’s Heavy Artillery Cmp 12 guns - Major Frierenberger’s Austrian Heavy Artillery Battery 12 guns (arriving at the close of the battle) -Mariupol Hussars 10Sqn - Tver Dragoons 5Sqn - St Petersburg Dragoons 3 Sqn - Col Yashvil’s 1st Horse Artillery Battery 12 guns

2,000 2,000 1,900 250 200 200 1,200 800 300 250

(Led by Generals Shepelev and Uvarov and under the overall command of General Essen, the Russian cavalry of the Fifth Cavalry Column also supported Bagration’s infantry in the northern sector.) (General Shepelev)

- Empress Life Cuirassiers - Constantine Uhlans - Gordeev Cossack Polk

5Sqn 10Sqn 5Sqn

750 1,400 500

47 - Isayev Cossack Polk - Col Ignatiev’s Light Artillery Battery

Map and Order of Battle 5Sqn 11 guns

400 230

10Sqn 5Sqn 5Sqn 3 Sqn 12 guns

1,300 750 780 300 230

(General Uvarov)

- Elisabethgrad Hussars - Kharkhov Dragoons - Chernigov Dragoons - Denisov Cossack Polk - Col Ermelov’s 1st Horse Artillery Battery

6a. Advance Guard northern flank assault on Bosenitz (The 5th Jager and Pavolgrad Dragoons defended the northern flank of the Advance Guard, unsuccessfully attempting to capture Bosenitz.)

- 5th Jager - Pavlograd Hussars - Khaznekov Cossack Polk

2Btn 10Sqn 5Sqn

6b. Advance Guard southern flank defence of Holubitz - 6th Jager 3Btn - Kiselev Cossack Polk 5Sqn - Malakhov Cossack Polk 5Sqn

800 1,400 500

900 500 500

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The Russian Army in 1805 The Russians had to be beaten down man by man ... our soldiers fired upon them at 25 paces, they continued their march without replying, every regiment marched on, without saying a word, or slackening its pace for a moment...You might have said that we were firing at ghosts. Title : Mémoires du général baron de Marbot. Gênes-Austerlitz-Eylau Author : Marbot, Marcellin de (1782-1854). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1891

Although the Russian infantry was considered to be amongst the very best in Europe, there were underlying weaknesses in 1805 and these problems reflected Russian society. The effectiveness of Russian troops during previous campaigns in Italy in the 1790s had gained them a fearsome reputation. More recently, under Kutuzov, Russian forces had fought well against the French in rearguard actions at Durrenstein, Krems and Schongrabern/Hollabrunn. The French appeared to have encountered soldiers who were at least their equals in fighting ability. Russia was a country dominated by serfdom, despite the beginnings of reforms under Czars Catherine, Paul and Alexander. Serfdom was a system of feudal service, in which peasants were the property of landowning aristocrats. The Russian and Ukrainian peasants who worked the large estates for this landowning class were treated almost like slaves. They could be bought and sold, and the landowner had a decisive say in how law was administered on his estates. Every village on each estate had to provide recruits for the army, who joined their regiments for 25 years, effectively for life. Once they joined, they were controlled by an officer class drawn from the sons of this feudal landowning aristocracy. Serfdom permeated the military system. Conditions for the recruit were hard; for the first 6 months, recruits had the front of their heads shaved and were often shackled. Placed under the supervision of an experienced NCO – an ‘uncle’ – the recruit was immersed into a world of drill, musketry, and unquestioning discipline. Frontier wars against Ottoman Turks or Asian tribes and severe corporal punishment added to this harsh regime. Illiteracy and orthodox religion dominated the ethos of the lower ranks and all enemies were referred to as ‘infidels’.

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At the other end of the social scale, the highest ranking army appointments were not always made on the basis of professional competency. The Czar and the Imperial Court chose the High Command which in turn determined the culture of the army as a whole. Tolstoy comments on how there was: an unwritten law which allows a junior officer to outrank a general and says that what you need to succeed is not effort, hard work, bravery or perseverance, but simply the art of getting on well with people who have power to bestow promotion and awards. General Langeron had a low opinion of his fellow senior Russian Generals, particularly Miloradovitch and Buxhowden who he called ‘the embodiment of stupidity and arrogance’. However, he had a high opinion of lower ranking officers and regimental commanders. The Infantry The Russians divided their line-infantry into Musketeers and Grenadiers. In 1805, the Russians fielded 21 Musketeer regiments and 4 Grenadier regiments at Austerlitz, about 35,000 men. This constituted the overwhelming majority of the allied infantry. Each regiment had about 2000 men (including non-combatants) and was divided into three battalions. The Grenadiers were the elite, picked for their height and physique. Grenadiers would have formed about half the lineinfantry fighting at Austerlitz. This was because there were 4 designated Grenadier regiments, in which every soldier had some form of Grenadier status. Added to this, the first Battalion of each Musketeer regiment also had Grenadiers status, nearly one third of each regiment. Then there were the 3 Imperial Guard regiments, in which every soldier was a Grenadier. Although attempts had been underway to modernise the dress, appearance and equipment of the regiments, Russian infantry was still very rooted in the tactics and traditions of the 1700s. Their modern parade-ground appearance belied an army that was deeply conservative and beset by problems. Perhaps the most significant problem was leadership. Leadership was centred on the 28 year-old Czar Alexander I and his clique of young pro-war officers. Alexander had displaced the more experienced Russian High

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Command under General Kutuzov, placing the Russian Army under the direction of the Austrian General Weyrother. Communications and trust between the Austrian and Russian High Commands were poor, so that orders were often issued at the last minute and ineffectively. More significantly, Weyrother did not understand the Russian army and how it operated. Russian regiments fought in lines, as regiments had done throughout the preceding century. This involved a line of soldiers, three men deep, firing muskets in volleys or advancing in line with fixed bayonets. Generals like Kutuzov and Bagration favoured traditional massed bayonet attacks, and most troops were not trained in marksmanship with live rounds. There was very little money set aside for the average Line regiment, and training could be rudimentary, as attested by Langeron: We taught our soldiers everything except what they needed to know. They didn’t know how to fire because we only gave them three musket-balls a year for target-practise, when three hundred wouldn’t have sufficed. Some Colonels even gave them glazed clay balls instead of real musket-balls, even though this damaged the musket barrels. Anyway, if our soldiers didn’t know how to fire, they made up for it with their skills at bayonet practise. Another false economy that our army made during peace-time, had been to withdraw our Battalion-Gun cannons from each regiment, so that at the start of the campaign, our recruits didn’t even know what a cannon was! Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805.Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

The Russian military establishment had cause to be resistant to new ideas. Modern tactics and theory required not only new weapons, but the training and professionalism to make them possible. Gradual, slow military reform would only begin to get underway after the shock of defeat in 1805. Unlike the French, none of the Russian line-regiments had skirmishers, which often meant that they had no advance warning of approaching troops. Throughout the fighting at Austerlitz, Russian battalions were attacked without warning, either in line of march or in the process of getting into formation. The overwhelming majority of the 20-25,000 casualties sustained by the Russians were infantrymen. Unable to retreat quickly and hampered by out-

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dated, ineffective training and organisation, they suffered disproportionately with regimental losses well in excess of 50%. The Russian Infantry Uniform The new uniform introduced in 1802, was based on a dark green woollen coat with two rows of six brass buttons. The ‘coat’ had short tails, making it look more like a jacket. It had red coat-tail turn-backs, for all regiments. Regiments were distinguished from each other by a system of coloured collars, shoulder straps and pompom centres (see Table below). All other equipment was prescribed as standard.* Winter clothing included short boots, white breeches, a woollen greatcoat and a sheepskin undercoat (warm coat). The greatcoat could be any colour, ranging from brown to grey but regulations required uniformity within any given battalion. When not in use, the greatcoat was rolled and strapped to the top of the knapsack. Wearing it across the shoulder was not officially prescribed until after 1805. The knapsack itself was a small cylindrical leather case, only 15 inches long and 8 wide (38cm by 20cm), fastened by two or three buckles along its length. Its small size meant that the equipment it contained was strictly regulated. Made of black leather and lined with waxed linen, it was divided in the middle, with 3 days hard-tack stored in one half and essential clothes stored in the other. Clothing included two shirts, breeches, 2 shoe-soles, gaiters and cleaning and waterproofing equipment like polish, oil and chalk. The large metal canteen was strapped to the side of the pack. In battle, the knapsack was taken off and left to the rear, under charge of noncombatants. This impractical regulation meant that retreating Russians at Austerlitz lost their packs together with their rations and supplies. Lejeune and other French officers remarked on this: We found an enormous number of these knapsacks all laid out in neat lines and our soldiers thought they would find valuable booty - but the only personal items they found were small holy icons. Lejeune, Louis François, Baron Memoirs of Baron Lejeune, aide-de-camp to marshals Berthier, Davout, and Oudinot; by Lejeune, Louis François, Baron, 1775-1848; D'Anvers, N., d. 1933, ed. and tr; Maurice, John Frederick, Sir, 1841-1912 Publication date 1897 Publisher: Green, and Co.

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Equipment included a short sword which measured up to 87cm in total length and a bayonet, both suspended from a double-frog (carrying loop) on a white leather waist-belt. A large cartridge pouch supposedly big enough to hold 60 cartridge rounds was also attached to a broad white shoulder belt (4.5cm wide), worn over the left shoulder. The cylindrical knapsack was similarly carried on a narrower white shoulder belt passing over the right shoulder; this was removed in combat. Musketeer regiments of the line had been wearing cloth shakos called ‘Shapki’ since 1803. These shakos replaced the earlier bicorns, and were originally made from quilted cloth over a straw frame, with only one lower leather reinforcing band. They were about 20 cm in height and had detachable leather peaks, fixed by three hooks. The shako had a central black cockade, fringed by orange lace and fixed by a brass button. A new bettermade shako, made from felt with leather reinforcement was prescribed for Grenadiers in March 1805. However, it is questionable whether these were issued to all Grenadiers in time for mobilisation, a few months later. The ‘Shapki’ of 1803 were not very sturdily constructed; at least two contemporary depictions of prisoners show what appear to be misshapen shakos, without peaks. Shakos with full leather lining and reinforcement were only introduced in 1808; the regulations referred to these later shakos as ‘Kiwers’; the name also given to the later 1811 indented shakos, worn in the 1812-14 campaigns. A coloured pompom with bell-shaped tuft was fixed to the top of the shako, identifying the battalion. White pompoms for the first ‘Grenadier’ battalion, yellow for second battalion and red for third battalion – a bell on the sword knot was also in battalion colours with a further company-coloured fringe. New rules for haircuts gave the Russian infantryman a more modern look. All infantry wore moustaches, short sideburns and a shorter braided queue no longer than 7 inches in length. Powdered hair was not to be used on active service and was reserved only for ceremonial occasions. The most comprehensive source for Russian uniforms in 1805 is the multi-volume official ‘Historical Description of the Clothing and Arms of the Russian Army’ published by Alexander Viskovatov in the 1840s to 1860s. However indispensable, this source concentrates on the full-dress regulations of the army, as depicted by commissioned artists in the 1840s; these images are heavily sanitized. Contemporary depictions of Russian troops from 1800 to 1808 show a significantly different view.

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Regimental Colours of Russian Grenadier Regiments at Austerlitz * refers to pompom centre/halberd poles. Life Grenadiers: Kiev Grenadiers: Little Russia Gren: Phanagoria Gren:

Red Collar and cuffs Red shoulder straps Pink Collar and cuffs White shoulder straps Pink Collar and cuffs Red shoulder straps White Collar and cuffs White shoulder straps

white/yellow* white/white* white/black* white/white*

Regimental Colours of Russian Musketeer Regiments at Austerlitz * refers to pompom centre and halberd poles. Apcheron Yellow Collar and cuffs Red shoulder straps Archangel Light Green Collar and cuffs Light green shoulder straps Azov Yellow Collar and cuffs Turquoise shoulder straps Butyrsk Raspberry Collar and cuffs White shoulder straps Briansk Pink Collar and cuffs Raspberry shoulder straps Galitsk Pink Collar and cuffs Turquoise shoulder straps Kursk White Collar and cuffs Pink shoulder straps Moscow Raspberry Collar and cuffs Red shoulder straps Narva Raspberry Collar and cuffs Pink shoulder straps New Ingermanland Lilac Collar and cuffs Pink shoulder straps Novgorod Raspberry Collar and cuffs Raspberry shoulder straps Old Ingermanland Yellow Collar and cuffs Red shoulder straps Perm White Collar and cuffs Raspberry shoulder straps Podolsk Yellow Collar and cuffs Pink shoulder straps Pskov Light Green Collar and cuffs Yellow shoulder straps Smolensk Pink Collar and cuffs Yellow shoulder straps Riazan Yellow Collar and cuffs Yellow shoulder straps Viatka Raspberry Collar and cuffs Turquoise shoulder straps Viborg Straw Yellow Collar and cuffs Yellow shoulder straps Vladimir Lilac Collar and cuffs White shoulder straps Yaroslav Lilac Collar and cuffs Yellow shoulder straps

white/yellow* turquoise/black* red/yellow* turquoise/black* light green/brown* white/yellow* pink/black* red/yellow* Light green/white* lilac/brown*

white/white* yellow/white* yellow/white* white/yellow* white/yellow* yellow/yellow* white/white* yellow/coffee* white/brown* light green/white* Turquoise/yellow*

Figure 1: Grenadier Kaptenarmus (Colour-Sergeant) - Butyrsk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Third Column Figure 2: Musketeer of Old Ingermanland Musketeer Regiment - 2nd Battalion – Northern Sector Both the Old Ingermanland and Butyrsk Musketeer regiments suffered severe losses. The Old Ingermanland Regiment along with the Pskov regiment formed the front line of Bagration’s ‘Advance Guard’ in the Northern sector of the battlefield. It was involved in heavy fighting along the length of the

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Brunn-Olmutz road throughout the day. The closing stages of the battle saw their retreat turned into a rout, with fleeing men pursued by French cuirassiers and light cavalry. The regiment lost over half its strength with 74 officers and 1,015 men killed or captured. The majority would have been killed, as the French took just 1,000 prisoners in the entire sector. Comeau was an eyewitness to the closing stages of this fighting: The Emperor asked me to convey an order to Kellermann to charge a Russian square which resisted. In the column of twelve regiments of light cavalry which was to carry out this charge, there were two Bavarian regiments;* I accompanied them, and I saw all the power that a mass of cavalry has over a demoralised infantry...There were no musket shots to make our horses turn back; nor those menacing bayonets that stop the momentum of the charge. On the contrary, we saw weapons thrown to the ground, men trying to escape under the horses, with hands desperately clinging to their bridles. The battle turned into a confused, chaotic melee with bristling manes, horses rearing, biting and neighing; some rushing forward, others falling only to rise again. We took many prisoners. Title : Souvenirs des guerres d'Allemagne pendant la Révolution et l'Empire / par le Baron de Comeau,... Author : Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph de (1771-1844). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1900

(* Comeau is the only eyewitness to mention the presence of Bavarian cavalry. They may have arrived at the closing stages of the battle.)

All three Battalions of the Butyrsk regiment took part in the attack on the walled ‘pheasantry’ to the north of Sokolnitz castle. After capturing the pheasantry from the Tirailleurs du Po, the regiment was encircled and finally surrendered. Of the 2,055 men listed in the official Russian returns at Austerlitz, only 153 escaped the battle. The fighting in and around the imposing defensive structure of the castle and its outlying farm buildings was particularly intense. General Thiebault describes what happened when it was finally re-captured by the French: We had been there a quarter of an hour, when General Saint-Hilaire joined us, giving the order to capture Sokolnitz castle and pursue the Russians, while General Vandamme was to capture the village of Augezd. Generals Morand and Le Vasseur resumed their march on either side of the castle to bypass it, and it was I who received the order to attack this castle head-on. The Russians on the flanks of this castle made little resistance, but the Russian troops who occupied the castle and its outbuildings defended it with

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desperation. They had turned every area into fortified positions - the lanes, the stables, the barns, the outbuildings, the main castle, everything – everywhere they fought to the last extremity. We had to defeat them, man by man, and there was a great massacre there. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

The Old Ingermanland Musketeer Private in Figure 1 is dressed in regulation infantry uniform, described in the preceding section. Knapsacks were taken off before battle, so neither of these two soldiers wears a knapsack and crossbelt. However, the Grenadier-Sergeant in Figure 2 is from the Butyrsk regiment’s first Grenadier Battalion. As such, he would have worn the newer version shako with a tall 19” (48cm) black plume. Grenadiers also carried a brass grenade emblem below the shako-cockade, four brass grenades on their cartridge case and had their musket straps dyed red. He is also a Non-Commissioned Officer. The main ranks of Russian Non Commissioned Officers included Feldwebel (Sergeant-majors), Kaptenarmus (Sergeants) Mlashchie Unter-Ofitser (Corporals) as well as Podpraporshchik (Officer Candidates). This sergeant has the following standard NCO distinctions; • • • •

an orange, black and white quartered pompom gold galloon-lace on lower and forward edge of collar and upper edge of sleeves and top of the shako. His plume was topped white with a black and yellow stripe. He also wears white gloves and carries a cane strapped to his coat as a mark of his status as NCO.

The halberd, a pole-arm from a bygone age, was still the prescribed weapon for most NCOs. However, by 1805, as a concession to modernity, four lower rank NCOs in each company carried a musket instead. NCOs carried knapsacks on a white cross-belt passing over their left shoulder – the opposite shoulder to privates. The tall 1805 Grenadier plumes may well have been reserved for parade as there is only fragmentary evidence to show they were used on active service.* Indeed the available sources suggest that only some of the Grenadier battalions at Austerlitz had introduced the new Grenadier shakos and many continued to wear the old mitre. The regulation introducing this important uniform change was issued at the end of February 1805, giving

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regiments only 3-4 months to introduce the uniform change before mobilisation; few would have been fully equipped with the new shakos. *Note on sources: There are very few sources showing musketeers form this period. Even Viskovatov has only one depiction of a musketeer wearing the 1803-05 shako. However, contemporary depictions of musketeers with this uniform can be found in illustrations by Weber, the unsigned ‘collection of the Prince of Prussia’, Barbier, Voltz, Sauerweid and Orlovski – though musketeers with shakos only appear as background figures in works by the latter four artists. Kobell’s depiction of a St Petersburg review also shows a battalion wearing shakos, though the uniforms here post-date 1808. A further later source, is the booklet entitled DIE RUSSISCHE ARMEE 1805-09, included in the Vinkhuijzen collection. Depictions of officers from the period are more common, and include a number of unsigned prints in ASKB collection. There are no contemporary depictions of Grenadiers wearing the 1805 Grenadier shako, apart from two unsigned watercolours in ASKB. However, contemporary depictions of Grenadiers wearing mitres are plentiful and feature in nearly every painting or print of the 1805 campaign. The evidence suggests that both old mitres and new shakos were worn during the 1805 campaign. One written source mentions the new shakos being worn: “At Krems our grenadiers of great height and with large plumes were sent to skirmish, the weak and short French voltigeurs shot them from behind rocks, at will.” A Zmodikov – Tactics of the Russian Army in the Napoleonic wars – West Chester Ohio 2003

Figure 3: Grenadier Guard – Ismailovsky Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard Figure 3 shows a Guardsman of the Ismailovsky Guards Regiment in full dress. There were three infantry regiments in the Guard; the Preobrazensky, Semenovsky and Ismailovsky regiments. In addition, the ‘Life Grenadier Regiment’ was usually brigaded with the Guard but only formally became a fourth Guards regiment after Austerlitz. The three Guards regiments had uniforms and status quite distinct to line regiments and each numbered about 1,500 men. All 3 regiments were heavily committed in the rearguard action to secure their route of retreat towards Krenowitz. The uniform was based on the basic 1805 Grenadier uniform. As such, they had recently replaced their old leather and fur trimmed helmets (shown in the inset in Figure 3) with the new 1805 shako and plume.

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However, the Guards’ uniforms had important distinctions. Their coat sleeves had slit cuffs, buttoned along three horizontal strips of chequered Guard lace. There were two further strips of this lace on the collars and one around the upper edge of the shako. They also carried the usual Grenadier distinctions, including brass grenade badges on shako and cartridge cases and red musket-straps. Each regiment was distinguished by differently coloured collars and polearms. Preobrazensky Semenovsky Ismailovsky

red collars blue collars green collars

brown polearms yellow polearms black polearms

Figure 4: Field Officer (Major) – Semenovsky Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard Figure 4 shows a Senior Guards Officer in the Semenovsky Regiment. Officer ranks were identified principally by the colour and design of the gorget worn around the neck, with gold and brass being reserved for Field Officers and silver for Junior Officers. Guard officers were drawn from the upper echelons of Russian aristocracy and they often carried status and political power. Senior Guards Officers had been instrumental in coups that deposed and assassinated two previous Czars, including Alexander’s father. All officers in the Guard were dressed similarly to Line Regiment officers, in most significant respects. However, they retained special braiding distinct to their regiment, on their right shoulder instead of shoulder straps. They also retained the old style of gold lace and braiding on their bicorn hats, though this was gradually replaced by the simpler gold ribbon adopted in the rest of the army (see inset in Figure 4). They also had special ‘Guard’ gold braided lace on their cuff buttons and collars. All army officers continued to wear the bicorn and a sash made from mixed silver, gold and black thread. Their bicorns made officers vulnerable targets for French sharpshooters and following Austerlitz they were ordered to wear shakos on active service.

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The Russian Imperial Guard fought a successful rear-guard action at Austerlitz, given the dire circumstances. Their actions enabled allied troops and artillery to withdraw along the bridge at Krenowitz towards Austerlitz, keeping the route of escape open. This view is maintained by several Russian accounts of the battle and by Austrian eyewitnesses like Major Mahler. But the Guard itself did not flee; it rallied around the Life Guard Grenadier Regiment that had just arrived on the battlefield. At last, dusk fell and we were all delighted that Napoleon did not pursue us. Overall, the Guard fought with a great spirit, with infantry charging with bayonets three times and the cuirassiers launching two charges. But the enemy prevailed through his sheer might, although Alexander says that the supply convoys were taken and that retreat then led to the army disintegrating. Alexander Eyler in Mikaberidze, Alexander. Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1807 (p. 18). Pen & Sword Books.

Figure 5: Grenadier Guard - Mladshchie Unter-ofitser (Corporal) of Semenovsky Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard Figure 6: Lieutenant of Preobrazensky Guard Regiment – 1st Battalion – Russian Imperial Guard Figure 7: Battalion Drummer of Preobrazensky Guard Regiment – 1st Battalion – Russian Imperial Guard The Grenadier Corporal in Figure 5 has the standard uniform of an NCO, but he carries a musket instead of the traditional halberd. From 1803, 48 out of the 100 NCOs in every infantry regiment had to carry the musket. These NCOs wore a cartridge case attached to their waist-belt and continued to carry their knapsack over their left shoulder when on the march. Senior NCOs continued to carry the halberd or the regimental flag. This Figure follows the contemporary St Petersburg Museum watercolours (datable to 1804) which show Guard NCOs wearing a gold thread version of the Guard chequered lace around the upper edge of their shakos.*

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Junior Company Officers including the ranks of Ensign, Lieutenant and Captain carried spontoons (spear-like polearms) as a side-arm as well as light swords or epees. The Lieutenant in Figure 6 has a new narrower style of gorget, though the majority of officers continued to use the larger traditional gorget worn by the officer in Figure 4. The white backing for his cuff flaps follows a contemporary illustration in ASKB. Figure 7 shows a Preobrazensky ‘Company’ drummer. Guard drummers and musicians had bands of Guard lace decorating their uniform. This drummer still wears the old pre-1805 leather mitre. Although withdrawn officially in 1805, one French painting of the battle by Gerard shows this particular headdress as ‘spoils’ left on the battlefield. This suggests that the old mitre may have been worn by at least some Guardsmen at the battle. Regulations distinguished between Guard ‘regimental’ drummers who wore 6 neatly arranged chevrons of lace on their sleeves and lower ranking ‘company’ drummers who wore lace liberally covering their entire sleeves. Figure 7 follows the1803-4 watercolours from the St Petersburg Museum which portray company drummers and musicians with lace sewn liberally and covering every part of their coat sleeves. * Figure 5 above follows the 1804 watercolours from the St Petersburg Museum archives which show NCOs wearing gold Guard lace on their shakos. Viskovatov prints from the 1840s show plain gold lace for NCO shakos. Both sources may be correct as there may have been different lace for different grades of NCO.

Figure 8: Grenadier of the Life Guard Grenadier Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Brigaded with Russian Imperial Guard Figure 9: Grenadier of Phanagoria Grenadier Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Second Column Figure 10: Fusilier Sergeant of Little Russia Grenadiers – 2nd Battalion – Fourth Column There were only 4 Grenadier Regiments at Austerlitz, although each Musketeer regiment also had a single battalion of Grenadiers. The Grenadiers in Figure 8, 9 and 10 wear the traditional Grenadier mitre.

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The Russian Grenadier mitre was a cap fixed to a tall brass front-plate, usually carrying the emblem of the imperial eagle. The rear of the mitre was a pointed cap; the lower section of the cap was in the shoulder strap colour and the upper section was in the Regimental ‘inspection’ colour – the same colour as the collar and cuffs. Regiments with links to the Czar’s family like the Life Guard Grenadiers may have continued to carry the cross of St Andrew or the Cross of St George on their front-plates, as in previous reigns. Although regulations prescribed that Grenadiers should begin to wear the shako, the change was only published in March 1805. Not all regiments were able to make the change before mobilisation in August and contemporary sources show that Grenadiers at Austerlitz continued to wear the mitre. * For example, the Pavlov Grenadiers were still wearing their mitres in 1807, when they were finally given a special permission to retain them. The Grenadier in Figure 9 wears the all-white mitre of the Phanagoria Grenadiers. The 2,042 men of the Phanagoria Grenadier Regiment were originally meant to support the 2nd Column attack on Sokolnitz village. Together with the Riazan musketeers, they were diverted by their commander, General Kamensky, to counterattack the French troops on the Pratzen Heights. For the following two hours, these two Russian regiments maintained a firefight with the French and engaged in at least one bayonet attack. Outnumbered, outgunned and finally out of ammunition, they retreated with severe losses, including their commander and the majority of their officers. Both regiments suffered close to 50% casualties in killed, wounded and captured. General Langeron, commanding Second Column, describes the attempts of his two regiments to recapture the Heights: We faced the French in line. Whenever I noticed an individual in the battalion who ducked their head when the cannons fired, I cried, “Raise your heads – always remember that you are Russian Grenadiers!” In such moments, no soldier who has experienced cannon fire for the first time can stop himself from the instinctive reaction to lower his heads. And in the Phanagoria Regiment, not even a tenth of our men were veterans of war. In justice I ought to say that the men stood their ground bravely for nearly two hours and in these two hours more than half of the two regiments were left dead. This was despite the superior number of the enemy, despite their little experience of war and the effect on them of an unforseen attack on their rear

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and despite the noise of the cannon, which many of them were hearing for the first time. To gain the initiative against the French and to animate our men I ordered an advance. The advance was executed as if on a training exercise and the French line duly retreated. The first Grenadier Battalion of the Phanagoria, commanded by an excellent officer, Major Brandt, advanced so close to the French that it captured two cannons. However, the French officers encouraged their own men, reinforcing them with a second line of infantry, which only now came in to view. So we retreated in turn, returning to our original positions. However, the ease with which our 6 battalions (which formed only one single line of men) was able to push back the French who outnumbered us greatly convinced me that if only we had a few more reserves, we could have recaptured the Heights and routed the enemy. At this point the French approached two hundred paces from us and began a very intense accurate and murderous volley-fire. Our soldiers replied with less well-directed fire (and many of them fired in the air). I tried to get them to stop this random firing and commence an ordered volley-fire, but to no avail. This was despite the best efforts of their commanders Count Kamensky and particularly Colonel Bogdanov, who had the courage to walk in front of the firing line, using his epee-rapier to lift the muskets of the men. This firefight continued for an hour and a half, during which time I remained with Count Kamensky in between the first and second Battalions of his regiment where the battle was most intense... About half an hour after midday, I realised that General Buxhowden was sending us no reinforcements despite the several messages I had sent him. I also realised that Kamensky’s brigade could not hold out much longer. It had sustained more than 1,200 men killed and more than 30 officers killed and wounded and was on the verge of being outflanked. Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805.Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

The Life Guard Grenadiers had a very different experience. Although they only formally became part of the Russian Imperial Guard after 1805, they had always been closely associated with the Guard. Arriving late at the battle, they took up positions on the eastern bank of the Krenowitz bridge. From there, they were able to cover the retreat of the Guard regiments and other allied units, across the bridge to the relative safety of Austerlitz.

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Figure 10 shows a Fusilier-Sergeant of the Little Russia Grenadiers. He wears the rose and red ‘Fusilier mitre’ of his regiment and has the usual NCO distinctions of cane, halberd and gold lace to his lower collar and upper cuffs. Fusiliers were a special category of infantry, only found in Grenadier Regiments. They were a junior rank of Grenadier and they wore a shorter version of the mitre with two metal bands on each side of the cloth cap. The lower section of the cap on Fusilier mitres sometimes had 3 flat metal plates instead of grenade-badges. Each Grenadier Regiment had two battalions of ‘Fusiliers’ and one battalion of fully-fledged Grenadiers. The Little Russia Grenadiers had suffered high casualties before Austerlitz at Krems and Durrenstein; like all the regiments in Kutuzov’s Fourth Column. They then took part in the fighting on the Pratzen Heights together with the Phanagoria Grenadiers and other regiments. Aleksei Ermolov, a Russian artillery officer, blamed the plan drawn up by Weyrother for leaving these Russian infantry regiments without cavalry support: The infantry Columns consisted of a large number of infantry regiments and they were unaccompanied by so much as a single cavalryman. Some of the columns therefore had no means of knowing what was going on ahead, or of finding out the location or movements of the neighboring forces, which were supposed to cooperate with them. I myself saw how General Miloradovich of 4th Column begged the commander of a cavalry regiment for just twenty hussars to convey important messages. Not one column possessed an advance guard, and the general Advance Guard of the whole army commanded by Prince Bagration was on the far right flank of the battlefield, and, in fact, not far ahead of anybody else…. So, that the columns advanced in false security. Wide gaps opened between them, since we assumed the columns would deploy into line on the approach of the enemy. Ermolov, Aleksei Petrovich, Zapiski, Moscow 1798-1826 , printed Moscow 1991

However, General Langeron had a different opinion. He placed the greater share of the blame on the incompetence of the Russian High Command. Although no supporter of Weyrother, he claimed that they had sufficient cavalry for reconnaissance, but failed to use it. It has been claimed that General Miloradovitch had no cavalry for reconnaissance or scouting. But didn’t Miloradovitch have any adjutants, orderlies or cossacks? Couldn’t he have sent even one of these attendants to

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reconnoitre ahead of the army? Couldn’t he have gone himself? And what on earth were the two Emperors and Kutuzov doing with the 500 cavalry of their personal escort? What about the Emperor’s group of young adjutants (who were each awarded the Cross of St George third class for never leaving the Emperor’s side – not by a single step) What were they all doing? What? They allowed 40,000 enemy troops to advance to within a 100 paces of their column and no-one even noticed? What? Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805.Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

Langeron believed that this incompetence caused the rout that followed. He describes how the Russian regiments of Fourth Column, including the Little Russia Grenadiers, fled the field together with the Russian High Command; a rout that sealed the outcome of the battle: After the initial attempts to hold them at Pratze failed, the French columns advanced at the double (au pas de charge) capturing all the high ground, then deploying and attacking the Russian Fourth Column. Our troops were routed and dispersed within half an hour. The Novgorod Grenadier Battalion managed to hold out for a while, but was soon routed with its commander Repninsky wounded by three musket shots. General Berg tried desperately to rally his own Little Russia Grenadiers but was also wounded and then captured. The entire Russian Column collapsed on to the Austrian reserves, disordering their ranks in turn. The twelve cannons of Colonel Koudravtzov’s Artillery Battery were captured together with all the lighter Battalion Guns. The Emperor appealed to his fleeing soldiers: “Look I am here with you! Stop! I will share your dangers!” All to no avail; the surprise attack and the terror and panic which resulted made every single individual in Fourth Column lose his head. Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805"

*By 1805, all mitre front plates were brass, although prior to 1802 they had been either brass or white-metal, depending on the regimental button colour. The insets to the right of figure 8 show Fusilier mitres for the Kiev Grenadier Regiment (lower inset) and the Life Guard Grenadiers (upper inset). The Life Guard Grenadier ‘Fusilier’ mitre, with the star of St George emblem above an imperial eagle is based on a figure in Antoine Jean Gros’ painting of Eylau. Contemporary sources indicate that the mitre was worn contemporaneously with the new Grenadier shako throughout 1805 and as late as 1808, while it was being phased out. Refer to Appendix A below.

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Figure 11: Musketeer - Moscow Musketeer Regiment – 3rd Battalion First Column Figure 12: Officer - Ensign of the Pskov Musketeer Regiment – 2nd Battalion – Northern Sector The Moscow Musketeer Regiment was one of the seven full-strength line regiments of General Buxhowden’s First Column. This strong body of 11,000 troops remained inactive for the most critical hours of the battle. Buxhowden showed no initiative, even in terms of simple communication, despite being in overall command of the three allied Columns on the southern flank. The fact that this powerful group of infantry did not intervene in the fighting was critical to the outcome of the battle. A well-connected aristocrat, Buxhowden managed to avoid a court-martial, actively diverting criticism to his non-Russian subordinate commanders, like Langeron and Prebyshevsky. In the final stages of the battle, Buxhowden’s infantry attempted to retreat in fading light and worsening weather across the marshy reed beds and frozen ponds, to the south of the battlefield. In this retreat, these seven regiments lost 20% of their men in casualties or as prisoners; many would not have fired a single shot. However, the Moscow Musketeers formed a protective rearguard for the retreating allies, being the last regiment to withdraw. Langeron, commander of the allied Second Column describes the chaos of this retreat: It was about 4 o’clock and it had turned dark and for the preceding hour a cold sleet had begun to fall. The ground was covered in thick mud which was ankle deep near the canals, marshes and streams. Nothing was missing from the absolute horror of our situation. You wouldn’t believe it unless you saw it yourself - the total confusion that reigned during our retreat. Everything was in chaos and you couldn’t find two men from the same company still together. The soldiers had thrown away their weapons and wouldn’t listen to either their officers or their generals. The officers called out to their men to no avail and ended up joining the general flight. Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805.Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

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The retreat across the frozen ponds became an iconic image. General Marbot’s description accords with that of most other eyewitnesses: By the end of the day, the Russians were mixed together in full flight, and each sought to save himself. Some ran headlong into the marshes which surrounded the ponds. Others hoped to escape by the causeway that lay between the two ponds; our cavalry charged them, killing and maiming. Lastly, a large group of Russians tried to pass over the ice which was very thick. About 5-6000 men had reached the middle of Satschan pond. Napoleon ordered the artillery of the Guard to fire on the ice breaking it at several points. A tremendous cracking was heard and the water slowly rose through the cracks covering the ice. We saw thousands of Russians, with their horses, guns, and wagons sink and disappear below the ice. It was an awesome and terrifying sight which I shall never forget. In an instant the surface of the lake was covered with men and horses swimming to save themselves. Title : Mémoires du général baron de Marbot. Gênes-Austerlitz-Eylau Author : Marbot, Marcellin de (1782-1854). Auteur du text Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1891

A later dredging of the lake revealed the remains of 160 horses and 30 cannon which suggests that the real victims of this event had been the Russian artillery train. Comeau, another eyewitness, supports this view and is partly at odds with Marbot and Napoleon’s own official bulletin, which sought to magnify the Russian disaster. The bulletin said that thousands had drowned in the ponds. I was close enough to see what was going on. The Russian army marched around the edge of the pond and placed it between themselves and our cavalry who were in pursuit. At most, a few platoons might have wet their feet but there was no question of them drowning. The dead men and horses had been killed by artillery fire and the casualties were similar to that on the rest of the battle-field. I firmly believe that two thousand Russians did not perish there, at most two hundred; moreover, without the barrier of the pond the column of retreating Russians would have been destroyed. Title : Souvenirs des guerres d'Allemagne pendant la Révolution et l'Empire / par le Baron de Comeau,... Author : Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph de (1771-1844). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1900

The Moscow Musketeer in Figure 11 is armed with a 1798 Tula musket. Russia based their manufactured weapons on Prussian models, including their standard musket and short sword. The Tula arsenal became increasingly important in providing arms to Russia’s armies. The wooden stock was

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sometimes painted. The carrying strap was red for grenadiers and white for the 2nd and 3rd battalion musketeers. Reputedly heavier and less reliable than the French Charleville musket, it nonetheless provided the regiments with some consistency in weapons and ammunition calibre. Russian manufacturing capacity could not completely supply its large army and many other line regiments were armed with an assortment of weapons of foreign manufacture, principally Prussian and Austrian. The infantry short sword was also modelled on a Prussian design and measured between 80 and 87 cm in length. The Pskov Musketeer Regiment together with the Old Ingermanland and Archangel Musketeers were the three regiments forming the front line of Bagration’s fighting retreat in the Northern sector. Bagration was later feted as the hero of Austerlitz, with his retreat being seen as the most successful allied action of the battle. Yet Bagration’s infantry sustained huge losses. The Archangel Regiment was almost completely destroyed, suffering 1,600 casualties, though the Pskov Regiment escaped comparatively lightly with the loss of 500 men and 55 officers, a quarter of their force. As in the south of the battlefield, the closing stages of the fighting in the northern sector saw the infantry retreating in disorder across the narrow bridges, streams and marshy ground to the east. Artillery officer Ermolov describes the scene of this retreat: Our men crowded around the very marshy stream (the Rausnitz) where it was impossible to cross, other than on one of the few bridges. Here our fleeing cavalry rushed into the water, drowning both men and horses. My battery was abandoned by our regiments to which we had been attached, so I decided to move away from our fleeing cavalry and set up my guns to fire at the enemy cavalry pursuing us. As soon these guns had fired a few shots, they were over-run and my gunners cut down... Ermolov, Aleksei Petrovich, Zapiski, Moscow 1798-1826 , printed Moscow 1991

Figure 12 shows an Ensign from the Pskov Regiment. Ensigns were one of the lower ranks of company-officers together with ‘Standard Bearer officers’ and cadets. As with all other commissioned officers, his coat was longer than that of lower ranks and he wore the old bicorn hat with falling black plume and a simple gold lace loop, introduced in 1803. His officer status is also marked by a sash made of silver, gold and black thread covering his sword belt and his light-epee sword. Lower ranking officers were armed with spontoons for the most part, a spear-like weapon, painted either white,

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black, brown or yellow depending on the regiment. The rank of the officer could be determined by the large metal gorget, worn over the chest. This could be silver, gold-plated or a mixture of both metals, depending on rank. The tall bicorns marked out junior officers as targets for French fire and casualties were high. Figure 13: Grenadier Company Drummer – Riazan Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Second Column Figure 13 shows a Grenadier Company Drummer from the Riazan Musketeer Regiment. Together with the Phanagoria Grenadiers, the Riazans were part of General Kamensky’s counter-attack to recover the Heights (see article on Figure 9 above). This drummer has the new 1805 Grenadier shako and wears a red ‘busch’ plume – all drummers and musicians wore red plumes, in both infantry and cavalry. As a ‘Company’ drummer for the 1st Grenadier Battalion he has lower rank status; NCO drummers were called ‘Regimental’ drummers. A full-strength regiment of about 2000 men usually had between 50 and 60 drummers and musicians. The drummer/musician uniform was essentially the same as that of the combatants with the addition of white lace arranged in the following manner; • • •

six chevrons on each sleeve; two ‘swallows nest’ shoulder pads; a double loop behind each button;

Figure 14: Musician – Moscow Musketeer Regiment – First Column Each regiment had an important complement of non-combatant troops. The 1803 uniform regulations which prescribed shakos for all combatant musketeers and drummers did not refer to other non-combatants in Musketeer regiments, who retained their 10 inch-high bicorn hats. There are at least two contemporary prints from the ASKB collection that include Russian prisoners from the Austerlitz wearing bicorns. Noncombatants in a standard Russian regiment included about 30 surgeons, barbers and hospital staff, 40 drummers and drum majors, 100 wagon-train personnel and craftsmen, and 15-20 musicians and fifers. The musician’s uniform was standard for all drummers, fifers and musicians in all line regiments. This musician plays a type of bassoon.

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Figure 15: Musketeer - Apcheron Musketeer Regiment – 2nd Battalion – Fourth Column Figure 16: Grenadier - Kursk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – Second Column The Apcheron Musketeers formed part of Fourth Column under General Miloradovich and Kutuzov. Like all the troops in this Column, they were to suffer the initial brunt of the French attack on the Pratzen Heights; moreover, they were attacked by surprise, in a marching column, with baggage and artillery vehicles. The Apcheron and Novgorod regiments were closest to the French and put up an unequal fight that lasted some 30-minutes, before being routed. The battle for the Pratzen Plateau was to continue for another two hours. Major Mahler, an Austrian officer who witnessed the initial French assault, maintained that Russian senior officers had still not returned from their overnight billets and were absent at the critical moment: Since the fog was thick, the Russians believed that (the approaching French column) were their light infantry or other troops from the army and therefore did not fire at all, but remained in formation. It was only when the enemy, formed in columns, approached within about 20 paces, that they noticed that they were mistaken, and attacked the French with desperate courage and exceptional bravery. Now the fighting became hand-to hand, which, given the determination of the Russians, resulted in the repulsion of the first enemy attack. At last, the French grenadiers advanced and stormed forward. The Russians, still without guidance from their superiors, remained in formation and advanced again. The battle was waged so persistently on both sides that it swayed in the balance for a long time. At last the Russian line was encircled by French dragoons and they were routed. Mahler Major – Tagebucher ans dem Jahre 1805 – Mittheilungen des K und K Kriegs Archive 6 1881

Kutuzov was later to criticise the regiments of Fourth Column, particularly the Novgorod regiment, for not resisting the French for longer. It is true that all four regiments in Fourth Column suffered comparatively low casualties, with less than 200 casualties for the Apsherons. However, General Thiebault, leading the French attack against them close to the village of Pratze, claims they put up an effective resistance:

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I did well not to take any chances and to follow the leading (French) troops with my three reserve battalions in column, as support. Whatever General Kutusov might have said in his official report, I can state that both the Novgorod and the Apcheron regiments had begun to occupy the village (of Pratze). They formed the leading elements of the Russian Fourth Column and had time to deploy in front of the village, hidden and lying low. Our leading troops approached without seeing them and were hit by a murderous volley of fire which routed the 1st Battalion of the 14th Ligne... with a cry of “Vive l’empereur”, I countercharged at the head of my three reserve battalions. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 / publiés sous les auspices de sa fille, Mlle Claire Thiébault, d'après le manuscrit original par Fernand Calmettes Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

The Kursk Musketeer Regiment’s Grenadiers were heavily engaged in the house to house fighting in and around Sokolnitz. The regiment’s two musketeer battalions, initially kept in reserve, were then committed in a futile and very late counterattack on the Pratzen Heights. Both musketeer battalions were destroyed and only the Grenadier battalion escaped encirclement. Both these Privates are in wearing greatcoats, in marching order. Weather permitting, greatcoats and knapsacks would have been removed once battle commenced. Marching order in wet weather would also have involved covering the shako with an oiled or waxed waterproof cover stored inside the shako itself. There was no standard pattern for these covers in 1805 and they would have varied from regiment to regiment. Plumes and pompoms could have been stored away, but may well have been worn in battle to aid identification. Greatcoats were newly issued in 1805 and regulations appear to suggest there were a variety of shades and colours ranging from brown to grey. In practice, the Russian greatcoat was a rough, voluminous garment, big enough to cover both the uniform and the sheepskin warm-coat and made from low-grade mixed-woollen cloth. However, greatcoats did include two shoulder straps in the regimental ‘inspection’ colour and the collar was either partly or wholly covered with cloth in the regimental colour. A great number of Russian greatcoats were captured and re-used by the French.

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Figure 17: Grenadier - Bryansk Musketeer Regiment – 1st Grenadier Battalion – First Column Figure 18: Private - Pioneer Company ‘Virubov’ – 2nd Pioneer Regiment- Third Column The fortunes of the Bryansk Musketeers were similar to that of the Moscow regiment and every one of the 7 regiments of First Column, becoming involved in the battle only in the last stages of retreat across the frozen ponds and marshes. The figure is based on a contemporary watercolour published by Orme. The grenadier is dressed for night duty with greatcoat and padded mitten-like gloves. He wears the standard 1802 forage cap, common to every soldier in the army, based on the French design. This cap had a band and stripes in the regimental colour. The short sword was suspended on a frog from the waist belt and a large cartridge box from the wide shoulder belt passing over the left shoulder. Although, this greatcoat has a line of neatly tailored pleats shown in some depictions by Viskovatov, the Orme print shows the Russian greatcoat to be a roughly tailored, cloak-like garment, big enough to cover several layers of uniform. Other contemporary sources suggest that Orme is closer to the truth. Military ‘powdered’ hair was no longer worn on campaign in 1805. It was reserved for military parade and was the common soldier’s alternative to the expensive wigs worn by officers. For the common soldier, the ‘powder’ was actually a mixture of flour, chalk and grease mixed into a paste which hardened like builder’s plaster. One guardsman recalls the process: At five o’clock in the morning I was already at the company courtyard. Two Gatchina barbers were already ready, experts in the arts of arranging hair according to the established style and fitting accouterments by the regulations. In an instant they had seized my head in order to “block” it in the approved style, and the fun began. They sat me down on a bench in the middle of a room and trimmed my hair very short at the front with a comb. Then one of the barbers, a little less than seven feet tall, began to rub the front of my head with a thin sharpened piece of chalk. Even if God allows me to live on this earth another 73 years, I will still never forget that treatment!

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Five or at the most six minutes of vigorously rubbing my head brought me to such a state that I became afraid that I was going to be sick. I saw the room and everything in it swimming. Millions of sparks swirled wherever I looked, and tears streamed from my eyes. I asked the sergeant on duty to stop for a few minutes so as to give my poor head a rest. My request was honored, and Monsieur Professor of Regulation Head Blocking deigned to declare to the sergeant that the dry preparation of my head was complete, and that now it only remained to wet and dry it. I trembled when I heard the pronouncement. The wetting operation commenced. So as not to wet my undershirt, a mat sack replaced the powder gown. The barber positioned himself exactly in front of my face, filled his mouth with some of the soldiers’ homebrew kvas beer, and began to spray my cranium as from a fire hose. As soon as he had wet me to the skull, the other barber set to liberally sprinkling flour on my head from a powder box, strewing it all directions. At the end of this operation, they arranged my hair with a comb and ordered me to sit still and not turn my head, thus giving time for the crown of paste on my head to dry. Behind, they tied an iron rod into my hair to shape a regulation queue...By nine o’clock that morning the flour crown had hardened on my skull like lava spewed from a volcano, and under its protection I could stand outside in the rain or snow without harm for several hours, like a marble garden statue. M. Turgenev (Russkiya Starina, 1887)

The Pioneer in Figure 18 is dressed for active duty. The Pioneers were a specialised unit linked to the Artillery and Engineers Corps, and not to be confused with ‘labour’ or penal units or regimental sappers. Pioneer Companies of about 150 men were attached to each of the attacking allied Columns. Their role was to ensure the heavy artillery wagons and limbers could cross the tracks and bridges across the Goldbach stream. The Goldbach in winter presented a very difficult obstacle for the attacking Russians. In addition to the narrow village bridges crossing the stream, the Russian had to negotiate steep ravines and marshy, waterlogged ground. In addition to the Pioneers, each line regiment had their own sappers and craftsmen, being equipped with 20 entrenching axes and 10 spades.

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Eyewitnesses attest that the fields either side of the road were heavily ploughed with deep furrows and also difficult to negotiate, so the traffic was forced to keep to the tracks. The Russian Columns had advanced into extremely unfavourable ground, trapped between the marshy lakes, the Heights and the embanked Goldbach stream. The entrenching axe was the Pioneer’s key all-purpose tool. Regulations specified large square-shaped axe-head covers to be 10” by 10” with a 3 foot wooden handle. Covers for axes were to be made from old discarded cartridge cases and straps from similarly recycled white leather belts. Pioneer dress-uniforms mirrored standard artillery uniforms, but had red collars and cuffs, black shoulder straps and white-metal buttons; the shako had a white pompom and tuft. However, the active-duty uniform was very different to that worn on parade and pioneers would have worn a tough canvas smock, called a raven-duck smock. This is portrayed in one drawing in Viskovatov and appears to be a caftan-like workman’s-overall covering the body and thighs and fixed by three diagonal ties across the chest. This pioneer has secured it across his left shoulder. He also wears a forage cap, non-regulation overall-trousers and gaiters. Pioneers were equipped with a different style of short sword with an open handle, sometimes serrated. Their only sidearm was a pistol, carried in a holster attached to the rear of the waist-belt; the cartridge case was attached to the front of the waist-belt. * *A contemporary painting by Salomon Landolt shows a grenadier in greatcoat wearing very similar non-regulation trousers. Although gaiters were not worn in full dress uniform, the 1802 regulations provided two pairs of gaiters and four spare boot-soles for every infantryman to be carried in the knapsack.

Figure 19: Jager - Mladshchie Unter-ofitser (equivalent of Corporal) of 8th Jager Regiment – 2nd Battalion – Second Column The Russian Jager regiments, together with the artillery, were seen as the modern elite of the army. Although the standard weapon was still the Prussian-model Tula musket, NCOs and 12 sharpshooters per company were armed with rifles. This meant that 150 sharpshooters and 100 NCOs carried rifles in a full strength Jager regiment of about 1,300 men. Jager regiments avoided the more antiquated traditions of the rest of the army: officers carried no polearms and the regiments had no religious personnel. They also trained

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in open-order skirmishing. In particular, sharpshooters needed an advanced level of training to handle and maintain a rifle effectively. There were no grenadiers in Jager regiments, although the first battalion was given primacy as a ‘carabinier’ battalion, in imitation of the French. At Austerlitz, they literally formed the cutting edge of the Russian advance, with Jagers opening the attack for all three attacking Columns, as well as for the ‘Advance Guard’ in the Northern Sector of the battlefield. The 8th regiment was involved in heavy fighting, with 1st and 2nd battalions taking heavy casualties in the two initial assaults on Sokolnitz village. They had to fight the French across a series of natural defensive barriers; having to cross the Goldbach stream and ascend a 30 metre slope under fire before engaging in house to house fighting with French light infantry of the 26th Legere. Although Sokolnitz was a small village, with one main street running south to north, it changed hands several times over the course of the day. Towards dusk, the remnants of 1st and 2nd battalions retreated across the Goldbach. The third battalion, fighting French ‘tirailleurs’ in the isolated walled pheasantry to the north of Sokolnitz castle, surrendered to the French. The Jagers of 1805 wore light green coats without shoulder straps and light green breeches. Jagers armed with muskets carried large cartridge pouches on the back of their black leather waist-belts, on which they also carried a bayonet on a frog (carrying loop). Regulations suggest that the belt could be adjusted to bring the pouch to the front during combat, as in figure 20 below. The knapsack and other equipment was the same as that of the line infantry, except that cross belts were black and carried over the left shoulder, so that they were free to fire. Regimental colours were worn on the collars, cuffs and along the outer seam of breeches and turn-backs. By 1805, Jagers wore shakos with a peak that extended to the rear and sides, though some regiments may still have worn the older 1802-04 felt round-hat (Kruglyya Shlyapy). The inset in Figure 19 shows three different styles of this Jager shako; all variations of the same design. The top shako is found depicted in Viskovatov, the middle shako is depicted in both Viskovatov and in the St Petersburg Museum paintings and the lower shako is the earlier ‘round-hat’ depicted in Viskovatov and in the Vinkhuizjen collection. Greatcoats had no shoulder straps. Other details of the uniform were similar to line regiments.

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Sharpshooters carried additional equipment for their rifles including powder bags, a sword bayonet and a larger cartridge case carried on the front of their waist-belt. NCO gloves would have been removed when firing the rifle. The rifle cartridge-case carried prepared lead bullets wrapped in wads, instead of cartridges; powder was carried in a leather flask. The sharpshooter carries a 1785-pattern Jager rifle, produced in the Tula Armouries. Like many rifles of the period, cleaning equipment was stored behind a brass plate in the rifle butt. A sword bayonet could be attached to a clip at the side of the rifle stock. Used properly, it was an accurate weapon, even at long range. However, Jager regiments would also have used a variety of foreign purchased rifles. Captain Otroshenko of the 7th Jagers describes the type of open pairedskirmisher tactics used by the Jagers, in his account of an action against French skirmishers in 1806: As night fell, a sharp frost set in. Our regimental commander, already tipsy, happened to be on the road behind my wood and asked the jagers of my company whether they were cold. Upon hearing their affirmative answer, he ordered fires to be lit in the skirmish line. When I informed him that fires were not allowed in the skirmish line, he angrily shouted at me, ‘I order you to immediately light up fires. How dare you argue with me. I will have you arrested!’ So I obeyed the order. When the fires lit up the edges of the woods, I went to the skirmish line and, approaching the marsh, asked whether anyone could see what was happening across the marshland. The jager told me, ‘An enemy column is advancing directly at us.’ I immediately shouted to douse the fires and rallying the nearby pairs [of skirmishers], I ordered them to open fire at this column. The enemy veered to the right and disappeared behind the heights. Leaving my men, I ran along the skirmish line to the right and asked the jagers if they could see anything. I was again told that the French were advancing in groups scattered across the marsh. I ordered them to open fire. The enemy, however, moved forward without returning fire. Otroshenko, Yakov Zapiski General Otroshenko 1800-1830 transl. in Mikaberidze, Alexander. Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1807 Pen & Sword Books. 2015

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Figure 20: Jager Rifleman – 7th Jager regiment – 1st Battalion – Second Column Figure 21: Jager – 5th Jager Regiment – Northern Advance Guard Figure 22: Jager – 6th Jager Regiment – Northern Advance Guard The Jager rifleman from the 7th Jager Regiment still wears the old 1802 felt round-hat (Kruglyya Shlyapy). This was somewhat different to the later shako (the shapki) and shaped like a short top-hat.* Two battalions of the 7th Jager regiment were heavily committed to the capture and defence of Sokolnitz castle. In the closing stages of the battle, the remnants of the 1st and 2nd battalions surrendered, with only elements of their 3rd battalion stationed at Tellnitz evading capture. Although casualties in all the Jager regiments were moderately high, the 7th Jager regiment was almost completely destroyed, losing 800 men and 78 officers. Corporal Popaditchev, already wounded, recorded the chaotic fighting during the final surrender at Sokolnitz: The French were firing at us from all sides...our commander had discarded his sword and was moving around repeating, “Throw away your guns boys or the French will massacre us all.” The situation became a mess and we became mixed up with the French who had over-run us. The two men who were carrying me because of my wounds, threw away my musket and took shelter in a house where we had collected all our other wounded. Popaditchev Ilya Osipovich – 1895 – Vospominaniya Suvarovskago soldata St Petersburg 1895 (Memoirs of a soldier of Suvarov)

Popaditchev’s memoirs gives an insight into the type of open order fighting around the village: The French cavalry was moving along our flanks and at this point we were ordered forward ahead of our infantry line. Enemy fire from cannon and skirmishers soon forced us to fall back. However, the enemy cavalry had already got behind us to our right, behind the line of trees. We fell behind the main line of infantry, who advanced some 200 paces ahead of us. Suddenly a force of armoured cavalry emerged from the trees, wearing brass helmets and plumes. They surrounded our group of 100 men, shouting “Pardon!” We couldn’t surrender so we fought them with our bayonets and rifle butts and many of us were sabred or shot with pistols...we received no help from the line infantry...

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The 5th and 6th Jager regiments supported the ‘Advance Guard’ in the northern sector of the battlefield. Here the battlefield was the open plain either side of the strategic road from Brunn to Olmutz. The plain was overlooked and flanked by three villages; Bosenitz, Krug and Holubitz. General Bagration committed his two Jager regiments to capturing and holding these villages, supported by cossacks and hussars. The 5th Jager attacked Bosenitz to the north of the road and 6th Jager held Krug and Holubitz to the south. Despite heavy fighting, both regiments were later able to retreat with only moderate casualties. *Apart form Viskovatov, there are contemporary depictions of the Imperial Guard Jager in a series of drawings of the Imperial Guard to be found in the St Petersburg Military museums, attributed to Orlovski. The uniforms in these depictions date them to after October 1804 when the Jager were ordered to paint their musket straps black. These show Jagers with shako peaks extending slightly to the side and rear of the shako and an Imperial lace band around the upper edge of the shako. The fact that they appear to be contemporary studies make them more reliable than the later 19th century prints in Viskovatov. Figure 23 below is based on this. In addition, there is a depiction of an 1805 jager, from the 7th regiment, in Die Russiche Armee 1800-1809– Vinkhuijzen Collection. The accurate details in these drawings suggest it is based on earlier sources, possibly contemporary. This figure is depicted wearing the earlier ‘round-hat’ and a tall white feather, possibly identifying him as a carabinier in the 1st Battalion. One watercolour of Guard Jager in Viskovatov also show jagers wearing these round-hats.

Figure 23: Jager Second Lieutenant – Life Guard Jager Battalion – Northern Sector Figure 24: Jager Mladshchie Unter-Ofitser (Corporal) – Life Guard Jager Battalion – Northern Sector of Battlefield There were about 400 to 500 Life Guard Jagers in a single battalion attached to the Russian Imperial Guard. Despite their small numbers, they were heavily engaged first in the fight for Blasiowitz in the Northern Sector of the Battlefield and then in the retreat of the Guards towards Krenowitz. Blasiowitz was a key village, situated half way between the Pratzen Plateau and the northern plain. As such it linked the two areas of the battlefield. Its surrounding slopes were covered with vineyards and orchards. The Guard

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Jager Regimental History records their ultimately unsuccessful attempts to defend Blasiowitz: Lieutenant Ofrosimov took measures to stop the enemy infiltrating the orchard to the south of Blasiowitz...positioning his Jager hidden in the low trees and along the fence that surrounded the orchard, he waited for the approach of the French (skirmishers). Once within range, he gave orders to fire, doing serious damage...our two companies then rushed them with bayonets driving them away... Istoriia Leib – Guardii Egerskago Polka

Their uniform was similar to other Jager regiments, being distinct only in having chequered guard lace; three rows on the slit-cuffs, two rows on the collar, and a single band around the top of the shako. NCOs had gold lace on the upper edge of their cuffs and lower edge of the collar and a gold-thread version of the Guard chequered lace. In 1804, the Guard Jager changed their head-dress from the round hat (Kruglyya shlyapy) to the shako. The most reliable contemporary prints dating from late 1804 (based on watercolours attributed to Orlovski – St Petersburg Military Museums) show NCOs, drummers, hornists and privates of the Jagers, all wearing a shako with a peak extending slightly to the back and sides. The black musket straps on these paintings date them to after October 1804, when black straps were first introduced. These prints show an NCO armed with a rifle, with a gold coloured pompom with dark green centre. They also show two privates armed with muskets, dressed similarly to the NCO but without the gold edging to collar and cuffs and with a dark green pompom with gold centre and gold tuft. Significantly, they all have the same chequered Guard-lace band around the top of their shako, though for NCOs this lace was red and gold. The St Petersburg paintings also show two Jager officers from this same period – 1803-4. The officer in Figure 23 is based on this source. Their uniform is distinct in its relatively ‘modern’ look, when compared to other Guard officers from the same set of paintings. Like all Jager officers, they did not wear a gorget or carry a spontoon. Instead of gold loops, the lace on their cuffs and collar was a simple double-strip of gold galloon-ribbon. By 1805, this simple galloon-ribbon was also worn on their bicorns. Guard Jager officers nevertheless retained their lace shoulder-strap and aiguillette on the right shoulder, worn exclusively by the Guards.

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Appendix A: The continued use of Grenadier Mitres during 1805 The Russian army of 1805 had to provide for uniforms and equipment out of its own regimental funds, which varied from regiment to regiment. Russian regimental budgets were very limited, and high-ranking Generals like Langeron were critical of budget cuts which could not even provide funds for maintenance of battalion guns or ammunition for target practise. Given these financial constraints, new items of uniform were ‘phased in’ usually after old uniform items had worn out. Conditions of war and mobilisation and the huge distances and poor communications between Russian barracks exacerbated this problem. The adoption of the shako by Grenadier units in 1805 is a case in point. Nearly all contemporary sources show Russian grenadiers from 1805-06 still wearing the mitre. This includes formally commissioned French paintings and prints of the battle, but also depictions by Russian contemporaries and by eyewitness artists commissioned to paint Russian military parades. It is significant that even Jean Francois Barbier, a participant and accurate eyewitness of the battle, includes the mitre (as well as the shako) amongst his depiction of Russian prisoners at the close of the battle. The depiction of the mitre was not artistic licence. Contemporary Russian paintings and prints (in the ASKB collection) accurately show grenadiers wearing the 1803-5 uniform together with the mitre, in battle with French troops. It is significant to note that even Kobell, one of the most reliable artists of contemporary uniforms, shows Russian Grenadiers from several regiments wearing the mitre (and these are not the Pavlov Regiment) in a St Petersburg military review, in a painting that can be dated after 1808 (ASKB). The uniform change of March 1805 gave the Grenadiers Battalions about 12 weeks to receive the new regulation, place an order, manufacture and reequip what amounted to over a third of all line infantry with new shakos and plumes. It is doubtful whether this was considered possible or even attempted and the sources indicate that the Russian army had not reequipped all its Grenadier units by the start of mobilisation in Summer 1805. Sources indicate that the Russian army of 1805 wore a mix of mitres and shakos, with only high-profile units like the Guards being re-equipped immediately.

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Sources divide into 2 categories. 1. Contemporary drawings and sources. With the exception of one unsigned watercolour of a Russian Guard Infantrymen (ASKB) all contemporary drawings, prints and illustrations show Grenadiers wearing mitres. Most compellingly, these drawings include those made by eyewitnesses of Russian prisoners captured at Austerlitz. One painting by Barbier shows a figure wearing a Grenadier mitre. Another watercolour (attributed to Weber: ASKB) shows prisoners wearing mitres, escorted by Bavarian Guards; this painting is particularly detailed in its depiction of the uniforms worn and includes a Elisabethgrad Hussar and several 1802pattern green coats. Mitres continue to feature in all military paintings of Russian soldiers throughout the period 1805-07, by all artists. In fact, they are still shown being worn after 1808 by three different regiments in a military parade painted by Kobell. The first datable depiction of Grenadiers wearing the new 1805 shako and plume is a different Military Parade painting by Kobell, showing a review of a Grenadier regiment at St Petersburg. In this, some Grenadiers wear a shako with the 1808 triple grenade whilst other Grenadiers wear the pre1808 shako with single grenade – making the original painting datable to 1808-09. Kobell also shows the Grenadier plumes to be shorter than the 19” supposedly prescribed by regulations. 2. Regulations and later 19th century drawings. The regulations recorded and summarised by Viskovatov and the drawings that were restored or commissioned by him all show the new February/March 1805 Grenadier uniform, including a shako and very tall ‘busch’ plume. The plume is always shown being more than twice the height of the shako, at over 19” high (50 cm) and almost as wide as the shako. Other drawings of troops in parade uniform from volumes from the ‘Library of the Prince of Prussia’ and the ‘Library of Czar Nicholas II’ (ASKB) also show soldiers wearing this tall busch plume. The 3 drawings from the Library of the Prince of Prussia are particularly relevant, showing a musketeer, grenadier and grenadierdrummer. All 3 sources are painted in a very similar style. All these sources portray official regulation uniform, often worn in parade-order, complete with parade-powdered hair. The style and provenance of the illustrations suggest they were painted after the Napoleonic period – possibly

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in the early 19th century and probably commissioned by the Czar. They give no indication of when the new uniform was issued; nor do they depict what the majority of soldiers actually wore in 1805, on campaign. In summary, sources indicate that Grenadiers continued to wear mitres throughout 1805, with some units adopting the new shakos. The Pavlov regiment are a case in point – this high-profile regiment with links to the Guard, continued to wear mitres throughout 1805, 1806 and 1807, contrary to the 1805 regulations. They were finally granted a special permission to continue to wear their mitres in 1807, in recognition of their bravery at Eylau.

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THE ARTILLERY The Russian artillery was the technological elite of the army. Officers and even NCOs had to pass a set of comparatively rigorous exams to qualify to join an artillery regiment and every man had to have a certain level of literate education. This set them apart from the rest of the army. Throughout this period, Russia was keen to follow both the Austrian and French models. Although the regiments functioned as administrative bodies, the tactical unit on the battlefield was the ‘Battery’ of 12 guns served by a ‘Company’ of about 250 men. Each regiment was allocated a halfBattery of 6 guns with a half-company of artillerymen, called Battalion-guns. Light Batteries and Battalion-guns were made up of 6-pounder and 3-pounder guns and medium ‘unicorn’ howitzers. ‘Heavy Position Batteries’ included powerful 12-pounder guns and heavy ‘unicorn’ howitzers. The ‘unicorns’ were long-barrelled Russian-produced howitzers which could also be employed as cannon. There were 19 Batteries at Austerlitz belonging to the 3rd, 4th and 5th Artillery Regiments and the 1st and 2nd Horse Artillery Battalions – in addition to this, there was the Guard Artillery.* Many of the Light Batteries were allocated as regimental Battalion-guns. The facings for the Russian Artillery Regiments present at Austerlitz: 3rd Regiment: 4th Regiment: 5th Regiment: 2nd Horse Artillery Battalion: 1st Horse Artillery Battalion: 2nd Regiment:

Yellow Raspberry Turquoise White Red White (en-route to Austerlitz)

The Battalion-gun system caused problems for the Russians at Austerlitz. It slowed down the marching columns, delaying Third Column by an hour, as pioneers tried to prepare the mud-road for the 60 limbers and

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ammunition/powder caissons serving their 30 battalion guns. It also meant that as individual regiments retreated, their guns, limbers and wagons were often left behind and captured. Nevertheless, Battalion-guns formed only part of the Russian artillery force. The more important and effective element was concentrated into independent batteries. Over half of the artillery at Austerlitz operated as independent batteries, including the five ‘Heavy Position Batteries’ with their excellent 12-pounders and the two Horse Artillery batteries, supporting the cavalry. *Artillery Archive Records - Lieutenant General Alexander Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky. Figure 25: Regimental Train Wagon Driver – Novgorod Musketeer regiment – 4th Column Each infantry regiment had a complement of about 50 wagon-train personnel, tasked to carry daily rations and ammunition from central depots. They also drove horse-teams for the limbers and ammunition wagons serving the 6 battalion guns allocated to each infantry regiment. In time of war, they would be supplemented by a host of civilian contractors and wagon-drivers; contemporary depictions often show wagon-drivers in peasant dress. The official uniform was a knee length frock coat with a single strap on left shoulder and grey breeches or trousers. They carried their equipment in a simple grey cloth valise, usually strapped to the horse’s harness. Wagon drivers and non-combatants in musketeer regiments had not been prescribed shakos in 1803, so some may have continued to wear bicorns; contemporary prints of prisoners from the battle show bicorns amongst other head-dress. The non-combatant bicorn was without cockade or adornment. The loss of the artillery and supply-trains at Austerlitz and in the ensuing retreat was instrumental in the eventual disintegration of the Russian army. Pavel Grabbe, who was a 15 year-old Russian Second-Lieutenant of the 2nd Artillery Regiment at Austerlitz, describes what happened: The column of General Essen Ivan Nikolayevich, to which we belonged, hurried off to join the main army which had concentrated at Olmutz. We had to leave the main road, travelling along tracks which were deep in thick mud. We followed the route of the artillery depots and were about two depots short of Austerlitz. Here we began to encounter retreating units from different regiments, all in a very bad state, which showed us the magnitude of the defeat they had suffered.

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The Senior officers of Essen’s column quickly took the decision to retreat through Hungary. My commander could not take all the wagons but left me in charge of two wagons and 13 artillerymen, with orders to commandeer horses from the local inhabitants and then catch up with the column. I had only just begun to carry out this order when a general alarm was raised that French forward patrols were approaching. The road was blocked with wagons and people in flight, so we left the road and took to the hills. We soon caught up with other soldiers from Essen’s column also hurrying in this direction. A force of French dragoons followed us and unsuccessfully attempted to capture our senior officer, but there were too many of us and we were prepared to fight. Grabbe, P. K. (1873). Iz pamiatnykh zapisok grafa Pavla Khristoforovicha Grabbe. Russia: V Universitetskoĭ tipīi.

Figure 26 – Cannoneer (Cleaning rod) of 5th Artillery Regiment - Colonel Golostonov’s Heavy Battery – supporting Northern ‘Advance Guard’ The 5th Artillery Regiment had three Batteries accompanying Bagration’s Advance Guard, totalling 36 guns and a further 7 Batteries allocated as Battalionguns. Colonel Golostonov’s Battery appears to have lost none of its guns in the battle, an exceptional outcome. The artillerymen were divided into Cannoneers and supporting Gunhandlers. The lower rank Cannoneers worked in teams of 4 to 6 men, with each man allocated roles which included: Cleaning rods – Slow matches and ignition matches - Charge pouch. The NCO rank of ‘Bombadier’ was the equivalent of a corporal and usually acted as the commander for a single gun. The Sergeants were called ‘Fireworkers’ and would have aided the officers in directing the entire Battery of 6-12 guns. Artillery uniforms generally followed the pattern set in the line-infantry regiments in most respects. However, facings on collar, cuffs and turnbacks were black, piped red. Furthermore, breeches for all artillery regiment lower rank combatants were prescribed as light green throughout this period, from 1802 to 1807. Officers and possibly senior NCOs kept their white breeches, though all officers wore riding trousers on campaign. Regimental colours were worn on shoulder straps, the centre of the pompom and the ‘bell’ of the sword knot. The shako would have been the 1803 cloth ‘Shapki’ shako, with a cockade with orange outer-trim (a white outer trim was only introduced in 1808 for officers) and detachable peak. A stronger, leather reinforced and leather lined shako (called the Kiver) was only introduced much later, in 1808. Pompoms and tufts were white for first battalion and red for second. As with the infantry, the cylindrical knapsack, canteen and rolled coat were carried on a white cross-belt

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passing over the right shoulder. The left-shoulder cross-belt carried a powder pouch; which by 1805 looked like a standard cartridge pouch, though the olderpattern round metal pouches were still in use. This cross belt also carried two priming-spikes; all-purpose tools for clearing gun powder residue. Captain Levavasseur describes an artillery duel with the Russian ‘Advance Guard’ artillery in the opening stages of the battle. A Russian battery began firing on our position. The Russian cannon-balls shot too high, passing over my head. However, they had already killed one of my mounted NCOs; a sergeant was also wounded and shell fragments ricocheted, breaking up one of our caissons. I couldn’t judge how accurate our own fire was because of the powder smoke which was blown in our direction, blanketing us in fog. I walked out, well in front of our guns, to reconnoitre the enemy battery; I stood right in front of their line of fire and my own gunners couldn’t understand how I avoided being hit. They didn’t understand that I was standing under the trajectory of the enemy’s fire. I returned and corrected our own trajectories and used grapeshot to eliminate the targets I had identified. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-de-camp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte Publ, Paris 1860

Figure 27 - Gunhandler – 3rd Artillery Regiment – Count Sievers’ Heavy Position Battery Company – First Column The two ‘Heavy Gun’ Position Batteries of the 3rd Artillery Regiment (those of Count Sievers and of Major Sigizmund) were given to First Column and placed under the direct command of General Buxhowden. This powerful doublebattery of 24 guns was mainly equipped with 12 pounders, able to fire accurately at ranges well over a 1000 metres. They were served by nearly 500 artillerymen. They played no part in the battle, other than covering the retreat of First Column towards the end of the day. In carrying out this rear-guard action, they lost all 24 guns and nearly all of their officers and men. 30 cannon and the remains of 160 horses were found under the frozen surface of Satschan pond, across which some of them may have tried to retreat. Buxhowden cites Colonel Sievers’ Battery in his short battle report: Artillery Colonel Count Sievers successfully engaged enemy batteries on the heights which were twice as strong as his and inflicted considerable casualties

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on the enemy artillery. During our retreat, the French attempted twice to outflank our artillery battery defending 1st Column and attack our infantry. However, they were always countered by the very effective fire of our artillery and beaten to complete disorder. Buxhowdens report to Kutuzov Printed version is available in M.I. Kutuzov: sbornik dokumentov [M.I. Kutuzov: Compilation of the Documents], (Moscow, 1954) volume II

However, Buxhowden may not have been a witness to the courage displayed by these artillerymen, as he had already fled the field abandoning his men. However, General Langeron did witness it and his memoir is more detailed and emphatic: Colonel Sievers’ 24 cannons, all 12-pounders were placed in front of First Column. At this moment, the French cavalry had been moved from the northern flank after the defeat of our Centre and charged our regiments. Here they were repulsed with serious losses by the grape shot and canister of our guns. In this fatal moment, Sievers and his artillerymen covered themselves in glory; their fire was as well directed, accurate and as effective as if they had been on a parade ground. Langeron states that the guns continued to fire until the battery was over-run and the artillerymen killed. Gunhandlers formed the support team for the Cannoneers. Their role was to move the guns and handle the horses of the gun-limbers and ammunitioncaissons. Mounted gunhandlers wore grey-green riding trousers, cut like those of the cavalry. This figure still carries the old-model pre-1805 round powder flask and short artillery sabre.

Figure 28 – Artillery Train (Barber) – 4th Artillery Regiment –Major Mitrofanov’s Light company – Second Column Major Mitrofanov’s company lost all 12 light and medium guns supporting the attack on Sokolnitz. The remnants of the company joined the rout across the frozen ponds. Each medium 6-pounder gun would need one limber and one or two ammunition caissons, meaning that even a light battery could have up to 12-18 vehicles drawn by teams of 4 to 6 horses, not including wagons for other supplies. The noncombatant drivers from the Artillery-Train handled these vehicles, which in battle would be parked about 30 metres behind the guns and an equally safe

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distance from each-other. Apart from drivers, the artillery train also included barbers, surgeons, medical orderlies, carpenters, gunsmiths, farriers, tailors and blacksmiths. All these non-combatants often doubled as drivers. All non-combatant artillerymen had a similar uniform; a dark green frock coat (called a Sertuki) with 6 buttons, plain black cuffs, black turn-backs and black collars and one single regimental coloured strap on the left shoulder. They also wore grey breeches or trousers and a standard shako with a green pompom, but without a tuft. All were unarmed and did not carry short swords, except the barber who was given a sword as a mark of status. The barber was an important addition to any Company, as he could support the surgeons in performing amputations. He carried a regulation black sack containing the sharpened tools of his trade. This barber wears a shako, without its detachable shako peak. Figure 29: Bombadier : Russian Imperial Guard Heavy Position Artillery Company – commanded by Colonel Fedor Rall. The Imperial Guard was a powerful military unit. With nearly 15,000 men, it was as large as many French Army-Corps and organised in a similar way. It functioned as a self-contained fighting unit, with its own infantry, artillery and cavalry. A small army. The Guard Foot artillery had one Heavy Position Battery equipped with twelve 12-pounder guns and heavy ‘unicorn’ howitzers. It also had three ‘light’ batteries equipped mainly with 6-pounders, that were usually attached to the Guard infantry regiments as Battalion-guns. The Guard Artillery originally deployed to support the attempts to capture Blasiowitz village, straddling the northern plain and the Pratzen Heights. After their order to withdraw, the Guard Artillery retreated towards Krenowitz. Their actions in reinforcing the eastern bank of Krenowitz bridge prevented the French from following the retreating Russians towards Austerlitz. It saved what remained of the allied army. Based on the watercolours at the St Petersburg Military Museum (dated to 18034), the cannoneer’s uniform followed the standard artillery uniform with Guard distinctions. The main distinctions were rows of red and yellow chequered Guard lace; one on the shako; three on the cuffs, two on the collar. Breeches

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appear to have been white. The split-cuffs and collar and shoulder straps were black with red piping for lower ranks and gold galloon-tape for NCOs. As an NCO, he carries his knapsack on his left shoulder, whilst lower ranks carried theirs on their right. The pompom and tuft was gold with a black centre. Junior Officers were dressed like Guard infantry officers, though they did not wear gorgets. Bombadier NCOs commanded one gun and gun-team, with an equivalent rank to Corporal. This Bombadier holds a corkscrew-rod, used immediately after firing to clear any solid residue of powder or charge. The 12-pounder solid shot was about 12cm in diameter and was attached to a prepared charge and covered in light fabric, ready for firing. 12-pounder guns were the most powerful weapons on the battlefield, reputedly able to fire solid shot up to 2,000 metres, with a very low, deadly, bouncing trajectory. Figure 30: Fireworker (Sergeant) of the Guard Horse Artillery Company, commanded by Colonel Kostenetsky. The Guard Horse Artillery was uniformed in a very similar way to the other two Russian Horse batteries of the 1st and 2nd Horse Artillery Battalions supporting the Russian cavalry in the northern sector. All Horse Artillery wore the uniform of the dragoons, including a light-green coat and dragoon helmet, but with black artillery facings (piped red) on collars, cuffs and turn-backs. They also wore short boots. NCOs like this Fireworker (the equivalent of Sergeant) had gold lace or piping on the upper edge of the cuffs and lower and forward edge of the collar. As an NCO, he had the usual cavalry distinctions, including a helmet crest with white front and yellow and black stripe and an NCO cane. Horse Artillery batteries were equipped with light guns and were trained to closely support cavalry charges. Kostenetsky’s artillery battery was heavily involved in the fighting during the Guard’s retreat along the eastern edge of the Pratzen Plateau. Their support of the Life Guard Heavy Cavalry in routing the 4th Ligne is a textbook example of how Horse Artillery could be used in combination with cavalry. The Russian cavalry moved aside to unmask 6 pieces of light artillery. This fired canister on the Battalion (4th Ligne) closely formed in a square, causing mayhem in the ranks. Immediately afterwards, the Russian Horse Guards made a charge with two squadrons of cavalry. The first charge did not penetrate the square,

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but a second charge made after our weapons had been fired, rode over the square completely... more than 200 men were sabred. Bigarre – Memoires du general Bigarre 1775-1813 Paris; Grenadier 2002.

Shortly afterwards, the Russian Guard Horse battery was itself over-run by Mamelukes, losing two guns. Nevertheless, it was able to cover the retreat over the bridge at Krenowitz using one of its remaining guns. Their commander, Colonel Kostenetsky, together with his ‘Fireworker’ Sergeant Maslovym, reputedly fought off the Mamelukes, earning him the Order of St George medal.

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Russian Cossacks There are more pictorial sources, paintings and prints of Russian cossacks than of any other type of Russian soldier, partly because they appeared so outlandish and exotic to Western Europeans. The cossacks of 1805 looked markedly different to the Cossack regiments of later years. In particular, they generally lacked the items of standardised equipment supplied to cossacks after 1812. For the extended campaigns of 1813-14, cossacks received army issue items including caps, sabres, cross-belts, cartridge pouches and blue caftans. In 1805, their dress and equipment was more irregular and reflected the traditional cultures they came from. The cossacks were the people who lived in villages and small settlements along the marginal lands of the Don. Originating from Kazak pastoral horsemen, they had become racially mixed and indistinguishable from the peasants of central Russia. Nevertheless, they retained one very important distinction; they were not serfs. Instead, they owed military duty to the Czars, usually for a set number of days each year. As part of this, they provided their own equipment and horses, usually two ponies per rider. In effect, they provided a very cheap cavalry reserve for the Imperial army. The Don Cossacks made up the overwhelming majority of the 80 ‘regular’ regiments at the Czar’s disposal, but there were also cossacks from more remote frontier-lands, like the Urals or the Black Sea. Furthermore, the army could call upon Imperial subject tribes like the Bashkirs or Kirghiz, which formed irregular war-bands under the command of a chief or hetman. In 1805, it was the Don Cossacks who provided light cavalry support in the form of pickets, scouting, reconnaissance and raiding-parties to disrupt enemy supplies and communication. There were about 4,000 of them organised into 8 ‘regiments’ or polks. In battle, they provided light skirmishing support. They were a ubiquitous part of the Austerlitz campaign and Napoleon was nearly captured by cossack sentries on the eve of the battle, after his entourage strayed too close to the Russian front-lines. However, only 200-300 Cossacks were assigned to the three Columns attacking Tellnitz and Sokolnitz; a mistake which made the infantry vulnerable to unexpected attack. Most of the cossacks were positioned in the northern plain, defending the flanks of the main Russian position. The cossacks presented only a peripheral menace to an organised army like the Grand Armee of 1805; which was protected by a strong light cavalry arm and adequately provisioned. In

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future, they would prove their true value, operating against retreating troops or units that had lost their own cavalry support. Figure 31: Ural Cossack Uryadnik (NCO) – attached to Sisoyev’s Polk – Advance Column Figure 32: Don Cossack Uryadnik (NCO) – Isayev’s Polk – attached to Second column At Austerlitz, small squadrons or sotnias of Ural cossacks would have been attached to the regular Don cossack regiments. The Ural cossacks were the frontiersmen of the cossack world, who had been extending the Empire into Asia for successive Czars. They had also recently waged a rebellion against the Czars, which had been suppressed with difficulty. Their traditional dress included a dark red caftan (called a zipun) with a distinctive tall rigid felt-hat. This type of dress is shown by several artists/printers throughout the period up to 1809, including Kobell, Orlovski, Orme, Karnejeff and Weber. In fact, ASKB has two contemporary watercolours by Ramberg from the 1805-06 period, of ‘Cossack Worbieff’, a celebrated Ural cossack-hero of the day, dressed in this style of zipun-caftan. After 1806, Ural cossacks began to be supplied with standard-issue blue caftans, similar to those worn by Don Cossacks. The figure on the right is a Don Cossack ‘Uryadnik’ NCO, based on a painting by Weber in 1799. His traditional blue garments would have changed little by 1805. In fact, the blue caftan was the one item of standard equipment that was issued to cossacks before 1812 – though not to all. His status as NCO is shown by the white tassels on his cap and through the quality of his red piped blue caftan, provided to selected officers and NCOs by the hetman. The silver plaque on his cartridge case and cross belt also marks him out as a man of senior status. He wears a traditional black fur cap topped with a blue cloth bag. Although senior cossacks had a semblance of uniform dress, the majority of the rank and file continued to wear a wide range of irregular traditional clothing. Regulations did prescribe a uniform for each polk, but sources show that this did not apply on campaign. Sashes covering the sword belt could range from plain brown to the type of checked pattern worn by the Don Cossack in Figure 32. Weapons included the

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lance as a principal weapon and a wide range of muskets, blunderbusses, jezzails and pistols, mostly captured items. The Cossack ‘sashka’ sabre in its various forms was also a common weapon; a short sabre with a guardless hilt. Denisov’s memoirs record an event in 1806, which captures the spirit of these irregular steppe tribesmen. As a young cavalry officer leading a cossack patrol, he began to shout oaths and insults to a distant group of French cavalrymen – the reaction of his cossack escort was unexpected: Quick as a flash a Cossack uryadnik rode over to me, shouting, ‘Please don’t swear, Your Honour. That’s a sin! Fighting is a holy thing and swearing in battle is like swearing in a church. God will punish you and you might die. We might be punished and die too. Please calm down and come back with me. In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 1806-1814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999.

Figure 33: Don Cossack Officer – Cossack Polk ‘Denisov’ – Fifth Column One of the most important print-studies of Don Cossacks of the period is found in two highly detailed paintings by Kobell. These show Cossacks on picket duty and on the march, about to cross a large river against an Alpine landscape, dated to 1804-5. Figure 33 is based on one of Kobell’s cossacks –an officer. Most of Kobell’s cossacks wear a curious mix of cossack dress and early 19th century civilian dress, including neck-stocks, shirts, jackets and breeches – perhaps acquired as purchase or booty, while on the march. The cossacks drawn by Kobell also appear to have common items of equipment, yet with small variations which show that they are not quite standard-issue. These items include: fur caps topped by a coloured bag; loose, baggy, caftanstyle trousers; long daggers with a black leather scabbard with iron fittings; undyed buff-leather crossbelts and cartridge pouches; pointed boots ending just below the knee; clothing made from checked or striped cloth. The small cossack horses painted by Kobell are little taller than ponies; and this type of steppe horse is shown in most sources from the period. They all have simple, undyed leather harnesses and a raised cossack-saddle. Contemporary written sources stress the versatility and hardiness of these steppe ponies, which belied their scrawny appearance.

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Figure 34: Bashkir Hetman – attached to Isayev Don Cossack Polk – Supply Train On that day, as if to offer us distraction from dire events, several Bashkir polks arrived to join our rear-guard. Armed with bows and arrows, wearing caps with long ear-flaps and dressed in weird-looking caftans, riding on short, bulky mounts that lacked any elegance, they seemed like caricatures of bold Circassian horsemen.

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We were supposed to believe that their appearance was intended to impress Napoleon with the notion that all the peoples and nations under Russia’s rule were ready to rise up against him and give him real cause for concern. In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 1806-1814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999.

Attached to many cossack regiments in 1805 were small sotnias of Asian tribesmen, subjects of the Czar’s empire. They included the Bashkirs, Kirghiz, Tartars and Kalmucks.* They were not cossacks. These were peoples who had been conquered and absorbed into the Empire through Russian colonial expansion in Asia, Siberia and the Caucasus. However, like the cossacks, they had been organised into irregular ‘regiments’ and owed military service to the Czar. Alexander liked to flaunt his Imperial credentials as a ruler of native subjects; and exotic people and cultures were highly fashionable in Europe. Pierre Nolasque Bergeret’s painting of Alexander presenting the Hetmen of various steppe tribes to Napoleon after Tilsit is an example of the propaganda value of these Imperial troops. Nevertheless, before 1806, tribal warriors were usually used in small squadrons, under the authority of regular cossack formations. This Bashkir carries the traditional recurve bow, curved scimitar and quiver common to many nomadic tribes of the Siberian Steppe. Dress, customs and ways of life had changed little since the days of the Mongol Golden Horde. The multiple layers of caftans, the fur-hat and the pointed riding boots were all ancient, traditional features of dress. His status as hetman is shown only by the silk trim on his caftan. His horse furniture was similar to that of the Ural and Black Sea cossacks, who shared this nomadic steppe existence. The raised wooden ‘cossack saddle’ has a leather cushion tied to it and on either side there is a fabric decorated leather pad, where the rider used his knees to control the pony. Ponies were also branded with the owner’s personal rune on the rear leg. *The German artist Voltz has a series of prints featuring the dress and equipment of these various tribes .

Figure 35: Don Cossack picket – Khaznekov Don Cossack Polk The cossacks featured in Figure 35 are based on those depicted in a Kobell print of a cavalry review (dated about 1807). Again, none of their equipment or clothing is standardised, although common features include long blue caftans, short riding boots, fur or felt hats and what appear to be white-metal reinforcing bands around their lances. Senior cossacks, including officers and uryadniks,

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had more regular dress, with blue-dyed caftans and black fur caps with white feathers and tassels. The central figure has horizontal white ties across his caftan, another common, traditional feature. All 4 figures ride small steppe ponies, of a breed that would be extinct by the end of the century. Each pony is marked with the owner’s brand and harnessed with a standard high cossack saddle.

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The Russian Cavalry Russia had about 11,500 cavalry at Austerlitz supported by a further 3,000 Austrian cavalry and about 3-4,000 cossacks, outnumbering the 10-11,000 cavalry fielded by the French. Each Russian Regiment was very large. Dragoon and Cuirassier regiments were made up of about 700-800 men divided into 5 squadrons. Hussar and Uhlan regiments were larger still, having about 1,300 men in 10 squadrons. Since most French regiments at Austerlitz had only 250-300 men, Russian regiments equated to French cavalry brigades or even entire Divisions. The Russian cavalry was almost solely concentrated in the northern sector of the battlefield along the Brunn-Olmutz road. They took part in the mass cavalry charges that characterised and dominated the fighting in that sector until the closing stages of the battle. However, this concentration of cavalry in the north, meant that the Russian Columns on the Pratzen Heights were almost devoid of cavalry support. The Russian army’s official report of killed and missing at the battle shows that the infantry suffered by far the highest losses. By comparison, cavalry losses were light with casualty rates of between 10 and 15%. Only 4 regiments had significantly higher losses - the Pavlograd Hussars, Tver Dragoons, Constantine Uhlans and the Chevalier Guard. Russia was able to maintain a large force of cavalry because it was relatively cost efficient. The cost of maintaining a British or French cavalryman was many times the cost of maintaining a Russian dragoon. The authorised maximum cost of a Russian dragoon horse in 1802 was 50 roubles and 35 roubles to maintain the dragoon for an entire year in barracks, including pay, food and equipment. The British cavalryman’s annual pay of £30 was several times this amount, let alone the cost of his horse and maintenance. Britain had good financial reasons to support the Russian war effort. Figure 36: Dragoon – St Petersburg Dragoon Regiment - Lieutenant Balk’s squadron – Second Column Making up about half the cavalry of the Russian army, dragoons were the common mainstay of the cavalry. They rode medium-sized, fairly cheap Russian mixed-breed horses (not taller than 5 feet at the shoulder) and were meant to be adaptable to any role, including infantry support and as heavy

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cavalry. Comeau, a French officer, recalls his capture of a Russian cavalry officer and his horse: During this cavalry charge, I seized a good horse by making prisoner a Russian Colonel, who had been thrown to the ground, but still had one foot caught in the stirrup. I saw, near a hedge, a horse rear up; the reins of its bridle were cut and hung like four thongs. He kicked, dragged and trampled his rider. I held this fiery animal by the bridle, calling on the officer to surrender. Furious, he answered me in French that he would never surrender. I cut the strap of the stirrup with a blow of my sabre and grabbed the officer by the collar. ...The horse was one of those little Kalmyk horses, half wild like their masters; ...The coat of this one was black and formed a thick curly fleece like that of a barbet dog. Its tail and mane were very thick and the front legs short and covered behind with tufts of horsehair like the beard of a goat. Title : Souvenirs des guerres d'Allemagne pendant la Révolution et l'Empire / par le Baron de Comeau,... Author : Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph de (1771-1844). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1900

The St Petersburg regiment would have numbered about 500 men organised in 5 squadrons. The regiment was highly regarded and although originally assigned to the northern sector of the battlefield, two squadrons under Lieutenant Balk had been sent to support Second column. Balk’s two squadrons of about 150-200 troopers were the only Russian cavalry units supporting the four powerful Columns attacking in the south, apart from cossacks. The squadrons became involved in the desperate fighting to regain control of the Heights. Completely outnumbered by opposing French dragoons, this small body of cavalry helped to cover the unprotected flanks of Russian infantry units fighting the French. General Langeron describes how Balk’s dragoons first alerted him to the unexpected French advance: It was nine in the morning and everything was going well in our sector (or at least we thought). At half past nine, Lieutenant-Colonel Balk rode up to me. He commanded of two squadrons of St Petersburg Dragoons and a hundred Issayev cossacks, assigned to my Column. I had ordered him and his men to cover the rear of the Column, in order to scout my right flank and keep the enemy under observation from the high ground. Balk reported that he could now observe enemy columns attacking the Pratzen Heights... At first I thought that Balk had mistaken the Austrians for the enemy and I ordered him to carry out a more detailed reconnaissance and then report back... Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805. Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

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The Dragoon Uniform The new Dragoon uniform introduced in 1802 was based on a short-tailed coat similar to the standard infantry coat with two rows of 6 brass buttons; it had red turn-backs and slit cuffs, fastened back with two buttons. It was light green, like the Jager and Horse Artillery uniforms. Regimental colours were shown on the collar, cuffs and single shoulder strap on the left shoulder, but also (in this period) on the shabraque (saddle cloth) which was trimmed in the button colour with a large yellow (or white) stripe and embroidered with the Imperial cipher ‘A’. The leather dragoon helmet had been worn since 1803, replacing the old bicorns. It had leather flaps to protect the ears in cold weather which could be pulled down under the chin strap. The front plate carried the imperial double-eagle emblem. The helmet crest was black for lower ranks and could be detached completely on campaign. Short boots were worn over white cloth breeches although dragoons usually wore grey buttoned riding-trousers on campaign. On campaign, the shabraque was also usually covered by a rough sheepskin. Leather gloves were short, exposing the upper edge of the cuff. Weapons including the straight broadsword ‘pallash’ with an 82cm long blade; shorter than most French swords. This was suspended on a frog attached to the white waist-belt; the bayonet was also attached to this frog by a loop. The short boots and frog fastening for the sword were all designed to allow the dragoon to fight on foot when needed. All dragoons were issued with carbines of various models, including Austrian and Prussian carbines. A coat-sack (portmanteau) and knap-sack (valise) were attached to the rear of the saddle. A broad white cross belt over the left shoulder carried a standard issue cartridge pouch with the double eagle emblem. The cavalry cartridge pouch was meant to be half the size of the infantry cartridge case, with a capacity of only 30 cartridges. However, a second belt for the musketoon or carbine is also sometimes shown passing over the same shoulder. Trumpeters and kettledrummers had red helmet crests with similar whiteembroidered tape decorations to infantry musicians (see above). NCOs, had the usual distinctions of gold galloon lace on the upper edge of the cuffs and lower/forward edge of the collar as well as a white tip to the helmet crest with a yellow and black stripe, similar to the Horse Artillery NCO in figure 30. NCOs were not armed with musketoons or carbines.

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Field officers had a white front to their crest but without the black and yellow stripe and Senior Officers had an entirely white crest. All officers covered their sword belt with a silver Russian-officer sash, flecked with black and orange or gold thread with the knot tied on their left. The regimental facing-colours of the 4 dragoon regiments at Austerlitz: Karkhov Dragoons

Orange facings

Yellow Buttons

Chernigov Dragoons Tver Dragoons

Blue facings Blue facings

White Buttons Yellow Buttons

St Petersburg Dragoons

Rose facings

Yellow Buttons

Figure 37: Dragoon – Karkhov Dragoon Regiment – 5th Column – Northern Sector Figure 38: Dragoon – Tver Dragoon Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Figure 39: Dragoon –Chernigov Dragoon Regiment - ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector The three other dragoon regiments were the Karkhov, Chernigov and Tver regiments, each with about 700-800 men. All three regiments were heavily involved in the fighting on either side of the Brunn-Olmutz road in the northern sector of the battlefield, with the Karkhov and Chernigov dragoons to the south of the road and Tver dragoons along the road itself. The Kharkhov and Chernigov regiments were two of the three large Ukrainian cavalry regiments at Austerlitz. The Ukrainians were excellent cavalrymen and also supplied the army with many of its uhlan lancers and cossacks. Levavasseur, a French artillery officer, describes one of the many large-scale cavalry charges which dominated the fighting in the northern sector along the Brunn-Olmutz road. The cavalry of Grand Duke Constantine charged right into our (battery) positions; my men threw themselves under the caissons and under the cannons; our artillerymen fought with the gun-swabs and rammers they had at hand; but

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our infantry could not fire, finding themselves masked by the mass of Kellerman’s retreating French cavalry. But soon the French cavalry passed by and then the line infantry commenced a rolling volley-fire at thirty paces from the enemy. I myself was cornered among my draught-horses, and found myself fighting hand to hand with a Russian officer, who had already severed the little finger of my right hand with a sabre cut. Suddenly, his horse was shot from under him by musket fire. This officer grabbed hold of my stirrup, to show that he wanted to be considered my prisoner; he kept repeating, “Admit that we are brave.” At this point, the Russian cavalry, decimated by the musket fire, fled back to their lines pursued by our own cavalry. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-decamp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

The dragoon in Figure 37 carries a short-muzzled Russian ‘Tula’ cavalry carbine, a copy of the 1800 British Paget short-carbine. A more standard weapon for the time was the 142cm dragoon musketoon shown in Figure 39. A shorter version of the Tula infantry musket, it was also fitted with a metal bar so that it could be clipped to a carbine belt. All firearms were usually secured in a muzzle holster on the lower-right of the saddle. Pistols and pistol holsters were the preserve of NCOs and officers, though in theory all dragoons could be armed with them. Although efforts were underway to standardise Russian fire-arms and produce them at the Tula Arsenal, capacity could never meet demand; Russian dragoons continued to use a range of foreign-acquired weapons of all calibres. The shabraques (saddle clothes) for each regiment were in the regimental-facing colour, orange for Kharkhov and light blue for Chernigov and Tver, with edging in the button colour. The Chernigov Dragoon in Figure 39 wears a cavalry greatcoat. Greatcoats were similar to those worn by the infantry; single-breasted with six buttons and of mixed fabric ranging from brown to grey. Cavalry great-coats had pleats on the back to allow them to be worn over the entire uniform as well as the sheepskin warm coat. Ankle length, they had a high opening at front and rear to allow them to be worn on horseback. Regimental colours were displayed on the single strap on the left shoulder and on the collar. The undress headwear of all cavalry regiments was the green bonnet (similar to the infantry) which had a regimental coloured lower band. Most cavalry advances and retreats involved deliberate manoeuvres, with the cavalry maintaining strict formation. They were conducted at walks or trots. This was particularly true of the very large Russian cavalry formations, that had a reputation for ordered discipline, often at the expense of initiative.

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Levavasseur, describes a counterattack by Russian dragoons and hussars along the Brunn-Olmutz road, prior to the battle: The French cavalry of Prince Murat conducted this advance with vigour and success for a distance of 3 leagues (9km). My battery was at the front, flanked by the three regiments of hussars (the 10thand 9th Hussars and 22nd Chasseurs), but due to the unevenness of the ground, large gaps opened up between us and the different divisions, advancing in echelon. Arriving on the crest of a hill, we suddenly saw in the valley a mass of six thousand horsemen advancing on our three regiments. My artillery deployed and opened fire on this large mass of cavalry which nevertheless continued to advance, silent and imposing...We soon found ourselves surrounded by two large bodies of Russian cavalry passing us to the left and to the right. Our cannon fired grapeshot on the cavalry to our left. However, the Russian cavalry moved on regardless, intent on outflanking the French divisions to our rear and continued to fan out to the left and right. Generals Treilhard and Latour-Maubourg turned their hussars around, in full retreat. As for our Battery, we were obliged to retreat along the road and were soon left behind; we retreated in column, and for 10 minutes saw no sign of either the French or the Russians. Suddenly we heard a great roar of cheering, as Murat’s cavalry charged and repulsed the Russians in the distance, beyond the horizon. The Russians soon headed back towards us, galloping in column along the road. My gunners and artillerymen immediately jumped down from their horses and threw themselves to the ground. For the next 5 minutes, we watched as the Russian cavalry galloped past us, only pausing to fire a few pistol shots in our direction. When we rejoined our cavalry, everyone was amazed that we had not been captured. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-decamp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

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Figure 40: Horse Guard Trooper – Russian Life-Guard Horse Regiment (the Horse Guards) – Russian Imperial Guard If the dragoons were the work-horses of the Russian cavalry, the Russian cuirassiers of 1805 were the high-profile elite. There were three cuirassier regiments at Austerlitz, each with 700-800 men and all of them had the direct patronage of the Czar’s family, with two being regiments of the Imperial Guard. Their horses were all over 150cm in height and the cost was fixed at twice the cost for a dragoon horse. Troopers had to be above six feet in height and at this stage the horses of the Guard were all either black or dark-coloured. Uniforms included a green undress coat, (red for officers) and both officers and men were carefully selected. What the Czar received in return for this elaborate expense, were three excellent regiments of elite heavy cavalry shock-troops. Formally called the ‘Life-Guard Horse Regiment’, the Horse Guards were the original Guard cavalry regiment, having Grand Duke Constantine, brother of the Czar, as their commanding officer. The second Guard cuirassier regiment, the famous Chevalier Guard Regiment, was formed by Czar Alexander. Together with the rest of the Guard, they acted as the powerful reserve force in the northern sector of the battlefield. After the order to withdraw, the Guard cavalry undertook a series of counter-charges against French troops on the Pratzen Heights. These charges were made in an effort to secure the allied escape route to Krenowitz. In particular, the charge of the Horse Guards was seen by the French High Command and Napoleon, as the single most critical action of the battle. The memoirs of Segur, Rapp, Marbot and Lejeune who were participants to the event certainly viewed it as a significant threat. The Russian Guards succeeded in routing a battalion of the 4th Ligne and two battalions of the 24th Legere, effectively co-ordinating their charge with horse artillery to break up at least one of the French defensive squares. The enemy cavalry moved aside, unmasking 6 pieces of light artillery which fired canister at my Battalion, causing mayhem in the ranks. Then the Russian Horse Guards made a charge with two squadrons. This first charge was on the receiving end of our musket-fire and did not penetrate the square, but a second charge made by a third Russian squadron, after our weapons had been fired, smashed through our square, both when attacking and then again when retiring. More than 200 men were sabred. Bigarre – Memoires du general Bigarre 1775-1813 Paris; Grenadier 2002

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The Life-Guard Horse Regiment together with the Chevalier Guard Regiment had very similar uniforms. Their uniforms were also similar to the other 6 cuirassier regiments in the Russian army, but with important differences, set out below. Russian Cuirassiers in 1805 did not wear cuirasses. They wore white coats with a similar cut to those of the dragoons. Unlike other cuirassiers, the two Guards regiments had two shoulder straps and two cross-belts, one for the carbine and one for the cartridge case. Line cuirassiers carried only one belt and shoulder strap, with the belt serving both for the carbine and the cartridge case. The Guards were also supposed to have a darker ‘copper’ coloured helmet plate, though this is not borne out in contemporary prints and depictions. There were also differences between the Horse Guard and the Chevalier Guard uniform. The Horse Guard uniform consisted of the standard cuirassier white coat with brass buttons; for lower ranks, it had a thin red seam where the sleeve met the shoulder. All cuirassiers wore high knee-length riding boots, reflecting their status as heavy cavalrymen. Their breeches were white deer-skin, better quality than the cloth breeches of the dragoons. Standard cavalry riding-trousers were also worn on campaign. Collars, shoulder straps and cuffs were red, piped white, for both regiments in this period. The two regiments were distinguished by the colour of the Guard lace. Yellow/gold for the Horse Guards and silver for the Chevalier Guards. The helmet, cartridge pouch, shabraque and pistol holsters bore a star of St Andrew as the Guard emblem, instead of the double-eagle imperial emblem used by Line regiments. Two rows of Guard lace on the forward edge of each collar and behind the two buttons of the split cuffs further marked them out as Guardsmen. Shabraque saddle-covers were also a distinguishing feature for the two regiments and were as depicted in Figure 40 and Figure 41. Armed with the same ‘pallasch’ straight sword as the dragoons, all cuirassiers had a standard blackened-leather scabbard with white metal fittings; however, this was attached to the waist-belt by two slings, unlike the dragoons. Prior to mobilisation in 1805, flankers in each Guard regiment were also issued new rifles instead of carbines. Officers and NCOs had the same distinctions as the Dragoons (see above). However, Guard officer helmets also had a silver-plated St Andrew star with the star enamelled in yellow, blue and black (see Fig. 42 inset). Officer coats did not have a red seam on the sleeves. In addition, officers had one single silver shoulder-strap (Chevalier Guard) or gold shoulder-strap (Horse Guards) on the

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left shoulder and one silver (Chevalier) or gold (Horse Guard) cloth-covered cross-belt, piped red, passing over the left shoulder. Figure 41: Chevalier Guard Trooper – Russian Chevalier Guard Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard The Chevalier Guard was the second and more recent addition to the Guard Heavy Cavalry. Although a sibling regiment to the Horse Guards and uniformed and equipped similarly, they were unique. The regiment had been formed as a magnet for Russia’s elite aristocracy, and only young men of high social status could enter its ranks, as officers or NCOs. The cavalrymen were also carefully selected. Together with the Guard Cossacks, they arrived late at the battle, at about 2.00pm just as the rest of the Guard were retreating across the Krenowitz bridge. As they arrived, they were faced with several thousand advancing French infantry from the French 1st Corps. They were ordered to place their newly-issued red shabraques (saddle-cloths) over their saddles - and then they attacked. Their counterattack, with the Guard Cossacks, was completely unsupported by either infantry or artillery and against overwhelming odds. They were met by an equal number of French Imperial Guard Chasseurs and Horse Grenadiers, about 1,000 cavalrymen on each side. However, the French cavalry were backed by more than 6,000 French infantry and artillery, advancing from the Heights towards Krenowitz. Given these circumstances, it is not surprising that the Chevalier Guard came off considerably worse. Two entire squadrons were surrounded and almost destroyed. The Russian Imperial Guard cavalry, which totalled some 2,500 troops, sustained losses of 291 killed and captured with possibly the same number seriously wounded. The losses sustained by the French were slight by comparison, with about 100 Chasseurs and Mamelukes killed and wounded and negligible losses for the French Horse Grenadiers. Denis Davidov, who joined the Guard Hussars after the battle, describes what happened to his wounded brother who was serving with the Horse Guards: My own brother, then a 20-year-old youth who served in this regiment, was grievously wounded: he received five sabre cuts, one bullet wound and a bayonet thrust and had been left for dead in a mound of corpses on the battlefield. There he lay until late at night. He regained consciousness in the dark, got up and somehow hobbled towards a fire which could be seen in a nearby village, which he found overflowing with Russian wounded, among whom he found a spot. In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 1806-1814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999.

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Davidov’s brother survived thanks to the charitable intervention of a Horse Grenadier officer. Despite its apparent futility, the Russian Chevalier Guard counterattack provided valuable cover and time for the allied units retreating across the bridge. The Chevalier Guard uniform was almost identical to that of the Horse Guards described above, with the following differences. Buttons were white and Guard lace was silver. The star of St Andrew emblem also appears to have been silver on all items of uniform and equipment with Officers’ helmet emblems being enamelled, as with the Horse Guards. * The shabraque saddle cloth and holster covers were also coloured red with black over white edges, as in Figure 41. *See inset below Figure 42

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Figure 42: Trooper - Empress Life Cuirassier Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ – Northern Sector Figure 43: Vakhmistr (Sergeant) – Horse Guard Regiment– Russian Imperial Guard. The Empress Life Cuirassiers, supporting Bagration’s Advance Guard were the third Russian cuirassier regiment at Austerlitz. They were brigaded with two other prestigious cavalry regiments, the St Petersburg dragoons and the Constantine Uhlans under General Vasily Shepelev. They supported the front line along the Brunn-Olmutz road. This fighting witnessed a series of charges and countercharges between allied and French cavalry with about 7-8000 cavalry on either side. By the mid afternoon, the fighting was decided by the greater weight of the supporting French infantry and artillery. As a cuirassier regiment, they wore a similar uniform to that of the Guard Heavy Cavalry. The main difference was their single shoulder strap on the left shoulder and single dual-purpose cross-belt (for both carbine and cartridge pouch). The emblem on cuirassier helmets and pouch plates would normally have been the double-headed Imperial eagle, as for the dragoon regiments. However, the Empress Life Cuirassiers wore the star of St Andrew on their equipment and uniform, like the Guards, in recognition of their attachment to the Czarina. The Sergeant or Vakmistr of the Horse Guards in Figure 43 wears a uniform with NCO-rank distinctions. All NCO cavalrymen carried the NCO cane, which could strapped to the side of the saddle when riding. NCO cavalrymen did not carry a carbine or carbine clip – this applied to the Guards also. Like the infantry, they had gold galloon-tape on the upper edge of their cuffs and lower and forward edge of their collars. Their helmet horsehair crests had a white tip with yellow and black stripe. * *See Section 40 above for officer distinctions.

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Figure 44: Hussar Trooper- Guard Hussar Regiment – Russian Imperial Guard. The Guard Hussars were a small light-cavalry regiment by Russian standards, numbering 700 men in only 5 squadrons, yet even this was still nearly twice the size of even the largest French regiment. They supported the initial Guard cavalry counterattacks which routed the 4th Ligne and 24th Legere. They were then routed in turn by the French Guard Chasseurs closely supported by French Horse artillery; their own Russian Horse artillery being caught up in the general retreat. The uniform was based on the standard Russian Hussar Uniform. Combatants wore a blue dolman with 3 columns and 16 rows of yellow braid. The red and yellow barrel sash covered the sword belt, which carried a standard-pattern lightcavalry sabre on two red leather slings; the cartridge pouch was also dark redleather. White cloth breeches and short light-cavalry boots were standard to all hussar regiments. The new 1803 cavalry shako was taller than the infantry shako and better constructed, being made of felt reinforced with leather at its base and top-edge; it included an black and orange cockade attached to a pompom and falling white plume. The Guard shako had an upper band of yellow braid attached to raquettes. Sabretaches, based on the pattern shown in the inset, were also part of the uniform. On campaign, the Guard Hussars would have worn their red pelisse over their dolman and would also have worn riding-trousers with leather reinforcement on the inner legs. Parade adornments like plumes and barrel sashes would usually not have been worn. The trefoil braiding on the collar and cuffs of the dolman and pelisse was standard to all Hussar regiments; this braiding was also applied to the back of the dolman and pelisse, along the seams. Figure 45: Hussar Trooper – Mariupol Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ – Northern Sector (Inset – Hussar NCO shako) The Mariupol Hussars were yet another regiment made up almost exclusively from the Ukrainian subjects of the empire. Like the other Ukrainian regiments, they were good troops and served the Russians well at Austerlitz. The uniform of the Russian Hussars had undergone extensive reform since 1800 and they had the parade-ground appearance of standard European Hussars.

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However, on campaign, Russian Hussars were often said to be barely distinguishable from the cossacks, with whom they shared their light cavalry duties. On the march, their grey canvas fatigue-smocks, sheepskin warm coats and grey-brown cloaks would have covered the more colourful elements of their uniform. Often placed in the front line, far from home, with inadequate supplies and bivouacking in the open, their uniforms and equipment suffered accordingly. The colours of the three regiments present at Austerlitz are set out below. Their main full-dress jacket for most ceremonial occasions would have been the dolman, braided with 3 columns of buttons and 16 rows of braid; the dolman also had coloured collars and cuffs. As with other European Hussars of the time, the practical campaign-jacket was the fur trimmed pelisse. The lower-rank pelisse had white fur. For ceremonial occasions, this was slung across the left shoulder, but on campaign it was worn over the dolman-jacket. The barrel sash in alternating bands of braid-colour and pelisse-colour was usually only worn on parade. Leather sword belts and cartridge pouches were dark ‘red’ leather. Each trooper was equipped with a white carbine-clip belt over the left shoulder and a red (dark red for line Hussars) cartridge pouch belt over the right shoulder. The saddle cloth for all Hussars was decorated with a vandyck pattern and imperial cypher. Horse furniture for all Hussars, as was the grey portmanteau (coat-sack) and leather valise attached to the rear of the saddle. All regular Russian cavalrymen, including Hussars, were issued with cloaks or greatcoats. A new shako had been issued in 1803, 10.5 inches high, felt and reinforced with leather bands, it was higher and better made than the standard infantry shako. It bore a black cockade with orange trim. By 1803, every hussar regiment wore it with cords and raquettes of red and white cord with a red pompom for all ranks; a white plume was reserved for parade. * NCOs had cords/raquettes of orange, black and white and a quartered pompom. NCOs also had black fur on their pelisse and a white plume with an orange and black top. Apart from this they had the usual NCO distinctions of gold galloontape on the collar and cuffs. NCOs did not carry musket belts. A description of officers’ uniforms can be found under Figure 47 below.** *Weber and Rugendas show Russian hussars in the 1805 campaign wearing brown fur colpacks, which may have been a campaign-dress item, though this detail is not supported in other sources.

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The regimental colours of the 4 hussar regiments present at Austerlitz: Mariupol Regiment

Blue Pelisse

White Dolman

Mariupol Regiment

Yellow braid/buttons Blue saddlecloth with yellow trim (White sabretache with yellow trim )

Pavlograd Regiment

Turquoise Pelisse

Pavlograd Regiment

Yellow braid/buttons Turquoise saddlecloth with yellow trim (Dark Green sabretache with yellow trim)

Elisabethgrad Regiment

‘Straw’ Pelisse

Elisabethgrad Regiment

Yellow braid/buttons Red saddlecloth with yellow trim (Red sabretache with yellow trim)

Guard Hussar Regiment

Red Pelisse

Guard Hussar Regiment

Yellow braid/buttons Blue saddlecloth with yellow trim (Red sabretache with yellow trim)

Dark Green Dolman

‘Straw’ Dolman

Blue Dolman

Yellow cuffs/collar

Turquoise cuffs/collar

Red cuffs/collar

Red cuffs/collar

** Perhaps the best representations of Hussars are to be found in undated and unsigned drawings in the Vinkhuizjen collection. In particular, the collection includes a print of Guard Hussars (possibly contemporary) and a coloured figure of an 1805 Pavlograd officer in the folio, ‘Die Russiche Armee’. They contain details not found in Viskovatov prints but included in regulations like the red trim on the Guard Hussar saddlecloths or the triple-coloured shako cords of the Pavlograd Officer. Datable and signed contemporary illustrations of Hussars like those of Suhr or Orlovski post-date the 1805-6 period, by which time Hussars were equipped with cossack-style lances. There is only one uncoloured line drawing attributed to Orlovski which could date to this period.

Figure 46: Staff Trumpeter – Elisabethgrad Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector Figure 47: Lieutenant (Poruchik) – Pavlograd Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ – Northern Sector Figure 48: Hussar Trooper - Elisabethgrad Hussar Regiment – ‘Advance Guard’ Northern Sector (See above Figure 45 for description of the Hussar uniform) Apart from the Guard Hussars, the three other Russian Hussar regiments were heavily committed to the cavalry battle in the northern Sector, either side of the Brunn-Olmutz road. All three regiments were large 10-squadron formations of 1,200 to 1,400 troops, as large as any French cavalry division. Although

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officers may have owned good horses, the troops were mounted on small steppe horses under 148cm tall. The opposing French light cavalry were better horsed. The appearance of these troops on campaign would have been radically different to their popular image in late 19th century prints. This was particularly so with the Pavlograd Hussars who had been through several weeks of fighting and poor supplies, having sustained casualties at Durrenstein and Krems. Edward Von Lowenstern, a German speaking 16 year-old Estonian, describes his daily routine as a cadet-officer in 1806, on campaign: I was intolerably shaken apart by my angry, hot-headed horse Koptschik; and when totally crazy, that horse was barely controllable. He made mounting especially difficult because he would never stand quietly, and you had to be quick when you wanted to mount in your heavy soaking-wet coat with sabre and saddle bags and loaded with ammunition. What an effort it cost me every time to climb into that high Hungarian saddle and swing my leg over the even higher coatsack. The Hussars laughed at my ineptness. The damnable quagmire and the bad wet weather caused the march to be exceedingly exhausting for us. My horse blanket, my coat, and my uniform were my bed and pillow. The half-cooked meat distributed by the unwashed hands of the men was eagerly consumed and tasted good. When – totally exhausted – my steadfastness left me, I would sit in the cold, wet stall next to my Koptschik, and only through tears could I catch my breath in my exhausted lungs. With Count Pahlen’s cavalry against Napoleon: memoirs of the Russian General Eduard von Löwenstern (17901837), translated by Victoria Joan Moessner with Stephen Summerfield (Huntingdon [UK], 2010).

All three Hussar regiments suffered moderately high casualties of between 150 and 250 killed or captured. However, the official casualties masked the true number of wounded. The early morning of 2 December had seen Russians unprepared for battle in the northern sector, with the ‘Advance Column’ still far to the rear. The allies appeared to have not anticipated any imminent threat from the French. Only the cavalry units of the Constantine Uhlans and a part of the Elizabethgrad Hussars and were in position and able to counter the unexpected French advance at 9am. They found themselves alone and attacking French cavalry, infantry and artillery with limited support, sustaining high losses.

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The Mariupol and Pavlograd Hussars arrived at the battlefield shortly after with the ‘Advance Guard’. These two other Hussar regiments were employed more strategically and remained a strong force of cavalry throughout the day. The teenage Von Lowenstern describes a cavalry encounter in 1806, which mirrored the type of fighting in the northern sector of the battle: Soon the fleeing hussars came together: ‘Hurrah! Hurrah!’ they yelled from all sides and sabres clashed with the broadswords of pursuing French dragoons. The trooper from the Second Platoon next to me was stabbed through and through. Then the head of an enemy rider’s horse when turning, hit me in the face with his snaffle bit full of foam. I imagined I had been hit by a cannon-ball, at least I thought I had lost my entire head. I began to fall from the saddle and only managed to hold myself on with one leg. Danger makes one brave – barely in my saddle again, I swung desperately around me and luckily my little saddle sustained several heavy sword blows. As soon as I caught my breath, I retreated from that tight pack. Only then did I notice how I was bleeding. Looking more closely, I realised that I had a head wound that was, however, superficial. With Count Pahlen’s cavalry against Napoleon: memoirs of the Russian General Eduard von Löwenstern (17901837), translated by Victoria Joan Moessner with Stephen Summerfield (Huntingdon [UK], 2010 ).

Figure 46 shows a Staff Trumpeter of the Elisabethgrad Hussars. His uniform can be compared to that of a lower rank trooper in Figure 48. ‘Staff Trumpeters’ had the rank of NCO, outranking company trumpeters; and their uniform carried both NCO distinctions as well as the decorations accorded to musicians. His pelisse had musician’s ‘swallows-nest’ shoulder-pads and trumpeters often wore their distinctive red plumes on campaign. Trumpeters did not carry a carbine or cartridge pouch, or the dark-red cross-belts for them. Instead, they were issued with pistols, with enlarged pistol-holsters, spacious enough to carry cartridges. As an NCO, he has: • black fur on his pelisse and an orange and black top to his plume. • White, orange and black mixed-colour cords on his shako and bugle. • A quartered pom-pom in white, orange and black. • Gold galloon-tape to the edge of the collar and cuffs of his dolman jacket, worn under his pelisse. His weapon is a new 1801-pattern Tula-manufactured pistol, a prized weapon. Most other hussars would have been equipped with older varieties of pistol dating from the 1700s. Figure 47 illustrates the uniform of a lieutenant of the Pavlograd Regiment. For officers, metallic gold or silver thread generally replaced the yellow or white

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braid and trim of the lower ranks. Ineffectual regulations in 1803 prescribed simpler white or yellow silk braid for all officers but this was widely ignored, so that a further regulation in 1807 allowed officers to continue to wear gold and silver braid, at least for formal occasions. A barrel sash of mixed silver, black and orange thread covers his sword belt and this thread is also found on the raquettes and cord wrapped around the top edge of his shako. He also has a gold band on the top of the shako. All hussar officers had grey fur on their pelisse; distinct from the black fur of NCOs and white fur of lower ranks. For ceremonial parades, their white parade plumes had an orange and black base. At least two contemporary prints from the 1805 campaign show Russian hussars from the Elisabethgrad Hussars wearing brown fur colpacks with white plumes and bags. An example is shown in the inset to Figure 47. Figure 49: Uhlan Trooper – Constantine Uhlan Regiment– 5th Column – Northern Sector The Constantine Uhlan regiment was a large, powerful light-cavalry formation of about 1,300 men, with the Grand Duke Constantine as its patron. Armed with a 10-foot lance and riding small light-cavalry horses, the uhlans recruited from the minor gentry and serfs of the Western Poland and the Ukraine. Like Austrian uhlan regiments, equipment and uniforms were based on Polish traditional military dress. Uhlans were a recent innovation in the Russian cavalry, with the first regiments being formed in 1803. The Constantine Uhlans were the showcase regiment for this new branch of cavalry and were destined to become an Imperial Guard regiment after 1809. One of the best surviving memoirs of a Russian uhlan in this period was that of Nadezhda Durova. The daughter of a Russian Hussar officer, she fled an unhappy marriage, disguised herself as a boy and enrolled as an uhlan. She describes a series of charges by her own regiment in 1807: Our regiment went on the attack several times, not all at once but by squadrons. I was reprimanded for joining the attack with each squadron but this was honestly not from any excess of bravery but simply from ignorance; I thought that was how it was done, and I was amazed when the Wachtmeister [sergeant] of another squadron, alongside which I was galloping like a whirlwind, shouted at me, ‘Get the hell out of here! What are you galloping here for?’ I returned to my squadron, but, instead of taking my place in formation, I went on riding around nearby. The novelty of the scene absorbed all my attention: the menacing and majestic thundering of cannon fire, the roar or kind of rumble of the flying cannonballs, the charging cavalry, the glittering bayonets of the infantry, the roll of drums, and the firm pace and calm

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appearance with which our infantry regiments advanced on the enemy – all this filled my soul with sensations that I have no words to express. I came close to losing my priceless horse Alcides. While I was riding around, as I said before, near my squadron and looking over the curious scene of battle, I observed several enemy dragoons surrounding a Russian officer and knocking him off his horse with a pistol shot. He fell down, and they prepared to hack at him as he lay. I rushed at once toward them with my lance lowered. I can only suppose that this madcap bravery frightened them, because in a flash they abandoned the officer and scattered. The Cavalry Maiden: Journals of a Female Russian Officer in the Napoleonic Wars, translated by Mary Fleming Zirin (London, 1988).

The Uhlan regiment and the part of the Elisabethgrad Hussar regiment were the only force available to block the French northern sector advance at the start of the battle. Bagration’s ‘Advance Guard’ had yet to reach the battlefield. They were ordered to charge into the French lines in a desperate effort to de-rail the enemy attack. Both regiments were decimated in this charge. Pursuing the hussars of Kellermann’s Division, they came under fire from French artillery and infantry in square-formation as they passed through the French lines. The uhlans sustained casualties of 222 dead and severely wounded, about 20% of their fighting force. This included their commanding officer Baron Muller Zakomelsky and their Brigade General, Von Essen. The Uhlan uniform was based on the Polish Kurtka jacket and the pleated-cloth and leather Capzka hat, which was dark blue for all Russian uhlans, with dark red facings for the Constantine uhlans. Other regiments had different shades of red for their facings. Although not formally part of the Guard, Viskovatov depicts the Constantine Uhlans as having guard lace on their collar in 1805. Privates are also shown with fringeless contre-epaulettes of yellow mixed with red thread; officers wore either one or two full epaulettes, with gold thread for junior officers and bullion for senior ranks. Saddle-cloths had rounded edges, but on campaign, they would normally have been replaced by the usual sheepskin cover. Legwear included loose blue riding trousers with a double red stripe and black leather reinforcement below the knee which covered the short hussar-style boots. Uhlans were also armed with Hussar sabres, carried on a red leather waist-belt with slings. This was covered by a red and blue waist-girdle. Each trooper carried ammunition for his pistols, but only 1 in 10 men carried a carbine. Carbine-armed uhlans may not have carried lances, as the weight of this additional weapon was considered excessive.

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Figure 49 follows the 1806-7 drawing of Russian uhlans on campaign by Sauerweid which show them wearing an older pattern of Kurtka jacket, open to the chest, with the girdle worn under the Kurtka, not over it. Like all uhlans and hussars of the period, these light cavalrymen used a raised wooden-frame ‘Hungarian’ saddle to increase the height of their small horses. Epaulettes denoted rank, though additional distinctions for officers and NCOs followed those for the Hussars; including the use of metallic braid, orange and black tipped/based plumes and gold galloon-tape. Nadezhda Durova’s memoir goes on to describe the aftermath of her regiment’s charge in far less euphoric detail: An uhlan from our regiment, covered in blood, with a bandaged head and bloodied face, was riding aimlessly around the field in one direction or another...There was gun and cannon fire all around us, cannonballs were skipping in all directions, shells were bursting in the air and on the ground; the cavalry was rushing forward and falling back like a stormy sea, and amid this terrible upheaval I could no longer see the pennons of our regiment anywhere...I scooped up water in my helmet and poured it over the head and face of the wounded man. He opened his eyes. ‘For God’s sake, don’t abandon me here,’ he said, making an effort to rise...His head was covered with sabre cuts. ‘Mount your horse,’ I said. ‘ Get up, I will help you.’ The Cavalry Maiden: Journals of a Female Russian Officer in the Napoleonic Wars, translated by Mary Fleming Zirin (London, 1988).

Figure 50: Cossack: Life Guard Cossack regiment: Russian Imperial Guard. The small 300-strong regiment of Life Guard Cossacks supported the Chevalier Guard in their counter-charge against the French forces that threatened the allied retreat towards Krenowitz. Although the rank and file would have been Don cossacks, they were equipped and employed as regular uhlans or lancers. Viskovatov says very little on the Guard cossacks in this period and merely includes an 1840s print of the uniform spanning the entire decade 1800-09. However, contemporary sources show what they wore in 1805. Sauerweid, Weber, Christian Gottlieb Hammer and the Vinkhuizjen collection all show

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Guard Cossacks from 1804-6. Weber also shows the Guard uniform from an earlier period and Gerard depicts a captured Guard Cossack officer in his painting of Austerlitz. These sources show a tall fur cap, significantly taller than that worn by the Guard Cossacks after 1806; with a red ‘bag’ and white plume. The red caftan was edged in white with six white ties (gold for officers) and white fringeless contreepaulettes. They also wore baggy blue caftan-trousers with a single white stripe and a hussar-style sword belt with slings, covered by a yellow waist sash. One of Sauerweid’s drawings show two Guard Cossacks in long knee-length caftans, possibly the winter caftan also shown by Viskovatov. This appears to have been a longer, cold weather version of the red caftan, though dark-blue with white trim; it may have been worn instead of the standard cavalry greatcoat. Guard cossacks were equipped with the raised wooden cossack-saddle and covered it with a double saddle cloth. Sauerweid also shows one of his cossacks with a pistol suspended by a strap tied to the waistbelt. A memoir of a Life Guard Jager describes how his troops were mistaken for French skirmishers by the Guard Cossacks in 1806: In the afternoon, we undertook some training for our two Jager companies near the village, including firing and manoeuvres. We trained for two hours. However, the Quartermaster of the Life Guard Cossack Regiment who was organising billets (in the town nearby) heard the gunfire and saw our skirmishers lying flat on the ground. He was so frightened that he thought we were Frenchmen and that the men on the ground had been killed – his German coachman encouraged him in this mistaken belief. He immediately rushed to inform his commanding officer, Colonel Chernozubov, of this (supposed) enemy attack. This caused panic amongst the Guard Cossacks and they immediately sent out half a squadron of troops led by Captain (Rotmistr) Efremov who arrived so late, they had to spend the night in the village. We all had a good laugh at their expense. Grigoryev, Vasilii, in G. Lyapischev (ed.), Rosiiskie memuary epokhi Napoleonovskikh voin (Moscow, 2013).

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The French Army in 1805 These huge armies are like giants and you need to view them as you view the natural world itself, from a panoramic distance where the many defects cannot be seen. You can only admire the whole thing, if you leave out the details. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

The French army in 1805 was the strongest it had ever been at any stage in the preceding revolutionary wars, and arguably the strongest it would ever be. Nearly 10 years of warfare in Germany and Italy had created a core of veteran soldiers and officers, who were experienced, professionally motivated and relatively young. The political ascendancy of Napoleon through the Consulate and more recently the ‘Empire’, had given France comparative stability. Land reforms had made the regime popular with the peasant farmers whose sons formed the bulk of the recruits. Five years of relative peace had allowed the army to re-equip and undergo a period of intense training in the Bologne camps, supposedly in preparation for an invasion of England. In weaponry, tactics, organisation and leadership structure, it was unmatched. It still suffered from the weaknesses inherent in all armies of the day. The rank and file was often filled with the poorest elements in society. Conscription through the levee en masse, recently introduced, did little to alleviate this situation, as the rich paid for ‘substitutes’ or avoided conscription by other loopholes. Once a conscript was wounded or fell ill, medical support could be rudimentary, particularly at the height of a campaign. However, in key ways, the French revolutionary and consular armies had developed systems which gave the Grand Armee a marked superiority over its adversaries. The first of these was the Army-Corps system. The Grand Armee was divided into 8 corps. Each corps being the size of a small army itself, ranging from 10,000 to 25,000 men. Like an army, the corps was completely self-sufficient with its own supply train, artillery, cavalry, support systems and leadership structure. This meant that French armies could march by different routes, converging on one point when they needed to confront an enemy in battle, as happened at Austerlitz.

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A second advantage was the speed of travel of the French Corps. On forced marches, soldiers carried 3-days rations and were expected to forage in order to supplement this. Tents and other heavy baggage were left behind. This allowed French armies to move quickly in a way that allied armies could neither match or anticipate. Both Ulm and Austerlitz were prime examples of this. The French officer corps was dominated by individuals who were innovative, professionally ambitious and young. There were similar officers in the allied armies but in 1805 they were on the periphery of a system dominated by status; usually aristocratic status. In France, the new type of military leader had found its greatest expression in Napoleon himself, still only 38 years old. He had developed an officer corps based on Corp Field-Marshals, each of which built up their own team of staff officers to run and organise their Corps. Military codes and regulation had professionalised the way officers carried out their roles and functions. At a tactical level, the different branches of the French army had also developed increased military efficiency by 1805. Taken as individuals, the soldiers of consular and Imperial France were no better or worse than their allied counterparts. Yet the Grand Armee had become a military system and institution markedly superior to any other land army in 1805. Octave Levavasseur, an artillery officer witnessed the precisely coordinated manoeuvres of the French at the opening of the battle of Austerlitz, in the northern sector of the battlefield. The infantry passed the parade area in front of the Santon hill where they saluted the Emperor and took positions en masse at right and left; then, gradually extending the line to form the right and left wing, it began to advance in battle order. When this battle-line had spread out along the entire width of the valley, a second line formed behind it and repeated the same manoeuvres; then a third line formed behind this second line. To make room for the cavalry and artillery, the infantry moved forward; the cavalry then moved into the fourth line with the artillery positioned at intervals in the gaps. Then Emperor gave the order for the artillery to move forward. Instantly, our one hundred and fifty cannon-limbers begin to move, passing between the intervals of the battalions of the first three lines. They moved into battery formation, placed at fifty or one hundred paces in front of the infantry.

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I too performed this movement and, as a commander of Horse Artillery, I placed myself a little in front of the line of cannons. Then General Kellermann, commanding the light cavalry, positioned his cavalry between the various batteries, ready to support them. All these movements were done with the order and precision that we usually only see in at the Champ de Mars. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-de-camp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

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Figure 51: Fusilier – Regiment of 51st Ligne - 1st Battalion – Northern Sector Figure 52: Fusilier – Regiment of 43rd Ligne - 2nd Battalion – Assault on the Pratzen Heights at Stare Vinohrady The French Line Regiments of the Grand Armee made up the majority of the new Army, forming 30 of the 45 infantry regiments at Austerlitz. They were large regiments, each fielding an average of 1,500 men, even after the losses and casualties of the preceding 4 months of fighting. Each regiment was divided into two battalions; with a third battalion forming a depot-reserve in France. Some regiments fielded all three battalions. It was the battalion that formed the fighting unit, numbering between 750-1,000 men; in turn, it was made up of four standard ‘fusilier’ companies and two ‘elite’ companies - Grenadiers and Voltigeurs. Not only did the French infantry form the bulk of the Army, but their performance at Austerlitz was exceptional by any standards. The two battalions of the 43rd formed part of the assault on the Austrian positions at Stare Vinohrady on the Pratzen Heights. After routing the Austrians in two hours of fighting, these same battalions then descended the Heights to complete the encirclement and destruction of the Russian columns at Sokolnitz. The two battalions of the 51st (together with the 13th Legere) were engaged in the Northern part of the battlefield. They also fought a succession of difficult engagements, first attacking and capturing Blasiowitz from the Guard Jager and fighting off allied cavalry counterattacks. They then marched several kilometres over steep terrain to attack and capture the villages of Krug and Holubitz held by the Russian 5th Jager. Figure 51 best represents the standard Fusilier uniform of 1805. It had changed little since the 1790s. The uniform was based on the long-tailed blue coat. Dyed in the tricolore colours of blue white and red, it was also called the ‘Habit Francais’. It had lapels with 7 buttons on each lapel, though the coat itself was fastened by hooks and eyes down the middle. The brass buttons bore the regimental number and the number was sometimes also stitched on the corners of the thin white turn-backs, on each coat-tail. This was certainly the case for the 51st regiment, although it was more common for the turn-backs to be plain white, piped red. Other aspects of the coat were identical for all regiments, though in practice small non-regulation distinctions were added in the form of regimental numbers or cloth-badges. Collars, cuffs and shoulder straps were coloured and piped as in Figure 51, though there were variations in the cut and colour of the

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cuff flap; however, sources suggest that blue flaps were standard with red or white being an exception. Rear pockets on each coat tail were also piped red and could be either vertical or horizontal. The fusilier (in theory and by regulation) was not permitted to carry the 73cm ‘briquet’ short sword. Therefore, he only had one 9cm-wide cross-belt for a standard black cartridge-case, passing over the left shoulder; this belt also carried a loop for the bayonet scabbard. He also wore a white waistcoat under his blue coat, white breeches and black buttoned gaiters covering the knee (although nonregulation short gaiters were often worn). The white ‘waistcoat’ was actually a woollen all-purpose jacket with sleeves, also worn for fatigue duties. Although the Grand Armee was progressive, elements of its uniform were seen as oldfashioned and impractical even by its own troops. Cadet Elzear Blaze detested the breeches and gaiters: I have never been able to understand why in Napoleon’s time, when we were always at war, our soldiers were forced to wear those terrible breeches. Through extended, daily forced marches, they constricted our legs and prevented us from walking comfortably. Besides this, the knees were covered by long gaiters which were squeezed by buttons placed above the knee and also by a strap which tightened around a further strap fastened to the breeches. Underneath this was long underwear, held tight by a string which added hindrance to our legs. In all, there were three layers of cloth, two rows of buttons, and three tight straps all placed one on top of the other. It was enough to paralyse even the most dauntless marching soldier. Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,...Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888

Blaze claims that the men threw away their spare breeches and gaiters and bought their own non-regulation loose trousers, as soon as the campaign started. Headgear was arguably just as impractical. It was a tall, felt bicorn with a tricolore cockade fixed with yellow braid to a brass button; a pompom was also worn. Pompoms could be round or bullet-shaped and either single colours or in tricolore colours; soldiers ignored ineffectual regulations stating that only round pompoms should be worn. Contemporary depictions show the 1801-pattern bicorn as being taller and flatter in cross-section than those worn in the 1790s. It could be worn with the point facing forward ‘in marching order’ (as in Figure 51) or side-on ‘in battle order’ (as in Figure 52). Depictions also show the bicorn in various states of misshapen disrepair, following months of campaign weathering. The quality of the French

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infantryman’s massed-produced bicorn may well have been low-grade; good quality felt was stiffened and made water-resistant by the addition of animal fur, particularly from new-world beaver-pelts. British naval blockades meant that these were now in short supply. Fabric ties were often added to each side of the bicorn in an effort to maintain its semi-circular shape. However, the over-riding impression of contemporary visual and written sources was of an army that had many irregularities in uniform and appearance, particularly compared with allied armies. Although uniform was undergoing a process of standardisation, the war had interrupted this and may even have set it back. The uniform worn by Figure 52, following an 1806 watercolour by Giesler and an 1805 print by Muller/Vaquirron, is a case in point; he wears the habit-coat and bicorn of a fusilier but also has a short-sword and second crossstrap, officially worn only by grenadiers. His coat lapels are also coloured lightblue, as are his overall-trousers. Many French regiments were dressed in standard uniform but equally, many were not.* The myth of a uniformly and pristinely attired 1805 infantryman on campaign is not supported by contemporary sources. Blaze describes French infantrymen on campaign, living by pillage and theft and sleeping without tents, in ‘bivouac’, for weeks on end. In these conditions, uniform regulations came low on the list of priorities: I can assure you that Line Regiments were never given supplies or were only given what the Guard rejected. Our conscripts struggled under the weight of a knapsack, a musket, a cartridge case with 40 heavy cartridges, a bread and meat sack, a cooking pot or sometimes an axe. You’ll get some idea of the life these poor wretches had to face, especially when it was hot. Sweat streamed down their faces and after the first three days they usually ended up in hospital. Our daily marches were much more painful than those of the Guard and I can say with certainty that fatigue and illness killed many more conscripts than enemy cannon. Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,...Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888

Standard equipment included a calf-skin knapsack and the excellent 1777-model Charleville musket, copied by the Austrians in their own 1798 musket. Nonstandard equipment included water containers like flasks or gourds and cooking implements. Overcoats were another recently introduced ‘non-standard’ item in 1805; these were sometimes purchased by the regiment, sometimes acquired privately, and France even used captured Russian greatcoats – needless to say, they could be any shape or colour.

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*The 43rd Regiment was prescribed light blue facings when white uniforms were introduced at the end of the Austerlitz campaign. However, contemporary sources in 1805-06 show French infantrymen wearing the blue Habit Francais with coloured facings on their coats (including red, yellow and light blue facings) and other significant deviations from the standard prescribed uniform. Regiments from allied countries like Italy and Holland already wore coloured facings on their French-pattern uniforms, but it appears (from sources) that some French units adopted them as well. The carrying of briquet short-swords was restricted to Grenadiers only, though Voltigeurs habitually carried them as well, contrary to regulations. Yet Giesler shows French fusiliers also armed with them in 1806; they may be wearing captured enemy sabres, or it may be yet another example of how official uniform regulations were flouted on campaign.

Figure 53: Grenadier Sergeant-Major - Regiment of 36th Ligne – Assault on the southern end of Pratzen Heights Figure 54: Grenadier - Regiment of 57th Ligne - Assault on the northern end of Pratzen Heights at Stare Vinohrady Figure 53 and 54 show Grenadiers from two of the 10 regiments of 4th Corps which formed the first-wave assault on the Pratzen Heights. These 17,000 infantrymen bore the brunt of the fighting on the Heights. Each Line regiment at Austerlitz fielded two battalions of 500-750 men, further subdivided into 6 companies. The first company of each battalion was an elite ‘Grenadier’ Company. Made up of the tallest and ablest soldiers, they wore a uniform that identified them as an elite. The Grenadiers in Figure 53 and 54 show different styles of this special uniform. Although, officially, Grenadiers were supposed to wear a standard felt bicorn with a red falling plume, they had always been permitted to wear bearskin hats as well. Depictions from the period show both bicorns and bearskins being worn by Grenadiers within the same company. Regimental tradition also played a part in other features of the Grenadier uniform; these included red epaulettes, grenade badges on coat turn-backs and the form and decoration of the bearskin hat. None of these traditions were sanctioned by official uniform regulation. Figure 53, a Grenadier of the 36th Ligne, wears the standard bearskin with brass frontplate, red plume and red raquette cord. The front-plates of this period had a single embossed grenade. The top of the bearskin was usually sealed by a red cloth patch divided by a white cross. The raquette itself was made from a simple plaited cord and could be easily removed and stored, as could the plume.

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Bearskins were expensive and in short supply, so most line regiments of the period may have given them only to NCOs or veterans. This particular Grenadier is a Sergeant-Major, his rank denoted by the gold double-chevrons on his lower arm*. A single gold stripe was for a sergeant and a double yellow or brass stripe for corporal. The red chevron on his upper left arm shows he has served for over ten years. These red chevrons were called breaks and the veterans who wore them were called ‘breakers’ (briscards). Grenadiers were also officially permitted to carry the briquet short-sword on a second cross-belt passing over the right shoulder. The 36th Ligne was part of the first wave of regiments to assault the Heights to the southeast of Pratze village. In this specific area, the French were outnumbered, with the 14th and 36th Ligne and 10th Legere facing counterattacks by the Russian and Austrian regiments of Fourth Column and Kamensky’s Brigade. For the following 2 hours, these 3 regiments numbering 4,500 men, repelled successive attacks by over 6,000 allied soldiers. Although the attacks were piecemeal and un-coordinated, the French came very close to being beaten. General Thiebault, one of the French commanders, described what happened: Kamensky’s regiments of Phanagoria and Riazan, reinforced by the remnants of the other Russian regiments, resumed the attack against us. Despite our earlier success, our position was still very critical. In front of us and marching on us, we saw four or five times the number of enemy approaching us. On our right and in the valley below, some 55 Russian battalions of 1, 2 and 3 columns and 3- 4,000 cavalry. In other words, we were in the middle of the allied army, surrounded on three sides. General Morand and I never saw each other again without recalling this situation: "I have fought many battles in Egypt and for the Emperor," he said to me, “but I have not seen anything comparable to this position. “ ... Our casualties grew so great that General Saint Hilaire proposed a retreat, when Colonel Pouzet of the 10th Legere leapt from his horse into our midst and cried, “We withdraw, mon General? If we take a step back, we are lost. We have only one way to get out of here, and that is to rush headlong into everything that faces us and not to give our enemies time to count us.” Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 / publiés sous les auspices de sa fille, Mlle Claire Thiébault, d'après le manuscrit original par Fernand Calmettes Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

The fighting that followed saw little quarter given by either French or Russians: entire battalions had been killed without the men leaving the ranks and their bodies lay lined up where their regiments had stood. The stories I heard were

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horrifying, as up until the very end of the battle we took no prisoners...this sad memory has often come back to me, but I do not think this event necessarily makes me a guilty man. I gave the order on those Heights of Pratzen not to take any prisoners or to leave anything alive behind us. Just as when at Naples, I burned the entire suburb of Capua and put the inhabitants to the sword, I had this order carried out to save my men. Thiebault further comments on the French casualties; Two-thirds of the officers of the 14th and 36th Ligne were killed or wounded; of the 236 grenadiers of the 36th Ligne, a mere 17 remained with the flag by the evening. Unlike the Grenadiers of the 36th Ligne, many other Grenadiers at Austerlitz saw no fighting at all. Napoleon had created a powerful reserve force of 5,000 Grenadiers and Carabiniers from 10 of his regiments. He planned to bring this reserve into the battle at a critical point. However, the battle had already been won before they even reached the Pratzen. Most of these other Grenadiers never fired a shot. The opposite was true of the 57th Ligne (Figure 54), another regiment which formed part of the initial assault on the Pratzen Heights, at the northern summit of Stare Vinohrady (the Old Vineyard). By the end of the battle regiments like the 57th which started the day with over 1,700 men could muster less than 200: At the close of the battle, General Vandamme came up with one of his battalions, now reduced to 150 men. On my exclamation at the sight of so small a number, he replied: “Yes - you can’t make an omelette without breaking many eggs.” His division had borne the brunt of the battle. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault

This Grenadier’s uniform includes the non-regulation 5 and 7 numbers sewn on to his turn-backs (depicted by Giesler). He also carries a standard white waterproof cover for his cartridge case with his regiment, battalion and number painted on. He wears standard white overall-trousers. Based on sources for the period, he wears his epaulettes buttoned but turned backwards and spare shoes strapped to his knapsack. The bayonet scabbard could be fixed to a loops on either the briquet cross-belt or the cartridge cross-belt.* Although stripes were usually used to denote rank, some sources show chevrons.

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Figure 55: Fusilier – Regiment of 95th Ligne – 2nd Battalion - Second wave assault on Pratzen Heights Figure 56: Voltigeur – Regiment of 64th Ligne – 1st Battalion – Voltigeur Company – Northern Sector The Fusilier from the 95th Ligne in Figure 55 is dressed in marching order with greatcoat and non-regulation trousers. Trousers and greatcoats were often acquired by the soldiers themselves, at their own expense. In 1805, as preparation for a long winter campaign, the soldiers of the Grand Armee were supplied with greatcoats for the very first time. However, these coats were to be sourced and paid for at the regiment’s expense. There was no official colour or pattern and contemporary sources show troops in a variety of greatcoats of different styles and colours. After Austerlitz, Lannes’ 5th Corps acquired and wore some 4,000 captured Russian greatcoats. Similarly, campaign-trousers which covered breeches and gaiters were supposed to be white, but in practice, they were made from any and every available material and colour. The three battalions of the 95th Ligne formed part of the second wave of French troops assaulting the Pratzen Heights. Together with the 94th Ligne and the 27th Legere, they pushed the French assault past the Heights and as far as the positions defended by the Russian Imperial Guard near Krenowitz. JeanBaptiste Barres and other eye-witnesses say that this second-wave assault was conducted in full uniform with regimental bands playing: The men of 1st Corps moved up from the rear, passing either side of the little hill on which the Emperor stood, saluting and shouting “Vive l’Empereur!” They all raised their headgear on the points of their swords, sabres and bayonets, all to the sound of drums and music and cannon fire and musketry... Title : Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] ; publiés par Maurice Barrès, son petit-filsAuthor : Barrès, Jean-Baptiste-Auguste (1784-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris)Publication date : 1923

At the same time, the 64th Ligne formed part of the final seven-regiment assault on the Russian positions in the Northern sector of the battlefield. Figure 56 is a voltigeur of the 64th Ligne. Napoleon had created the ‘voltigeurs’ in 1804, the year of his coronation. Each battalion was to have a company of this new category of elite soldier. Voltigeurs were elite skirmishers, usually men of proven ability but too short to be Grenadiers.

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At first, their uniform differed little from the that worn by fusiliers. In 1805, the main distinctions were green epaulettes, piped red. Yellow cloth was sometimes used to cover the cuffs, collars or cuff flaps, but sources point to wide variations.* One early source shows the voltigeurs of the 64th Ligne with a green pompom with red tuft and red bicorn ties; a distinction only used by the 64th. The voltigeurs’ fast-moving style of fighting is described by De Gonneville, who records their capture of Verona bridge in the 1805 campaign: The gap in the bridge at Verona was six feet wide, placed at its highest point and defended by Austrian cannon...The Voltigeurs in a body earnestly begged the officers to be allowed to carry the position in their own fashion. At dusk, the Voltigeurs suddenly rushed towards the broken gap with extraordinary speed; they ran at full speed, jumped the breach, and with the same rush captured the guns and seized the houses around the bridge. This bridge is some thirty feet above the river, which is very deep, and runs fast like a fast mill-stream; two men only failed in the leap, and fell into the gulf to their deaths. Recollections of Colonel de Gonneville (Cuirassier) by Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829- [from old catalog]; Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-Alexandre-Jules, 1804-1890.

Trained to fight in pairs as skirmishers, the majority of voltigeurs would have continued to use the standard 153cm Charleville 1777 musket; though the shorter An IX artillery musketoon was also issued to both voltigeurs and artillerymen. The voltigeur in Figure 56 has been issued with a short 115cm 1801 light cavalry carbine, a more manageable sharpshooter’s weapon. All 3 weapons had a limited effective range of 100-150m at most, considerably less than a rifle. However, Segur records how General Dumesnil demonstrated the effectiveness of a light cavalry carbine in the hands of an expert marksman, the evening before Austerlitz: Dumesnil was an excellent shot, and wanted to prove how close the enemy was to us. He grabbed a carbine from one of his men and rested the barrel on this trooper’s shoulder, taking careful aim. In the enemy lines, a Russian officer stood out from the others by the dazzling whiteness of his horse; with a single shot (Dumesnil) unhorsed him. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

Napoleon liked the Charleville musket and its carbine/musketoon derivatives, and opposed the widespread use of rifles, which had a lower rate of fire. Lighter, more streamlined and with a lower calibre than British or allied muskets, the Charleville 1777 was copied by the Austrians in 1798 and then by the Russians and Prussians in 1808-09; it was easier to maintain as the barrel could easily be separated from the stock for cleaning. Perhaps the most significant

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advantage of the French musket was that its priming-pan system (which minimised smoke discharge) allowed it greater accuracy; this was at the cost of a slower rate of fire than older muskets. The newer Austrian muskets also had this same feature but the French infantry were better trained in musketry. Put simply, the French had the best musket and had the training and experience to use it effectively. The rare French An-XII 1803 rifle, an effective weapon, remained the preserve of a very small number of NCOs, sharpshooters and elite (often foreign) regiments like the Tirailleur du Po. *Altmutter has a depiction of voltigeur in 1805 with green epaulettes with red piping, as does Giesler, Suhr and Muller. This appears to be the only common and consistent distinction in this period. The Voltigeur uniform was only officially regulated after 1806.

Figure 57: Sharpshooter – Tirailleur du Po – Stationed at Tellnitz Figure 58: Carabinier – Tirailleur du Po – Stationed at Sokolnitz Figure 59: Drummer – Regiment of 88th Ligne –Northern sector of battlefield The Tirailleur du Po together with the Tirailleur Corse were two elite lightinfantry sharpshooter battalions, each with about 600 men. Like the rest of the army, they would have had elite voltigeur and carabinier companies (Carabiniers were the light-infantry equivalent to Grenadiers – see below). Formed from volunteer riflemen recruited from Napoleon’s Kingdom of Italy, they would have been armed with both muskets and rifles, including the new French 1803 An-XII rifle. Other foreign-made rifles would also have been used. In the hands of an expert marksman, the French An-XII rifle was an excellent weapon, with two to three times the effective range of a musket or carbine. It lacked a bayonet and only a select number of Tirailleur would have used this weapon, usually paired with someone carrying a musket. The Tirailleurs bore the brunt of the initial allied assaults on the villages of Tellnitz and Sokolnitz. By the end of the day, the remnants of these two battalions were still fighting Russian Jagers in the wooded ‘Pheasantry’ area to the north of Sokolnitz. One single company of Tirailleurs had been sent to support the French garrison at Tellnitz.

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The Russian commander, General Langeron describes how by the early afternoon French Tirailleurs had all but recaptured Sokolnitz: The French Tirailleurs were advancing from all directions around Sokolnitz and had occupied the hedgerows and houses of the village. They killed many of our men and even wounded my horse, so that we had to retreat back across the bridge. We placed the Vyborg regiment cannons in front of the bridge which held them back for a time. Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805. Paris : La Vouivre, 1998

There are only three depictions of the Tirailleur uniform from this period. The best contemporary source is Jean Auguste’s Tableau des Uniformes de L’Empire Francaise 1806, on which Figure 57 is based. This shows the standard Tirailleur uniform as a blue light-infantry Chasseur uniform, with white cuffs, blue cuffflaps, white shoulder straps, a white waistcoat and a shako with lozenge plate and tall green plume. The other two sources show what appear to be Carabiniers from the Tirailleurs du Po, illustrated in Figure 58. These sources * shows a light infantryman in a carabinier uniform with red lapels, a red collar and cuffs and blue turn-backs, piped red. He also wears red epaulettes and a standard grenadier/carabinier-style bicorn with red falling plume. He wears a white waistcoat and gaiters. The Tirailleurs Corse may have had a similar uniform, with yellow lapels. * The Jean Auguste Tableau can be accurately dated but the there are two depictions of a light infantry carabinier that Knotel claims is a Tirailleur du Po. One was drawn in the late 1800s by Knotel himself, but there is arguably an earlier version in the Vinkhuizjen collection – it is potentially earlier, because it shows the carabinier wearing short gaiters, a more accurate detail for the period. Knotel appears to have changed this detail in his own drawing to short boots, an anachronism. A third potential source is a Vaquirron/Muller print from 1805 which also shows a Carabinier in similar uniform carrying a short rifle, entitled ‘French Volunteer Corps’ (Freikorps). The same Vaquirron/Muller picture has another ‘Freikorps’ with a blue uniform with yellow lapels. Knotel claimed that the Tirailleurs Corse had a light infantry uniform with yellow lapels.

The drummer from the 88th Ligne is based on contemporary-source illustrations of drummers and an 1805 description of the musicians and drummers of the 88th who had adopted orange facings, piped gold.

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Figure 60: Sous-Lieutenant – Regiment of 3rd Ligne – Defending Tellnitz Figure 61: Sapper - Regiment of 94th Ligne – Second wave assault on the Pratzen Heights All three battalions of the 3rd Ligne took part in the defence of Tellnitz against the Austrian Szecklers and Russian Jagers of 1st Column. For 2 hours they fought in defence of the vineyard and escarpment leading to the village and then in the gardens and houses of the village itself. By about 9am, the 3rd Ligne were forced to retreat, but counterattacks by other French regiments prevented the allies from gaining full control of the village and its bridges. The 3rd Ligne Sous-Lieutenant wears the standard uniform for all junior officers, based on a better quality version of the blue infantry coat, waistcoat and breeches. His side-arm is an officer’s epee carried on a waist-belt worn over the right shoulder to keep the scabbard higher off the ground. Although hair-queues were recently banned, contemporary prints continue to show them well into 1806. His officer status is marked by gold epaulettes and a gorget. Junior officers wore only one fringed-epaulette on the left shoulder and a contreepaulette on the right. His bicorn has gold corner-pompoms and a gold-thread tie. He also wears tall riding boots, folded down to allow him to march; strap-on spurs would be unbuckled when marching. Junior officers included the ranks of Adjutant, Sous-Lieutenant, Lieutenant and Captain in that order. Senior officers from Major to Colonel wore epaulettes with heavy gold bullion fringes. Every regiment also had Sappers or Pioneers. These were specialist engineers, numbering 8-20 men in each regiment, tasked with clearing obstacles and constructing defences and roadways. The rank of ‘sapper’ was not formally recognised until 1808, but they were already a well-established element in the Grand Armee. Sources depict them wearing a Grenadier uniform with sapper distinctions. These usually included the crossed-axe badge, sewn on their coat sleeves and a sappers leather apron, worn under the coat. Sappers always wore

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beards by tradition and carried entrenching axes, the tools of their profession. Additional equipment would have been carried on pack animals in the regimental train. They generally carried light weapons, including pistols, though this sapper carries an old 1786 light cavalry carbine.* * The sapper in figure 61 is based on contemporary sources, painted by Muller, Suhr and Giesler. Muller shows one sapper in 1805 with the 1786 light cavalry carbine, an older version of the 1801 An-IX carbine.

Figure 62: Chasseur Sergeant – Chasseurs a pied of the Imperial Guard Napoleon’s Guard Reserve Figure 63: Grenadier – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard - 1st Battalion – Napoleon’s Guard Reserve The soldiers of the Line nicknamed the Guard ‘The Immortals’ because they hardly ever fought a battle. They were reserved for grand events, which was as things should be. There was no doubt that the arrival of the Imperial Guard on the battlefield meant that we had won the day. However, there was a jealousy between the Guards and the men of the Line which occasioned many quarrels. Everyone knew that each soldier in the Guard had a rank higher than his counter-part in the rest of the army. Everyone hated this privilege, yet everyone wanted to be a Guardsman. Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,... Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888

The infantry of the Imperial Guard of the Grand Armee in 1805 consisted of 2 battalions of Grenadiers, two battalions of Chasseurs and 2 battalions of Italian Royal Guard, with the French Battalions numbering between 700-800 men. They were not only an elite, but a privileged Corps who were politically and personally loyal to the Emperor. They were also a statement of Imperial power and were present at places and events where Napoleon wanted to impress. However, every one of them was a picked man; veterans with usually 10 to 20 years of campaign experience. A rank in the Guard was equivalent to one rank higher in the rest of the army and pay was considerably higher. Developed from the old Consular Guard, the new Imperial Guard now numbered over 6,000 men, including cavalry and artillery. Napoleon was usually unwilling to commit his Guard to battle and their low casualty rate justly earned them their nickname, ‘Immortals’.

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Austerlitz was a case in point. Napoleon committed them at the very end of the day, too late to even get involved in the surrender of the final pockets of Russian troops. Not having fired a shot, their only casualty was their regimental pride. However, even this was softened by the full weight of Imperial propaganda which accorded them a central role in the victory. The memoirs of Coignet and of Barres record how the Guard advanced up to the Pratzen Heights in full-dress uniform, to the sound of the Guards’ and other regimental bands. We had calmly climbed to the summit to the sound of drums and music. Napoleon had wanted to honour the Emperors who had commanded the enemy. Contrary to normal battle formation, he had ordered that the musicians should stay in their positions at the centre of each battalion. We had our full complement of musicians with the band-leader at its head, an old trooper who was not under 60 years old. While they played, the drums directed by DrumMajor Senot, beat a charge loud enough to smash the drum-skins. The combination of the music and the drums was enough to make a paralytic rise up and march! Title : Souvenirs d'un vieux grognard , par le capitaine J.-R. Coignet Author : Coignet, Jean-Roch (1776-1865). Auteur du texte Publisher : J. Tallandier (Paris) Publication date : 1912

Then this formidable body of reserve Guard battalions marched in formation, in full-dress uniform with bearskins and plumes, with eagles and standards unfurled and fluttering in the wind, marching to victory. Title : Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] ; publiés par Maurice Barrès, son petit-fils Author : Barrès, Jean-Baptiste-Auguste (1784-1848). Auteur du texte (Paris) 1923

The nucleus of the Guard was based on the Grenadiers and Chasseurs. In theory, the Chasseurs were selected from the light infantry; but in practice, there were only minor differences in uniform between Chasseur and Grenadiers. Chasseurs had green epaulettes piped red, a red over green plume, hunting horn cloth-badges on their coat-tails and a plain bearskin without a brass plate. Grenadiers had a red plume and red epaulettes and a brass plate, which by 1805 bore the embossed Imperial eagle. They also had brass grenade badges on their cartridge case (which the Chasseurs lacked) and white grenade designs on their coat-tails. Guardsmen were permitted ear-rings, visible tatoos and queues, maintaining old traditions which the regular army had left behind. Rank distinctions were the same as in the army and a gold upper-arm chevron/stripe marked 10 years of military service.* Sergeants and NCOs had gold thread mixed into the fringe of their epaulettes and gold sword knots.

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The Guard also had two separate full-dress and campaign/service uniforms. In 1805, these two uniforms were very different. Figure 62 wears the full-dress uniform. The full-dress coat was based on the infantry coat but with a more traditional cut and small differences which included: red turn-backs, a blue collar, white cuff flaps and no piping. Neatly rolled on top of the knapsack was a good-quality blue greatcoat and a white and blue striped waxed-bag that contained an off-duty bicorn. Figure 63 wears the campaign/service uniform. Campaign dress was based on an all blue coat called a ‘surtout’ which was also being supplied to army officers. It was a plain dark blue, single breasted coat. A Henschel watercolour shows it being worn in 1806 with red piping and a ‘closed’ collar- a new fashion for the period. Although the campaign uniform was available during the Austerlitz campaign, the Guard are nearly always depicted in full-dress uniform during this campaign. *Two upper arm chevrons or stripes marked 15 years service and there were even those who had three stripes, signifying over 20 years service.

Figure 64: Grenadier – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard - 2nd Battalion Figure 65: Grenadier - Grenadiers a pied of the Italian Royal Guard Having reached the plateau (of the Heights) which the Russians had earlier occupied, the Emperor gestured that he wanted to speak, so we halted so he could deliver his address. He spoke with a powerful and vibrant voice, which electrified us: “Chasseurs, my Horse Guards have just routed the Russian Imperial Guard – Colonels, standards, cannons! Everything has been captured. Nothing stood against their intrepid valour. You will follow their example.” He then left to repeat the same announcement to every battalion of the Grenadier Reserve. Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] ; publiés par Maurice Barrès, son petit-fils Author : Barrès, Jean-Baptiste-Auguste (1784-1848). Auteur du textePublisher : (Paris)

A blue overcoat and blue campaign trousers constituted a third ‘marching-order’ uniform for the Guard, worn on the march and sometimes in battle. The Guardsman in Figure 64 has hitched and pinned the hem of his greatcoat behind his back, a common practice. He can be identified as a Grenadier from the four grenades painted on his cartridge-case cover. The bearskin has been stripped of the plume and other ornaments, revealing the three cloth loops (on the white cross) for fixing the decorative raquettes and cords.

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Figure 65 illustrates the uniform worn by the Italian Royal Guard. The Grenadiers and Chasseurs-a-pied of the Italian Royal Guard were also present at Austerlitz. They had smaller battalions of about 350 men each. As with the rest of the Guard, their importance was political, as much as military. By fielding them, Napoleon was not only laying claim to Empire, but to the Italian territory once controlled by Austria. 1804-05 had seen a double coronation for Napoleon; firstly, as ‘Emperor of the French’ and then a second coronation as ‘King of Italy’. The Royal Guard and Tirailleurs were joined by other Italian regiments at Austerlitz, including the 111st Ligne, the 31st Legere, 21st Dragoons and the 26th Chasseurs a cheval, with the 111st and 26th being former Piedmontese regiments, co-opted into the French army. The make-up of the Grand Armee was meant to reflect Napoleon’s growing Empire. The uniform of the Italian Guard was exactly the same as that of their French Grenadier and Chasseur counterparts, with two important differences; their coat was green instead of dark royal blue; and silver replaced brass for the bearskin plate and buttons. The Italian Royal Guard would have been equipped with standard blue overcoats for this campaign. Like the French Grenadiers, the old bearskin plate of the Italian Guard originally bore a single grenade (with the Italian plate also bearing the letters R and I). By 1805, new bearskin plates and other uniform items bore the crowned imperial eagle. This was the start of a slow process that would eventually put the Imperial stamp on the entire Grand Armee; the Imperial Eagle was introduced first to the Imperial Guards. The elite nature of the Guard could be found even in the quality of their muskets. They used a basic 1777-pattern, but Guard muskets were made especially for them, to a higher standard and with brass fittings. From early 1805, recruits for every Guard unit joined as ‘Velites’, distinguished only by the fact they were not permitted to wear epaulettes. It is unclear whether the Italian Royal Velite had a separate white uniform, as in latter years; this may not have been the case in 1805. * Contemporary sources point to the Italian Guard having a similar shako plate to the French Guard. Kobell, in a print of a review of the army of Italy in 1807 shows the Guard already wearing the silvered shako plate with an imperial eagle design. A further unsigned print from

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1806 in (ASKB archive) of a seated Guard Grenadier with a green jacket also shows an imperial eagle plate. Suhr shows an Italian Grenadier in 1806 with a brass grenade plate and the letters RI either side of the central embossed grenade but he wears the uniform of a Line Grenadier from an Italian Line Regiment- not a Guardsman.

Figure 66: Regimental Fifer – Grenadiers a pied of the Imperial Guard Figure 67: Pioneer Corporal– Pioneer Battalion of the ‘Pionniers Noir ‘– Line of Communications An army of the 1800s was like a travelling town. Not only did civilian traders, contractors and family members followed in its wake, but the army itself reflected society at large. Even in the armies of the consulate and early Empire, the behaviour of different ranks reflected their social class and status. In barracks, the regiment had craftsmen and services not dissimilar to those of a market-town, with cobblers, barbers, surgeons, carpenters, tailors, bakers and seamstresses, sutlers and laundrywomen. On campaign, with forced marches and the dangers of enemy contact, many of these people would be left behind; however, some would also accompany the regiment or the supply train, particularly if they had important roles. The fifer in Figure 66 is a case in point. Based on an 1801-1803 watercolour by Potrelle of a child-fifer, he was almost certainly the son or orphan of a Guardsman. The fifer’s uniform was a colourful deviation from the more standardised drummer’s uniform. It was probably specially tailored for the child by one of the regiment’s seamstresses. It was common to find 15-year olds in armies of the period, and fifers and drummers could be even younger. Segur’s memoir recalls an incident before the battle, where Napoleon’s aides found a roadside house for the Emperor to stay the night: We had evicted all the soldiers occupying the house but the drummer boy refused to leave, saying that there was plenty of room for everybody; that he was wounded and cold; that he was very comfortable, and that he meant to stop there. On hearing this, Napoleon began to laugh, saying: “He must be allowed to remain, since he’s made such a point of it.” So that night the Emperor and the drummer slept side by side, surrounded by a circle of generals and high dignitaries, who were standing whilst waiting for orders. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

The French army also reflected its links with society as a whole. The colonies and slavery were very much part of this social order.

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The colonial wars between France and England and more recently between France and General Toussaint L’Ouverture’s Haitian Republic had brought many Haitians into the French army. Former colonial soldiers or slaves who had fought with or against the French, they appear in many sources.* One celebrated Haitian unit was the ‘Pionniers Noir’ Battalion formed in 1803 under the leadership of Joseph Damingue, the son of a former slave. ‘Citizen Domingue’ had a successful military career, rising through the ranks as a Chasseur a Cheval in the Guard, serving with distinction and earning the nickname of ‘Hercules’. Earlier, as an officer in Napoleon’s Guard, he was cited in one of Napoleon’s reports: “I ordered Citizen Hercules, an officer of my Guides to choose twenty-five men from his company, to follow the Adige river for half a league and then fall to the gallop on the back of the enemy, sounding several trumpets. This charge succeeded perfectly. The enemy infantry fled.” Domingue’s Pioneers were organised like a standard infantry battalion, being involved in a number of battles, sieges and engagements during the 1805 campaign. Their main role was to support the lines of communication in the same way as the ‘Ouvriers’ supported the artillery. Pioneers constructed and guarded depots, siege-works, fortifications and roads; a role which became increasingly problematic and dangerous with Napoleon’s extended campaigns. They wore a brown version of the standard infantry uniform, like many other supply-train troops. Domigue appears to have been a popular leader with his men, defending their claim to equal status. In 1805 they were fighting with the French Army of Italy, pursuing Archduke Charles’ larger Austrian army. Two weeks after Austerlitz, the Pionniers Noir battalion was involved in heavy fighting on the frontier with Austria, sustaining significant casualties; Domingue was seriously wounded and thereafter retired from military service. At the end of the year, the regiment was reformed as the ‘Royal African Regiment’ and henceforth served with the Army of Naples. *Lejeune, Gerard and Lethiere are three artists who show black-african soldiers fighting for the French in this period. They were very much a part of the Grand Armee.

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Figure 68: Voltigeur – Regiment of 15th Leger – Defending Tellnitz and Sokolnitz Figure 69: Carabinier Corporal – Regiment of the 2nd Leger - Carabinier Company of the 1st Grenadier Battalion – attached to the Grenadier Reserve Division Figure 70: Chasseur Corporal – Regiment of the 26th Leger – 2nd Battalion - Defending Sokolnitz The French ‘Leger’ Light Infantry regiments considered themselves an elite in an army which had developed an intricate system of meritocratic elitism. In 1805, they still maintained their light infantry specialism, with all lightinfantrymen trained in open-order skirmishing, including marksmanship and paired skirmish-teams. They were also assigned roles which called for fighting in broken terrain or in the defence of villages and towns. Each Army Division had one Leger regiment to its four standard Line regiments. Nearly all Light Infantry soldiers were armed with the 1777 musket but their appearance and uniform depended on their role within the regiment. As with Line regiments, each Legere battalion had 6 companies, of which two were ‘elites’ (called Carabiniers and Voltigeurs ) with the four remaining companies being called ‘Chasseurs’. Figure 70 shows a standard light-infantry Chasseur of the 26th Leger, wearing a typical uniform of the time.* He has an all-blue uniform, piped white; this includes his coat-tail turn-backs, cuffs and cuff-flaps – only his collar is red. The Light-Infantry coat had a different cut to that of the Line Infantry, having short tails and different lapels. The blue breeches are similar to that of the line, with the exception that they buttoned onto short gaiters under the knee; the short gaiters sometimes had coloured braid on the upper edge, ending in a tassel. Boots were only worn by officers. Taking pride in his elite status, every Chasseur wore epaulettes, usually green with red piping and carried the cloth-badge of the hunting horn on their coat-tails. They also carried a ‘briquet’ short-sword, sometimes with a sword knot (also in green). Epaulettes were originally metal and fabric armoured strips designed to protect the shoulders from sword cuts. By the 1800s they had become a symbol of status and rank.

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The uniform was completed by the new 1803 shako which usually had a leather peak and reinforcement. These shakos are either shown with a brass lozenge plate (embossed with the hunting horn symbol and stamped with the regimental number) or without any front-ornament at all. ** The standard tricolore cockade and plume were either placed on the right of the shako or on the front and usually fixed to a button by two cords. A coloured plaited-cord and raquettes could be fixed to the shako, sometimes green but more usually white for Chasseurs. All other equipment was as for Line Infantry. However, within this standard uniform, existed a plethora of minor variations, which made each regiment’s uniform slightly different. Figures 70 and 69 also carry plumes made from a single coloured feather, which appears in a few sources for the period, including Giesler and Muller/Vaquirron – this may have been a type of temporary plume worn only on campaign. Carabiniers were the Light-Infantry equivalent of Grenadiers. They wore a bearskin, officially 29cm high, shorter than the 35cm Grenadier bearskin, though in sources they appear to be of various heights and patterns. The Carabinier plume and raquette-cords were invariably red, as were the epaulettes. Martinet also shows the 2nd Leger as having red cuffs and cuff-flaps, another regimental variation. Light infantry regiments also had their own Voltigeur Companies, an elite within an elite. Their ranks were open to those who demonstrated bravery and ability but lacked the height for the Carabiniers. Voltigeur distinctions varied, but common traits in this early period (which appear in more than one contemporary source) included red raquettes and cords, a yellow over green plume, green epaulettes piped either red or yellow and a yellow collar. Whether they considered themselves fortunate or not, the 2nd Leger Carabiniers and Voltigeurs*** had been detached from their own regiment and placed in a temporary ‘Grenadier Reserve Division’. They saw no fighting at all and only arrived on the battlefield in time to help round up allied prisoners. Barres describes the make-up of this powerful body of Reserve infantry: Closely following the 1st Corps (who formed the 2nd wave of assault on the Heights) we also began our march. We were to be the Army’s Reserve Corps made up of 20 elite battalions, including 8 of the Guard, 2 of the Royal Italian Guard and 10 of Grenadiers and Voltigeurs from the Line regiments. Behind us marched the cavalry of the Guard and then several battalions of foot-dragoons.

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These elite battalions were formed in column, separated by Division. Between each interval were some 80 cannons and limbers. Title : Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] Author : Barrès, Jean-BaptisteAuguste (1784-1848). (Paris) 1923

The fate of the 15th and 26th Leger, fighting in Sokolnitz and Tellnitz was very different. They were engaged in several hours of bloody hand to hand fighting, involving successive attacks and counterattacks. Both regiments were at Sokolnitz, though the Voltigeurs of the 15th Legere were sent to reinforce Tellnitz. The village of Sokolnitz was captured and recaptured four times during the course of the day, as the same buildings changed hands multiple times. Further north, Sokolnitz castle also changed hands several times, with the fighting ranging across outbuildings, granaries and a walled woodland called the Pheasantry. The castle itself was an imposing late-medieval fortified house, based around a central courtyard. Colonel Pouget of the 26th Leger describes rallying his battalion within Sokolnitz village: We were attacked by a Corps of Russian Grenadiers, possibly 12,000 strong and supported by 30 cannon. My regiment was supported by some artillery and some cavalry, which couldn’t deploy because of the broken ground. From one side we were attacked by grapeshot and from the other with the bayonet; the grapeshot caused terrible casualties. ... Riding into the village, I dismounted and was immediately was thrown down by an explosion of dirt and stones launched at me with such force that I was bloodied and almost blinded. It was the impact of a cannon ball that had landed just 3 feet from me. I went to the centre of my men, and told them to defend their position with the courage we were known for...Throughout this desperate fighting, the Vivandieres (female sutlers who sold brandy and food) of the 26th showed equal courage to the men, bringing us brandy to drink in the most dangerous moments, refusing all payment. Souvenirs de guerre du général Bon Pouget, publiés par Mme de Boisdeffre, née Pouget. (30 juillet 1894.) Author : Pouget, Général Bon. 1895

Pouget’s account shows how the fighting between French and Russians was often merciless: There remained in the village a large number of dead and wounded of both armies. A Russian soldier, who had a wounded thigh, refused all help offered to him. One of our Chasseurs, not thinking him a threat, was careless enough to leave his loaded weapon within reach; the Russian managed to shoot the Chasseur. The Chasseur wasn’t killed but this fanatic was bayoneted on the spot.

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* The 3 light infantry figures are based on depictions by Giesler, Suhr, Auguste, Muller/Vaquirron and Martinet ** Although Lozenge plates with hunting horn motifs were frequently worn, there is no contemporary evidence for metal hunting –horn badges being worn on Leger shakos. ***Half of the ‘Grenadier Reserve Division’ was actually made up of Voltigeurs.

The Artillery and Supply Train The French revolution had cleared the way for a new generation of artillery officers, chosen and promoted on merit. However, it was an earlier and very different revolution that had transformed the French artillery into arguably the best in the world. Led by General de Gribeauval, the Inspector of Royal Artillery, the 1760s saw a root and branch reinvention of the French artillery that affected almost every detail of procedure, equipment and organisation. This was a long-term, far-sighted reform, financed by the monarchy, though its rewards would be reaped by Revolutionary France. Guns were standardised as 4, 8 and 12 pounders. All equipment was standardised and produced to detailed models and templates. The principle for these templates was that each piece of a gun-carriage, limber or ammunition wagon (caisson) should be identical and therefore interchangeable, aiding repairs in the field. Gun-carriages were also made lighter, stronger and to a specific design. Small but important innovations included the use of poles to turn and aim guns, bricoles (rope and slings) to manually move guns forward, multi-use tools (like the ramrod-sponge) and a new gun-sight aiming system. All this was supported by a system of procuring raw materials – including timber-stocks that had been aged appropriately in order to build carriages. Every single piece of equipment, ordnance and procedure was meticulously redesigned with all the scientific fervour of the enlightenment, with the aim of making the guns quicker, lighter and deadlier.

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The revolution added two innovations to the Gribeauval system it inherited. The first was Horse Artillery and the second was the new 6-pounder gun. By 1805, the first 6-pounders were already in use. Copied from the Austrians, it was considered a better battlefield gun than the heavy 8-pounders and the less effective 4-pounders. Nevertheless, the basis of France’s technological revolution in artillery had been created by pre-Revolutionary France, with the Empire capitalising on this inheritance, but introducing comparatively few of its own innovations. Figure 71: ‘Ouvrier’ Artilleryman – 12th Battery-Company of 5th Foot Artillery Regiment– supporting the first-wave assault on the Pratzen Heights Figure 72: ‘Ramrod’ Gunner (Cannonier)– 5th Battery-Company of 1st Foot Artillery Regiment – Northern Sector. The use of combined-arms assaults by the Grand Armee was on a level rarely matched by the allies. A key to this, was their use of artillery. The artillery supporting the three regiments of St Hilaire (in their assault of the Heights above the village of Pratze) was a Foot-Artillery Battery with about 8 guns – mainly 8pounders and 4-pounders. The French Battery-Company was the operational unit of the Artillery, with regiments being organisational structures. Yet over half the men in any 230man Battery-Company were not gunners. They were Gun-handlers, artillerytrain drivers or ‘ouvriers’ – all men who supported the movement and positioning of the guns using 4 and 6-horse limbers and caissons and sometimes brute strength. The limbers towed the guns, whilst the caissons were covered wagons carrying ammunition and ordnance. It is true that all allied armies had similar support systems, but the speed of French artillery and its co-ordination with the infantry was unmatched. The Austrian officer, Major Mahler was able to watch how St Hilaire’s 12th Artillery Battery entered the battle: The Russian infantry, still without their superior officers, remained perfectly formed in line and then moved forward to attack. The French

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Infantry Columns did not react at first. Then, they opened up their ranks, revealing cannon hidden in their midst and manoeuvred there by their gun crews. These cannon fired a salvo of canister that destroyed the Russian attack completely. Mahler Major – Tagebucher ans dem Jahre 1805 – Mittheilungen des K und K Kriegs Archive 6 1881

The same battery was then able restock with more ammunition and react to further counterattacks launched by the Russians led by General Kamensky, and then by the Austrians. General Thiebault describes what happened: I ordered Commander Fontenay to load every gun with a double round of cannonball and grapeshot. He pointed out that this would ruin the guns, but I replied, ‘As long as they last ten minutes, they’ll have done their job.’ I ensured each gun was aimed at a distance of 30 or 40 metres (to the front of the infantry) and laid 10 cases of grapeshot and ten of round-shot by each gun. I then told the infantry to aim well before firing, aiming for the enemy’s belts and for the centre of each platoon, to make each musket-shot count. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 / publiés sous les auspices de sa fille, Mlle Claire Thiébault, d'après le manuscrit original par Fernand Calmettes Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895

The fact that this foot-artillery battery was able to repel successive counterattacks for two hours, remaining in the front line and supplied with powder and ammunition, is an example of the technical efficiency of the French artillery. ‘Ouvriers’ (engineer-workmen) and gun-handlers were part of the artillery support team that created this efficiency; though it is unclear how far these two roles overlapped. The Gun-handler’s role focussed on the practical tasks of moving and manoeuvring the guns. In doing this, they often used the ‘bricole’ – a rope and sling device which allowed them to pull the gun forward at marching pace. Guns also remained permanently tied to limbers (by a length of rope called a prolongue) so that they could be immediately dragged away from a danger point. Maintaining this highly mobile system of vehicles were the ouvriers. The ouvriers or engineer-workmen were the versatile, practical mechanics of the artillery vehicles and guns. Guns moving at speed placed incredible stresses on equipment and the ouvriers monitored and managed these problems. Each regiment had its company of ouvriers, with a small number attached to each battery. The gunners (Cannoniers) worked in teams of six gunners for each medium and heavy gun; their roles were similar to those of the allied artillery and included,

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Ramrod, Munitioner, Firer, Charger, Aimer and Commander. The Munitioner would usually keep a distance from the gun with a pack animal, moving munitions from a powder caisson kept at a safer 30-40 metre distance. The Ramrod-Gunner swabbed the gun after firing and then pushed in the new charge. French artillery also had their own pontoneers - specialists tasked to bridge river crossings and construct pontoon bridges. Each Corps at Austerlitz had its own company of pontoneers and ouvriers; whilst large Army-Corps like 5th Corps also had engineer companies of miners and sappers who specialised in siege works. The uniform of the Foot-Artillery and ouvriers was based on an entirely blue version of the standard infantry uniform, with artillery distinctions. For the gunners of the foot-artillery, this included blue or very dark blue facings for lapels, collars, shoulder straps, cuffs and cuff flaps.* These were always piped red, with red coat-tail turn-backs. Regulations prescribed blue facings for the artillery and black for the engineers, but sources show artillery gunners with very dark-blue (almost black) facings throughout this period. The ouvriers had red facings on lapels, collars and cuffs and cuff-flaps, without piping; this may also have applied to the gun-handlers. There are no contemporary sources for Pontoneer uniforms for this period, although sources for the republic show Pontoneers dressed in a surtout and red braided waistcoat uniform, very similar to that worn by the Imperial Guard Horse artillery; except that they are also shown wearing round-hats with the brim upturned ‘Corsehut’ fashion. As specialist engineers, they would also have had black facings. All artillerymen appear to have had blue grenade badges on their coat-tail turnbacks. Gaiters were black and are shown either long (above the knee) or short. Bicorns usually carried red plumes or red pompoms. On campaign, sources show them wearing blue or dark coloured overall-trousers. Their right-shoulder cross-belts carried briquet short swords and their left-shoulder belt carried a Port-fire case (for Gunners) or cartridge box (for supporting artillerymen); both appeared identical and both bore a brass crossed-cannon badge. Gunhandlers carried musketoons, as they were also expected to protect the guns, when the need arose.** They were usually equipped with the 1801 artillery musketoon; at 130cm long it was a shorter, more manageable version of the standard 152cm Charleville infantry musket. The longer dragoon musketoon (145cm long) was also used. * Weiland, Seele and Rugendas, painting in the period 1800-1807, show artillerymen with dark blue cuffs and facings piped red, although Auguste shows red cuffs.

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** Vaquirron-Muller, Weiland, Suhr, Vernet, Hoffman and Auguste and Seele are some of the artists who produced depictions of artillerymen from the early Empire or before – there are also numerous unsigned paintings and prints. Throughout this period, the foot artillery uniform changed little. In 3 separate contemporary illustrations where guns are being manoeuvred through mountains (two paintings showing the crossing of the Alps) the artillerymen dragging or accompanying the guns have the red facings of the ouvriers.

Figure 73: Gun Commander – 3rd Battery Company of 2nd Horse Artillery Regiment – First-wave assault on Pratzen Heights Figure 74: Bombadier – 3rd Battery Company of the Horse Artillery of the Imperial Guard (Italian Royal Horse Artillery) – supporting the Guard Chasseurs a Cheval If the French Artillery had become the model for all other armies, the French Horse Artillery in 1805 was still unparalleled. Developed in the revolutionary and consular wars in Italy and Germany, nations like Russia were only just beginning to emulate it. The Horse-Artillery wasn’t merely mobile; it was designed to attack aggressively with cannon, in close co-operation with cavalry. Unsupported cavalry had never been able to attack disciplined infantry in squares, but Horse-Artillery provided a solution. Gun-teams rode into battle on horseback and were dressed and armed like the cavalry they supported. Guns would be driven by fast 6-horse limbers and the whole Battery of 4-8 guns would keep pace with the cavalry. The cavalry would then stop short of enemy infantry, just out of musket range, forcing them into a defensive square formation; at this point, the Horse-Artillery came in to its own. Guns could be unlimbered and fired within a matter of seconds, usually at extremely close range, firing canister or grape shot. Canister rounds contained several hundred musket-sized pellets and the effect would be like an explosive burst of machine-gun fire. When used properly, a Horse Gun battery could destroy an infantry battalion in square within minutes. The effect of the Horse-Artillery’s fire on the Russian Guard was devastating; At the place where this terrible fighting had taken place, an entire row of Alexander’s poor young Horse Guards lay dead, all with wounds to their front.

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In the places where the Russian Guard infantry had stood were other similar rows of dead and wounded. There were also lines of abandoned knapsacks, which the Russian infantry always placed on the ground before battle. The Russian Guard could still be seen retreating under direct fire from our Guard artillery, with which Commander Doguereau was destroying their ranks. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

Artillery fire could be exceptionally accurate in conditions of good visibility. Horse-Artillery Captain Levavasseur provides an example of this, describing an event prior to the battle: I had, among the men of my battery, Gun-aimers of superb skill in judging the distances and the degree of trajectory to be given to the cannon. From a distance we saw Austrian officers riding on reconnaissance; my gunners amused themselves by trying to get them into aim. Just then, Murat arrived on horseback. One of my gunners, wishing to show his skill, whispered to me: "Mon Commandant, I’ve got that Austrian in my sights – he’s yours if you want him.” " Shoot, "I said to him. The shot went off and at a distance we saw the officer fall from his horse. He immediately jumped up and took the saddle and horse equipment off (the dead animal) and fled before my men could get a second shot. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-decamp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

There were 36 companies of Horse-Artillery in the French army in 1805, considerably less than the 160 companies of Foot-Artillery. Each company had 4 officers and about 100 artillerymen serving a battery of four guns and two howitzers. The guns were usually 4-pounders although some companies may have been equipped with new 6-pounders. Each Battery-Company would have included specialists like farriers, blacksmiths and trumpeters. The uniforms of the Horse-Artillery followed those of the French light-cavalry, and could be every bit as idiosyncratic. Before 1800, sources often show them as flamboyantly varied, often adopting a mix of equipment from different branches of the cavalry; one Weber print shows gunners wearing a version of the dragoon helmet. By 1805, they had begun to be more standardised. In particular, the Horse artillery uniform followed that of the Chasseurs a cheval, with one uniform based on the dolman and another based on the Habit-Long, both used contemporaneously.

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The Gun Commander in Figure 73 wears the standard uniform.* It was based on a blue Dolman, blue breeches and short light-cavalry boots. 14-16 rows of red braid were fixed to 3 columns of brass buttons. Braid, lace and piping were red and a red/yellow barrel-sash was worn with the dolman (there is no source evidence for red and blue sashes in this period). Pelisses do not appear to have been worn and they do not feature in contemporary sources. Blue riding trousers were often worn over the regulation breeches. Another style of uniform that was gaining popularity from 1800 onwards was the cavalry version of the infantry coat, known as a Habit-Long; this was worn over a short braided jacket (often referred to as a ‘waistcoat’, though it had sleeves). The Imperial Guard Bombadier in Figure 74 wears this. The coat had lapels, long tails with red turn-backs and red lining, red pointed cuffs and red piping. The Habit-Long coat is shown with braided trefoil straps and red aiguillettes were worn on the left shoulder. Buttons were embossed with the artillery ‘crossed-cannons’ symbol and sometimes a regimental number. Horse-Artillery riding trousers are often shown with a red stripe along the outer buttoned seam. With regards to horse furniture, the sabretache (hussar-satchel), saddle cloth and valise (cavalry knap-sack) were all blue with a red border; the sabretache is shown by Suhr and Duplessis Bertaux as having a red regimental number on a blue background, circled by a green leaf garland; a red border runs along the outside edge. A small port-fire pouch decorated with crossed cannons was fixed to a 7cm-wide white strap on the left shoulder. Standard light-cavalry swords like the 1802 Light Cavalry sabre, the older chasseur sabre or the 1786 Hussar sabre were their side-arms (see below). In addition, some gunners were also armed with pistols carried in saddle-holsters. The main development in Horse Artillery uniforms was the universal adoption of peaked shakos in 1805, ornamented with red raquette cords and red plumes. Figure 73 wears an older ‘1801’ model shako. This early style of shako had a detachable peak and was more conical in shape than the new shorter bell-shaped shakos. ** Guard-artillerymen wore a black artillery-colpack, only worn by the Guard. This appears to have been a smaller (more workman-like) version of the Chasseur colpack. *Horse artillery appear more frequently than foot artillery in paintings and prints of the period. Lejeune, Henschel, Seele, Muller, Suhr, Duplessis Bertaux, Weiland, Friederich Camp and Rugendas are some of the many artists ( and contemporaries) who chose to portray them. **The new shako with brass imperial eagle does not appear in sources until 1806, although the first examples may well have been issued in 1805.

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Figure 75: Sergeant of Artillery Train – Supporting 5th Corps – Northern Sector of the Battlefield. Figure 76: Farrier of Artillery Train – Supporting 5th Corps – Northern Sector of battlefield Figure 77: Foreman of Military Supply Depot – ‘Equipage Militaire’ Grand Armee At Austerlitz, each Artillery Battery was allocated a Company of Artillery-Train Drivers, numbering about 100 men. Their role was to drive and manage the 4 and 6-horse vehicles serving each gun. A large gun like an 8-pounder or 12pounder required a limber drawn by a team of 6 horses as well as two caissonwagons carrying ‘fixed’ ready-prepared ammunition. One of these wagons would usually be ferrying extra ammunition from the ‘artillery park’, kept well to the rear of the army. All these vehicles needed a trained, disciplined group of specialist drivers, who could manage horses on the battlefield and manage high explosive supplies safely. An artillery-train company included about 100 privates, NCOs, officers and specialists, including blacksmiths, farriers, saddlers and harness-makers. Although Napoleon ensured that his Artillery-Train was given the highest priority, he was less attentive to supplies for the rest of his army. Napoleon had set up the Artillery-Train in the early Consulate, but transport and supply services for the army at large was still mainly handled by civilian contractors, delivering supplies to depots and forward depots; non-combatant drivers from each regiment were then meant to carry supplies to individual battalions. It was not until 1807 that the ‘Military Train’ for the rest of the army was formally set up, taking the Artillery Train as its model. However, a military supply train or ‘Equipage Militaire’ already existed before then, partly manned by civilians and state employees, partly by military personnel. This emergent supply system could never keep pace with Napoleon’s demands for rapid troop movements.*

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During campaigns the army always operated far ahead of its established supply depots, being expected to forage for the majority of its supplies. The Military Supply train never achieved the efficiency of the Artillery Train. This meant that French armies were pushed to the very limits of discipline and endurance, with disastrous consequences if things went wrong. Segur records that even on the Austerlitz campaign, the French army was beginning to unravel: It must be admitted that from Güntzberg to Pfaffenhoffen, the army was in chaotic disorder; the rutted roads were full of our wagons stuck in the mud and with the bodies of horses dying of hunger and fatigue; our wagon-drivers couldn’t cope. Our soldiers roamed everywhere in rabbles across fields looking for food; others wasted their ammunition shooting at game. With all this random firing and stray bullets, one had the impression of being on the front-line. It was dangerous to be near the army and impossible to maintain order. After all, the men were foraging on the orders of their own officers, and soldiers without rations can only live by pillaging. The Emperor passed by without appearing to notice any of this disorder; an inevitable consequence of our many rapid troop movements. Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873

Elzear Blaze recalls how pillaging French soldiers would completely destroy the food stocks and animals in the farms they passed through, leaving peasants and farmers destitute. The Uniform of the Artillery Train was based on a short tailed, grey-blue version of the infantry ‘Habit’ coat, with waistcoat and breeches. Horse-drivers and riders wore knee-length riding boots and all personnel wore the bicorn. Figure 75 has brown facings (based on Suhr) and contemporary sources show both brown facings and a plain grey-blue jacket, without any coloured lapels. The dark-blue lapels which became standard after 1807, are first shown by Rugendas in 1806 and then by Martinet and Weiland after 1807. Figure 75 carries an Artillery-Train short-sword, which was shorter and wider than the infantry bricole. He has a double pompom and a cloth-tie on his bicorn, a feature that often appears in contemporary sources. He leads a horse with a standard artillery train harness. The grey-blue cloth used for Train uniforms could only be sourced in Germany, and was often replaced with brown cloth in other theatres of war, the cheapest and most readily available colour-dye. The light-blue plain single-breasted jacket worn by the Farrier in Figure 76 was also a common uniform for Train personnel. It may have been a light-blue

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version of the white infantry ‘waistcoat’ jacket. This was worn underneath the ‘Habit’ coat on campaign or by itself for fatigue duties. In 1805, the Military Supply Service or ‘Equipage Militaire’ already had a uniform based on a brown version of the standard train uniform, often with light blue lapels. The Supply Depot Foreman in Figure 77 is based on a Giesler watercolour from 1806, showing equipage personnel distributing meat and bread to soldiers. By 1806, these men already wore a simple uniform, consisting of brown overcoats with facing-colours and bicorns. The Foreman’s bicorn was distinguished by a white upper band. *Auguste’s Tableau des Uniformes lists the equipage as a uniformed service as early as 1806 and figure 77 is based on Giesler.

Figure 78: Chasseur Sergeant - Chasseur of the Equipage Militaire – Grand Armee Figure 79: Gendarme Sergeant - Mounted Military Gendarme – Grand Armee The role of protecting the Supply Train and supply routes was usually given to allied troops. In 1805, it was partly the Bavarian army who ensured that the Grand Armee’s supplies were maintained. However, Suhr’s prints also show a Supply-Train cavalryman in 1806, uniformed in a brown and light blue version of the Chasseur-a-cheval uniform. He wears light blue epaulettes, identifying him as a member of an ‘elite’ unit within the Train. He also carries a light cavalry sabre and sabretache. He wears a new 1806-pattern* cavalry shako with a white metal imperial eagle. In 1805, Artillery and Army Supply-Train Battalions already had ‘elite’ units. These units possibly operated like the standard Artillery Train Companies of 50100 men, being allocated to particular artillery units or army divisions. Their roles would have been to escort and protect vulnerable supply columns. In 1805, the Gendarmes were another important branch of the military who ensured that lines of supply and communication were maintained. By 1804, they were already big enough to become a separate Army-Corps with an ‘Inspector General of Gendarmes’, their own General Staff and over 15,000 armed men, two thirds of them cavalry. The Corps of Gendarmes was further subdivided into battalion-sized ‘legions’ with small 6-man ‘brigades’ being the operational units.

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The Gendarmerie also had ‘elite’ Mounted Gendarmes, with a uniform based on a single-breasted long-tailed surtout, shown in Figure 79. Although they shared the role of all Gendarmes in imposing French law and regulations in Imperial territories, this branch of the Gendarmerie focussed on keeping order within the army itself and enforcing military law. Even the Imperial Guard had its own Gendarmes d’Elite. Elzear Blaze’s memoirs record the severe, indiscriminate nature of martial law. As soon as regimental supplies arrived, orders were issued to stop all further pillaging, punishable by death. There was one thing I could never approve of and which I always remember with great bitterness. It was the severity with which we punished pillaging, often the very day after it had been tacitly approved for several weeks. The moment the order (to stop pillaging) was given, woe betide the man who broke the order, for that day would be his last. In one campaign, a Voltigeur from my own regiment was executed just for stealing a woman’s black shawl to make himself a new neck-tie. Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,...Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888

The Gendarme in Figure 79 carries a modern dragoon An-IX musketoon but an older type of cavalry sabre, dating from the 1790s. Known as a ‘Petite Montmorency’ sabre’ it was still in use with rear-echelon units and some dragoons. It had a short slightly curved blade, 78cm long. They originally equipped the pre-revolutionary armies and were often decorated with the royalist fleur-de-lys; but this model has the post-revolution fleuron hilt with a Phrygianhat pommel– the symbol of the early revolution. Another similar looking sword favoured by officers in the Gendarmes was the ‘Marechaussee’ sword, the sword of the old Royalist Gendarmes. Both were light practical duelling weapons. France in 1805 still had strong links with its colonial Haitian territories, which it had only just lost. Napoleon, in particular, wanted to flaunt France’s claim to being a world Empire. Colonial emigres, including the children of slaves, had returned to France and found a place within the French revolutionary armies, quite often holding high rank.

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One example is Guillaume Guillon Lethiere, the artist who painted the ‘Capture of the Tabor Bridge’ for the 1805 campaign. He was the son of a Black-African slave and of mixed parentage. Another successful French soldier with Haitian parentage was Thomas Alexandre Dumas (father of Alexander Dumas). He rose to become a general, serving with Napoleon in Italy and Egypt. Dumas’ address to his troops in Italy captures some of the ideas of this revolutionary era - ideas which sat uneasily with Napoleon’s new Empire: “Your comrade, a soldier and General in Chief was born in a climate and amongst men for whom the idea of liberty was prized and who fought for it. Sincere in his love of liberty and equality and convinced that all free men are equals, he will be proud to march before you. And this coalition of tyrants will learn that they are loathed equally by men of all colours.” The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal, and the Real Count of Monte Cristo Author: Tom Reiss Publisher: Crown Publishing Group Publication date: 2012

*Misleadingly called the 1806 shako, this shako is also shown in one of Barbier’s 1805 paintings of the 2 nd Hussars in bivouac the night before the battle. In fact, it had already begun to be supplied in 1805.

Figure 80: Private – Foot Gendarme – Grand Armee More than any other institution, the 15,000-strong Gendarmes Corps embodied France’s Imperial power in occupied or annexed territories. Their GeneralStaff saw their mission as that of ‘enforcers’ of French political and Imperial law and power. The Gendarmerie followed in the wake of any major campaign, establishing bases in captured towns, along the lines of communication and controlling roads through checkpoints. Although they were organised as ‘Legions’, their tactical units were based on small 6-man ‘brigades’. With banditry and a sometimes hostile populations, it was often a difficult and dangerous role. As the Empire grew, so did the Corps. In 1805, the uniform for both mounted and Foot-Gendarmes was based on the basic infantry uniform. However, their breeches and waistcoats were buff coloured; the coat had red facings, cuffs and turn-backs. The Gendarmes-Corps saw themselves as an elite and wore red epaulettes. Other distinctions included: a gold tassel fixed to the right side of their waistcoat; red pompoms on their bicorns and distinctive buff cross-belts with white borders. Most mounted Gendarmes were similarly dressed, though their uniform included cavalry equipment including tall riding boots. Like other branches in the army, the Gendarmes also appear to have had their own Grenadier Gendarmes, with a similar uniform to the Guard Gendarmes d’Elite, complete with bearskins.

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Punishment by martial law sometimes took the form of execution by firing squad; an exemplary, public punishment which often fell unequally on lower ranks and the poor. Elzear Blaze witnessed many executions, but records one in particular. It was of Claude Francois Malet, ringleader of a failed 1812 coup against Napoleon: I witnessed many of these unfortunate men who died with admirable ‘sangfroid’. But the man who, in my opinion, showed the most incredible courage was an officer called Malet. Taken to the plain of Grenelle with three accomplices, he asked (as leader of the conspiracy) for permission to order fire. “Shoulder...arms!” he cried in a steady voice. “That’s no good, we’ll start again. Stand at ease, everybody. Shoulder...arms! Better – . Platoon...Ready! Aim! Fire!” All fell dead, except Malet who still remained standing, alone. “And what about me, in the name of God... Right then. Reserve platoon, forward! Good. Shoulder...Arms! Aim! Fire!”

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The French Cavalry France’s cavalry had also undergone much needed reform under Napoleon and the Consulate. Above all, it had become a disciplined and more professional force. In the early 1800s cavalry tended to be a weapon that could only be used once; after a cavalry charge, it would take time to regroup a cavalry regiment and rest the horses. A charge also often developed its own momentum, making it difficult to stop, let alone control. Another problem was that cavalry had little effect against disciplined artillery and infantry, formed in defensive squares. Used badly, they could suffer disastrous casualties from canister, grape and musket fire. The French cavalry had, to some extent, been able to overcome these problems. At Austerlitz, French cavalry units were able to maintain their cohesion and their ability to make successive attacks, throughout the battle. They were also disciplined enough to co-ordinate attacks with Horse artillery; avoiding charges which would cause high casualties. This was, in part, due to their high level of training, and in part due to the high ratio of veterans in their ranks. Their equipment and horses were at least as good as those of the Austrians and better than those of the Russians (with the exception of the Russian Guard). In the future, successive years of warfare and attrition were to erode this professional effectiveness. In 1805, French cavalry regiments were also relatively small, cohesive units, with a high esprit de corps. Although a regiment’s peace-time strength was usually about 500 men, the regiments at Austerlitz fielded considerably less. Sickness and casualties during the preceding 4-month campaign had taken their toll. Even a high-profile regiment like the French 2nd Hussars numbered only 320 men at Austerlitz, whilst the 9th and 10th Hussars barely fielded 150 men each. The number of men available to fight may have been smaller still, when one excludes non-combatants, wounded and sick. Within each regiment, one could find even smaller cohesive units like the ‘elite’ companies, always distinguished by their colpacks and uniforms. Each regiment was subdivided in to 3 squadrons with two companies in each squadron; so that a cavalry company at Austerlitz could be as small as 20 men, officers and NCOs included. Compared with the equivalent full-strength

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Russian cavalry regiment of 700-1,300 troopers, French regiments were organised in a radically different way. The cavalry at Austerlitz had been concentrated into a ‘Cavalry Reserve’ under the overall command of Marshal Murat. Every French Corps had contributed its own cavalry division for this Cavalry Reserve. This powerful concentration of cavalry was based in the northern sector of the battlefield. The Cavalry Reserve was organised into 5 Divisions: Heavy Cavalry Dragoons Light Cavalry

2 Divisions: 2 Divisions: 1 Division:

Generals Nansouty and Hautpoul Generals Boye and Walther General Kellermann

The only other cavalry were the 9 regiments of dragoons, chasseurs and Hussars supporting the French defence of Tellnitz and Sokolnitz in the south and several units of foot dragoons kept as a reserve.* *One memoir, of General Pouget, claims that there were two units (he says regiments) of Bavarian cavalry also supporting the French, though this is not corroborated. Furthermore, the 1 st, 2nd and 21st Chasseurs had ‘Austerlitz’ listed as part of their official battle honours. All three regiments appear to have arrived in the vicinity of the battlefield by late evening, and may well have taken part in the pursuit of the allies on the following day.

Figure 81: Chasseur Marechal des Logis (equivalent to SergeantQuartermaster) - 5th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval – Northern Sector Figure 82: Chasseur Sous Lieutenant - Elite company - 5th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval – Northern Sector The Chasseurs a cheval were a distinctively French form of light-cavalry. They had increased in importance throughout the republic and consulate as an alternative to the Hussar regiments, which were viewed as lacking in discipline and political loyalty. The role of the Chasseurs was to be a versatile, all-purpose light cavalry, able to take on every type of difficult or mundane task. Their roles included scouting, reconnaissance, supporting infantry and acting as a forward screen of pickets or skirmishers for the main army. Unlike the Hussars, their uniform was meant to be more standardised and practical. In practice, many Chasseur regiments were often brigaded with Hussars and developed a very similar culture and outlook.

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The 5th Chasseurs are a case in point. By 1805, this regiment of Chasseurs looked every bit as flamboyant as the three Hussar regiments which made up their 1st Army-Corps brigade. The 5th Chasseurs were often depicted by later 19th century artists, because of the chance survival of a painting commissioned by Maximillian de Schauenburg, one of its officers; the artist is unknown. The painting shows troopers from the 5th regiment advancing against cossacks, almost certainly during the 1805-06 campaign. The two troopers in Figure 81 and 82 are based on this source. The 5th Chasseurs were part of the 1st Corps brigade which included 3 other relatively large and well-equipped veteran Hussar regiments; 1,200 troopers in total. This was the best light cavalry brigade in the army and Kellermann used them again and again throughout the day in charges against opposing allied cavalry, with heavier dragoons and cuirassiers acting as a reserve. Chasseur officer Parquin’s memoirs describe a clash between Chasseurs and Russian Dragoons, one year after Austerlitz. The French Chasseurs had been ordered to shoulder fire-arms: This huge mass of Russian dragoons was still advancing on us at a trot, but our Colonel remained impassive. But when the Russians were down to just six paces, the Colonel ordered: ‘ Fire!’ This command was carried out as if we’d been on a training exercise. The effect of this discharge was devastating. Almost all the first row of Russian dragoons were shot down. There was a few seconds of hesitation, but then the second rank of dragoons rode past their dead and wounded comrades and charged at us. Without the presence of mind of Captain Kermann, our regiment would have been in trouble because a horde of cossacks had also galloped up on our left, outflanking us. The Captain ordered his squadron to turn and meet this other threat, countering the cossacks. Finally, this mass of dragoons, which must have been twice our number, turned back, unable to cut their way through us. However, as they retired the men of the 27th Ligne, formed in square, devastated them with volley-fire. We sustained heavy losses with over 100 casualties, but the Russians had lost several times as many. Title : Souvenirs et campagnes d'un vieux soldat de l'Empire : 1803-1814 (3e éd.) / par le commandant Parquin ; avec une introduction par le capitaine A. Aubier Author : Parquin, Denis-Charles (1786-1845). Auteur du texte Publisher : BergerLevrault (Paris) Date: 1848

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The uniform of the 5th Chasseurs serves to illustrate both the standard uniform and how it was modified by individual regiments. Figure 81 wears the basic dolman jacket worn by all Chasseur regiments, sometimes referred to as a ‘caracot’. It was green for all regiments, with regimental colours on either cuffs, collar or both, and always piped white; it had 14-16 rows of white braid linked to 3 columns of pewter metal buttons. The 5th Chasseurs had their regimental colour (yellow) on their cuffs only. Breeches were also always green, though on campaign leather reinforced riding-trousers were worn (usually over the breeches). In cold weather, either a green pelisse or Habit-Long coat was worn over the dolman. Chasseurs also had the same thick green hooded cloak used by the Hussars (see Figure 88). Boots were standard short lightcavalry boots. By 1805, chasseurs wore peaked shakos; the Sergeant-Quartermaster (Marechal A Logis) in Figure 81 wears the older, conical 1801-model shako with a detachable peak. At 20 cm tall, it was slightly taller than the new model shako which was beginning to be introduced.* His weapons and equipment were standard-issue to all light-cavalry and included double shoulder belts passing over the left shoulder for the carbine clip and the cartridge pouch. Double red chevrons mark the Chasseur in Figure 81 as a veteran of over 15-years experience. He carries an 1801 An-IX light-cavalry carbine and an 1801 An-IX sabre hangs from his right hand by the sabre strap; these were the latest, most modern weapons and highly prized by the Chasseurs; only select regiments had been issued with them. The Chasseurs had always favoured cut and thrust sabres, and the new An-IX sabre was the very best. Its 92cm fullered blade made it longer than the old 1792 chasseur sabre, but it was still light and balanced, with a well-designed triple-bar brass hilt. On campaign, the green Chasseur saddle cloth was replaced by a sheepskin with scalloped edges in the regimental colour. A single cloth valise marked with the regimental number was carried behind the saddle. He would have been armed with one or two pistols in holsters kept under the sheepskin. However, that is where conformity ended, as the 5th Chasseurs developed their own unique uniform,. The 5th allowed its men to continue to wear a yellow shako ‘flamme’ – a length of yellow (or gold for higher ranks) cloth twisted around the shako. Gloves were also yellow and belts were either dyed yellow or covered in gold cloth. Schauenburg’s original painting shows a tremendous amount of variety in the uniforms of his advance company of the 5th Chasseurs, with plumes being black, black with yellow tips, red or white and troopers

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wearing pelisses with 3 columns of braid, 5 columns of braid or just dolmans. Almost every trooper has differences in uniform. Officially, plumes had to be green with facing coloured tips or bases, apart from the elite squadron which wore red – in practice, plume and pompom colours depended on regimental choice and tradition. The saddle and harness for all chasseurs was the light cavalry ‘hussar’ harness. This included a raised saddle, heightened by a wooden frame, traditionally used by Hussars. Figure 82 shows a figure from the same Schauenburg painting. His fur colpack marks him out as an ‘elite’ chasseur; the first company of each regiment were designated as ‘elite’. These elite Chasseurs would usually have followed behind the forward line of skirmishers. As an officer, he wears a pelisse with braiding arranged on five columns of pewter buttons. He also wears a goldfabric studded belt and has a saddle-cloth instead of a sheepskin. The white chrevrons on his arm mark him out as a junior officer – a Sous-Lieutenant.** Regimental Colours for Chasseur a Cheval regiments present at Austerlitz 1st 2nd 5th 11th 16th 21st 22nd 26th

scarlet cuffs & collar scarlet cuffs Yellow cuffs crimson cuffs light blue cuffs & collar orange collar capucine (orange-pink) cuffs & collar madder-red cuffs and collar (following Weiland)

* Although the older shako has been called the ‘1801’ shako, it was in use for a long period both before and after 1801. By 1804-05 a new pattern of shako was being introduced; it had a more visible upper and lower leather reinforcing band and a fixed sloping peak. Although the new shako has been called the ‘1806’ shako, versions of it were already being worn at Austerlitz. With shakos being made by different contractors, at different periods and with different metal badges, there were constant minor variations in both versions of shako. ** The dolman and pelisse jackets of the 5th is fairly representative –Suhr shows the 3rd and 27th Chasseurs similarly dressed and Seele shows similar uniforms for troopers from the 8 th Chasseurs in bivouac. However, the more elaborate elements of the 5th uniform like the flamme may also have been used by other regiments. Knotel also shows the 1st Chasseurs wearing red ‘flammes’ and Suhr shows Chasseur guides of Bernadotte wearing green flammes and Duplessis Bertaux shows the flamme being worn by a chasseur or hussar wearing a peaked shako – all datable to this period.

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Figure 83: Chasseur – Elite Company of 26th Regiment Chasseurs a Cheval – Tellnitz Chasseurs a cheval were also wearing another type of uniform, worn since the early consulate, but gaining prominence from 1805-6. This was the green Habit-long, worn by the Elite Chasseur in Figure 83. A cavalry adaptation of the infantry coat, the Horse Artillery also wore a blue version. Like the infantry coat, it had lapels with 7 buttons on each side. The tails had turn-backs in the regimental colour with hunting horn badges on the turn-backs; the collars, lapels and cuffs bore the regimental colour following the table above, but always piped green. Where the cuffs, lapels or collar remained green, the piping was in the regimental colour. Cuffs were pointed and without flaps or buttons. A ‘waistcoat’ jacket was worn under the Habit-Long; this could be either green or red with white or yellow braiding or even plain white or green. Epaulettes for the 26th appear to have been white with green crescents and the red colpack-bag was also piped white. Many colpacks still had leather chinstraps though metal chinstraps were being introduced. Sources for the 26th Regiment show both the collar and cuffs to have been red.* Breeches were commonly adorned with lace chevrons; the number of chevrons and colour of lace also denoted rank. Breeches with more elaborate lace decorations including trefoils and ‘Hungarian knots’ were only worn by the Guard Chasseurs and Guard Horse Artillery, during this period. The breeches of the 26th had a white stripe along the outer buttoned seam. Horse furniture, valise and sheepskin were similar to that shown in Figures 81 and 82 above, but with the red facings of the 26th. Cold weather clothing was a green woollen cloak with a large hood that could cover a shako or colpack, which was also worn by the Hussars. (see below) Yet another alternative to the Habit-Long worn in this period was a plain singlebreasted surtout, like those worn by some dragoons. Without lapels or piping, it may have been a cheaper alternative, when the Habit-Long was in short supply. This Chasseur is armed with an older 1792 Chasseur a cheval sabre. This was much less curved than the French Hussar sabre and was both a cut and thrust weapon. Although light, its 78cm blade was considerably shorter than the new An-IX sabre and it was not as effective a weapon on the battlefield. The 300 officers and men of the 26th Chasseurs were recruited from Piedmont, an area of northern Italy that had recently been annexed by France. Brigaded with the 11th Chasseurs, it was heavily committed in the fighting around Tellnitz, protecting the flanks and rear of the 3rd Ligne and the Tirailleurs du Po.

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Throughout the day, it would have faced the Austrian Szeckler hussars and cossacks. Chasseur skirmishers advanced on cossacks at their peril, as 20 yearold Denis Parquin of the 20th Chasseurs found to his detriment: In the morning, I found myself with a party of Chasseurs who had volunteered to go on a skirmishing raid. On this occasion, I almost fell victim to my own audacity, in wanting to get too close to cossacks. It was the first time I had ever seen them. Straight away, I galloped, pistol in hand, across the plain towards this group of cossacks and fired when I was only ten paces from them. I thought I saw one of them fall. I then wheeled my horse around to regain my line of skirmishers; but as I did so, the horse slipped on the snow, falling beneath me. At this critical moment I would certainly have been killed or captured, if I hadn’t kept my nerve. I jumped up from under my horse and it also got to its feet. I grabbed the reins and bridle with my arm and aimed my unloaded pistol at the closest cossack who now threatened me with his lance. This bought me enough time to be rescued by the arrival of an officer of the 3rd Hussars, named de Beaumetz, who showed great courage in coming to my aid. In a split second, I had jumped back on to my horse and galloped back to our lines, abandoning my colpack which had fallen to the ground. When I was safe with my skirmishers, I watched the cossacks raising my colpack on the ends of their spears. So I shouted that I would pay them if they returned it. A bargain was reached and I parted with a gold Frederick to get it back. Title : Souvenirs et campagnes d'un vieux soldat de l'Empire : 1803-1814 (3e éd.) / par le commandant Parquin ; avec une introduction par le capitaine A. Aubier

*Examples of the Habit Long and braided waist-coat uniform can be found in Muller/Vaquirron, Suhr, Giesler, Weiland, Voltz, Seele, Ebner and Rugendas and the Zurich Manuscript and Zimmerman; these sources show the uniform being used throughout the consulate and early Empire. There are also numerous unsigned sources. However, the uniform was increasingly used by the Chasseurs and Parquin records that the 20th adopted the Habit-Long as its new uniform in 1806. Figure 83 is based on a Weiland’s print of a 26th Chasseurs, dated as 1807-8. Weiland shows that the uniform had strayed from the official 1791 regulation stating that the 26 th had red cuffs only; an example of how uniform regulations became out-dated over time. Metal covered chinstraps on Chasseur Colpacks were beginning to be adopted during 1805-6 and they can be found in prints by Muller/Vaquirron and in one illustration by Suhr.

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Figure 84: Velite – Chasseurs a Cheval of the Imperial Guard – Garrison at Brunn (see above) Figure 85: Chasseur – Chasseurs a Cheval of the Imperial Guard – Naploeon’s Reserve at Austerlitz The 400 strong Imperial Guard regiment of Chasseurs a Cheval were all picked men, with veteran experience and proven ability. Each rank was equivalent to one rank higher in the rest of the army and pay and conditions were significantly better. Even lower ranks are often shown wearing the Legion d’Honneur. Although Napoleon may have planned to keep them out of the worst of the battle, they happened to reach the Pratzen Heights at the same time as the Russian Imperial Guard cavalry counter-attack. They were therefore involved in the most documented episode of the battle - the cavalry encounter between the French Guard Chasseurs and the Russian Chevalier Guard. Our Chasseurs were just as good as the Mamelukes. However, they were dealing with too strong an adversary. The Russian Imperial Guard were all men of giant stature who fought with determination. Our cavalry ended up being pushed back. Title : Souvenirs d'un vieux grognard , par le capitaine J.-R. Coignet Author : Coignet, Jean-Roch (1776-1865). Auteur du texte Publisher : J. Tallandier (Paris)Publication date : 1912

Supported by the Mamelukes and one squadron of Horse Grenadier Velites, the Guard Chasseurs routed the Russian Guard Hussars and then, in turn, were driven back by the Chevalier Guard. Their commanding officer, General Morland was killed and they suffered about 25% casualties, although only 19 men were officially listed as killed. It is difficult to draw comparisons between them and the Russian Guard cavalry, as the Russians also had to contend with French infantry and artillery. However, the Chasseurs’ actions were impressive, routing a Guard-Hussar regiment nearly twice their size and being able to reform again and then attack the Chevalier Guard. General Rapp describes what happened: Napoleon ordered me to take the Mamelukes, two squadrons of Chasseurs and a squadron of Horse Guards, to reconnoitre the situation. I set off at a gallop and less than a cannon-shot away, I came upon a scene of disaster. The Russian cavalry had destroyed our infantry squares and was sabering our men: Behind this we saw massed reserves of Russian infantry and cavalry. The Russian cavalry regained their formation and turned to face us. At the same time, our Horse Artillery arrived at a gallop, bringing up four cannon, which they fired on the enemy. I advanced in good order with Colonel

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Morland on my left and General Dallemagne on my right. I said to my men: ‘Do you see our brothers trampled to the ground? Avenge them, avenge our flag.’ We hurled ourselves at their artillery which was brushed aside. Their cavalry waited for us without moving, but were hit hard by our charge and were sent fleeing... A squadron of Horse Guards came up to reinforce me. Immediately, the Russian reserves (the Chevalier Guard) counterattacked, coming to the aid of their Guard cavalry. The fighting started again, but this final charge was terrible. Everything went pell-mell and we were fighting man to man, so that our infantry could not risk firing to support us. In the end, our bravery triumphed and the Russians fled in disorder. Emperor Alexander and the Austrian Emperor watched their defeat from some high ground, a little distance from the fighting. They witnessed their Russian Guard, in which they had placed their hopes of victory, cut to pieces by a small group of brave men. Their guns, their equipment and Prince Repnin himself were all in our hands. Sadly, a great number of our men were killed, including Colonel Morland, and I too had sustained a head wound. Title : Mémoires du général Rapp, aide-de-camp de Napoléon , écrits par lui-même et publiés par sa famille Author : Rapp, Jean (1773-1821). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1823

In 1805, the Guard Chasseurs were given an additional squadron of younger recruits called ‘Velites’. These cadet-recruits were meant to gain experience in the Guards, before possibly progressing to officer status in other cavalry regiments. The cadet system was also meant to instil a cult of Imperial loyalty in a generation of future cavalry officers. The Chasseur Velite squadron had been ordered to stay at Brunn with the Guard Gendarmes. However, the Velites of the Horse Guards did participate in the battle. The Guard Chasseurs had both an undress uniform (shown in Fig. 84) as well as a full dress uniform. No expense was spared on the appearance of the Guard, for it served a political purpose, as much as a military one. However, the ‘Velite’ cadets had just one uniform based on the ‘undress’ Habit-Long shown in Figure 84. This uniform had special distinctions worn only by the Guard. Braiding and lace was ‘aurore’ (a golden orange) for lower ranks and gold for officers. Lace on the breeches was arranged in a ‘Hungarian knot’ pattern. However, on the march, the Chasseurs would wear standard green ridingtrousers with a red stripe and buttons on the outer seam. Trefoils were worn on the shoulders with aiguillettes on the left shoulder. The waistcoat is nearly always shown red and braided for Guard Chasseurs in contemporary sources, though there is evidence to show that Velites may have worn a plain unbraided waistcoat. The Velites also wore a simple bicorn and

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were not issued with the more expensive colpack. The Velite in Figure 84 carries an older pattern of carbine, the 1786 carbine and the new 1803 Guardsabre issued only to the Imperial Guard. The full campaign uniform of the Guard Chasseurs in 1805 is illustrated in Figure 85. This is the campaign uniform which the Guard wore at the battle, a detail supported in numerous sources. It was also a uniform that had more in common with the traditional dress of the elite Line Chasseurs and Hussars. He wears a new-model Colpack (27cm high) with metal scales on his chinstrap. His red Pelisse is worn as a jacket, with possibly the green dolman worn underneath. It had 18 rows of braid arranged in 5 columns of brass buttons with outer buttons being smaller. His green hooded cloak has been rolled over his right shoulder, for protection against sabre cuts and cold weather. Green undress breeches have been replaced with doe-skin campaign breeches. Lace and braiding is aurore (golden orange), though officers had gold lace. He carries an older version carbine, a 1786 carbine and the new 1803 Guard-sabre. His Horse has the Guard saddlecloth, green edged with aurore with red piping. The Chasseurs still wore a uniform almost unchanged from the time of the consulate with horse-furniture still decorated with the old hunting horn symbol; only later to be replaced with the Imperial Eagle.* Uniform was important both for morale and for easy-identification. Both armies expected the battle to be fought on the 2nd December and regiments like the Guard Chasseurs wore as much of their formal uniform as they could. * Hippolyte Lecomte painted a Guard Chasseur on campaign in this period wearing the same uniform, with the addition of green and red-striped riding trousers. His Chasseur has the pelisse buttoned along its entire length and Detaille also shows Pelisse worn in this way on campaign; although in later years the pelisse would be worn with only the upper buttons fastened. Although the Pelisse later became a more ceremonial item, in this period it continued to be a practical campaign jacket and appears to have been worn as such. Lejeune and Gerard also show the Guard Chasseurs in campaign uniform at Austerlitz, whilst Henschel, Zimmerman, Weiland and the Augsberg Manuscript are some of the contemporary sources for the Habit-Long uniform, worn by the Velite.

Figure 86: Brigadier (equivalent of Corporal) – 2nd Hussar Regiment Northern Sector Apart from the Chasseurs, the Hussars were the other important branch of French light-cavalry. With traditions stemming back to the early 1700s, they had an older history than the chasseurs. By 1805, their role was identical to

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that of the chasseurs, though their equipment and uniform had important differences. Hussars continued to have a reputation for spontaneous, indisciplined courage and also for harbouring monarchist sympathies; and this may be the reason why Napoleon favoured the Chasseurs as an alternative. Whatever the reason, by 1805 there were twice as many Chasseur regiments. There were only 6 regiments of Hussars at Austerlitz, including the 8th who arrived at the closing stages of the battle. Their uniform colours and distinctions are listed below, though it should be borne in mind that only the Pelisse would have been worn and visible at the battle: Uniforms of Hussar Regiments at Austerlitz 2nd 4th 5th 8th 9th 10th

Brown Pelisse and Sky blue breeches Brown dolman and sky blue cuffs (white lace and buttons) Scarlet Pelisse and dark blue breeches Dark blue dolman and scarlet cuffs (yellow lace and buttons) White Pelisse and Sky blue breeches Sky blue dolman and white cuffs (yellow lace and buttons) Dark Green Pelisse and Scarlet breeches Dark Green dolman and Scarlet collar & cuffs (white lace and buttons) Sky Blue Pelisse and Sky blue breeches Scarlet dolman and sky blue collar & cuffs (yellow lace and buttons Sky Blue Pelisse and Sky blue breeches Sky blue dolman and scarlet collar & cuffs (white lace and buttons)

The 2nd, 4th and 5th Hussars were large and prestigious regiments and together with the 5th Chasseurs formed the Light Cavalry Division of the 1st Army Corps. Each regiment fielded over 300 men. This division was General Kellermann’s most powerful light cavalry force. Backed by heavy Dragoons and Cuirassiers, it was this light cavalry division that intercepted and broke up the early attacks of the Russian Lancers and Elisabethgrad Hussars. It also continued to act as the front line of Murat’s cavalry throughout the remainder of the battle. There are many sources for the 2nd Hussar regiment thanks to the survival of a number of paintings and watercolours by Jean-Francois Barbier, an officer in the same regiment. Barbier fought at Austerlitz, where he was wounded by a musket-ball in the neck that nearly killed him. Amongst his paintings of the

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regiment, there are 3 detailed paintings of the battle itself, including one of a bivouac on the eve of the battle and another of Russian prisoners by the frozen ponds. The Hussar in Figure 86 wears the regiment’s brown pelisse and sky-blue breeches. Hussar pelisses are shown with either 3 or 5 columns of braid, usually arranged in 14-16 rows; the same was true for the Dolman jacket, sometimes worn underneath. Although most equipment was similar to that of the Chasseurs, the Hussars favoured a different type of sabre. They still used the 1786-pattern hussar sabre, more curved than the straight bladed Chasseur sabre. It had a stirrup hilt without a guard and a broad curved 85cm blade; it was also light, at 0.9kg. When the new An-IX sabre was introduced with its 92cm heavier blade, it was not popular with the hussars. This serves to highlight the unique culture of the hussars. They favoured a traditional sabre, lighter and better suited to individual duelling, to the An-IX which was a more effective battlefield weapon. Unlike many Chasseurs, French hussars of this period continued to wear queues and braided hair. The sabretache was also traditional Hussar equipment; essentially it was a satchel-bag for papers, documents and personal belongings linked by three slings to the waist-belt. Barbier shows the sabretache being worn at the battle by rank and file Hussars, both with and without the black waterproof cover. The horse harness and fittings were standard for all French light-cavalry, as was the sheepskin with regimental-coloured scalloped edges and the round cylindrical valise which bore the regimental number. The Hussar in Figure 86 wears a new-pattern shako (called the 1806 shako) with fixed peak, metal chinstrap but without a front plate. The tricolore cockade is one of the many varieties worn at the time. The chevron on his pelisse shows his rank. French Hussars and Chasseurs rode larger horses than the allied light cavalry, with most horses being over 148cm in height at the shoulder.

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Figure 87: Hussar – Elite Company of 10th Hussar Regiment – Bosenitz in Northern Sector Figure 88: Hussar Trooper – 2nd Hussar Regiment – Northern Sector Barbier’s paintings of the 2nd Hussars shows the wide variations in uniform, often worn within the same unit. The trooper in Figure 88 is also based on one of Barbier’s paintings of a bivouac on the eve of the battle. In this particular painting, Barbier’s Hussars are shown with new-pattern shakos, with red upper bands and the silver imperial eagle – it is one of the few depictions of shakos with the imperial eagle before 1806. This Hussar is still armed with the 1786 Hussar sabre but carries it in an allmetal scabbard. He also wears white-cloth buttoned riding-trousers and has a black cover over his sabretache with an imperial eagle design. His heavy green woollen light-cavalry cloak had a very large hood (often detachable) which could cover the shako. The 10th Hussars (Figure 87) had very similar campaign uniforms to the 9th Hussars with whom they were usually brigaded. These two sibling regiments were from 5th Corps and were much smaller regiments than their more privileged counterparts in the 1st Corps. They had also suffered high casualties in the days before Austerlitz, their forward pickets being caught up in the surprise Russian offensive. By the day of the battle, each regiment could barely field 150 men. Both the 10th and the 9th were assigned to support the French 17th Leger’s defence of Bosenitz, a village close to the Santon hill, to the north of the Brunn-Olmutz road. Figure 87 is based on Suhr’s depiction of an elite Hussar from the 10th regiment. His uniform included a light-blue pelisse with white braiding in 3-columns; the pelisse itself has red facing material on the collar and cuffs – an unusual detail. He is also shown wearing standard red-striped riding-trousers, also light blue. He carries a 1786 carbine and Hussar sabre. It was a Sergeant-Quartermaster of the 10th Hussars who killed Prince Louis Ferdinand, the foremost Prussian General, in the following year, 1806. Parquin later spoke to this Sergeant-Quartermaster Gainde and recorded his version of events:

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A Sergeant-Quartermaster of the 10th French Hussars, Sergeant Gainde, rode up to the Prussian General and pointed his sword, saying: “Surrender General, or you’re a dead man!” This General, who was none other than Prince Louis Ferdinand, answered: “Me – surrender! Never.” He parried Gainde’s weapon with his own sabre and cut him across the body. He would have struck again, but Gainde brought him down with a point-thrust to the chest. The Prince’s cavalry guard, seeing him in combat, galloped up. Gainde might have been captured, were it not for another Hussar of the 10th who came to his assistance shouting, “Hold on Sergeant!”. He fired a pistol, killing one of the Guards and causing the others to flee - and they both made their escape. They returned to their platoon commanding officer and Gainde said, “Lieutenant, if you push on up to the river, a thousand paces from here, you’ll find the body of a General I’ve killed – the same man that wounded me.” The officer and the platoon set off and arrived at the site. ”I killed him,” said Gainde, “look, my sabre’s still stained with blood from that wound to his chest. You can have his purse, if he’s got one, but give me his sabre and scabbard, so I can take it to the Marshal.” Title : Souvenirs et campagnes d'un vieux soldat de l'Empire : 1803-1814 (3e éd.) / par le commandant Parquin ; avec une introduction par le capitaine A. Aubier Author : Parquin, Denis-Charles (1786-1845). Auteur du texte Publisher : BergerLevrault (Paris) Date: 1848

*Suhr shows two elite Hussars from the 10th in 1806; one recovering from an amputated leg. His depictions are closely mirrored by another contemporary unsigned painting of French Hussars in light blue pelisses in the ASKB library, which may also be the 10th and 9th Hussars.

Figure 89: Hussar Trooper – 4th Hussar Regiment - Northern Sector Barbier includes a Hussar from the 4th Regiment in one of his paintings of the Austerlitz campaign, wearing the regiment’s distinctive red Pelisse. However, the jacket worn under the Pelisse was the dolman, worn by the trooper in Figure 89. Braided like the Pelisse, it was often a contrasting colour (the 4th Hussars had a blue dolman and red pelisse) and usually carried the regiment’s facing colours on the collar and cuffs. A barrel-sash was worn around the waist, though this was increasingly reserved for parade only. The sash was a made of alternate bands of thick braided thread in the facing and in the button colour. Dolmans with three columns of buttoned braid would have been more common for lower-rank Hussars, but Barbier, Suhr and Vernet also show 5 column braiding. Rank distinctions consisted of chevrons on the dolman sleeve and on the breeches.

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Not all Hussars and Chasseurs were armed with carbines; these were usually only issued to sharpshooters and the First Squadron’s skirmishers. For most, the main firearm were the one or two pistols kept in holsters under the sheepskin at the front of the saddle. These would be loaded before combat and fired before using the sabre; pistols were a primary weapon for all light cavalrymen. However, the Grand Armee was in short supply of all fire-arms in 1805 including pistols and it planned to make use of captured allied weapons. Many cavalry pistols and fire-arms would have been requisitioned Austrian and even Russian weapons. Despite the romantic image of Hussars charging on a battlefield, most of their duties involved reconnaissance and skirmishing. Artillery officer Levavasseur describes one such bloody encounter between French and Russian hussars, a few weeks before Austerlitz: The French hussars had no sooner entered the wood, when they re-emerged, closely chased by enemy hussars. Murat was amongst them, fleeing. I asked for orders. “Do what you can,” replied Murat. I got off my horse and helped to turn one of the cannon by hand, ordering it to be charged with grape-shot. However, the press of the retreating men and horses prevented us from extending the swab – we had to use our sabres to clear a space in front of the cannon. We managed to load a round-shot with plenty of grape-shot on top of it. The clatter of sabres and fighting was all around. Gunner Collot extended his arm, holding the fuse, ready to fire. I shout “Stations!” Our hussars immediately parted from either side of the cannon making for the woods, creating a sudden gap in the crowd. A Russian Colonel, his uniform covered with gold braid rushed through, ready to sabre my gunner. At that moment the cannon fired. The explosion toppled the Colonel and beyond him, more than 40 horses with such a large number of men including Russians, Austrians and French that the entire road was blocked and impassable. After the cannon fired, there was complete silence. The remaining enemy retreated. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-decamp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

Figure 90: Hussar Captain – 9th Hussar Regiment – Bosenitz Northern Sector The hussar officer in Figure 90 is based on a self-portrait by Francois Lejeune; dressed in the full parade uniform. The same style of dress is also shown by

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Barbier in his paintings of hussar officers from the period 1803-06 and in other contemporary prints. Figure 90 presents the classic image of the Napoleonic hussar, with pelisse slung over the right shoulder and wearing a plume, breeches, a barrel-sash and a leopard-skin saddle-cover. On campaign, most hussars wore a much more utilitarian uniform but officers continued to wear elements of full dress. In 1805 Hussar officers were identified by chevrons on their breeches, on the pelisse and on the dolman. Many officers also continued to use leopard-skin saddle covers, although these were becoming rarer, as overseas trade was disrupted by the war. Hussars were known for their unconventional attitude to uniform and this was particularly true of officers. Uniform style and design varied from regiment to regiment. However, there were areas of relative consistency in officer uniforms of the early empire. Junior officers of the period tended to wear brown fur on their pelisses in contrast to lower ranks. Their dolmans and pelisses were usually braided with the same braid as the lower ranks; arranged in five columns of buttons. On officers’ dolmans, a lace border ran around the outer edge of this braiding. In this period, the revolutionary tricolore was still mandatory, and had to be worn on all hats and shakos. In future years, it would be increasingly replaced by the new emblem of the imperial eagle. However, as in Lejeune’s original painting, this officer has almost hidden his tricolore cockade behind his white shako cord. Figure 91: Mameluke Sergeant– Mameluke squadron - brigaded with the Chasseurs of the Imperial Guard – Napoleon’s Guard Reserve There may have been fewer than 50 Mamelukes with the Imperial Guard at Austerlitz, although Parquin attests there was an additional squadron in Paris throughout the 1805 campaign. Despite their low numbers, they feature prominently in most sources for both the battle and the period as a whole. Originally recruited from prisoners captured in Egypt, the Mamelukes were a symbol of Napoleon’s new Imperial pretensions. They were also exceptional cavalrymen, despite their gaudy appearance. As such, they fitted in well with the Imperial Guard.

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The Mamelukes were excellent horsemen and could do anything on horseback. They could severe a man’s head with one strike of their sabre and could cut his loins with a blow from their sharpened stirrups. Title : Souvenirs d'un vieux grognard , par le capitaine J.-R. Coignet Author : Coignet, Jean-Roch (1776-1865). Auteur du texte Publisher : J. Tallandier (Paris)Publication date : 1912

At Austerlitz, it was this squadron of Mamelukes who broke into a Russian Semenovsky Guard Square, seizing its standard. Francois Gerard’s painting ‘La Bataille d”Austerlitz’ shows portraits of soldiers who had been present at the battle including one of the Mameluke ‘Mustapha’: The painter Gerard, in his painting of The Battle of Austerlitz, took for his subject the moment in which general Rapp, returning from the field wounded and covered in blood, presented the captured flags to the Emperor together with Prince Repnin. I was present at this scene which the painter captured with remarkable accuracy. All the faces are portraits. The painting also shows a Mameluke who holds an enemy banner in one hand and in the other the bridle of his dying horse. This man was called Mustapha and was well known in the Guard for his courage and tough character. During the charge, he had fixed on the idea of pursuing the Grand Duke Constantine, who only got away by firing his pistol and mortally wounding the Mameluke’s horse. Mustapha, frustrated at having only a flag to present to the Emperor said in his pidgin French: “Ah, if me meet Constantin – me cut head and me bring to Emperor!” Napoleon, indignant, replied: “Watch your tongue – insolent savage!” Title : Mémoires du général baron de Marbot. Gênes-Austerlitz-Eylau Author : Marbot, Marcellin de (1782-1854). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1891

The Mamelukes appear to have worn traditional dress, without prescribed colours or standard uniform. However, in 1802 they were well armed with: • • • •

A double brace of pistols – two in saddle holsters and two kept in a holster worn on the left side of the chest or under the sash. A Turkish scimitar and dagger A mace or axe A blunderbuss or carbine

Dress and equipment included a turban, Turkish trousers, a waistcoat, and a Mameluke saddle and harness with sharpened stirrups (reportedly used as weapons). Vernet also shows a Mameluke horse with a green saddlecloth with red and white border. Although red trousers and a red felt fez worn under the

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turban are often shown, sources show them wearing a range of elaborately decorated clothes of various colours. Figure 91 is based on Vernet’s portrait of a bearded Mameluke, though regimental code did not usually allow Mamelukes to have beards. All senior officers were French as well as some junior officers and NCOs. There is evidence to show that the NCOs and officers wore some form of rank distinction. The Sergeant in Figure 91 wears double chevrons on his cuffs.* *The Guard Mamelukes, although never numbering more than 200 troops, nevertheless are a common feature in paintings, prints and memoirs from the time. Vernet, Vaquirron, Seele, Gerard, Henschel are just some of the artists who chose to depict them and many memoirs describe them in detail.

Figure 92: Dragoon - 5th Dragoon Regiment – General Boye’s Division Supporting Assault on Pratzen Heights The 5th Dragoon Regiment was one of eighteen Dragoon regiments at the battle. These regiments were grouped into three ‘Divisions’, each with 6 regiments (about 1,500 men each). The three divisions had been allocated to support infantry in each sector of the battlefield. -General Bourcier’s 4th Division being allocated to Tellnitz and Sokolnitz in the South; -General Boye’s 3rd Division to the Pratzen Heights; -General Walther’s 2nd Division to the Northern Sector, along the Brunn-Olmutz road. As part of Boye’s Division attacking the allied centre, the 5th Dragoons would have experienced arguably the heaviest fighting. They ended the day attacking and pursuing the Russian forces retreated across the ponds. The dragoons were the most numerous branch of the cavalry and the equivalent of line-infantry. This was particularly the case in the Grand Armee. The dragoons had borne the brunt of the shortage in war-horses with one squadron from each regiment having to fight on foot. These foot squadrons were reorganised as temporary ‘Foot-Dragoon Regiments’, whilst awaiting an allocation of captured horses. Although the 5th Regiment was fully supplied with horses by December, the size and quality of their horses varied. Nevertheless, their primary role was to be versatile all-purpose cavalry, able to fight on foot when required and to carry out the roles of both Heavy and Light cavalry. They were also often given infantry support roles and were expected to

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be adaptable. Artillery Officer Levavasseur, attached to Walther’s 2nd Dragoon Division describes a mission to capture and repair a bridge, prior to the battle: The Austrians positioned themselves on the Heights to keep the bridge under observation...now the bridge had to be repaired, so General Walther asked for volunteers to capture some boats moored on the other side of the river. The Dragoons were more accustomed to riding horses than paddling the small canoes they were given for this task and they couldn’t fight the current. When the enemy approached and began to fire, they ended up crashing against the wooden piles of the bridge and capsizing; half of them drowned and the survivors clung to the wooden piles. After a 15-minute cannonade to disperse the enemy, we rescued these poor soldiers using our ‘prolonge’ cannon ropes. Despite the loss of these unfortunate dragoons, others nevertheless came forward to volunteer once more to capture the boats. Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-decamp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Auteur du texte

The dragoon uniform was already well-established by 1805, based on the green Habit-Long, similar to the coat worn by the French infantry. Each of the 30 dragoon regiments had different coloured facings or arrangements of facings; waistcoats were always white. Troopers wore doe-skin breeches and long riding boots fixed to the breeches by a buttoned strap. The ‘classical’ or ‘Roman’ helmet is the detail most closely associated with the dragoon uniform. By 1805, it had acquired all the features it was to keep throughout the Empire. It was a round brass helmet with a front peak, but no neck-guard. The brass crest, rivetted to the helmet, had various decorative patterns; a black horsehair crest could be fixed to a tube at the front of the crest. The helmet was further adorned (and protected) by a brown fur turban; leopardskin turbans were worn by officers. This was the standard dragoon uniform, but the regiments of 1805 often wore non-standard uniforms, particularly on campaign. Sources show single breasted green surtouts, blue Habit-Longs, steel helmets, blue greatcoats - and for foot dragoons, shoes and gaiters. A reason for this diversity may have been that the 9 new dragoon regiments (only created in 1803) had still not been fully equipped; nearly one third of all dragoons. Many of these dragoons still retained items of hussar and heavy-cavalry uniforms, from their former units. The horse furniture on figure 92 follows a drawing by Boerner and depictions by Lejeune and Kobell. The standard valise would have been square in crosssection with the regimental number marked on the end, but Boerner and some

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other sources show a round valises and this non-standard detail has been retained. Boerner also shows the pistol holster covers, covered by a rough untrimmed sheepskin. The dragoon is armed with a fleuron hilt sword, in a dragoon scabbard with brass fittings. Dragoons still used swords that had been produced in the republic and designed in the 1780s. Known as 1784-pattern fleuron swords, their hilt guards were designed in florid style. These were long, heavy swords with 95cm blades. By the 1790s they were usually decorated with republican ‘fasces’ and the phrygian cap symbol on the pommel or on the hilt guard; these republican versions were renamed the An-IV sabre. Other Dragoons favoured shorter, lighter swords like the 1790 Petite Montmorency sabre with its 80cm, slightly curved blade, also used by some Chasseur regiments. The new An-IX (1801) Heavy Cavalry swords were reserved for cuirassiers. They were better weapons with light, fullered, 97cm blades; they were not issued to Dragoons until after 1805. Cold weather clothing included a heavy ankle-length grey-white woollen cloak with a cape attachment that could double as a hood. *Many contemporary artists depicted French Dragoons, often with identifying regimental numbers. An officer from the 5th Dragoons is shown by both Johann Andreas Boerner and Lejeune; Poisson shows the 9th, Weiland the 3rd, 11th, 20th and 6th and Titeaux the 15.th.

Figure 93: Sapper - 11th Dragoon Regiment - General Walther’s Division Northern Sector Figure 94: Brigadier (Corporal) - 16th Dragoon Regiment - General Boye’s Division- Pratzen Heights Like every cavalry regiment, Dragoon regiments had their own specialist troops, including elite companies (the first company of the first squadron), farriers, saddlers and gunsmiths, trumpeters, musicians and sappers. Of these, the elites and the sappers wore bearskins, where available. The trooper in Figure 93 wears the sapper’s uniform. His leather apron was worn under his Habit coat and rolled up around the waist. A buff leather belt over his left shoulder carried the handle for his entrenching axe – the axe head and other entrenching tools were carried in leather pouches at the back of the saddle. As an ‘elite’ trooper, he wore red epaulettes and a red plume. Their role was to ride ahead of the main column and anticipate and remove obstacles and problems, from fallen trees to small-scale ambushes.

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The dragoon NCO in Figure 94 carries his sword belt strapped across his right shoulder and his dragoon musket strapped across his left. Although increasingly used as heavy cavalry, dragoons were still expected to be able to dismount and fight on foot when required. In these situations, Dragoons in this period wore sword belts slung across the shoulder, in order to carry their swords higher off the ground. Distinctions for junior officers included a more elaborate officer-model version of the standard helmet and the sword hilt. For higher ranks, the helmet usually had a leopard skin turban, higher crest and more pronounced front peak. Officers also had larger saddlecloths, usually edged in the regimental facing colour with round valises. As in the infantry, gold epaulettes also denoted rank. Distinctions for trumpeters and musicians relied on regimental custom, though they usually included reverse colours, epaulettes and Weiland even shows one dragoon trumpeter wearing a bearskin. The open-air bivouac was as much a reality for dragoons and heavy cavalry as it was for the rest of the army. By December 1805, Grand Armee uniforms would have been subject to several months of accumulated weathering and misuse; When you settle down in a bivouac, close by the enemy, every man sleeps fully clothed. You might say that they all sleep with their eyes open because you have to be ready for any emergency. I remember occasions when we kept our boots on for an entire month, which I must say was extremely uncomfortable...you slept because you were exhausted but when you woke, your muscles were numb, your moustaches were matted tufts covered in dew and you had to rub your gums just to open your clenched teeth. Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,...Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888

In these conditions, lice abounded and illnesses like typhoid and typhus were never far away. Figure 95: Dismounted Dragoon – 6th Dragoon Regiment – Reserve At the start of the Austerlitz campaign, the French army faced a severe shortage of horses. A partial solution to this problem was the creation of four temporary dismounted dragoon regiments. Each regular dragoon regiment contributed one squadron of men to form these temporary regiments of dismounted dragoons.

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By December, many of these dismounted troopers had been re-equipped with captured Austrian horses and returned to their regiments. The remaining FootDragoon regiments were assigned to duties along the extended line of communications. However, at least 3 eyewitness accounts confirm that FootDragoon units were attached to the Reserve Grenadier Division. The 6th Dragoons also employed two squadrons of dismounted Dragoons for picket duties at the forward-base at Wischau, prior to the battle. Whether through choice or necessity, Dragoons were expected to perform infantry duties. Foot Dragoons and Foot Chasseurs, equipped with knapsacks, muskets and gaiters are regularly shown in contemporary drawings, including those of Suhr, Muller/Vaquirron and Zimmerman. Long-term dismounted duties were also a common form of punishment. The Corporal (Brigadier) in Figure 95 wears the Dragoon surtout, a cheaper alternative to the Habit coat. It was entirely green and devoid of pockets, straps or lapels. Originally intended for fatigue-use, it was worn on campaign alongside the Habit. The trooper has also been issued with infantry equipment including a knapsack and gaiters. He is armed with an An-IX dragoon musket and a ‘Montmorency’ sabre. This was a short, slightly curved sabre (80cm blade) with a fleuron style hilt, which had been widely used by dragoons over the preceding decade; its light, versatile design made it particularly suitable for dismounted duties. It was a rare item by 1805, being almost completely replaced by longer, heavier, straight-bladed weapons like the An-IV sword. Figure 96: Cuirassier Trooper - 12th Cuirassier Regiment - General Nansouty’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern Sector of battlefield. Figure 97: Cuirassier Brigadier (Corporal) - 3rd Cuirassier Regiment General Nansouty’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern sector of battlefield. The Cuirassiers were Napoleon’s specialist Heavy Cavalry troops. Napoleon had converted 12 of the best regiments from the old ‘Cavallerie’ to this new arm during the years 1803-1805. In many ways, they were markedly different to anything the allies had. Their large horses, their equipment and pay made them cost the equivalent of 6 infantrymen. Moreover, in peace-time, these heavy horses had to be supplied with an estimated daily 4 tons of fodder for each regiment. A further hidden expense was that Cuirassiers were not particularly suited to the versatile demands of long drawn-out campaigning. They generally

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didn’t carry carbines, their armour and tall riding boots made foot duties difficult and their large horses lacked the endurance and agility needed for constant reconnaissance, patrol and skirmishing. All these other essential duties fell to the dragoons and light cavalry. The cuirassier role was specialised and singular. It was to provide a powerful, concentrated attacking force that could smash through an enemy line at the critical moment of battle. In this sense, it was similar to the role of the Artillery Grand Battery or the use of a reserve of grenadiers, attacking in columns. They were specialised for decisive set-piece battles. Lieutenant de Gonneville of the 6th Cuirassiers describes the effect of one encounter between 23 of his cuirassiers and a much larger party of enemy hussars and dragoons: Now some weeks since a division of dragoons, the Division Milhaud, had had two or three unfortunate affairs that had discredited this body in the eyes of the enemy, and gave them a confident expectation that they would any way have an easy victory. But in drawing swords, my men threw back the right side of their cloak over the shoulder, uncovering their cuirasses, and cuirassiers had a colossal reputation. So I observed a very distinct movement of hesitation in the head of the enemy column; some enemy hussars moved to the rear, and this put their troop in disorder, besides they were coming up without keeping their ranks. We charged. The two closest enemy dragoons, with the officer whom I have mentioned before, fired at me and missed; I wounded one of them and passed on. We came to the hussars and literally flattened them. I do not think that four of them were left on their horses, they were so overthrown by us and by each other. We met the head of the dragoons just as they were entering on the bridge. They were so closely compacted together as naturally to form an obstacle which it was difficult to pass considering the depth of the column, and they found themselves stopped by us, while we having no resource but to regain the road, made a desperate fight. Recollections of Colonel de Gonnevilleby Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829- [from old catalog]; Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-Alexandre-Jules, 1804-1890; Publication date 1875 Publisher London, Hurst and Blackett

Whatever their expense or efficacy, it is clear that Napoleon considered them essential on the battlefield. At Austerlitz, he had gathered over 2,500 cuirassiers, concentrated in the twin Divisions of Nansouty and Hautpoul.

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Their role in maintaining superiority over allied cavalry in the fighting to the north of the battle was critical. At the end of the day, it was the cuirassiers who finally broke the Russian infantry squares and turned the allied retreat into a rout. They were armed with the new An-IX 1801 heavy cavalry sword with a 97cm long blade. This superbly designed weapon set the standard for heavy cavalry swords for the next century. This was a weapon designed for puncture-wounds in close-order, massed charges; carried by the momentum of up to 1.5 tonnes of rider and horse travelling at speed, the sword would kill on impact. To protect him, the cuirassier wore a metal cuirass and steel ‘Roman’ helmet. His lower legs were protected by thick leather riding boots, usually covered with leather reinforced riding trousers. Cuirassiers were equipped early on with a single breasted blue coat. It was specially designed with short tails to allow greater ease of movement when wearing the cuirass. Regimental colours were, at this stage, either red or yellow and can be found in the table below. All this equipment was brand new in 1805, with helmets and cuirasses newly issued in 1804. Although manufactured to a standard-pattern, the style and detail of the ‘Roman’ helmet and cuirass often depended on the workshop that manufactured it and the date of manufacture. There were wide differences of detail in the design of the front peak, bronze crest, horsehair clasp and shoulder straps. All cuirasses were lined with red cloth, edged white. In addition, all cuirassiers wore red epaulettes, despite written regulations to the contrary. The square half-saddle-cloth, saddle and harness, square cross-sectioned portmanteau (coat-sack), and sheepskin covers were the same as those of the dragoons. The cold weather cloak and cape was also similar to that of the dragoons and made from off-white woollen cloth with facing-coloured lining. De Gonneville describes a series of charges carried out by the 6th and 7th Cuirassiers against a characteristically large, immovable body of Russian cavalry: In our vulnerable position, only a slight effort was required in order to crush us; but the Russian cavalry made no such effort, and for a time, the length of which I can hardly calculate, they contented themselves by firing very wild carbine shots at us, together with volleys of cries and abuse, some of it in very good French, and combined with threatening gestures.

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The situation could not last long; a sort of fluctuation having become apparent in the ranks opposed to us, we took advantage of it to charge, and our charge was a notable success. But it did not continue, and we were driven back to the brink of the ravine. The impossibility of getting across did more to rally our cuirassiers than the efforts of all the officers could have done; they turned like desperate men, and we soon again saw the enemy, who had been in pursuit of us, put to flight. This time we gained more ground, probably because orders had been given to the Russians not to continue to hold the position they were defending. So their second and third lines, instead of supporting the first, had been executing a retrograde movement, while the first was in pursuit of us, so that they found their supports much further off than they could have expected. This first line, hotly pursued and losing several men, disappeared between the intervals of the others to rally behind them, and we, in the disorder necessarily consequent on our pursuit, found ourselves in front of a fresh body of troops, in good order, who did not fail to advance to meet us as soon as they were revealed. Here again, the Russians did not display the decision that ought to have been expected of them; we were able to rally and return successfully to the charge, and at last succeeded, after a number of reverses and successes occupying a considerable part of the day, in remaining masters of the ground on which we had fought. Recollections of Colonel de Gonnevilleby Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829- [from old catalog]; Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-Alexandre-Jules, 1804-1890; Publication date 1875 Publisher London, Hurst and Blackett

All cuirassiers were supposed to be armed with pistols and pistol holsters and early sources also show at least some of them also armed with carbines. Shortage of heavy horses was a constant problem for the cuirassiers. The 3rd regiment was short of 50 horses in 1805 and others were short of 100. This meant that although the paper strength of regiments was about 500 men, the ten regiments at Austerlitz only fielded between 200-300 men each. Austerlitz was the first time cuirassiers were used in a major battle and they appear to have proved their worth. Lessons learnt contributed to developments in their equipment. Later cuirasses were manufactured to be less angular and the sword was later carried on a cross-belt; the waist-belt proving impractical. Nevertheless, the uniform, the equipment and the tactics of the cuirassiers were to remain fundamentally unchanged for the next century. *Early drawings like that in the manuscript published by Spies in Liepzig in 1806 or the depictions by Soloman Pinhas or Vaquirron show variations in detail in their early uniform, like the practice of placing the regimental number in a grenade badge on horse furniture.

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Figure 98: Elite ‘Grenadier’ Cuirassier – 1st Company of 1st Squadron of the 11th Cuirassier Regiment - General d’Hautpoul’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern Sector. Every regiment and military unit had its own elite and this was also true of the cuirassiers. In 1805, their company of elite ‘Grenadier’ cuirassiers wore the bearskin and a long tailed version of the cuirassier single breasted ‘Habit’ coat. Chosen on merit, these companies were armed with the new An-IX musketoon and may have had a role in providing an advanced screen and firearm support for the regiment. This would have been an important role, as most cuirassiers in 1805 didn’t carry a carbine or cartridge-case.* Other distinctions included red epaulettes, and grenade badges on the cartridge pouch and on the standard half-saddle-cloth (demi-shabraque). Like the Carabiniers, they are shown wearing buff-coloured cross-belts. Bearskin raquettes, when worn, were white. Kobell also shows what appears to be cuirassier ‘elites’ wearing white riding-trousers. Distinctions for officers, NCOs and musicians were as for the dragoons. Regimental Facing Colours for Cuirassier regiments at Austerlitz Nansouty’s First Division 2nd 3rd 9th 12th

Scarlet cuffs and turnbacks – Horizontal rear pockets Scarlet collar, cuff-flaps and turnbacks – Horizontal rear pockets Yellow collar, cuff-flaps and turnbacks – Horizontal rear pockets Yellow collar, cuff-flaps and turnbacks – Vertical rear pockets d’Hautpoul’s Second Division

1st 5th 10th 11th

Scarlet collar, cuffs cuff-flaps and turnbacks – Horizontal rear pockets Scarlet cuffs and turnbacks – Vertical rear pockets Yellow collar, cuffs, cuff-flaps and turnbacks – Vertical rear pockets Yellow cuffs and turnbacks – Vertical rear pockets

*Weiland, Zimmerman, Kobell and an unsigned contemporary painting in the ASKB all show elite cuirassiers or what appear to be elite cuirassiers.

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Figure 99: Carabiniers - 1st and 2nd Carabinier Regiments - General Nansouty’s Heavy Cavalry Division – Northern Flank. When Napoleon created his new force of heavy cavalry in 1802, his plans included 2 heavy regiments of Carabiniers. These were to be heavy-cavalry armed with a carbine, instead of the heavy-armour of the cuirassiers. Until 1809, they were dressed and equipped very much like the elite ‘Grenadier’ cuirassiers, and their original intended role may have been as protective skirmishers for the Division as a whole. However, they quickly took on the reputation of being a small and highly exclusive branch of the heavy cavalry. Indeed, both regiments together fielded less than 400 men and officers between them. The Carabiniers’ Habit-Long coat had distinctive red lapels and facings. They were also issued with their own design of the 1784-An IV pattern sword, with a grenade motif on the hilt and black sword knots. The only difference between the 1st and 2nd Regiment was that the 1st had red cuff flaps and the second had blue; their buttons also bore the regimental number. Like the ‘Grenadier’ Cuirassiers, they also had buff leather belts with white edging. A bayonet was carried in a loop on their waist-belt. They may have had an all-blue single breasted surtout for campaign dress; which would have made them almost indistinguishable from elite ‘Grenadier’ cuirassiers. However, Kobell shows one trooper dressed in his red-lapelled Habit-Long coat on campaign and there are no contemporary depictions showing them wearing anything other than the Habit-Long coat (as shown in Figure 99). Horse furniture and other equipment was as for the cuirassiers. Figure 100: Horse Grenadier – Imperial Guard Grenadiers-a-Cheval – Napoleon’s Cavalry Reserve The Imperial Guard Horse Grenadier Regiment was nearly twice the size of the two Carabinier regiments put together. All veterans of proven ability, they were a powerful reserve of heavy cavalry. Their intervention in counterattacking the Russian Guard cavalry crushed any remaining initiative on the part of the allies. At least one squadron of the Chevalier Guard was completely destroyed. Despite this high profile encounter, the Grenadiers themselves suffered negligible casualties, with only two dead. Their low casualties suggest that they did not bear the brunt of the fighting, as eye witnesses like General Rapp attest: So the Emperor sent forward his Horse Grenadiers, commanded by Marshal Bessieres. They passed by us like lightning and swooped down on the enemy.

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For a quarter of an hour, there appeared to be an incredible fight going on. This quarter hour seemed to last an eternity. We couldn't do or see anything because of the smoke and dust and we were afraid of seeing our comrades badly cut up. However, the Imperial Guard and Oudinot’s Grenadiers were there to back them up, if needed. But as the smoke and dust cleared, the Russian Imperial Guard were gone. Many were lying dead on the battle-field but the others had disappeared and our cavalry returned, placing themselves behind the Emperor. Title : Souvenirs d'un vieux grognard , par le capitaine J.-R. Coignet Author : Coignet, Jean-Roch (1776-1865). Auteur du textePublisher : J. Tallandier (Paris)Publication date : 1912

Their uniform was similar to that of the Grenadiers of the Cuirassier Regiments and the Carabiniers. Like most Guards regiments, they had two duty uniforms – full dress and campaign dress. The uniform that they almost certainly wore at Austerlitz was the campaign-dress surtout, shown in Figure 100. * Similar to the elite-cuirassier surtout, it had red turn-backs, red piping and aurore (goldenorange) trefoils and grenade badges on the turn-backs. An aurore aiguillette is often shown attached to the right shoulder. The saddlecloth, portmanteau and pistol holster covers had a double aurore border and the bearskin raquette and cord was also aurore. The cuirassier style cape is shown as dark blue for officers and off-white for other ranks. Belts were completely white, unlike those of the Carabiniers. Other distinctions included an Imperial Eagle plate on the cartridge case, an aurore cross on the red bearskin-patch and buttons embossed with the eagle motif. Armed with the An-IX musketoon, they also had their own ‘Garde de Consul’ straight sword with a copper hilt and brass scabbard; the hilt was a triple bar hilt with a large grenade design. This was replaced soon after Austerlitz with a slightly curved sabre, with a similar hilt. The Grenadiers a Cheval also had a squadron of Velites, cadet-recruits who would either transition to the Guards or become officers in the army. Like the Velites in the Guard Chasseurs, they wore the bicorn and were not issued with a bearskin. The ‘Velite’ cadets had been attached to the Guard Chasseurs in their initial charge on the Russian Guard and it was the Velites who experienced the toughest fighting at Austerlitz, and who probably sustained the majority of wounded casualties. Full-dress uniform for the Grenadiers a Cheval was the Habit-Long, similar to that worn by dragoons, but blue with white lapels. It had red turnbacks and red cuffs with white cuff flaps. Distinctions for officers included gold braid and cords (replacing the aurore cords of the lower ranks) and gold epaulettes denoting rank; officers also had their own ornate version of the ‘Garde de Consul’ sword. *This is the uniform shown in Lejeune’s painting of the eve of Austerlitz and also by other contemporary and near-contemporary sources like Gerard, Muller/Vaquirron, Henschel and Weiland.

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THE AUSTRIAN IMPERIAL ARMY In many ways, the Austrian Imperial army of 1805 was weaker than it had been in the preceding campaigns against revolutionary France. Moreover, the small army fielded at Austerlitz was patched together from reserve battalions and the surviving remnants of the Austrian ‘Army of Germany’, destroyed at Ulm. Austria itself was transitioning from being an Imperial ruling dominion of the Holy Roman Empire to becoming an Austro-Hungarian Empire. In doing this, its power-base had switched from the wealthy territories of Southern Germany and Northern Italy, where it had lost control. In 1804, Francis II (Holy Roman Emperor) had become Francis I (Austrian Emperor), though for the two years between 1804-6 he continued to hold both titles. These changes were made in the face of rising nationalism and financial crisis. This uncertain climate affected the army. Once considered the best army in Europe, the High Command had been slow to adopt newer methods of warfare. This conservatism included resistance to the adoption of light infantry, militia, mobile horse-artillery and the widespread use of skirmishing equipment like rifles. Half measures had been taken, like the temporary introduction of light infantry regiments between 1798 and 1802. However, the ruling elite, based around the imperial court had a deep-rooted distrust of change, particularly when it involved expense. Furthermore, measures such as the formation of militia-reserves or a light-infantry training programme were blocked due to fears they might provide military training for potential revolutionaries. High-ranking reformers like Archduke Charles, brother to the Emperor, were increasingly side-lined. Austria was also in severe financial straits, still trying to deal with accumulated war debts and the loss of territories (and tax revenue) in Italy and Germany. Britain provided half of the budget for the 1805 campaign, but it was not enough. Starved of resources, the Austrian infantry was allocated a mere 6 cartridges per man per year for live-round musket training during peace-time. Prior to 1805, Archduke Charles argued that Austrian armies were not ready to fight another war and required a sustained period of peace in which to carry out reforms. Whilst Charles found himself isolated, those who came to prominence were men who found favour in the pro-war courts of the two Emperors, Francis and Alexander.

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Field-marshal Mack was foremost among them, a senior officer with an unremarkable reputation. He backed the pro-war factions at court, convincing them that he was the person to lead a successful war. Unfortunately, his political opportunism was not matched by his effectiveness as a Commander in Chief. He began by rushing through a series of organisational reforms, including a directive that Austrian units should forage for a proportion of their rations. These poorly implemented reforms only served to disorganise the army and promote low morale. His delays and prevarications at Ulm also lost him the confidence and respect of his fellow Commanding Officers. However, Mack was no accident. He attained his high rank status because the Imperial court put him there. After Mack, the court was quick to appoint Weyrother, a man of equal inability. The Austrian army of 1805 was dominated by senior leaders of limited professional competence, who owed their positions to political patronage. It was also beset by a reluctance to take on new developments in warfare. Struggling with these problems, it came up against both Napoleon and the Grand Armee at the very height of their efficiency and success. THE AUSTRIAN INFANTRY The Austrian infantry at Austerlitz was divided between the troops of the Fourth Column defending the Pratzen Heights commanded by Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kollowrat and those of the southern ‘Advance Guard’ commanded by Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kienmayer. Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ had about 2,500 Grenz militia-men and Kollowrat’s force had about 7,000 line infantry, though the majority of these were recruits and reservists. This modest contribution of less than 10,000 men is all that Austria could provide after the destruction of the Austrian Army at Ulm. An arguably stronger body of 5,000 Austrian regular infantry (including Grenadiers) had been placed 50 miles south of Austerlitz to intercept a possible French withdrawal. Francis and his Chief of Staff Weyrother might also have insisted that the allies wait until the arrival of the army of Archduke Charles, still a powerful Austrian force. However, the Austrian army continued to be the victim of exceptionally poor leadership and judgement. At Austerlitz, it was content to play a supporting role to its more powerful and over-optimistic Russian ally.

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Figure 101: Fusilier Private – 23rd Regiment ‘Salzburg’ – Fourth Column – defending Stare Vinohrady Figure 102: Fusilier Company Officer – 1st Regiment ‘Kaiser’ – Fourth Column – defending Stare Vinohrady Figure 103: Fusilier recruit – 6th Battalion – 20th Infantry Regiment ‘Kaunitz’ – defending Stare Vinohrady (See p253 for Fig. 103) The Austrians were able to field only one full strength line-infantry regiment at Austerlitz, but it was a good one. The 23rd ‘Salzburg’ Infantry regiment was recruited from the German speaking centre of the Empire, with many of its soldiers also being recruited from other Southern German states. It fielded all of its six battalions and was a formidable force of 2,800 experienced infantry. Once the French attack commenced at about 9am, Lieutenant-Field-Marshal Kollowrat positioned it at Stare Vinohrady, the highest point of the Pratzen Plateau. Their role was to hold the heights, fighting in line with volley fire, supported by their own 28 Battalion light-guns. This was the sort of fighting which a veteran Austrian regiment like the 23rd excelled in. Once in position, they were able to hold the Heights for nearly two hours, practically unsupported, until about 11.30 am. French officers like Comeau were impressed by the Austrian defence of Stare Vinohrady: The Austrian wings (on the Pratzen Heights) manoeuvred and maintained fire much better than the Russians. These two wings (positioned at Stare Vinohrady and above the village of Pratze) advanced to regain the Heights in the face of 80 French cannon. The battle was fast-moving and fierce. The Austrian cavalry also made some charges which disordered our own infantry. Title : Souvenirs des guerres d'Allemagne pendant la Révolution et l'Empire / par le Baron de Comeau. Author : Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph de (1771-1844). Auteur du textePublisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1900

The battalions of the 23rd endured an hour-long firefight with the 5 opposing French regiments of Vandamme’s Division, over 8,000 French infantry, supported by artillery and dragoons. By late morning, the 23rd had suffered over 1,200 casualties, amounting to nearly half its fighting force. Against overwhelming odds, the outcome was a foregone conclusion and the remnants of the 23rd Salzburg joined the mass of allied soldiers retreating from the Heights towards Krenowitz, covered by their own cavalry. The 1805 army reforms decreed that each line regiment was divided into 6 battalions, including a Reserve-Depot Battalion (the 6th Battalion) which was used to train and process recruits. The other five battalions would include one Grenadier Battalion (the 1st Battalion) and four Fusilier-Battalions. These reforms did not address the pressing need for skirmishers and Austrian infantry

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were still not trained to fight in open order – a significant omission. This placed them at a disadvantage when faced with French skirmishers who could inflict casualties with little risk to themselves. The uniform and equipment of the Austrian infantryman was in many ways modern and well-designed. The ‘fusilier’ infantry uniform had been introduced in the 1798 reforms and put into effect in the succeeding years. Infantrymen wore a short, white coat, with the tails, cuffs, collar and shoulder strap being in the regimental colour. Turn-backs did not extend all the way to the back of the coat but only as far as the two vertical side pockets. The pockets were piped in the regimental colour, as were 3 vertical seams on the rear of the coat. A broad 3-inch cross-belt for the cartridge box went over the left shoulder and the thinner 2-inch belt for the bayonet scabbard went over the right. Fusiliers did not carry a short sword, apart from NCOs and musicians. A small calfskin knapsack and rolled greatcoat completed the equipment. A round wooden waterbottle was carried on a leather strap to the left of this knapsack. The jacket had 10 buttons on the front and two on each cuff. Black gaiters were fastened to the lower edge of the breeches. The Austrian army followed uniform-regulation more strictly than its French or Russian counterparts, even in the field. Non-regulation trousers were not worn. The 1798 leather helmet had a front plate bearing the imperial cypher ‘FII’ which was being gradually replaced by ‘FI’ on newly manufactured helmets. However, as Francis held both titles of Holy Roman Emperor (Francis II) as well as ‘Francis I’ Emperor of Austria, both cyphers were used contemporaneously until 1806. The quality and patterns of these leather helmets varied, depending on when and where they were made. The standard musket was usually the 1798-pattern musket, based on the French ‘Charleville’ 1777 musket. It was a good weapon and in some ways a slight improvement on the French model. It required a slightly more complicated procedure as the pan had to be primed before firing, something which could be addressed through simple training. Unfortunately, the recruits and Grenzmilitia which made up the bulk of the army, had little time or opportunity to train. Four weak Depot Battalions of recruits supported the 23rd Salzburg. The fusilier recruit in Figure 103 (p253) is from one of these battalions, the 6th Reserve Battalion of the 20th ‘Kaunitz’ regiment, recruited from the German

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population of Silesia. The Company Officer in Figure 102 is from another, the Reserve Battalion of the 1st ‘Kaiser’ infantry regiment. Although the 1st Kaiser was a superb regiment, the reserve battalion was made up of raw recruits and retired officers. It did what it could to protect the southern flank of Stare Vinohrady. Officer distinctions in the Austrian army included a long-tailed white coat with a single shoulder strap on the right shoulder; this was sometimes replaced with a grey or ‘wolf-grey’ frock coat on the march, but this was only worn when soldiers wore their own brown-grey overcoats. * Officers had a different, higher quality helmet with a brass crest for the black and yellow woollen comb. A gold-thread sash with black flecks covered the sword belt, which usually carried a light ‘epee’ sword. A small white strap carried a pistol holster, passing over the right shoulder. Other distinctions included boots, gloves and an officer’s cane. Both cane and sword had cords made from gold and black thread. Wigs were not usually worn on campaign but the 1st Kaiser was an exclusive regiment and its officers may well have done so. Regimental Colours of the Austrian Infantry Regiments at Austerlitz Defending Stare Vinohrady 23rd Salzburg 20th Kaunitz 24th Auersperg 1st Kaiser 9th Czartoryski

Red facings ‘Lobster’ facings Dark blue facings Dark pink facings Green facings

White buttons White buttons White buttons Yellow buttons Yellow buttons

Defending Southern end of Pratzen Heights 29th Lindenau 38th Wurttemberg 49th Kerpen 55th Reuss-Greitz 58th Beaulieu

Blue facings Rose facings Grey facings Blue facings Black facings

White buttons Yellow buttons White buttons Yellow buttons White buttons

*The dark grey frock coat of latter years does not appear in sources from the period. Wolf-grey was a reddish-grey colour, much more common in this period.

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Figure 104: Grenadier ‘Hauptmann’ Captain – 1st Grenadier Battalion – 23rd Infantry Regiment ‘Salzburg’ – At Stare Vinohrady Figure 105: Grenadier ‘Feldwebel’ Sergeant-Major– assigned to 6th Reserve Battalion – 29th Infantry Regiment ‘Lindenau’ – Defending southern Pratzen Heights There was only one Austrian Grenadier Battalion present at Austerlitz, the 1st Grenadier Battalion of the 23rd Regiment ‘Salzburg’. The Salzburg Grenadiers formed the far right of Kollowrat’s position on Stare Vinohrady, bordering on the key village of Blasiowitz. In holding this position, they had already successfully counter-attacked one French regiment, in a bayonet charge. The Austrian commander, Kollowrat, needed to keep a link with Blasiowitz at all costs. This village linked the Pratzen Heights to the northern valley of the Brunn-Olmutz road. If the French captured it, they would effectively cut off the Austrians from the allies in the North. Kollowrat sent the 500 strong Salzburg Grenadier Battalion to support the Russian garrison there. Whether it was due to the broken and undulating ground they were traversing or smoke from artillery fire, the Battalion were caught on the march by a large body of French Dragoons, possibly several regiments from Boye’s division. Without time to form a protective square and separated from the main Austrian defensive line, the entire Battalion was routed. The surviving remnants took shelter in Blasiowitz. The 29th Infantry Regiment ‘Lindenau’ Reserve Battalion was one of the six reserve battalions committed to the battle. The reserve battalions formed nearly half of the Austrian line-infantry at Austerlitz. These battalions (all numbered as 6th Battalions) were meant to act as collection and training units for new recruits arriving at barracks. The desperate need for infantry meant that these recruits had to be committed to battle, under the direction of their training officers and NCOs. Most of the reservists would have been fusiliers, but one company would have been equipped and trained for the regiment’s Grenadier Battalion. The Grenadier Feldwebel (Sergeant-Major) in Figure 105 would have been assigned to train and prepare these Grenadier reservists. Although senior NCOs did not normally carry muskets, he may have been one of the few soldiers in the 6th Battalion trained to use it competently.

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As successive Russian regiments were defeated, the ‘Lindenau’ Reserve Battalion was, in turn, launched into the counter-attack to recover the Heights. General Thiebault, commanding the French, describes their attack, made in line with fixed bayonets; We observed regiments approaching us en masse from the direction of Krenowitz from behind our own lines, to our left. On seeing this, I stopped our three remaining battalions and together with General St Hilaire, we examined this approaching infantry with our telescopes. They had all the appearance of enemy troops. Soon, we were able to hear their drums and music and shortly after this we were approached by an officer on horse-back. He shouted at us from a distance; “Don’t shoot – we’re Bavarians!” As soon as he was sure we’d heard, he galloped back to his own lines... Angered, I turned to St Hilaire; “General, these aren’t Bavarians and I don’t believe that officer – he didn’t dare meet us”... These advancing Austrian regiments found themselves marching towards our nine heavy 12-pounder guns, each double-loaded with cannonballs and grapeshot and fired with inconceivable speed and incredible accuracy. They also had to contend with the volley-fire of my line infantry which counted amongst the best there is; my men were unequalled in holding their position, taking accurate aim and downing the enemy. To my great satisfaction, each cannon shot opened large square holes in the (Austrian) regiments and they soon disintegrated into a fleeing mass. If I only had one brigade of cavalry, not one Austrian would have escaped. These regiments were drawn from General Rottermund’s brigade and were under the command of General Kollowrat. Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 / publiés sous les auspices de sa fille, Mlle Claire Thiébault, d'après le manuscrit original par Fernand Calmettes Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Auteur du texte (Paris) 1893-1895

The uniforms of the Austrian Grenadiers differed from Fusiliers most notably in the bearskin hat, the short sabre (carried on the bayonet cross-belt in a double frog) and the brass ‘match’ device on the cartridge box cross-belt; a brass grenade also decorated the cartridge box. The Bearskin had recently undergone a change with new versions having a leather peak, though older versions without the peak would still have been worn. The back of the Austrian bearskins was cut away and covered by a cloth bag, usually striped in the regimental colour. The brass plate on the Bearskin had a crowned imperial eagle design. A national yellow and black pompom was worn on the right to which was attached a feldzeichen; this was a sprig of leaves (usually oak), the traditional symbol of an Austrian army on campaign. As with the fusilier helmet, the quality and manufacture of the bearskins varied, and in two sources ‘bearskins’ are shown without fur or only partially covered in fur.

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The Hauptmann (Captain) has the standard distinctions of an officer with the exception that Grenadier officers (and Hungarian officers) carried a sabre instead of an epee. He also wears a grey-brown version of the officer’s coat, a colour called wolf-grey. This type of coat (in various shades of light grey to light brown) is often shown being worn alongside the standard white officer coat in contemporary sources, most notably in Kobell. Prior to 1806, there are no sources showing the distinctive dark-grey officer frock coat of latter years. * Kobell and Finart both show Grenadiers wearing this type of bearskin

Figure 106: ‘Hungarian’ Grenadier recruit attached to 3rd Battalion– 38th Infantry regiment ‘Wurttemberg’ – Southern Pratzen Heights The Grenadier in Figure 105 from the 38th regiment, is a recruit attached to its 3rd Battalion. The history of the 38th mirrors the fluctuating nature of the Austrian army and Empire. Although deemed to be a ‘Hungarian’ regiment in 1805, the 38th had traditionally been recruited from Imperial lands in Belgium. Since the loss of these territories, it had begun to recruit mainly from the Czech population of Moravia. The loss of territories meant that many regiments like the 38th lost their recruiting base and would eventually be disbanded. Its 3rd Fusilier Battalion was the only nominally ‘Hungarian’ Line-Infantry present at Austerlitz. All other Hungarian regiments had been recalled to garrison their own depot-towns. The third battalion’s ranks were increased by recruits originally destined for other battalions, but pressed in to service for the battle. This grenadier recruit has been supplied with a new-pattern, peaked bearskin. The traditional Hungarian elements of his uniform included; laced ankle length boots; blue trousers decorated with black and yellow lace; and pointed cuffs with a single button attached to white lace. The 38th regiment’s 3rd Battalion was over-run by French cavalry in the general retreat towards Krenowitz. Their fate is related by Major Mahler of the 49th regiment, who was covering the Austrian retreat with a battery of guns: “The French mounted Chasseurs charged towards us and I directed the artillery fire on them with all guns, but a squadron of these chasseurs attacked the Wurttemberg 3rd Battalion, which was still some way back and retreating in mass formation from the heights. Most of the regiment was broken up and the greater part surrendered to the enemy...” Mahler Major – Tagebucher ans dem Jahre 1805 – Mittheilungen des K und K Kriegs Archive 6 1881

French prisoner-of-war records list the capture of over 300 of the original 500strong 3rd Battalion, 38th Wurttemberg Regiment.

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Figure 107: Fusilier – 49th Infantry Regiment ‘Kerpen’– Major Mahler’s 6th Reserve Battalion – Southern Pratzen Heights Figure 108: Grenadier drummer – 9th Infantry Regiment ‘Czartoryski’– 2nd Battalion – Stare Vinohrady The fusilier recruits of the 49th Regiment formed part of the Austrian line defending the southern end of the Pratzen Heights, together with the 29th and 38th regiments and two other reserve Battalions. Barely 300 strong, their commanding officer, the retired Major Mahler, left a vivid first-hand account of their attempts to counterattack in the face of volleyed musket fire and French cannon: “As we advanced, we encountered heavy fire. Captain Nigel and many other men were heavily wounded and many were killed. In consequence of the losses we suffered, my Battalion began to falter...Ensign Illjascek saw Captain Steinberg and Lieutenant Bayer also fall wounded, so he sprang from his horse and placed himself at the head of the formation...” After nearly losing his Battalion colours, Mahler was forced to retreat with only 80 survivors towards Krenowitz, where the Russian Guard was now guarding the line of retreat: “I already had 1 officer and 72 men dead, 2 captains and over 100 men wounded, and finally 50 men captured. A considerable number of my men had already fallen ill, died or went missing during the march (from Vienna), so that the number of the battalion, which before the battle consisted of 312 men, was now barely 80.” Mahler Major – Tagebucher ans dem Jahre 1805 – Mittheilungen des K und K Kriegs Archive 6 1881

The fate of the entire Austrian brigade of five regiments was just as bleak. The casualties were listed by General Stutterheim, also present at the battle: The Austrians of this column had a General, 6 senior officers and 1,886 soldiers killed and wounded with 5 officers and 470 men taken prisoner. This fight on the heights of Pratzen, which lasted about two hours sealed the fate of the battle, which from that point was lost. La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim 1806 Hambourg

The 2nd Battalion of the 9th Infantry regiment may have been positioned in

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between Stare Vinohrady and this ill-fated Austrian counter-attack. The 2/9 was a much stronger battalion with a complement of 600 men. Its ranks would have been increased by displaced reservists like the Grenadier Drummer in figure 108. Austrian drummers wore the standard infantry uniform, but with lace on their collars, shoulder wings and open-slit cuffs. They also carried their knapsack and other equipment on a cross-belt slung over their right shoulder. Their only side-arm was a short sabre. Figure 109: Sharpshooter – ‘Broder’ Grenz Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Figure 110: Sharpshooter – 1st Szeckler Grenz Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ The Grenzers were the irregular frontier militia of the Austrian Empire. They were recruited from settlers bordering the Ottoman Empire. In return for this land, they owed military service as part of their regional militia. The Grenzers had a reputation for independent fighting ability; together with an equal reputation for indiscipline and even banditry. There had been a series of rebellions in 1800 for example. Militia regiments were drawn from various ethnic groups, depending on the border area in which the barracks and depots were based. The Broder were Slav whilst the Transylvanian Szecklers were ethnically Hungarian, but all were equally tough mountain-men. The Szecklers in particular had an excellent fighting reputation. The French High Command considered them to be amongst the very best Austrian troops. In the 1790s, the Austrian army had attempted to turn these irregular militia-men into regular Line Regiments. By 1805, they had given up the idea, considering them poorly suited to the strict type of drill and discipline required. Instead, the Grenzer regiments were used as light-infantry advance troops, fighting in open order. Austria had no other light infantry. The High Command had briefly experimented with light-infantry and mounted jagers in the early 1800s, but all these regiments were disbanded by 1805. Moreover, the ruling elite had paranoid fears of popular revolution and were unwilling to introduce anything

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which might aid future revolutionaries: this included training troops in openorder light-infantry tactics. The Grenzers, safely confined to their far-flung border territories, were a different matter; and in 1805, the Austrians needed them. Both regiments of Szecklers numbered 2000 men in total with an additional 500 men provided by the single Broder battalion. All these militiamen were committed to the capture of Tellnitz at the opening stages of the battle. The village included two key bridges over the Goldbach stream, which would allow First Column to complete its planned flanking manoeuvre. The Grenzers had first tried to capture the village in a night attack on the 1st December, but by the morning of the 2nd December the village had been reinforced with 2000 infantry of 3rd Ligne. The village was also defended by a company of Tirailleur du Po sharpshooters, as well as two regiments of Chasseurs a cheval. The Grenzers would be attacking a numerically equivalent force in a very strong position. Moreover, Tellnitz was a superb area for defence and a nightmare for an attacker. Over the course of the morning, the Szecklers, supported by their own Szeckler Hussar regiment (and eventually the Russian 7th Jager) fought a bitter struggle to capture successive strongpoints. These included a long drainage ditch and escarpment, a vineyard, a series of walled gardens, an island connecting the two bridges and finally the village itself. There was also a thick fog; “Now a very murderous musketry fire began and the (gunpowder) smoke was so thick because of the fog that one could not see a single step. The battalions were completely wrapped in smoke, which made the operation much more difficult.” Amon von Truenfest Geschichte des k. k. 11. Husaren regimentes Herzog Vienna 1878

Von Stutterheim’s memoir records the fighting that he witnessed: Kienmayer sent a Battalion of Szeckler against the escarpment defended by the French (in front of Tellnitz). An intense firefight broke out with the attacking Austrians and defending French fighting fiercely. Major General Nostitz’s Hesse Homburg Hussars covered the right flank and the Szeckler Hussars covered the left to deter the enemy dragoons formed beyond Tellnitz. The French tirailleurs, hidden in the vineyards and ditches, caused a lot of casualties amongst our Hussars, but they maintained their ground. The 1st Battalion Szecklers had already lost half its men in its attempt to capture the escarpment. General Stutterheim needed to capture it in order to assault the village beyond and therefore he also committed the 2nd Battalion Szecklers. The

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Austrians were repulsed twice and each time they renewed their assault, finally capturing the escarpment and advancing into the vineyards that surrounded the village. La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim 1806 Hambourg

The fact that the Grenzers were able to capture Tellnitz by about 9am after nearly two hours of fighting is an achievement against the odds; however, counterattacks by two more French regiments (the 108th Ligne and 15th Legere) and arriving French dragoons meant that the Austrians could not advance beyond the bridges. Although the allies of First Column heavily outnumbered the French forces opposing them, Tellnitz acted as a bottleneck. At Tellnitz, the French managed to achieve local numerical superiority and stall the allied advance. Figure 109 and 110 are based on a series of contemporary or near-contemporary depictions in the Vienna War Museum archive.* Grenzers had two ‘uniforms’. The first was their normal militia dress, based on a brown jacket, the ubiquitous felt round-hat called a ‘Klobuck’ and a mixture of regular and irregular equipment. The second uniform was based on the standard white Austrian lineinfantry uniform and was supplied only when on campaign outside the militiaborder zone. One Vienna War Museum archive-source from the 1790s shows a Szeckler campaign uniform as a standard fusilier uniform, but two other Vienna archive depictions show a uniform much more like Figure 110. This Szeckler wears white Hungarian pattern trousers, complete with braiding and Hungarian boots. He wears a standard ‘Hungarian’ version of the infantry coat with red facings and Hungarian pointed cuffs, but with yellow scalloped lace on the upper edge of the cuffs. He also wears a regulation cross-belt for his cartridge pouch. However, his non-regulation short sword is suspended from a waist-belt and he wears the felt Klobuck hat. He also carries equipment for a Girardoni air-rifle (see below). Figure 109 is based on another Vienna archive source and wears a brown coat and a braided, dolman-style waist-coat. * He carries a Crespi breech-loading carbine. Although contemporary sources show Szeckler infantry using weapons like the Girardoni rifle, the majority would still have been armed with muskets and bayonets. In fact, many of Kienmayer’s Grenzers were issued with new 1798-pattern muskets a few days before the battle, though they received no training in how to fire them. Although the Szecklers and Broders wore basic uniforms, other Grenz militiamen wore no uniform at all – they wore traditional Balkan dress, covered by a standard red cloak. 1780 Crespi Breech Loading Carbine: Contemporary and later sources (including Ottenfeld) show Grenzers from this period with a variety of weapons,

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many of them non-standard. These included innovative weapons designed for skirmishing, which were withdrawn from line-regiments in favour of the 1798 musket. Despite the trenchant conservatism of the Austrian military elite, Austrian weapons technology had been innovative and forward thinking. One of these potentially ground-breaking weapons was the 1780 Crespi breech-loading carbine. Only 120 cm long, with an 80cm spear-bayonet, it was originally developed for the cavalry but was withdrawn in favour of the more conventional 1798 dragoon carbine. Nevertheless, its breech-loading system made it very easy to load and much more quick firing than conventional muskets. It required a powder horn to load and prime the charge. It was a perfect skirmishing weapon. Girardoni Air Rifle: The 120cm Girardoni rifle was another wonderfully innovative weapon. Also breech loading, the rifleman could pre-load its magazine with twenty musket balls. He could then use the compressed air cylinder (inside the rifle-butt) to fire twenty shots in rapid succession. Surviving examples show that it was accurate up to 100m; it could also fire without flash or smoke, making it a deadly weapon for hidden sharp-shooters. The standard black equipment bag which came with the rifle carried a spare rifle-butt compressed-air-cylinder, which could be simply screwed on to the rifle. Its innovative design created inherent problems. It needed careful maintenance and the large toolkit-bag came with an air-pump (the top of which protruded from the bag) for refilling the compressed air cylinders, which could take over 30 minutes to do. Furthermore, the rifle could not carry a bayonet, because of its fragility. Grenzers armed with this weapon also carried spears for close quarter protection. These skirmishing weapons fell out of favour with the pedestrian Austrian High Command. Once decommissioned, they remained the preserve of the Grenzers, though many were sold overseas to American settlers and frontiersmen. * Listed under the title ‘Josef Selleny’ – these drawings predate other unsigned depictions to be found in the Vinkhuijzen collection and paintings by Ottenfield in the later 1800s. In fact, the later paintings appear to be based on these earlier Vienna Museum sources.

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Figure 111: Jager – Austrian Jager-Regiment – Kienmayer’s Advance Guard Figure 112: Pioneer Corporal – Austrian ‘Drier’ Pioneer Company – Fourth Column Although the Austrian High Command had disbanded all 15 light infantry regiments in 1801, it retained one single regiment of elite Jagers. The regiment was recruited from the Tyrol and was usually deployed as separate companies assigned to support line regiments. There were 18 companies in total and it appears that 2 companies (300 men) were assigned to the Austrian force at Austerlitz. They did not take part in the battle, though the reasons for this are unclear; they may have been guarding the lines of communications. However, French prisoner-records listed 37 Austrian ‘Jagers’ captured at Austerlitz, which suggests they were not too far from the fighting. The Austrian Jagers were trained to use the Austrian 1769 pattern Jager-stutzen rifle, an excellent weapon. Just over a metre long, it needed advanced training to maintain and fire it accurately. In firing range conditions, it could shoot accurately at a range of over 300 metres, at least twice that of a musket. However, its rate of fire was much lower, particularly with the type of repeated volley-fire needed with line-infantry. It was best used in open-order skirmishing and this type of warfare required training. The stutzen riflemen carried a 60 cm socket bayonet, powder-horn, separate ramrod and mallet as well as other maintenance tools in their cartridge case and in the hollow of the rifle butt (behind the brass plate). Not all Jagers were armed with the stutzen and some used the 1798 musket or the cavalry carbine. The Jager uniform was similar to the uniforms of the old disbanded light infantry regiments, which was based on a grey version of the standard infantry jacket, with green facings. The infantry helmet also had a black-over-green woollen comb. The helmet lacked a front plate and the ‘FI’ cypher was merely painted on. The coat appears to have had thinner turn-backs and the powder horn was fixed to a green cord which was suspended from a padded green strap on the left shoulder. When not in use, the powder-horn was tucked into the right rear coat pocket. The right shoulder had a standard shoulder strap. Jagers had black leather cross-belts; one for the cartridge case and another for the bayonet scabbard and short sword; knapsack belts were also black. Unlike the regular infantry, they wore short boots, not gaiters.

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The Pioneer in Figure 112 would have belonged to the Army’s specialist Pioneer Division. Pioneers were allocated as support troops to different sections of the army, normally in Companies of about 150 men. The army of Germany had 4-6 companies allocated to it and Kienmayer’s Advance Guard would have had a specialist Austrian Pioneer unit to secure the bridges. The ‘Drier’ Pioneer Company had been attached to the Russian regiments of Fourth Column. 77 Pioneers were listed as captured by the French at Austerlitz. Army Pioneers were engineers tasked with preparing bridges and roadways for heavy artillery limbers and caissons; they were controlled directly by the Army High Command. In addition to the Pioneers, each infantry unit had its own sappers, wearing standard uniform but equipped with leather aprons, axes and a crossed axe design on their upper coat sleeves. The Austrians also had a separate ‘Engineers Division’ but this came under the authority of the Artillery and it mainly specialised in static or siege warfare. Pioneers were usually armed with muskets, but this NCO carries a 1798 dragoon carbine, slightly shorter and lighter than the standard musket, at 123cm long. The rest of his uniform was modelled on the standard infantry pattern, except that the coat was grey, like that of the Jagers. He also wore a round-hat, an early pattern of the later Corsehut (corsican hat). His status as a Corporal is marked by his short sabre, a yellow and black swordknot, the silver ribbon on his round-hat and the yellow plume with black tip. Privates did not carry a sabre, and would have worn a black over yellow plume. Officers wore an entirely black plume.

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THE AUSTRIAN ARTILLERY Austria’s artillery had once been reputed to be the best in Europe and with good cause. Cannoneers had to be literate and anyone aspiring to officer status had to undergo 7 years of practical and theoretical study. Completion of 5 years or under would only qualify the cadet for a non-commissioned role. The Austrian system had once been the model which other nations like Russia emulated. However, lack of money and Austria’s conservative mistrust of innovation meant that the artillery was unable to maintain its once enviable reputation. Regiments were merely administrative entities, with the real tactical unit being the ‘Company Battery’ of about 150-200 men. Once the recruit entered a Company, he entered a rigidly stratified world of 1st class gunners (Cannoniers), 2nd class gunners (untercannoniers) and Handlager (Gunhandlers ). When the guns were unlimbered, most untercannoniers and Handlager were armed as infantrymen with carbines and cartridge cases; their secondary role was to protect the guns. Each company had 6 guns and 15-20 limbers and caissons. Within each gun-team, roles would include; rammer, munitioner, firer, charger, aimer and commander. Administration was controlled by Artillery High Command but at a tactical level, Artillery Batteries were divided between regimental ‘Battalion Guns’ and ‘Reserve Guns’. Battalion Guns were usually light batteries of 3-pounder and 6-pounder guns which were allocated to each infantry battalion, together with a company of artillerymen. Reserve Guns were usually heavy-artillery batteries of 12-pounders or Horse-Artillery. Figure 113: ‘Feuerworker ’ Sergeant – Captain Zocchi’s Horse Artillery Company – supporting Austrian Kurassiers of 5th Column Figure 114: Vormeister – Gun Commander - Battalion Guns of 23rd Salzburg Regiment – Stare Vinohrady Austrian ‘Horse Artillery’ was markedly different to that of the French, which had been copied by other nations, including Russia. For one thing, HorseArtillerymen did not ride horses. Instead, the 6-pounder gun carriages had long thin leather seats, as did the accompanying caisson. Most of the gun team rode into battle on these seats, pulled by a 6-horse limber. Other members of the team followed on the caisson, which was also designed as a long, thin seat. The

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sausage-shape of these vehicles earned them the title ‘wurst’ wagons. The system was significantly cheaper and it also took seconds to unlimber and fire a gun: Our cavalry cannon halts; the commands `Halt!` `Dismount!` `Front!` `Gun commander fire!` are given almost without a pause and are as rapidly executed. The gunners jump off even before the horses have stopped; the gun carriage is unhooked from the limber and turned to face the enemy as the limber goes to the rear; the cartridge is loaded and the first shot is fired. Baron Karl Smola, OberLieutenant in the Austrian Artillery. Translated by: Digby G. Smith, Thetford, 2010.

However, Austrian ‘wurst’ artillery was slower and less manoeuvrable than true Horse artillery. Above all, it could not keep pace with cavalry in the way that French Horse Artillery did. The Feuerworker (Fireworker) in Figure 113 was a senior NCO and would have commanded the central section of Zocchi’s full 6gun battery. The gun battery supported the 3 Austrian cuirassier regiments protecting the area between Stare Vinohrady and Blasiowitz. The Foot-Artillery Vormeister in Figure 114, was part of the Battalion Gun Battery supporting the 23rd Salzburg Regiment defending Stare Vinohrady. Although not formally an NCO like the ranks of Fireworker or Bombadier, he was nevertheless a senior artilleryman commanding one of the six guns in a battery. He would have been part of a gun-team of four to six men servicing the 3-pounder and 6-pounder guns for the Salzburg regiment. As with all Battalion guns, a detachment of infantrymen would have supported the battery acting as untercannonier, guards and handlager. Artillery uniforms followed that of line infantry in many respects, although the coat was ‘wolf grey’ – a mix of grey and reddish-brown. The coat facings were red and there were straps edged in red on each shoulder. For this period, breeches could be white or wolf-grey and were worn with short gaiters. For the period up to 1805, artillerymen are shown with three 2 inch cross-belts. Two passing over the right shoulder for the short sword and the rolled greatcoat-sack (also wolf-grey) and one passing over the left shoulder for a holster-shaped portfire-case which contained a selection of tools and tinder. Gunners also often wore their knee length greatcoats when firing the guns to protect their uniform. Also carried on the right shoulder was a ‘bricole’ – a length of rope used to haul the gun in order to advance and retreat at walking pace.

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Dress-code for artillerymen and engineers required them to be clean shaven with no moustaches and by 1805 the queue had also been abolished. Head-dress for the period included the new 1802-pattern bicorn and the older round-hat, worn concurrently.* Bicorns were originally introduced in 1802 for NCOs but gradually extended to other ranks, becoming predominant after 1806. The bicorn and round-hats worn in this period were shorter than the tall, flatter cross-sectioned bicorns and corsehuts worn after 1808. Infantry helmets were no longer worn by artillerymen; although they had been worn up until 1804 by artillery fusiliers assigned to guard the guns and possibly by battalion gun teams. Distinctions for NCOs included gold galloon-tape along the edge of the bicorn or round-hat and NCO yellow sword-knots. A further distinction for all army NCOs was the lion’s head motif on their 65cm short sword. Artillerymen also carried a version of the sword with a guardless handle. Officers’ distinctions were similar to that of the infantry and included; a yellow sash striped with black thread; gloves; a thicker band of gold galloon for the bicorn; and an officer’s coat with long tails. * Seele and Kobell show artillerymen from the early 1800s wearing both the early version of the bicorn and the corsehut-like ‘round hat’ with upturned rear brim. In prints by these two artists and in unsigned contemporary depictions both are shown, worn concurrently by artillerymen often in the same gun-team. Furthermore, campaign uniforms varied. A print by Seele shows each member of the same gun-team wearing a slightly different version of the artillery uniform.

Figure 115: Grenzer Cannoneer – Szeckler Battalion Guns – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Figure 116: Cannoneer Munitioner – Major Frierenberger’s Battery Company – Bagration’s ‘Advance Guard ‘ Major Frierenberger positioned his battery (of 12 guns) to the side of the road. He faced a French army that was already in the process of winning the battle. They were already advancing towards the Posoritz post house, and their powerful artillery fired upon the Russian troops and batteries that remained. Major Frierenberger’s Austrian battery soon opened up fire against the main battery of the French and their leading troops. The Austrians shot with such extraordinary skill that they compelled the enemy to pull back their batteries in a matter of minutes. Some of the enemy guns were silenced altogether, and the advance of the whole French left wing was held back.’ La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim – 1806 Hambourg

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Major Frierenberger was able to command a double Artillery Battery which included heavy 12-pounder guns. His Battery arrived on the Brunn-Olmutz road at the closing stages of the battle, setting up a powerful barrage which stopped the French pursuit of the retreating Russians. His timely intervention may have saved Bagration’s Russians from total defeat. The Munitioner in Figure 116 carries a 12-pound solid shot tied to a wooden sabot. The powder charge would be added separately depending on the range needed, with 12-pounder solid shot having a maximum range of over 2000 metres. Munitioners usually wore riding-boots instead of the standard gaiters, as they rode and managed the pack-horses ferrying munitions to and from the caissons. The caissons were always kept 30-40 metres to the rear of the gun, because of the very real potential for an explosion. ‘Battalion-Guns’ was the system of allocating half-batteries of 6 guns to each infantry battalion as direct support. The Battalion-Guns of the Grenzer regiments appear to have had only light 3-pounder guns. At short range and with prepared charges, these very small cannon were highly effective against infantry, but they were little use as long-range artillery. Grenz artillerymen are depicted* as wearing a distinct uniform, shown in Figure 115. This includes a brown coat and white Hungarian trousers with rose facings, braid and piping. They are shown wearing what appears to be a version of the traditional Grenz klobuck felt-hat, decorated with white lace and lettering. This cannoneer holds two rounds of pre-prepared fixed ammunition. The adherence to Battalion-Guns was seen by contemporaries as another failing of the Austrian artillery system. It meant dispersing limited resources and manpower amongst line regiments which prevented the allies from forming more powerful concentrations of artillery. It also meant that Austria continued to use technically obsolete 3-pounder guns, the lightest calibre cannon at Austerlitz. Battalion-Guns favoured these very light 3-pounders as it reduced the weight of powder and ammunition that had to be carried and transported. Nevertheless, 3-pounders had a very low range and Austrian batteries were easily outgunned by opposing French 4-pounder and 8-pounder batteries. *Vienna War Museum Archive and Vinkhuijzen collection

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Figure 117: ‘Veteran’ Pontoneer – Attached to Position Gun Battery supporting Fourth Column Figure 118: Corporal of Artillery Train – Battalion Guns of 49th Infantry Regiment ‘Kerpen’ – Fourth Column Every large Napoleonic army had companies of Pontoneers by the early 1800s, but particularly for the 1805 campaign which traversed tributaries of both the Rhine and Danube. Each Austrian Pontoneer Company was equipped with 30 pontons, drawn by six-horse wagons. A single company could bridge most major rivers in a matter of hours. However, their specialist equipment (which included a mobile forge) also allowed them to also repair, widen and modify existing bridges and crossings. Pontoneers enabled the vast train of horse-drawn vehicles which accompanied all armies to keep moving. The French also had a pontoneer company with each one of their eight Army-Corps. The Austrian Army of Germany had been assigned half of all the available Pontoneer companies. Like the artillery, the tactical unit for the Pontoneers was the Company of 120 men; made up of some 50 specialist engineer officers, NCOs and ‘veteran’ engineers, with the remaining 70 men being supporting lower ranks. Their blue and red-faced engineers’ uniform was very distinct.* It was a practical workman’s uniform. Both main sources for the period show a very loose fitting uniform, with baggy trousers, gathered at the knee. They also wore a short, loose jacket gathered around the waist by a cloth belt or girdle; it was open necked with falling collars. The short leather boots had flaps at the top edge. Pontoneers wore a felt round-hat had an upturned brim, a forerunner of the more formal Corsehut worn after 1806. They also carried a lengthened serrated sabre with a simple guardless hilt. The Artillery and Military Transport Train supplied drivers not only for the artillery but for rations and regimental supplies. Each regiment also had its own complement of non-combatant drivers for its 10 supply wagons and pack animals. These were tasked with ferrying supplies from the forward depots. Regimental drivers wore standard infantry uniforms. However, the specialised Transport Train took on the more demanding roles. This included handling the four-horse ammunition and powder caissons and sixhorse limbers for artillery batteries. The 15 Austrian battalions of Fourth Column had 28 light Battalion-Guns. These would

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have been supported by 40 to 50 ammunition and powder caissons, either parked behind the regiments or stretching out along the tracks and roads leading to their depots at Austerlitz and Olmutz. The Artillery-driver in Figure 115 would have been one of the 100 or so men driving and servicing these vehicles. Drivers were non-combatants and were generally unarmed. As such they usually had a military escort.** However, Officers of the Train carried a sword suspended on slings from a white waist-belt. All ranks wore a standard grey coat with yellow facings on the collar and cuffs; the turn-backs are sometimes shown as grey piped in yellow. They either wore grey cloth breeches or grey buttoned riding trousers – for officers these are shown with a yellow stripe on the outer seam. All drivers wore short boots and a felt round-hat, decorated with a national pompom and black over yellow plume.*** Officers and NCOs had silver galloon-tape on the brims of their hats. Drivers also wore a yellow and black armband for easy identification. Like all the artillery in general, they are always depicted clean-shaven. * Kobell’s paintings and prints of Austrian military reviews frequently show Pontoneers, most notably in the 1805 Cavalry Review print– Mollo prints from the period 1800-1803 show the same uniform (the only difference being the that Mollo’s figures still wear pre-1805 queues). **At Austerlitz, the units assigned to escort the train included 6 squadrons of the 1st Austrian dragoons as well as 10 reserve infantry battalions and a complement of Jagers. *** The classic Corsehuts of the style worn by 1809 do not appear in any paintings or prints of the period – the Austrian artillery had not been issued with them and train drivers were no exception. Drivers, pontoneers and artillerymen wore round-hats.

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The Austrian Cavalry The Austrian cavalry at Austerlitz had been divided into two formations. The first were the Heavy cuirassier regiments that supported General Bagration’s ‘Advance Guard’ in the northern sector of the battlefield. The second were Austrian light-cavalry units that supported Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kienmayer’s Austrian ‘Advance Guard’ in their attack on Tellnitz. Figure 119: Cuirassier – 1st Kurassier Regiment ‘Kaiser’ – Fifth Column Figure 120: Cuirassier – 7th Kurassier Regiment ‘Lothringen’ – Fifth Column The 1st, 7th and 5th Kurassier Regiments were the elite of the Austrian cavalry with each regiment having between 300-400 men. Once the French advance began, this body of over 1000 cuirassiers was used to cover the gap between the Pratzen Heights and the key village of Blasiowitz. The 7th and 5th made two charges to try to dislodge the French infantry advancing through this area. These same cuirassiers were later used to cover the path of retreat from the Olmutz road to the bridge at Krenowitz and other bridges over the Rausnitz stream which led to Austerlitz. Major Muller commended them for providing a screen for Austrian infantry retreating from the Heights and for artillery passing along the road. Their uniform was a white coat with white cloth breeches, usually covered by riding trousers on campaign. Also on campaign, traditional ‘feldzeichen’ leaves were also worn on the left side of the helmet. The white coat, of a similar cut to the infantry coat, had short white turn-backs edged with the regimental colour. The regimental colour also appeared on a small buttoned tab on the upright collar and on the cuffs, which had two buttons. The white leather cartridge belt passed over the front of the cuirass and through a single shoulder-strap to the rear of the left shoulder; the strap was piped in the regimental colour. The cuirass itself was a half cuirass, with no back plate; it was painted black and held in place by white leather cross belts and a waistbelt covering the cuirassier’s otherwise unprotected back. Boots were cut to just below the knee.

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Horse harness and saddle cloths were as shown in Figure 119 and 120. However, the sheepskin covers, although officially ordered to be changed from white to black in 1803, are shown as either colour in contemporary sources throughout the period 1804-7. Personal equipment and rations were carried in a cylindrical red valise at the rear of the saddle and two knapsacks kept on either side of the front of the saddle, under the saddlecoth. A grey greatcoat was also kept tightly rolled under the saddlecloth in front of the knapsacks. Each cuirassier was armed with one or two pistols in holsters covered by the sheepskin. About 16 men in each squadron were equipped with the 123cm-long 1798 dragoon carbine and each man carried a picketing stake on the right of the saddle. The main weapon was a heavy cavalry sabre with a straight 84cm blade and iron hilt and scabbard. Figure 120 wears the older 1798-pattern helmet, which was similar to the infantry helmet and still the most common cavalry helmet worn in 1805. It is shown by Kobell in his depiction of an 1805 cavalry review and in prints of prisoners captured at the battle. Figure 119 wears the new model of helmet, which was being introduced in 1805-06. This had a higher crest and a longer woollen comb curving downwards towards the front. Sources show both styles being worn concurrently through this period. Sources also show both white and black sheepskins used by lower ranks.* Hair-queues had been abolished in early 1805 and German cavalry wore short hair. Lower ranks did not wear riding gloves, unlike the cavalry of most other armies. Significant distinctions for NCOs included gloves, an NCO cane and a gilt finish to the helmet plate. Officers’ helmets were much more elaborate, with a brass crest-base and silk comb; their ornate officers’ breastplate also had a brass chevron-shaped upper edge, with red fabric lining. Officers also wore gloves and a yellow and black-flecked sash. Trumpeters shared NCO distinctions, had a red crest and did not wear a cuirass.

Regimental Colours of the Kurassier Regiments at Austerlitz 1st Kaiser

Red facings

White buttons

7th Lothringen

Blue facings

White buttons

5th Nassau

Green facings

Yellow buttons

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* Written regulations often give the mistaken impression that uniform changes were clear-cut and precisely dated. This is not supported by other sources and helmet patterns and sheepskin colours are a case in point. In theory, after 1803, lower ranks had black sheepskin covers and officers had white. However, Kininger Vicenz has several paintings with troopers and officers with white sheepskin covers wearing uniforms and cyphers that date the prints to after 1804. A Kobell print from 1809 shows lowerrank Heavy Cavalry still with both white and black sheepskin covers in the same print.

Figure 121: Dragoon Wachtmeister (Sergeant) – 1st Dragoon Regiment ‘Erzherzog Johann’ – Pratzen Heights There were only a two squadrons of the 1st ‘Erzherzog Johann’ Dragoons present at the battle, supporting the Austrian regiments on the Pratzen Heights. The majority of the regiment had been left along the lines of communication, guarding the artillery trains and reserve guns. These 120-150 dragoons provided what flanking cover they could to the Austrian Reserve battalions desperately trying defend the Heights. French accounts refer to the presence of some Russian Guard Cuirassiers, a mistake occasioned by their similar uniforms. Austrian Dragoons came to be classed as ‘heavy cavalry’, performing similar roles to the cuirassiers. The main difference was that they did not wear the cuirass and were uniformly armed with a long carbine. Other than this, their uniform and equipment was very similar to that of the Kurassier regiments; they wore the same single breasted white coat, with ten buttons and waist-belt with Sshaped buckle. However in 1805, dragoon regiments had only recently been changed from their former status as ‘light dragoons’ and their equipment and uniform was still virtually indistinguishable from the light cavalry chevauxlegers, who also began to wear white coats in this period. The only difference was that the dragoon white coats had pewter buttons. Prints from the period also show dragoons with light cavalry harness and bridles. The new model of cavalry helmet was often worn without the crest as in Figure 121. Artists who depicted dragoons from this period include FK Wolf, Finart, Sauerweid, Kininger Vicenz and Mansfield. All show what appear to be white coated dragoons wearing the new helmet with the old pre-1806 FII cypher; Sauerweid and Finart show helmets without crests. Most dragoons carried the Austrian 1798 standard dragoon carbine, which was just over 120cm long, fixed in a sling on the right side of the saddle harness. A small number of sharp-shooters in each squadron would have been armed with the short-muzzled 1780 cavalry rifle. They also carried a carbine-clip cross-belt over the same left shoulder as the cartridge-pouch belt; these are shown fixed together with a metal stud.

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NCO distinctions included gloves, an NCO cane and a gilded finish to the helmet front plate. Distinctions for officers followed those of the Kurassiers, with the exception of the cuirass. Figure 122: Light Horse (Chevauxleger) Trooper – 3rd Regiment ‘O Reilly’ Chevauxlegers – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ The Austrian Chevauxleger or ‘Light-Horse’ cavalry were recruited from the non-Hungarian part of the Empire. Like the Hussars, they rode small light horses and their harness included the raised ‘Hungarian saddle’ to give them height. Chevauxlegers were the workmen of the Austrian cavalry, performing a role similar to that of the French Horse Chasseurs. The 3rd ‘O’Reilly’ Regiment were one of the only regiments to escape almost intact from Ulm with Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Kienmayer. They fielded 8 squadrons and 900 men at Austerlitz. In the closing stages of the battle, they co-ordinated effectively with Austrian artillery to both break up and then counter-charge a larger French Dragoon Division (Boye’s Dragoon Division of over 1,700 dragoons) that attempted to rout the retreating allies. Their action almost certainly allowed the allied First Column to escape complete destruction. The debris of the Second column fled in disorder, falling back on to the retreating columns of the First Column. The Austrian cavalry and some infantry units were placed beyond Tellnitz as a screen to protect the march of General Buxhowden’s troops from Augezd. These were the O’Reilly Chevauxlegers, the Szeckler Hussars and two units of cossacks under General Stutterheim and Prince Liechtenstein. Our cavalry advanced into the open ground between Tellnitz, Sokolnitz and the foot of the (Pratzen) mountains, protecting the infantry. General Nostiz with the Hesse Homburg Hussars accompanied the columns. The Russian light battery of Colonel Degenfeldt supported us, outgunning the French artillery. La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim 1806 Hambourg

Chevauxlegers were armed with a straight bladed dragoon sword and a shorter version of the Austrian cavalry carbine. Their uniform was similar to that of the dragoons except that they wore yellow buttons and (until 1805) green coats. A bewildering succession of reforms and conflicting directives since 1798 had prescribed green coats and then white coats and then a mix of both. All contemporary sources (including Kobell in his depiction of an 1805 cavalry review) show green coats and this was probably the colour worn by the O’Reilly

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regiment. Voltz also shows a Chevauxleger wearing a green coat in his painting of prisoners captured at Ulm. A new directive in January 1805 changing the uniform once again to ‘white’ (except for the 1st, 2nd and 4th regiments) would not have come into effect given the long-established practice of wearing-out existing uniforms. Breeches were of white cloth and boots were the same as those worn by the Hussars, though buttoned riding trousers were worn on campaign. The trooper in Figure 122 carries fodder tied in light netting across his saddle - common practice. Although their commanding officer at Austerlitz was Degenfeld-Shonburg, they took the name of their Inhaber (Commander in Chief) as did all Austrian regiments. This was Andreas Graf O'Reilly von Ballinlough. O’Reilly was an Irish immigrant who joined the Austrian army as a 14 year-old in 1756 and rose through the ranks to become a General of Division, marrying into the Austrian aristocracy. A highly talented cavalry officer, he was serving in Italy with Archduke Charles in 1805. As Inhaber to the 3rd Chevauxlegers, he was in charge of officer appointments and under his leadership the ‘O’Reilly’ regiment gained a reputation for professional efficiency, which they demonstrated at Austerlitz. The main recruiting area for the rank and file for the 3rd regiment was in the Polish/Ukrainian speaking district of Galicia. Figure 123: Hungarian ‘Szeckler’ Hussar – 11th Szeckler Hussar Regiment – Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’ Kienmayer’s advance on Tellnitz was backed by a powerful cavalry contingent of over 2,000 horsemen. Apart from the O’Reilly Chevauxlegers, the other powerful unit was the Szeckler Hussar regiment, 700 strong. Closely associated with the two Szeckler Grenzer infantry regiments, the Szeckler Hussars were tough frontiersmen who had been granted land in return for militia-service against the Turks. They had a fearsome reputation – and were known for having killed at least one party of French officers under a flag of truce. All Hussar regiments were nominally Hungarian. This was true of the Szecklers who were ethnically Hungarian, although they had a unique frontier culture and identity. The Szeckler Hussars were often portrayed by artists of the period, including Seele, Rugendas, Kininger Vicenz, Mansfield and Kobell and in other unsigned depictions and prints. At Austerlitz, they supported the flanks of the Grenzer attacks on Tellnitz and helped to cover the retreat of First Column. General Stutterheim was an eye-witness to their tenacity:

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Kienmayer sent a Battalion of Szeckler against the escarpment defended by the French (in front of Tellnitz). An intense firefight broke out, with fierce fighting between the attacking Austrians and defending French. Major General Nostitz’s Hesse Homburg Hussars covered the right flank and the Szeckler Hussars covered the left to deter the enemy dragoons formed beyond Tellnitz. The French tirailleurs, hidden in the vineyards and ditches, caused a lot of casualties amongst our Hussars, nevertheless, they maintained their ground. La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim 1806 Hambourg

Figure 123 represents the Hussar uniform as worn on campaign. Breeches and boots would have been covered by buttoned grey riding trousers. Austrian riding-trousers did not have leather reinforcement on the inner-leg, but were made from tough grey canvas. The standard 1803-pattern Austrian light cavalry sabre (with an 83cm blade) was carried in a plain metal scabbard on slings suspended from a red leather waist-belt. The blue pelisse was worn as a jacket with the braiding attached to 3 columns of white buttons. The braiding was arranged in standard horizontal rows or in the zig-zag style shown in Figure 123, used only by Hungarian Hussars. A blue dolman jacket would have been worn under the pelisse, which also had about 15-16 rows of braid linked to three columns of white buttons. Hussar buttons could be either white or yellow, depending on the regiment. All braiding was yellow mixed with black thread. Braiding on breeches included the Hungarian knot decoration included in the inset on Figure 123. The shako was 8 inches high and made of felt, reinforced with leather. Originally introduced in 1798, the newer patterns of shako had become slightly taller and wider at the top. The shako bore a brass version of the national cockade, a woollen pompom, a black plume and a circling row of braid attached to raquettes. Contemporary depictions for this regiment show these shakos being worn in a variety of ways: with or without peaks, and with and without plumes or plume-covers. The standard Hussar sabretache would sometimes have been covered with a waterproof oil-skin on campaign. The horse harness was a light cavalry harness; and the saddle was the raised Hungarian saddle. The saddle-cloth and associated equipment was similar to that of Austrian Heavy-Cavalry but the cut of the Hussar saddle-cloth ended in a pointed angle at the back as in Figure 123.

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Regimental Colours of the Austrian Hussar regiments present at Austerlitz: 11th Szeckler

Blue Pelisse & Dolman; Blue Breeches; Black Shako

4th Hessen Homburg

Green Pelisse & Dolman; Red Breeches; Bright Blue Shako

Figure 124: Wachtmeister (Sergeant-Major) – 4th Hussar Regiment ‘Hessen-Homburg’ – squadron of Lieutenant Rakovsky - Kienmayer’s ‘Advance Guard’. The 300 troopers of the 4th Hessen-Homburg Hussars were given the task of supporting the flanks of the allied advance through Tellnitz. However, Rakovsky’s squadron was delayed on the Heights, and never rejoined the rest of the regiment. Instead, it became part of the very small contingent of cavalry (including the 1st Erzherzog Dragoons and a squadron of St Petersburg Dragoons) protecting the flanks of the Fourth Column infantry units defending the Heights. Figure 124 shows the senior NCO of this squadron (the Wachtmeister) in full parade uniform. Again, this regiment is depicted by a number of contemporary artists and un-named sources, most notably Kininger Vicenz. Full uniform included coloured cloth breeches, dolman, plume and barrel sash – items that rarely featured in campaign dress. The breeches had lace along their outer seams and a simple trefoil design at the top of each leg. In full paradedress, the more practical pelisse was slung over the left shoulder and attached to a braided loop over the right shoulder. Buttons were white metal and braiding was the standard yellow with black thread. Cuffs and collars on Hungarian Hussar uniforms were always the same colour as the dolman itself. The carbine was the standard short 86cm ‘Karabiner fur Husaren’ 1798 model, also used by the Chevauxlegers. It had a long metal bar on its left side so that it could be attached to the cross-belt clip. The Wachtmeister carries his sabre attached to his wrist by the red leather sword-knot strap, common practice with light cavalrymen of the time. His NCO distinctions include the NCO cane, gloves, a double lace band on the shako and a brass hilt on the sabre, as shown in prints by Mollo and by Kobell. Significant distinctions for officers were metallic braiding with 5 columns of buttons, a gold upper band to their shako and gold thread to their barrel sash.

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Figure 125: Austrian Uhlan – 1st ‘Merveldt’ Uhlan Regiment – Kienmayer’s Advance Guard The 40 lancers from the 1st ‘Merveldt’ Uhlans had been detached from the main body of the regiment which was serving with a separate Austrian Corps, stationed 50 miles to the south of Austerlitz. They joined 100 other uhlans from the 2nd Shwarzenburg Uhlans, all that remained of a regiment captured at Ulm. Despite their low numbers, the Uhlans were excellent lancer cavalry. Like the O’Reilly Chevauxlegers, they were also drawn from the Polish and Ukrainian populations of Galicia. Uhlans had been an established branch of the Austrian cavalry long before the first Russian lancer regiments were formed, and they symbolised Austria’s vaunted supremacy in Poland. They wore a Polish-style uniform based on the green Kurtka jacket with red ‘plastron’ lapels. Buttons were yellow. The jacket from this period is depicted (by Kobell, Mansfield, Seele and Kininger Vicenz) with pointed cuffs with two buttons and one single shoulder strap on the left shoulder. Trousers were loose fitting and made of green fabric with black leather reinforcement at the base of each leg and with a double red stripe on the outer seam.* A yellow girdle with two black horizontal stripes covered the sword belt. The main weapon was the 2.5-metre long lance, though only half the uhlans were armed with it. The other half were armed with the short 1798-pattern Hussar carbine. All other equipment, including the sabre, sword belt and horse furniture was as for the Hussars, except that (in this period) the saddle cloth had a rounded rear corner. The uniform was the same for all three Austrian uhlan regiments, with the colour of the capzka being the sole distinguishing feature. The 1801-pattern square top capzka was 8 inches high with a leather base and a pleated cloth upper section; it had a semi-circular shaped leather reinforcement ‘peak’ at the back. Distinctions for NCOs were similar to Hussars. Officer uniforms were distinguished by gold lace and gold piping. Capzka Colours of the Austrian Uhlan Regiments 1st Merveldt 2nd Shwarzenburg 3rd Erzherzog

Yellow Capzka Green Capzka Red Capzka (not present at Austerlitz)

* Although regulations stated that trousers were to have a single stripe in 1804, all depictions from this period continue to show the double stripe.

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Map and views of Battlefield

1. Map of Battlefield with key sites (with numbered references to photographs overleaf)

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Map and views of Battlefield

Published with permission by Google Images

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2. Map of Battlefield at 11.00 am -12.00 noon (with numbered references to the order of battle overleaf)

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Index of Artists and Printers

Index of artists, printers, prints and collections All of the painted figures in this book are based on a number of contemporary illustrated sources including paintings, prints and sketches; many of these are referenced in the text. This index provides an overview of the more important sources. Paintings of military uniforms as with paintings of everyday life and people was not considered a fitting subject for high art in the 1800s. It was left to a category of artists who usually worked with engravers and publishers to produce commercial prints, mainly aquatints and lithographs. The black and white prints would then be coloured by colourists. A note needs to be added on the subject of dating. Many curated collections apply approximate but historically significant dates like 1798, 1812 and 1814 to works which cannot have been produced in these years. Cyphers and uniform styles provide a better method of dating paintings and prints, but they are often overlooked. For example, Austrian uniforms of the period contain the Imperial cypher ‘FII’ from 1792 to 1806 when Emperor Francis was Holy Roman Emperor and ‘FI’ from 1804 to 1835, when Francis became Emperor of Austria. This should allow for a fairly accurate method of dating. However, illustrations of soldiers bearing the post-1804 ‘FI’ cypher regularly appear with the date 1798. Uniform styles provide a less precise way to date prints and paintings but nevertheless give general guidelines. Again, this is often overlooked. One print by Karnejeff and Scotnikoff appears in two separate important curated collections with two different conflicting dates (1799 and 1812); however, the uniform style of some Russian infantrymen and troops suggests that the original paintings for the prints could only have been produced between 1802 and 1806. The process of printing and publishing adds a further complication in that although a print may have been produced in a given year (for example 1812), the original watercolour or drawing on which it was based would have been earlier. Dates attributed to prints and paintings should be viewed critically. Where there is no good evidence for the given date, then the viewer can often look for the evidence within the picture itself. Almutter, Jacob Placidus 1780-1820: Austrian painter working in the Tyrol. As well as scenes of Tyrolean life, he painted soldiers and battlefields of the wars, often from life. His paintings and sketches of soldiers marching through the Tyrol, particularly French and Austrian troops, are highly detailed. ASKBL – Anne S K Brown Library: Anne Seddon Kinsolving Brown was an American heiress who amassed arguably the best military art archive in the world. Much of it is available online. Auguste, Jean 1768-1825: French printer. Produced a tableau of French uniforms of the Grand Armee, printed in 1806. Augsburg Prints: A series of prints produced between 1802 and 1809 in the city of Augsburg detailing uniforms from different countries – including works by artists Ebner, Rugendas, Seele and Voltz.

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Index of Artists and Printers

Barbier, Jean Francois 1754-1828: French soldier and painter. He is well known for his paintings of the 2nd Hussars between 1800 and 1805. Three of his paintings are of the Austerlitz campaign, in which he served and was wounded. Highly detailed watercolours based on his first hand experiences. Boerner, Johann Andreas 1785-1862: Art dealer. Drawings including one of a Dragoon officer bear his stamp. Artist is unknown. Brunswick Manuscript: see Muller C. Campe, Friederich 1777-1846: Nurembourg printer, produced prints of French army on campaign in 1806 campaign with detailed prints of French Horse Artillery. Worked in close association with the artist JM Voltz. Detaille, Eduoard 1848-1912: Prominent late 19th century academic painter and military artist. Duplessis-Bertaux, Jean: 1747-1818: French painter and engraver and professor of Drawing at the Ecole Militaire. Detailed drawings of French troops of the Consulate and early Empire, particularly Horse Artillery. Ebner; Georg Christophe 1784-1863: Printer and publisher of works by German artists including Seele and Voltz. Gautherot, Pierre Claude 1769-1825: French painter, commissioned to paint a formal painting for the 1805 campaign showing Napoleon addressing his troops at Augsberg. Includes detailed studies of French infantry uniforms. Gerard, Francois Pascal 1770-1837: Prominent French painter commissioned by Napoleon to produce formal large-scale paintings of battle scenes including one of Austerlitz, each of which included highly detailed accurate studies of uniforms worn. Painted the portraits of the most prominent people of his time, including several of Napoleon. Giesler (also Giessler); Christian Gottfried Heinrich 1770-1844: Painter and draughtsman and etcher. Worked in Russia during the 1790s and produced a series of detailed prints showing the French army in Germany in 1806. Gros, Antoine Jean 1771-1835: Prominent painter commissioned by Napoleon to paint formal battle paintings including The Battle of Eylau as well as portraits of Napoleon himself. Hammer, Christian Gottleib 1779-1864: Painter and engraver. Not known for military art but has one painting attributed to him in early 1800s of Guard Cossacks by river bank at St Petersburg. Henschel, Wilhelm 1785-1865: worked with brothers Friedrich, August and Moritz as the Brothers Henschel – artists, engravers and printers working in Berlin – produced sets of prints of Prussian soldiers in 1806 and after 1806 of French soldiers of the Imperial Guard – with the

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original drawings produced possibly in 1807-8. Original prints are in the Bibliotheque Nationale and in Dresden. Hoffman, Nicholas 1740-1823: Artist and engraver. Produced a set of prints showing uniforms of the Royal French Army in the 1780s and of the French Republican Army of the early revolution in 1789. Karnejeff; (also Korneev) Emilian Mikhailovich 1774-1839: Russian artist working in early 1800s. Produced a series of paintings of cossacks and nomadic steppe tribes engraved by E Scotnikoff. The paintings were produced prior to 1806 and the resulting prints bear Alexander’s Imperial stamp. The date ‘1812’ written on the margin was added later and is not the date of production. Kininger, Vicenz Georg 1767-1851: Austrian watercolour artist and draughtsman who worked closely with the printing firm of Tranquillo Mollo to produce superb studies of the new Austrian uniforms introduced after the 1798 army reforms. Also known for scenes from the early coalition wars depicting heroic actions of Austrian soldiers. Knotel, Richard 1857-1914: Late 19th century German artist specialising in the study of uniforms. Worked on an encyclopaedia of uniforms, the Uniformenkunde. Kobell, Wilhelm von 1766-1853: One of the most important artists for early Napoleonic uniforms. A painter and printmaker based in Bavaria but who travelled widely throughout Europe. He produced a number of paintings of military reviews which allowed him to present very accurate detailed illustrations of the uniforms of major European armies, including those of Russia, Austria, France, Prussia and Bavaria. He also painted a number of earlier works showing French, Austrian and Russian troops on the march, with a similar eye to detail. Landolt, Salomon 1741-1818: Amateur artist and military painter based in Switzerland. Paintings, many of which are in the British Museum, show the true and quite appalling state and behaviour of armies on the march, including Russians, French and Austrians. Lecomte, Hippolyte 1781-1857: French artist and brother-in-law of Vernet. Painted historical paintings but he also produced watercolour studies of soldiers from the early Empire including a Guard Hussar painted in 1807. Lejeune; Baron Louis-Francois 1775-1848: French painter and active participant in the Napoleonic wars, Lejeune also left a vivid memoir of his experiences. Originally an aide to Napoleon, he later became a General. He was present at Austerlitz and took part in the cavalry charge against the Russian Imperial Guard. A superb painter with highly detailed paintings of famous battles including Marengo and Austerlitz. His studies of people and uniforms are highly accurate and observed from real life. He also produced a series of watercolour studies of soldiers from the Consular period, some of which have survived in private collections. In 1806, he was instrumental in introducing new lithographic printing techniques to France.

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Lethiere; Guillame Guillon 1760-1832: French painter and Professor at the Ecole des BeauxArts. Painter of a formally commissioned work depicting the Capture of the Tabor Bridge during the 1805 campaign. Martinet, Aaron 1762-1814: French printer and publisher who produced hundreds of uniform plates of the Grand Armee, of which 339 types survive. They span the years 1807 to 1814, though many of the plates are standard generic drawings recoloured differently to depict different regiments. Mollo, Tranquillo 1767-1837: Austrian printing publisher, including military prints. He is often associated with the engravers Adam Bartsch and Johann Georg Mansfeld and artist Vicenz Georg Kininger. He produced a key series of prints showing the new Austrian army uniforms introduced after 1798 as well as scenes from the early coalition wars in the 1790s to the early 1800s. Muller, C (no known dates): Engraver and printer of Brunswick manuscript kept in Berlin State Library and in ASKB. The manuscript has 52 surviving prints of French uniforms from the Year 1805. Although the style is naive and some prints are evidently inaccurate or generic, certain prints are nevertheless important. They provide an eye-witness view of what how the French army appeared on campaign. Furthermore, even the more unusual details often correspond to similar details in other more reliable sources. Orme, Edward 1775-1848: London Publisher including military themed prints. Published a collection of plates showing troops from Russian army at the turn of the 1800s, including a print of Czar Alexander. Orlovski, Alexandr 1777-1832: Polish painter and lithographer working in St Petersburg. Orlovski had been involved in the failed Polish independence uprisings in the 1790s and then moved to St Petersburg in the early 1800s where he was an early pioneer in lithography and a painter of scenes of everyday Russian life. Commissioned to paint and print a series of uniform studies for Alexander’s reformed Russian army, the prints of Guard artillerymen, infantrymen and jagers in the St Petersburg Museum collection are attributed to him. He is also known to have produced a series of paintings and prints of cavalrymen which may have been lost. Some of the prints in Viskovatov may also be re-workings of his original prints and drawings. Ottenfeld, Rudolf von 1836-1914: Austrian late 19th century academic painter and military artist and a contemporary of Edouard Detaille. He provided the illustrations for Die österreichen Armee, 1770–1867 published in 1898 Vienna. Otto manuscript: A set of 96 original bound watercolours of the Grand Armee and the Army of Italy dated to 1808 owned by the ASKB and of unknown origin and provenance. The ASKB suggest that the original artist may be someone called ‘Weiland’. The manuscript nevertheless appears to be authentic and corresponds to other contemporary sources. Pinhas, Soloman 1759-1813: German painter, best known for miniatures, based in Kassel where he became court painter. He also produced a series of paintings in 1810-11 of soldiers from the French-allied Kingdom of Westphalia.

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Index of Artists and Printers

Potrelle, Jean Louis 1788-1824: French engraver and printer. Produced a set of 14 surviving prints of the French Consular Guard in 1801. Rugendas, Johann Lorenz II 1775-1826: German artist born in to a family of engravers, artists and printers in Augsburg, known for their battle-scene prints. Produced a set of 35 prints of battle scenes spanning 15 years of the Napoleonic wars. Although not an eyewitness, the scenes include some very detailed, precise and accurate studies of the uniforms worn, often included as uniformed figures in the fore-ground. He could only have obtained these details by observing the uniforms first hand or by consulting original sketches. Sauerweid, (also Zauerveid), Aleksander 1783-1844: Baltic painter and draughtsman born in Courland and working for various printers. He later became the Director of the St Petersburg Academy and painter to Czar Alexander’s General Staff. Known for drawings of soldiers on campaign including Russian, French and Austrian soldiers before, during and after the 180506 campaigns. Unfortunately, many of his printed drawings have been dated to incorrectly ‘1813’; in fact they were drawn over a period spanning possibly over 15 years, from about 1800 to 1815. He painted a superb series of uniform studies of the Saxon army in 1810 and was commissioned by Alexander to paint a similar series of Russian uniforms in 1814. Schauenburg, Maximilien Joseph de 1784-1838: French cavalry officer, later to become a General who commissioned a painting by an un-named artist of his regiment at war attacking a squadron of cossacks in the period 1805-07. Although he did not paint the work himself, he almost certainly provided the information and details for the painting; all the figures are painted in meticulous detail, from equipment to uniforms. Schauenburg was an officer in the 5th Chasseurs during this period and one of the figures in the picture may be a portrait of him. The painting is part of the French Musee d’Armee collection. His brother, who was an officer in the dragoons and who was later killed in battle, also has one surviving portrait. Seele, Johann Baptiste 1774-1814: German artist and chronicler of the Coalition wars throughout the 1790s and early 1800s. Worked in co-operation with number of printing firms producing studies of soldiers from various armies. Showed the true nature of armies on the march, with studies of troops in bivouac and marauding, originally produced in watercolour. Also known for more formal portraiture, as with his portrait of the Archduke Charles. Possibly the main artist responsible for the Augsberg compendium of uniforms prints (see above). St. Petersburg Military Museum Collection: A set of prints owned by the St Petersburg Military museum detailing uniforms of Czar Alexander’s Imperial Guard painted in 1803-4 and attributed to Orlovski – (see Orlovski). The paintings appear to post-date October 1804, the month when black musket belts were adopted by the Guard Jager. Suhr, Christoph 1771-1842: German artist working for many years in Hamburg. A Professor at the Academy of Arts at Berlin, Christoph worked with his brothers, Cornelius (landscape painter) and Peter (printer and publisher) in a printing company in Hamburg. Most well known for producing a series of watercolours of French troops (mainly from 5 th Corps) passing through Hamburg from 1806-1810; a collection known as the Bourgeois de

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Index of Artists and Printers

Hambourg. The collection also includes paintings of troops from other nations including Holland, Italy, Spain, Russia and other German states. Vaquirron (Vagrisson) – other details unknown: Artist named in Brunswick manuscript printed by C Muller in 1805 (see Muller). Vernet, Carle (formerly Antoine Charles Horace) 1758-1836: Prominent French painter and lithographer and father of Horace Vernet. His career as an artist was disrupted by the revolution, when his sister was sent to the guillotine. He then gained prominence under Napoleon with battle-scenes such as the Morning of Austerlitz. His formal paintings are very much part of the deliberate mythologising of Napoleon undertaken by the Imperial regime in all spheres of art. Vernet, Horace 1789-1863: Prominent French painter and son of Carle Vernet. He gained prominence under Louis Philip who commissioned him to paint a number of French battle paintings in the 1830s to be included in the Gallery of Historical Art at Versailles. Three of his best known works include those of Napoleon at the battles of Jena, Wagram and Friedland painted in 1836-8. Vernet’s paintings always figure an idealised image of Napoleon as the central focus, surrounded by his troops in full uniform – much in the style of the formally commissioned battle-scenes of Gros and Gerard. However, the uniformed figures included in each of these paintings are highly accurate and Vernet was a contemporary to the events he painted. Vinkhuijzen, Henrik Jacobus 1843-1910: Dutch collector of prints and watercolours. His collection of 32,000 prints is curated by the New York Public Library. Although most prints are from later 19th century books and magazines, a few are contemporary or near contemporary illustrations. Others also provide important details on uniform, corroborated by more reliable earlier sources. A superb archive. Viskovatov, Aleksandr Vasilevich 1804-1858: Author of the encyclopaedic ‘Historical description of the clothing and arms of the Russian Army’ published between the years 1841 and 1862 in several volumes and commissioned by the Russian state. The work contains summaries of uniform regulations and prints, which have been re-coloured in modern publications. The prints vary between the generic, commissioned prints produced in the 1840s and 1850s to more detailed prints which may be based on earlier paintings. An invaluable work, it nevertheless presents a very idealised ‘full-dress’ image of the Russian army in the early 1800s. Contemporary sources present a much less pristine view. Voltz, Johann Michael 1784-1858: German caricaturist and artist working for printing publishers. Possibly one of the contributors to the Augsberg prints. Known for two prints in 1805 showing Austrian prisoners from Ulm and Russian prisoners from Austerlitz. Weber, Franz Thomas 1761-1828: German artist and engraver working in Augsberg. Produced a series of prints of the Russian army of 1799 under Czar Paul. Weiland: (see Otto manuscript)

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Index of Artists and Printers

Zimmermann Charles: Artist of 62 ink drawings of the Grand Armee dated as 1808. However, the date 1808 has been added to each drawing in different coloured ink and it is probable that many of the drawings were drawn earlier than 1808 and relate to uniforms in the 1806-07 campaign in Germany.

301

Bibliography

Selected Bibliography Barrès, Jean-Baptiste-AugusteTitle : Souvenirs d'un officier de la Grande Armée (11e éd.) / [Jean Baptiste Auguste Barrès] ; publiés par Maurice Barrès, son petit-filsnnnnAuthor : Barrès, Jean-BaptisteAuguste (1784-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris)Publication date : 1923 Bigarre – Memoires du general Bigarre 1775-1813 Paris; Grenadier 2002 Blaze, Elzéar Title : La Vie militaire sous le Premier Empire, ou Moeurs de garnison, du bivouac ou de la caserne, par E. Blaze,...Author : Blaze, Elzéar (1788-1848). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1888 Bowden Scott, Napoleon and Austerlitz The Emperor’s Press 1997 Bukhari Emir, French Napoleonic Line Infantry Almark 1973 Bukhari Emir, Naploeon’s Cavalry Osprey 1979 Buxhowden Fedor Fedorovich _ Buxhowdens report to kutuzov Printed version is available in M.I. Kutuzov: sbornik dokumentov [M.I. Kutuzov: Compilation of the Documents], (Moscow, 1954) volume II Castle, Ian, Austerlitz 1805: The Fate of Empires, Oxford 2002 Castle, Ian. Austerlitz: Napoleon and The Eagles of Europe Pen and Sword 2005 Chandler, David, The Campaigns of Napoleon, London 1967. Coignet, Jean-Roch Title : Souvenirs d'un vieux grognard , par le capitaine J.-R. Coignet Author : Coignet, Jean-Roch (1776-1865). Auteur du texte Publisher : J. Tallandier (Paris)Publication date : 1912 Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph deTitle : Souvenirs des guerres d'Allemagne pendant la Révolution et l'Empire / par le Baron de Comeau,... Author : Comeau de Charry, Sébastien Joseph de (1771-1844). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1900 Czartoryski Adam – Memoires of Prince Adam Czartoryski and his correspondence with Alexander I transl Adam Gielgud – London Remington 1888 Davidov Denis: In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 1806-1814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999 Dempsey Guy C Napoleon’s Army 1807-1815 The Martinet Prints Arms and Armour Press 1997 Dempsey Guy C Napoleon’s Soldiers – The Otto Manuscript Arms and Armour Press 1994 Digby Smith Uniforms of the Napoleonic Wars Lorenz 2006 Duffy, Christopher, Austerlitz 1805, London 1977. Ermolov, Aleksei Petrovich, Zapiski, Moscow 1777-reprinted Moscow 1991) Fleming Mary: The Cavalry Maiden: Journals of a Female Russian Officer in the Napoleonic Wars, translated by Mary Fleming Zirin (London, 1988). Glover M, The Napoleonic Wars Anchor Press 1980

302

Bibliography

Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de Recollections of Colonel de Gonneville by Gonneville, Aymar-Olivier Le Harivel de, 1783-1872; Mirabeau, Marie de Gonneville, comtesse de, 1829- [from old catalog]; Ambert, Joachim-Marie-Jean-Jacques-Alexandre-Jules, 1804-1890; Publication date 1875 Publisher London, Hurst and Blackett Grabbe, P. K. (1873). Iz pamiatnykh zapisok grafa Pavla Khristoforovicha Grabbe. Russia: V Universitetskoĭ tip-īi. Grigoryev, Vasilii, in G. Lyapischev (ed.), Rosiiskie memuary epokhi Napoleonovskikh voin (Moscow, 2013). Goetz Robert; 1805 Austerlitz - 2005 Greenhill Books Haythornthwaite Philip The Austrian Army of the Napoleonic Wars - Cavalry Osprey 1986 Haythornthwaite Philip The Austrian Army of the Napoleonic Wars - Infantry Osprey 1986 Haythornthwaite Philip The Austrian Specialist Troops of the Napoleonic Wars - Osprey 1990 Kutuzov M I : Sbornik Dokumentov, pod redaktsiei polkovnika L.G. Beskrovnogo [M.I. Kutuzov: Compilation of Documents, ed. By Col. Liubomir G. Beskrovny], Moscow, 1951 Langeron – Title: "Journal inedit de la Campagne de 1805" Author: Langeron, Louis-Alexandre Andrault, comte de, 1761-1831. Journal inédit de la campagne de 1805. Paris : La Vouivre, 1998 Lejeune, Louis François, Baron Memoirs of Baron Lejeune, aide-de-camp to marshals Berthier, Davout, and Oudinot; by Lejeune, Louis François, Baron, 1775-1848; D'Anvers, N., d. 1933, ed. and tr; Maurice, John Frederick, Sir, 1841-1912 Publication date 1897 Publisher: Green, and Co. Levavasseur, Octave Title : Un officier d'état-major sous le premier Empire : souvenirs militaires d'Octave Levavasseur, officier d'artillerie, aide-de-camp du maréchal Ney (1802-1815) / publiés par le commandant Beslay Author : Levavasseur, Octave (1781-1866). Löwenstern,General Eduard von, With Count Pahlen’s cavalry against Napoleon: memoirs (1790-1837), translated by Victoria Joan Moessner with Stephen Summerfield (Huntingdon [UK], 2010). Mahler Major – Tagebucher ans dem Jahre 1805 – Mittheilungen des K und K Kriegs Archive 6 1881 Masson, Frédéric, Aventures de Guerre 1792–1809, Paris 1894 (reprinted 2003). Mikaberidze, Alexander. Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1807 Pen & Sword Books. 2015 Mikhailovsky-Danilevsky, A.I., Opisanie Pervoi Voini Imperatora Aleksanda s Napoleonom v 1805-m Godu, St Petersberg 1844 Marbot, Marcellin de Title : Mémoires du général baron de Marbot. Gênes-Austerlitz-Eylau Author : Marbot, Marcellin de (1782-1854). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1891 Otroshenko, Yakov Zapiski General Otroshenko 1800-1830 transl. in Mikaberidze, Alexander. Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1807 Pen & Sword Books. 2015 Ottenfeld von R – Die Oesterreichische Armee, Vienna 1895

303

Bibliography

Parquin, Denis-Charles Title : Souvenirs et campagnes d'un vieux soldat de l'Empire : 1803-1814 (3e éd.) / par le commandant Parquin ; avec une introduction par le capitaine A. Aubier Author : Parquin, DenisCharles (1786-1845). Auteur du texte Publisher : Berger-Levrault (Paris) Date: 1848 Popaditchev Ilya Osipovich – 1895 – Vospominaniya Suvarovskago soldata St Petersburg 1895 (Memoirs of a soldier of Suvarov) Rapp, Jean Title : Mémoires du général Rapp, aide-de-camp de Napoléon , écrits par lui-même et publiés par sa famille Author : Rapp, Jean (1773-1821). Auteur du texte Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1823 Reiss Tom, The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal, and the Real Count of Monte Cristo Author: Tom Reiss Publisher: Crown Publishing Group Publication date: 2012 Rousselot Lucien L’armee Francais Segur, Philip Paul Comte de - Histoire et Memoires Vol 2 Firmin Didot Brothers Publ 1873 Stutterheim Karl von: La Bataille d’Austerlitz par un militaire – Karl von Stutterheim 1806 Hambourg Thiébault, Paul Title : Mémoires du général Bon Thiébault. T. 2 Author : Thiébault, Paul (1769-1846). Publisher : (Paris) Publication date : 1893-1895 Tolstoi, L. N. (1886). War and peace. Tranchant de Laverne, Léger-Marie-Philippe Relation de la bataille d'Austerlitz gagnée le 2 décembre 1805 par Napoléon contre les Russes et les Autrichiens sous les ordres de leurs souverains Author : Tranchant de Laverne, Léger-Marie-Philippe (1769-1815). Auteur du texte Publisher : J. Dumaine (Paris) Publication date : 1879 Truenfest, Amon von Truenfest Geschichte des k. k. 11. Husaren regimentes Herzog Vienna 1878 Turgenev A M (Russkiya Starina, 1887) Viskovatov, Aleksandr Vasilevich: Historical Description of the Clothing and Arms of the Russian Army. St Petersburg 1862 Translation by Mark Conrad in Uniforms of the Russian Army During the Napoleonic Wars Publ. Soldiershop Publishing 2017 Recommended Texts for further reading: Davidov Denis: In the Service of the Tsar against Napoleon: The Memoirs of Denis Davidov, 18061814, translated and edited by Gregory Troubetzkoy. London, 1999 Fleming Mary: The Cavalry Maiden: Journals of a Female Russian Officer in the Napoleonic Wars, translated by Mary Fleming Zirin (London, 1988). Löwenstern,General Eduard von, With Count Pahlen’s cavalry against Napoleon: memoirs (17901837), translated by Victoria Joan Moessner with Stephen Summerfield (Huntingdon [UK], 2010). Mikaberidze, Alexander. Russian Eyewitness Accounts of the Campaign of 1807 Pen & Sword Books. 2015 Reiss Tom, The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal, and the Real Count of Monte Cristo Author: Tom Reiss Publisher: Crown Publishing Group Publication date: 2012