Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

Citation preview

ISSN 2521-845X

Volume 1I

Number II

July 2018

Journal of Asian Politics and Society -- JAPS

Editor Bhuian Md. Monoar Kabir

CAS

Center for Asian Studies

Center for Asian Studies (CAS) Department of Political Science University of Chittagong

Table of Contents Pages

John H. Barnett Eric Wailes Alan Arwine The Effects of Vietnamese Land Laws on Agricultural Reforms During the DoiMoi Period, 1986-2002

1-39

Md. Nazrul Islam Democracy Promotion in American Foreign Policy: Normative or Instrumental?

40-73

Ashish Shukla Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

74-88

AKM Khairul Islam Chinese Aid and Investment in Africa Akkas Ahamed Problems and Prospects of Asian Century in 2050

89-111

112-123

Sunayana Sharma Nuclear Security in South Asia

124-142

Hasina Afruj Shanta Globalization and Its Economic Impact on the Developing Countries: The Case of Bangladesh

143-164

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh Ashish Shukla*

The term of the unicameral legislature of Bangladesh, Jatiya Sangsad (JS), will expire on January 28, 2019. It consists of a total 350 members out of which 300 are elected directly from single territorial constituency with first past the post system, whereas the rest 50 seats, reserved for women, are filled indirectly. Barring a two year state emergency in 2007-08, general elections in Bangladesh have regularly been conducted since 1991. As per the constitution, under normal circumstances, general elections must be held within the 90-day period before the expiration of Jatiya Sangsad’s term. Thus, the next general election is supposed tobe held anytime between October 31, 2018 and January 28, 2019.The country has been witnessing a growing political tussle between Sheikh Hasina-led ruling Awami League and Khaleda Zia-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The BNP has expressed strong reservations over the present Awami League dispensation at the helm and repeatedly made it clear that under the present set-up a credible, free and fair election could not be held. The incumbent government has so far maintained that it would do everything to facilitate the election process under the prescribed constitutional limits and laws of the land. The stand taken by the two important political forces and their uncompromising approach towards each other has created an environment of political unease at home. Some well-versed political observers

*

Dr. Asish Sukla is a Research Fellow at the Indian Council on World Affairs (ICWA), New Delhi.

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

75

and analysts are of the view that the ongoing crisis, if continues for a long time, may turn violent. The Awami League-BNP Tussle At the core of this ongoing political unease and tussle between the two opposing political forces is certain poll-related demands put forward by the BNP leadership as a precondition to join the upcoming general elections.1 One such demand is the installation of a neutral and election-time government which stays away from taking any important decision and does not play a partisan role in the election process. There has been no change in the BNP‟s stance ever since the party brought this issue to the fore. The party has maintained that there will be no credible election in the country without BNP‟s participation. It has also been threatening to launch a political movement against the government, if its demands are not met in time. Bangladesh would need to amend the constitution one more time, if BNP‟s demand of a neutral caretaker government is to be met. The ruling dispensation, on the other hand, seems to have decided not to pay any heed to BNP‟s demands. The Awami League does not want to be seen as bowing to its political foe, having no representation in the Jatiya Sangsad, before the upcoming general elections. Awami League leadership has been arguing that they are ready to do everything to facilitate a free, fair and inclusive election within the prescribed constitutional limits and laws of the land. To understand the ongoing tussle over the formation of a politically neutral caretaker government before the election, one needs to delve into history.

76

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

The Non-Political Caretaker Government (NCG) System The history of constitutional amendments in Bangladesh has not been free from controversies. There have been three constitutional amendments, having consequences for non-political caretaker government provision, that courted controversies—namely the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendment. It is interesting to note that both Awami League and BNP have supported and opposed the installation of a Non-Political Caretaker Government (NCG) as per their political calculations. When in power, both the parties vehemently opposed the idea of NCG, while in opposition they forcefully argued in favour of this system. The demand to institute a NCG to conduct elections was first raised during the authoritarian rule of President Ershad. In November 1990, a joint opposition consisting of Awami League, BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and other likeminded political parties launched a powerful movement against the Ershad presidency. The joint declaration talked about boycotting and resisting any elections under the authoritarian regime. It also categorically stated that the parties would participate in the election only under a politically neutral and non-partisan caretaker government. Under intense domestic and international pressure, President Ershad caved in and handed over power to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court—Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed—who presided over a caretaker government and conducted free and fair elections. The 1991 election brought BNP at the helm of affairs in Bangladesh. However, soon other political parties including Awami League started questioning the way government functioned. The opposition accused BNP of vote rigging in Magura parliamentary by-election in March 1994, which in the end resulted in a severe political crisis. Awami League called for

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

77

countrywide strikes and demanded fresh elections. Sheikh Hasina, then opposition leader, announced that “We will have to think whether we should sit in Parliament with the vote dacoits of the BNP.”2 The crisis and political deadlock continued for another two years during which Awami League demanded to appoint a NCG to conduct next general elections. When boycott of parliament and a series of nationwide strikes did not yield the desired result, 147 opposition members of the Jatiya Sangsad resigned on December 28, 1994.3 Akhtar Hossain suggests that being a dominant and political monopolist party, Awami League could not digest BNP‟s rise as a mass-based political parity. Thus, resorted to continued street agitation and violence on trivial issues that could have been resolved through courts or election commission.4 This was later replicated by BNP when Awami League came to power. Institutionalizing the NCG Throughout the political crisis, ruling BNP termed the demand of NCG undemocratic as well as unconstitutional and finally in November 1995 dissolved Jatiya Sangsad and called for fresh elections. None of the major opposition political parties participated in the fraudulent and heavily rigged February 1996 elections5 in which BNP won 289 out of the 300 seats. However, it could no longer hold on to power as the combined opposition led by Sheikh Hasina launched an indefinite non-cooperation movement on March 9, 1996. Khalda Zia helplessly saw power slipping from her hand. Observes noted that the movement crippled Prime Minister‟s authority to the extent that Khaleda Zia‟s writ could not run beyond her house in Dhaka cantonment and Prime Minister‟s secretariat at Tejgaon.6 Having lost all the moral grounds to opposition, Khaleda Zia government introduced

78

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

13th amendment to the constitution making the installation of NCG under the recently retired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court mandatory to preside over the general elections. The opposition Awami League rejected both the February election and the 13th amendment to the constitution that made NCG a permanent feature of the constitution. The Awami League not only considered the sixth parliament illegal, but also pledged to undo its major decisions if voted to power.7 Under the newly constituted NCG, fresh elections were held in June 1996 following which Awami League came to power albeit with a small majority. Awami League won 146 seats, whereas BNP came second with 116 seats followed by Jatiya Party that got 32 seats.8 There were remarkable improvements in the political situation at home, especially in the first one and a half years. On December 2, 1997 the government signed The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord (CHT Peace Accord) which ended the long-standing armed conflict in the region.9 The BNP vehemently opposed the accord and launched a nation-wide movement arguing that it undermined the sovereignty of the country and violated various constitutional provisions.10 This brought the two political arch-rivals in a confrontational mode which continued till the next general election held under the NCG in October 2001. The election results turned the table, as the BNP secured a stunning victory by winning 193 seats. Awami League came a distant second with 62 seats, followed by Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) that won 17 seats and Jatiya Party which got 14 seats. Awami League alleged large scale vote-rigging and demanded fresh elections. Sheikh Hasina also threatened to resort to mass-protest and boycott of the parliament. International observers, the head of

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

79

the NCG and election commission rejected these allegations and declared the general elections to be largely free and fair.11 Political temperature remained high, as Sheikh Hasina threatened to launch a non-cooperation campaign if the election results were not cancelled by October 10, 2001.12 Political temperature remained very high since then. She along with other members of parliament from her party even did not come in parliament for 77 sitting days in a row.13 It was for the first time in the history of Bangladesh that the opening session of Jatiya Sangsad commenced without the opposition in attendance.14 Awami League ended its boycott of Jatiya Sangsad in 2002 for a brief period and then again walked out in June 2003 in protest over derogatory remarks against Sheikh Hasina by a Minister and partisan role of the parliamentary speaker.15 Unlike Awami League (1996-2001), Khaleda Zia-led BNP together with allies had a two third majority in the Jatiya Sangsad. This brute majority gave BNP government authority to initiate and pass a constitutional amendment without relying on opposition. The controversy over the NCG again raised its head when BNP in 2004 introduced 14th amendment in the constitution that inter alia increased the retirement age of the Supreme Court Judges by two years. It is important to note that the amendment was passed in parliament without any attempt to evolve a national consensus. This happened at a time when main opposition party Awami League was not attending the parliament. The opposition parties accused Khaleda Zia of taking a “calculative move” to ensure its favourite Chief Justice K. M. Hasan head the next NCG. The united opposition unanimously rejected the amendment at a meeting held at Awami League‟s Dhanmondi office where Sheikh Hasina stated that “The 14th amendment at is

80

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

contrary to the original spirit of the constitution. We are rejecting the amendment since there is no requirement for it.”16 The opposition parties led by Awami League objected to the possible appointment of Justice K.M. Hassan as the head of NCG. Amid the ongoing deadlock and controversy over the NCG, Justice K.M. Hassan himself refused to head the caretaker government. However, that did not end the deadlock. The issue became a bone of contention between the government and the opposition leading to violent protests in the streets. In October 2006, after the end of the tenure of the government, the parliament was dissolved and NCG took over the responsibility of conducting the general elections. The opposition parties accused BNP of installing its supporters into NCG and the election commission. This was followed by widespread agitation, violence and calls of shutdowns. When nothing seemed to be working, President Iajuddin Ahmed declared himself the Chief Advisor of the NCG which infuriated opposition parties to the extent that they forced the President to resign from the position of Chief Advisor on January 11, 2007 after which President Iajuddin declared a state of emergency in the country.17 Theincumbent NCG was replaced by a new NCG comprising mainly of private sector individuals that finally held elections in December 2008 following which Awami League came to power with a thumping majority. Dropping the NCG through 15th Constitutional Amendment The 2008 elections were significant in many ways; the total turnout was over 86%; women out performed men when it came to vote for a new government18and most importantly it gave Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League a super-majority in the Jatiya Sangsad. The party had secured 230 out of a total 300

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

81

parliamentary seats. In an important development, the appellate division of the Supreme Court on May 10, 2011 declared the 13th amendment unconstitutional on the ground that it mandated an elected government to transfer power to an unelected NCG to oversee a new parliamentary election.19 However, the court also categorically stated that the voided system may be practiced for another two parliamentary terms for the sake of “safety or the state and its people.”20 Instead of following the suggestion of the apex court, Awami League decided to use its unprecedented strength in the parliament to do away with the NCG system. Thus, on June 30, 2011 Sheikh Hasina government passed the 15th constitutional amendment which scrapped the provision of instituting NCG to oversee parliamentary elections in the country. The BNP-led opposition boycotted and protested against the annulment of the caretaker system21 but it failed to impress the government. It gave Awami League government an ultimatum to reinstate the NCG by June 10, 2012 or face strong street protests. It organised a rally of over 100,000 supporters in Dhaka to pressurise the government and called for a nationwide political agitation after the deadline.22 The BNP led opposition repeatedly threatened to boycott the electoral process if the government did not repeal the 15th constitutional amendment and restore the NCG. Sheikh Hasina led ruling dispensation did not accept the demands and argued that the highest court of the land declared NCG illegal and there was no scope to retain the system. In December 2013, BNP-led alliance declared that they would not participate in the general elections scheduled in January 2014. Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury, then vice president of the BNP, stated that “There is no question of us filing nominations for the January 5 election

82

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

under the present circumstances. We‟re not going to take part in the January 5 elections.”23 The Renewed Demand of NCG Ever since the passage of the 15th constitutional amendment and scrapping of the NCG system, BNP-led alliance has been demanding to do away with the 15th amendment and restore the NCG system to ensure free & fair general elections. Such voices became loud and clear in the recent past. There appears to be no change in ruling dispensations thinking over the issue. In her address to the nation on January 12, 2018 Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina stated inter alia that: Election to the 11th Jatiya Sangsad will be held later in 2018 as per the constitution. The election procedures have been clearly mentioned in our constitution. As per the constitution, the polls-time government will be constituted. The government will extend wholehearted support to the Election Commission for holding the polls.The honorable President has constituted new Election Commission through a search committee. Meanwhile, this commission has attained people‟s trust through holding the election to the two city corporations along with some elections at local level.I hope all parties registered with the election commission will participate in the next national election and cooperate to uphold the democratic process of the country.Some vested quarters could move with ill motive to create anarchic situation centering the next election. You have to stay alert in this regard. People don‟t want unrest. People will no more accept the damage to people‟s life and

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

83

property in the name of movement after boycotting election.24 With her address to the nation, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina summarily rejected BNP‟s demand and left no doubt about Awami League‟s strategy regarding the next general elections. The BNP leadership‟s response to this address was calculated. The BNP officials argued that the party was upset about Sheikh Hasina‟s statement but still hoped that a meaningful solution to the crisis could be found through talks in a congenial atmosphere.25 The 14-party ruling alliance rejected this too. Mohammed Nasim, the 14-party spokesperson and Health and Family Welfare minister, argued that “BNP and its alliance is a gang of evil force which is trying to foil the upcoming election. The Awami League and the 14-party alliance cannot sit with such an evil force.”26 Awami League General Secretary and Minister for Road Transport and Bridges, Obaidul Quader, also ruled out any possibility of having dialogue with BNP over this issue. He argued that since there was no complexity and no problem in holding the elections, therefore, there was no need to hold a dialogue.27 With no indication from the government to initiate dialogue, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia launched a scathing attack on the Awami Lague accusing it of burying the democracy and establishing a one party rule in the country. In a message to the people, on January 24, 2018 she stated inter alia that: The 15th amendment is the ghost of the BKSAL system that has led to establishment of the current misrule…People‟s freedom has been snatched away and social equity and balance has been damaged due to destruction of pluralism…Due to deteriorating law and order situation, the

84

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

people‟s peace, security, shelter, profession, business and trade--everything has fallen into a state of anarchy.28 The bitter trade-off between the multiparty alliances led by BNP and Awami League is continuing and there appears to be no end in sight. With elections coming close, this bitterness is expected to grow manifold. Many observers and analysts fear large scale violence and disturbances in case the two leading parties fail to resolve the crisis in time. Zia Orphanage Trust Graft Case Verdict Amid the ongoing heated exchanges over the NCG and next general elections, a Dhaka Court verdict shifted the focus of discourse in the country. The court found BNP Chief Khaleda Zia guilty in an old Zia Orphanage Trust graft case 2008 and sentenced her to spend five years in jail. Announcing the 632page verdict on February 8, 2018 Judge Akhataruzzaman of Dhaka Special Judge‟s Court 5 in Bakshibazar convicted Khaleda Zia29 following which she was sent to old Dhaka Central Jail at Nazimuddin Road. This new development is going to have profound impact on the upcoming general elections as it has put a big question mark over Khaleda Zia‟s candidature. It has added one more layer to the uncertainty over the electoral process. As per the existing rules, a convicted person cannot contest the election until and unless allowed by the superior court. It was also underlined by the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) AKM Nurl Hoda recently. He argued that after getting sentenced in a graft case, Khaleda Zia became ineligible to contest the next general elections. He also added that “If Khaleda Zia lodges an appeal with the Supreme Court against the lower court verdict

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

85

and the court permits her to contest the election, then she will be able to take part in the polls.”30 BNP’s Two-Pronged Strategy On her sentence and jail term, BNP has responded very cautiously. The party and its alliance partners since then have adopted a two pronged strategy to tackle the ongoing crisis. Firstly, they have constantly been accusing the ruling establishment of trying to muzzle the voices of opposition by implicating its leaders in false and politically motivated cases.The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) chief Col. (retd.) Oli Ahmed on February 17, 2018 categorically stated that “Awami League wants to grab the state power again by confining BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia in connection with a politically motivated case.”31 BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has warned that people of the country would not accept if the government made attempts to score in an empty field keeping Khaleda Zia away from the next parliamentary elections. He stated that “We would like to clearly say that no polls will be acceptable to people without Khaleda Zia‟s participation in it. This is reality. Those who deny it want to score in the empty filed and hold unilateral polls to establish a one-party rule.”32 The party has also accused government of bending rules to keep Khaleda Zia behind the bar33 and then held another lopsided election.34 Secondly, they have launched a series of peaceful protests including sit-ins and forming of human chains to put pressure on the government on the one hand and gain public sympathy on the other. The second prong of the strategy suggests maintaining a soft line of action and avoiding any type of confrontation with police or ruling party activists.35 It is believed that a peaceful

86

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

movement will not only make BNP more popular in the eyes of the people, it will also tarnish ruling dispensation‟s image ahead of the general elections. Of late, a High Court bench of Justice M. Enayetur Rahim and Justice Shahidul Karim passed an order granting a four month interim bail to BNP Chairperson on the ground of her age and physical complications.36 However, soon after this order, Khaleda was shown arrested in an arson attack case in which a Comilla court asked police to produce her before it on March 28.37 The government and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) have filed petitions with the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court against the interim bail granted to BNP chairperson in Zia Orphanage Trust graft case.38The Appellate Division on March 19, suspended the bail granted by the High Court and issued order to maintain status quo.39 Since then Khaleda Zia has been in jail. Conclusion Given the complex nature of politics in Bangladesh, it is highly undesirable to continue the ongoing political deadlock between the two mainstream political parties. However, the two parties are moving ahead in a direction where chances of political reconciliation are getting minimised. For BNP, this election is a question of life and death, as the party has virtually no representation in the Jatiya Sangsad. If it does not take part in this election, it will loose its registration as a political party. As far as the Awami Leage is concerned, it has decided not to give any room to BNP and go ahead with the election even if former does not agree to contest the upcoming general elections.

Journal of Asian Politics and Society--JAPS Vol. 11 No. II July 2018

87

Endnotes 1

It is important to note that the 20 party alliance led by BNP did not participate in the last general elections due to which Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League got a virtual walkover resulting in the complete marginalisation of BNP in the Jatiya Sangsad. 2 Liton, Shakhawat (2014), “Magura: Polls then and Now,” The Daily Star, April 7, 2014, http://www.thedailystar.net/magura-polls-then-and-now-19000, accessed on February 28, 2018. 3 “152 MPs resigned since 1974,” The Daily Star, April 24, 2012, http://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail231410, accessed on March 2, 2018. 4 Hossain, Akhtar (2000), “Anatomy of Hartal Politics in Bangladesh,” Asian Survey, 40 (3): 508-529. 5 Pakbir, Mir Mosharref Hossain (2018), “Electoral System and Democratic Governance in Bangladesh,” The Daily Observer, January 9, 2018, http://www.observerbd.com/details.php?id=115696&fb_comment_id=1447656065282996_1447 885438593392#f375021a9fb95d, accessed on March 3, 2018. 6 Mahmud, Arshad (1996), “Khaleda‟s Surrender,” Outlook, April 10, 1996, https://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/story/khaledas-surrender/201145, accessed on March 4, 2018. 7 Ahmed, Nizam (2011), “Abolition or Reform?: Non-party Caretaker System and Government Succession in Bangladesh,” The Round Table, 100 (414): 303-321. 8 “Parliamentary Chamber: Jatiya Sangsad,” available at http://archive.ipu.org/parlinee/reports/arc/2023_96.htm, accessed on March 20, 2018. 9 Jamil, Ishtiaq and Pranab Kumar Pandey (2008), “The Elusive Peace Accord in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh and the Plight of the Indigenous People,” Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 46 (4): 464-489. 10 Alam, Shah M. (2010), “Revisiting CHT Peace Accord,” The Daily Star, May 8, 2018, available at http://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail-137453, accessed on March 21, 2018. 11 “Bangladesh: Constitution and Politics,” The Commonwealth, available at http://thecommonwealth.org/our-member-countries/bangladesh/constitution-politics, accessed on March 23, 2018. 12 “Bangladesh Parliament Boycott,” BBC News, October 3, 2001, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1576995.stm, accessed on March 24, 2018. 13 Haque, A.N.M. (2009), “Parliament boycott also repeats,” The Daily Star, October 25, 2009, available at http://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail-111271, accessed on March 25, 2018. 14 Lewis, David (2011), Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society, New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 95. 15 “Khaleda Zia: 2001-2006,” available at https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/bangladesh/pmzia-2001.htm, accessed on March 26, 2018. 16 Habib, Haroon (2004), “A Controversial Amendment,” Frontiline, available at http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2112/stories/20040618001205200.htm, accessed on March 9, 2018. 17 Khan, Adeeba Aziz (2015), “The Politics of Constitutional Amendments in Bangladesh: The Case of the Non-political Caretaker Government,” International Review of Law, London: SOAS, available at http://www.qscience.com/doi/pdf/10.5339/irl.2015.9, accessed on March 12, 2018. 18 Duncan, Alex, Susan Loughhead and Jeremy Eckstein (2009), “Elections in Bangladesh in 2008,” DFID Paper, Department for International Development, UK Aid, available at https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/67653/electionsbd-2008.pdf , accessed on March 10, 2018. 19 Sarkar, Ashutosh (2011), “Caretaker system declared illegal,” The Daily Star, May 11, 2011, http://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail-185142, accessed on March 10, 2018. 20 Ibid. 21 Habib, Haroon (2011), “Constitutional Amendments in Bangladesh,” The Hindu, June 30, 2011, http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/constitutional-amendments-inbangladesh/article2148058.ece, accessed on March 10, 2018.

88

Understanding the Growing Political Tussle in Bangladesh

“Bangladesh: Back to the Future,” International Crisis Group, Asia Report No. 226, June 13, 2012, https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-asia/bangladesh/bangladesh-back-future, accessed on March 10, 2018. 23 “Bangladesh opposition to boycott elections,” Al Jazeera, December 2, 2013, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia/2013/12/bangladesh-opposition-boycott-elections2013122900876856.html, accessed on March 10, 2018. 24 “Full text of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina‟s address to nation,” Daily Sun, January 12, 2018, http://www.daily-sun.com/post/281652/Full-text-of-Prime-Minister-Sheikh-Hasina‟s-address-tonation, accessed on January 12, 2018. 25 ” Meaningful solution to „political crisis‟ still possible: BNP,” The Independent, January 13, 2018, http://www.theindependentbd.com/post/132518, accessed on January 13, 2018. 26 “No dialogue with BNP, says 14-party alliance,” Dhaka Tribune, January 15, 2018, http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/politics/2018/01/15/no-dialogue-bnp-14-party-alliance/, accessed on Janaury 15, 2018. 27 “Quader rules out BNP demand for dialogue,” The Independent, January 13, 2018, http://www.theindependentbd.com/post/132528, accessed on December 13, 2018. 28 “AL Buries Democracy: Khaleda,” Prothom Alo, January 24, 2018. http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/170000/AL-buries-democracy-Khaleda, accessed on January 24, 2018. 29 Ashif Islam Shaon, Md Sanaul Islam Tipu, Kamrul Hasan (2018), “Graft case verdict sends Khaleda Zia to jail for 5 years,” Dhaka Tribune, February 9, 2018, http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/court/2018/02/09/graft-case-verdict-sends-khaleda-ziajail-5-years/, accessed on February 9, 2018. 30 “CEC thinks Khaleda can‟t contest polls now,” Prothom Alo, February 19, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/171346/CEC-thinks-Khaleda-can-t-contest-polls-now, accessed on February 19, 2018. 31 “AL wants to 'grab state power again',” The Daily Star, February 18, 2018, http://www.thedailystar.net/city/al-wants-grab-state-power-again-1536238, accessed on February 18, 2018. 32 “People won‟t accept election without Khaleda: BNP,” Prothom Alo, February 20, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/171367/People-won-t-accept-election-withoutKhaleda-BNP, accessed on February 20, 2018. 33 “Rules bent to keep Khaleda behind bars,” The Daily Star, March 10, 2018, http://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/rules-bent-keep-khaleda-behind-bars-1546048, accessed on March 10, 2018. 34 “Khaleda jailed as govt wants another lopsided election,” Prothom Alo, March 11, 2017, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/172368/Khaleda-jailed-as-govt-wants-anotherlopsided, accessed on March 11, 2017. 35 “Peaceful movement 'a strategy not weakness': BNP,” The Independent, February 11, 2018, http://www.theindependentbd.com/post/136831, accessed on February 11, 2018. 36 “Khaleda Zia finally granted bail,” Prothom Alo, March 12, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/172450/Khaleda-Zia-granted-bail, accessed on March 12, 2018. 37 “Khaleda now shown arrested in Comilla arson case,” Prothom Alo, March 12, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/172476/Khaleda-now-shown-arrested-in-Comillaarson-case, accessed on March 12, 2018. 38 “Govt, ACC file petitions against Khaleda bail,” Prothom Alo, March 13, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/172500/Govt-ACC-file-petitions-against-Khaledabail, accessed on March 13, 2018. 39 “Khaleda bail remains suspended,” Prothom Alo, March 19, 2018, http://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/news/172821/Khaleda-bail-remains-suspended, accessed on March 19, 2018. 22