Understanding the Contemporary Middle East 9781685855482

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UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEMPORARY MIDDLE EAST

UNDERSTANDING Introductions to t h e States a n d Regions of the C o n t e m p o r a r y World Donald L. Gordon, series

editor

Understanding Contemporary Africa, second edition edited by April A. Gordon & Donald L. Gordon Understanding Contemporary China edited by Robert E. Gamer Understanding Contemporary Latin America edited by Richard S. Hillman Understanding the Contemporary Middle East edited by Deborah J. Gerner

UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEMPORARY

MIDDLE EAST edited by

Deborah J. Gemer

LYN N E RIENNER PUBLISHERS BOULDER LONDON

Cover photos: Syrian woman, Palestinian boy playing in snow, and Egyptian father and son by Deborah J. Gemer. Israeli man with violin by Jennifer A. Smith.

Published in the United States of America in 2000 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, C o l o r a d o 80301 www.rienner.com and in the United Kingdom by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London W C 2 E 8LU © 2000 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved Library of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication Data Understanding the contemporary Middle East / edited by Deborah J. Gerner p. cm. — (Understanding) Includes bibliographical references (p. - ) and index. ISBN 1-55587-706-0 (he. : alk. paper). I S B N 1-55587-725-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Middle East. 2. Africa, North. I. Gerner, Deborah J. II. Series: Understanding (Boulder, Colo.) DS44U473 2000 956—dc21 99-37486 CIP British C a t a l o g u i n g in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available f r o m the British Library.

Printed and bound in the United States of A m e r i c a

@

The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the A m e r i c a n National Standard for P e r m a n e n c e of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z 3 9 . 4 8 - 1 9 8 4 . 5 4 3 2 1

Contents List o f M a p s , Tables, and F i g u r e s

IX

List o f P h o t o g r a p h s

XI

Preface 1 2

Introduction

Xlll

Deborah

J.

Gemer

T h e M i d d l e East: A G e o g r a p h i c P r e f a c e

Ian R. Manners and Barbara McKean Boundaries

Aridity and Water

3

Parmenter

5

8

Cityscapes

20

Conclusion

26

14

The Historical Context

Arthur

The Ancient Middle East

Goldschmidt

Jr.

33

33

The Islamic Middle East as an Autonomous System The Subordination of the Middle East to the West The Middle East Since World War I Conclusion 4

39 48

5«

79

M i d d l e Eastern P o l i t i c s

Deborah J. Gerner and Philip A. Schrodt The Colonial Legacy

81

81

A Changing International Context E c o n o m i c Development

Informal Structures of Power

87

The Myth of Political Instability Prospects for Democratization The Role of the Military

84

86 89 90

93

Political Ideologies, Institutions, and Leadership Nationalist Revolutionary Republics

100

Traditional and Parliamentary Monarchies Islamic States

119

Democratic Polities Conclusion

121

125

v

109

97

vi

Contents

5

International Relations

Mary

Ann

S o v e r e i g n t y in t h e M i d d l e E a s t

Tétreault

129

129

T h e Middle East and the Great Powers

134

T h e M i d d l e E a s t as a F o r e i g n P o l i c y S u b s y s t e m Conclusion 6

140

153

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Simona

Sharoni

and

Mohammed

Abu-Nimer

161

T h e P a r t i e s : T w o P e o p l e s — P a l e s t i n i a n s a n d Israeli J e w s T h e H i s t o r y a n d D y n a m i c s of t h e C o n f l i c t

162

168

One Land, Two Peoples: C e n t r a l I s s u e s a n d P o i n t s of C o n t e n t i o n

186

T h e R o c k y R o a d to P e a c e : P a s t a n d P r e s e n t A t t e m p t s to Resolve the Conflict Conclusion 7

189

195

T h e E c o n o m i e s o f the M i d d l e East Initial C o n d i t i o n s , 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 3 9 T h e W a r Years, 1 9 3 9 - 1 9 4 5

Elias

H.Tuma

201

207 217

P o s t - W o r l d W a r II E x p a n s i o n a n d t h e Oil B o o m , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 8 2

219

Contemporary Middle Eastern Economies, 1 9 8 2 to t h e P r e s e n t Conclusion 8

230

233

Population Growth, Urbanization, and the C h a l l e n g e s of U n e m p l o y m e n t Urbanization

Valentine

M. Moghadam

239

240

Population Growth

242

Labor Force Growth and E m p l o y m e n t Challenges Rising Unemployment

249

Poverty and Inequality

252

Conclusion 9

259

Kinship, Class, and Ethnicity

Laurie

King-Irani

Persistent Challenges and Adaptive Strategies: The Environmental and Historical Context Kinship

268

Ethnicity

276

T h e H i s t o r i c a l C o n t e x t of E t h n i c i t y Social Class

281

283

K i n s h i p , E t h n i c i t y , a n d C l a s s in C o n t e x t : S t r a t e g i e s or S t r a i t j a c k e t s ? Conclusion

246

290

286

267

263

vii

Contents

10

The Role of Women

Lisa

Taraki

The Modern Nation-State Economic Activity

298

Family and Kinship Values and N o r m s Politics

301 304

307

Conclusion 11

293

294

314

R e l i g i o n a n d P o l i t i c s in t h e M i d d l e E a s t and Mohammed

A. Muqtedar

John

L.

319

T h e H i s t o r i c a l R o l e of R e l i g i o n in t h e M i d d l e E a s t

320

T h e C o n t e m p o r a r y R o l e of R e l i g i o n in M i d d l e E a s t e r n P o l i t i c s

330

U n d e r s t a n d i n g the R o l e of R e l i g i o n in M i d d l e E a s t e r n P o l i t i c s

337

Conclusion 12

Esposito

Khan

338

M i d d l e Eastern Literature

miriam

cooke

345

E u r o p e a n C o l o n i a l i s m a n d Its D i s c o n t e n t s

345

C u l t u r a l F e r m e n t at t h e T u r n of t h e T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y T h e S h o r t S t o r y as L i t e r a r y P i o n e e r F r a n c o p h o n e N o v e l s in N o r t h A f r i c a The Arabic Novel

357

The Iranian Novel

360

The Turkish Novel T h e Israeli N o v e l

356

361 362

D r a m a : G r a f t i n g the N e w o n t o the O l d P o e t r y and the H o l d of t h e D e s e r t E m i g r a t i o n and E x i l e

Trends and Prospects

367

373

377

T r a n s l a t i o n and R e c o g n i t i o n 13

363

365

I n d e p e n d e n c e and P o s t c o l o n i a l S t r u g g l e s T h e M u s l i m State

379

Deborah

J. Gemer

U n d e r s t a n d i n g the C o n t e m p o r a r y M i d d l e E a s t Economic Development Ethnonationalist Conflicts Political Accountability Conclusion

348

351

383 383

386 388 389

391

A p p e n d i x 1: L i s t o f A c r o n y m s

393

A p p e n d i x 2: B a s i c P o l i t i c a l D a t a

395

The Contributors

407

Index

409

About the B o o k

421

• Maps, Tables, and Figures • • 2.1 2.2 3.1 6.1 6.2

• 4.1 4.2 7.1 7.2 7.3 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6

• 7.1

MAPS Political Map of the Middle East Extent of the Ottoman Empire Extent of the Islamic Empire Israel/Palestine, Showing the 1947 Partition Plan, 1948 Boundaries, and Borders A f t e r the 1967 War Areas A, B, and C Within the West Bank

11 12 44 173 184

TABLES Military Expenditures of Middle Eastern States, 1996 Formal Political Participation in the Middle East, 1999 Natural Resources Indicators of Development Contribution over Time of Agriculture and Industry to G D P Population and Urbanization in the Middle East and North Africa The Middle East and North Africa: Cities with Populations over 1 Million, 1995 The Middle East and North Africa: Basic Demographic Indicators Distribution of the Labor Force by Sex and Female Share of Salaried E m p l o y m e n t , 1 9 9 0 - 1 9 9 4 Unemployment Rates in Selected Countries, by Sex and Year Indicators of Urban-Rural Disparities, Selected Countries

95 101 203 204 225 241 243 244 248 252 255

FIGURE Schematic Analysis of E c o n o m i c and Political C h a n g e

IX

206

• Photographs • 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6

West Bank oasis town of Jericho/Ariha Downtown Riyadh, Saudi Arabia Watering troughs for camels in O m a n Istanbul, Turkey The Cairo-Giza metropolis Hajj painting in Luxor, Upper Egypt

7 7 16 21 25 29

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

The Great Sun Temple of Abu Simbel Byzantine mosaics in Madaba, Jordan Ancient Roman temple at Baalbek, in Lebanon Turkish flag and flag picturing Atatiirk War-torn central Beirut, Lebanon

35 37 38 59 77

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

Military parade in Algiers, Algeria State rally in Tripoli, Libya Baghdad street with poster of Saddam Hussein Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak King Hassan II of M o r o c c o in Casablanca Sudanese refugees

96 98 99 106 118 120

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

Poster celebrating the endurance of Lebanon Kuwaiti troops prepare to liberate their country Iraqi women train to fight against Iran World leaders at antiterrorism conference, Egypt

132 139 149 155

6.1

Sign, in English and Hebrew, on a settlement building in the West Bank Palestinian w o m a n and child in Bureij refugee c a m p Palestinian political figure Haider Abdul-Shafi Palestinian president Yasser Arafat Israeli troops confront Palestinian demonstrators in the West Bank Israeli and Palestinian peace activists Israeli peace activists

6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7

xi

170 174 182 183 185 193 194

Photographs

xii

7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

Palestinian w o m a n sewing embroidered cloth Y o u n g I r a n i a n w o m a n w e a v e s an o r n a t e P e r s i a n c a r p e t Dhow b o a t a n d oil t a n k e r in B a h r a i n i port D r i p i r r i g a t i o n in t h e E g y p t i a n Sinai M c D o n a l d ' s outlet in Tel Aviv C e n t r a l B u s S t a t i o n

212 214 218 224 235

8.1 8.2

West B a n k city of R a m a l l a h C h i l d r e n in g a r b a g e d u m p in C a i r o

240 245

9.1-9.7

Ethnic diversity

278

10.1-10.4

W o m e n of t h e M i d d l e E a s t

306

10.5

S a m i h a Khalil, 1996 Palestinian presidential candidate

313

11.1 11.2

Q a b a t a l - B a h r C r u s a d e r f o r t r e s s in S i d o n , L e b a n o n M o s q u e at J o b ' s T o m b n e a r S a l a l a h , O m a n

324 326

11.3 11.4 11.5

O m m a y a d M o s q u e in D a m a s c u s , S y r i a O r t h o d o x J e w i s h y o u t h p r a y i n g in J e r u s a l e m F e m a l e p r o t e s t e r s in A l g i e r s , A l g e r i a

327 332 336

12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4

Egyptian Nobel laureate Naguib M a h f o u z Syrian poet Nizar Kabbani and poem Palestinan writer Ghassan Kanafani M o u r n e r s at a f u n e r a l f o r F a r a g F o d a

358 365 376 379

• Preface • Understanding the Contemporary Middle East d r a w s on the expertise of more than a dozen scholars to create a truly interdisciplinary text that is up-to-date and student friendly. Individual chapters introduce the key themes, controversies, and research within geography, history, economics, demography, politics, international relations, sociology, anthropology, gender studies, conflict resolution, religion, and literature. Although each chapter is intended to stand on its own, the various authors have consciously attempted to integrate their discussion with material across chapters so that the book functions as a unified entity. The Introduction confronts directly the stereotypes that students often have about the Middle East and also introduces one of the themes that is woven throughout this volume: the interaction between the ancient and the modern that is so much a part of the region. In Chapter 2, Ian R. Manners and Barbara McKean Parmenter describe the great diversity that exists within the Middle East. They suggest that, rather than imposing on the region a single, static "geography," it is more appropriate to think about multiple geographies reflecting various types of shifting landscapes: political boundaries, physical attributes such as the presence or absence of water, and cityscapes. This approach allows for a fuller exploration of the interplay of humans and their environments and illustrates the ways that borderlessness is at least as important as borders in interpreting the Middle East. Arthur Goldschmidt Jr. describes, in Chapter 3, the lengthy history of the region, beginning with the ancient empires of Egypt and Sumer more than 5,000 years ago. Here a central motif is the continual transformation that occurs as invaders c o n q u e r or are turned back and as the indigenous peoples resist or a c c o m m o d a t e these outsiders. Goldschmidt gives particular attention to the creation of the Islamic Middle East as an a u t o n o m o u s political and social system and the challenges to that system that c a m e f r o m its interactions with the West in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. Deborah J. Gerner and Philip A. Schrodt pick up where Goldschmidt ends, discussing the domestic politics of Middle Eastern countries. In Chapter 4, they highlight several factors that have influenced the evolution of these states, such as their colonial legacy and patterns of economic development, before turning to a description of the various political ideologies

Xlll

Preface

xiv

and f o r m s o f governmental organization that characterize the M i d d l e East today. G e r n e r and S c h r o d t also elucidate a key distinction b e t w e e n attributes o f M i d d l e Eastern political systems that are unusual or even unique to the region and those characteristics that are more widespread globally. T h e s e t h e m e s are a l s o present in C h a p t e r 5 , in which M a r y Ann Tetreault e x a m i n e s the international relations o f the region. T h e chapter illustrates how involvement with the Great Powers has frequently undercut the ability o f M i d d l e Eastern countries to act autonomously in the g l o b a l arena. Tetreault analyzes, as well, the functioning o f the Middle E a s t as a r e g i o n a l s u b s y s t e m , with attention given to several recent c o n f l i c t s , including the A r a b - I s r a e l i dispute, the Kurdish issue, the war b e t w e e n Iran and Iraq, and Iraq's invasion o f Kuwait. Chapter 6 , by S i m o n a Sharoni and M o h a m m e d Abu-Nimer, is unusual in two respects: it deals entirely with a single conflict and it is j o i n t l y written by an Israeli J e w and a Palestinian with Israeli citizenship. T h i s s c h o l arly c o l l a b o r a t i o n a l l o w s for a c a r e f u l l y nuanced d i s c u s s i o n o f the often c o n t r o v e r s i a l Israeli-Palestinian c o n f l i c t . S h a r o n i and A b u - N i m e r present the historical evolution o f this antagonistic relationship and explain its international d i m e n s i o n s , then turn to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the central issues that divide many Israelis and many Palestinians. Finally, they summarize past and current attempts to resolve the conflict and challenge the c o m m o n b e l i e f that such a resolution can only o c c u r with the i n v o l v e m e n t o f the United States and other third parties. In Chapter 7 , by E l i a s H. T u m a , we turn to a study o f the varied patterns o f e c o n o m i c development that Middle Eastern countries have experie n c e d . T u m a ' s argument is that virtually all these countries began with a problematic developmental context (e.g., poor infrastructure, lack o f a stable g o v e r n m e n t , low level o f technical and scientific k n o w l e d g e ) , further c o m p l i c a t e d by the d o m i n a t i o n o f f o r e i g n f o r c e s (as d i s c u s s e d in e a r l i e r c h a p t e r s ) . E v e n today, T u m a writes, most M i d d l e Eastern e c o n o m i e s are characterized by low labor productivity, external debt, and dependent patterns o f trade and investment. Chapter 8, by Valentine M . Moghadam, provides additional detail about Middle Eastern e c o n o m i e s , with a focus on the connections among population growth, urbanization, (un)employment, poverty, and i n c o m e inequality. M o g h a d a m portrays the current labor situation with a particular sensitivity to differences between women and men in various parts o f the Middle East. Her discussion is augmented by brief case studies o f social and demographic trends in M o r o c c o , Tunisia, Egypt, and among Palestinians. Laurie K i n g - I r a n i ' s analysis o f kinship, class, and ethnicity in Chapter 9 adds additional texture to the c o m p l e x representation o f the M i d d l e East that this b o o k ' s authors create. Drawing on the anthropological literature, K i n g - I r a n i illustrates how different s o c i a l realities c o n n e c t to e a c h other

Preface

xv

and to other aspects of Middle Eastern life. She also provides insights into the gender and family relationships that are often a source of c o n f u s i o n to outsiders, stressing that m a n y aspects of kinship, ethnicity, and class are highly adaptive in their Middle Eastern context. This idea is continued in C h a p t e r 10, in which Lisa Taraki delves in g r e a t e r detail into the status of w o m e n . Taraki situates M i d d l e Eastern w o m e n with respect to the modern nation-state and investigates the impact of traditional norms and values on opportunities f o r w o m e n . In addition, she provides an extensive typology of m o d e s of w o m e n ' s political participation and illustrates the diversity of experience that is a constant refrain throughout this book. Chapter 11, by John L. Esposito and M o h a m m e d A. M u q t e d a r Khan, returns to two subjects addressed by several earlier chapters: the interface between religion and politics and the existence of both m o d e r n and traditional social structures within the Middle East. Esposito and Khan summarize the historical role of J u d a i s m , Christianity, and Islam in the region, then consider the myriad ways that religion, particularly in its more fundamentalist forms, continues to influence Middle Eastern politics and society. In Chapter 12, miriam c o o k e describes b e a u t i f u l l y the historical and cultural underpinnings of M i d d l e Eastern literature: poetry, short stories, novels, and plays. As cooke makes clear, literature does not exist in a vacuum but instead reflects and influences its e n v i r o n m e n t — t h e cultural ferment, the impact of colonization and struggles for i n d e p e n d e n c e , the experience of exile and e m i g r a t i o n — i n profound ways. Finally, Chapter 13 presents several crucial challenges f a c i n g the region in the twenty-first century: determination of the appropriate role of religion and culture in state-society relations, the need for increased economic development, the historical legacy of colonialism and the conflicts that have arisen in its aftermath, and the widespread grassroots demand for increased political accountability. *

*

*

This book could not have c o m e into e x i s t e n c e without the assistance of numerous individuals. I was truly fortunate in my collaborators, a diverse group of dedicated educators f r o m North A m e r i c a and the Middle East, all of w h o m have spent significant time in the region. Although a f e w were friends before this project (and still are—I think), many were known to me only by reputation and through their work. T h e opportunity to work with these top-notch scholar-teachers—to get to k n o w them and to learn more about their d i s c i p l i n e s — h a s been an h o n o r and a privilege. That such a group of well-regarded and busy researchers care e n o u g h about education to participate in the creation of this text should provide reassurance

XVI

Pre/ace

to those who would claim that scholarship and teaching are somehow incompatible. Special thanks to Thomas Hartwell, a professional photographer based in the Middle East, many of whose evocative images grace these pages. I am indebted to Barbara Parmenter and Ian Manners for the financial support they obtained from the University of Texas, Austin, to help cover the cost of preparing the photographs, and to Tom for his generosity in sharing his work. Jeffrey W. Neff created hand-drawn maps for the book that, unfortunately, disappeared when I moved both my home and office in the midst of final preparations. Thanks to the publisher's production staff for creating new maps to include in the book. Two anonymous reviewers, as well as series editor Donald L. Gordon, provided excellent suggestions for making this book as student friendly as possible. I also appreciate the level of editorial support we received from Lynne Rienner, Sally Glover, Lesli Brooks Athanasoulis, and Beth Partin. In particular, Lynne's wise counsel throughout this project strengthened the book immeasurably. I could not have asked for a better publisher to oversee my first editing experience. At the University of Kansas, Philip Huxtable shared his editorial expertise and advice; Rajaa Abu-Jabr cheerfully joined me at the end to track down those pesky last minute citations and added her excellent proofreading skills. My colleague and husband Philip A. Schrodt has been my partner over the years exploring the Middle East in all its amazing complexity; perhaps I could have done this work without him, but it wouldn't have been nearly as much fun! Finally, a special thanks must go to Carol J. Fabian, L. Elaine Kennedy, Marilee K. McGinness, and Rita Stucky, without whom my involvement in this project would quite literally not have been possible. This volume is dedicated to all our former professors of the Middle East, those women and men who first opened our eyes to the possibilities for research on this fascinating part of the world. Thank you. —Deborah

J.

Gemer

• 1"

Introduction Deborah J. Gerner T h e most f r e q u e n t response I receive w h e n I tell s o m e o n e I study and teach about the Middle East is: "Are you crazy? Isn't it dangerous? D o n ' t all M u s l i m s hate Christians and Jews? How can you be a feminist and still respect the culture ' o v e r t h e r e ' ? " T h e mental picture of the M i d d l e East held by most North A m e r i c a n s is of an area full of violent conflict, a region c r a w l i n g with religious fanatics, where terrorism is e n d e m i c and w o m e n are little more than chattel. I ' m n e v e r quite sure how to respond to this reaction, for the M i d d l e East I h a v e c o m e to k n o w bears little r e s e m b l a n c e to these stereotyped representations. Understanding the Contemporary Middle East challenges these popular images and presents a more nuanced portrayal of the Arabs w h o c o n s t i t u t e a m a j o r i t y of the r e g i o n ' s population, as well as of the Turks, Persians, Israelis, Berbers, and Kurds who live in this diverse and fascinating region. As used in this book, the term Middle East refers to several distinct groups of countries covering more than 6 million square miles of deserts, mountains, and rich agricultural lands (roughly twice the area of the lower forty-eight U.S. states). There are the oil-producing countries of the Arabian Peninsula: Bahrain, Kuwait, O m a n , Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United A r a b E m i r a t e s , and Yemen. T h e s e states, along with those of the Fertile C r e s c e n t region (Israel, Jordan, L e b a n o n , Syria, and the Palestinian aut o n o m o u s areas within the West Bank and the G a z a Strip), are frequently v i e w e d as the " c o r e " M i d d l e East. T h e North A f r i c a n countries of A l g e ria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia are included in this region, as are the s u b - S a h a r a n states of the C o m o r o s Islands, Djibouti, Mauritania, Somalia, and Sudan (primarily by virtue of their m e m b e r s h i p in the L e a g u e of A r a b States). In addition to Israel, the n o n - A r a b states of Turkey and Iran are also important. In its earlier incarnation as the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , Turkey ruled virtually all of the lands of the Middle East; today the vastly

1

2

Deborah ]. Gemer

smaller Turkish state straddles central Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. Iran, too, looks in more than one direction: toward the east are Afghanistan and central Asia, w h e r e a s to the west lies Iraq and the rest of the A r a b world. All three of the m a j o r monotheistic r e l i g i o n s — J u d a i s m , Christianity, and I s l a m — h a v e their roots in the Middle East, and each still has significant c o m m u n i t i e s of believers in the region. T h e imagery and lessons of the H e b r e w scriptures, the N e w Testament, and the Q u r a n — t h e ethical teachings, the stories, and the p e o p l e — a r e an integral part of how people in the West understand the world, whether or not one is a m e m b e r of any of these faith communities. Many people use the words Muslim, Middle Eastern, and Arab interchangeably. This is quite incorrect and m i s l e a d i n g . To begin with, not everyone who is a Muslim is an Arab. Islam is a m a j o r world religion, second in n u m b e r only to Christianity, with nearly a billion adherents. Well over half of the w o r l d w i d e Islamic c o m m u n i t y is A f r i c a n or Asian (including Persians, Turks, Indians, Pakistanis, Indonesians, and C h i n e s e ) . O n l y about 20 percent of M u s l i m s are A r a b , with the r e m a i n d e r spread throughout the f o r m e r Soviet Union, Europe, and North America. It is true that within the Arab world, where Islam originated, more than 90 percent of the population is Muslim. But there are also Arabs who are Christian or Druze or Bahai or Jewish. In particular, there are a large number of Palestinian, Lebanese, and Egyptian Christians. T h e interplay of the ancient and the m o d e r n a f f e c t s both the w o r l d ' s perception of the Middle East and h o w the M i d d l e East views itself. The shopkeeper standing on the stone streets within the walls of the Old City of J e r u s a l e m — o r the ancient souks (markets) of D a m a s c u s , B a g h d a d , or C a i r o — h a s a more intense a w a r e n e s s of history than the proprietor of a Baskin-Robbins ice cream store in a Toronto strip mall. Conflict with and competition over the Middle East has figured in European history since before the time of the R o m a n Empire, expressing itself variously in military, religious, economic, and colonial contention. Even the early United States, seemingly isolated across a wide Atlantic Ocean, f o u n d itself engaged militarily and diplomatically in this region in the early nineteenth century as it contested the power of the "Barbary pirates" of North Africa. Yet the contacts between the West and the M i d d l e East have not been entirely antagonistic. E u r o p e a n and North A m e r i c a n cultures have been continually influenced by the Middle East, often in profound ways. During the M i d d l e A g e s , m u c h of the M i d d l e East was substantially m o r e advanced than Europe in the fields of science, medicine, mathematics, architecture, literature, the visual arts, and education. Works of Greek philosophy that were lost to Western E u r o p e survived in the Arab-Islamic world and were first reintroduced to the West through A r a b intermediaries.

Introduction

3

Some of these influences lie buried and forgotten in our everyday language. For instance, algebra and alcohol both come from Arabic originally; they became part of the English language by way of the Arab mathematical and scientific writings that helped fuel the rebirth of scientific knowledge in Europe at the end of the Middle Ages. The archaic English verb cipher—the act of numerical calculation—comes directly from the Arabic word for zero; it was through the Arabs that Europeans first learned the technique of flexibly calculating with the decimal system rather than using the awkward and limiting system of Roman numerals. The influence of Middle Eastern culture is not limited to science and religion alone but also can be found in literature. Over the past century, various Middle Eastern poets and philosophers have risen to great literary popularity in the West. The medieval Arabic and Persian language fables and stories collected as A Thousand and One Nights were first translated into French in the early eighteenth century. By the late twentieth century— courtesy of the Disney corporation—modern renditions of the tales of Aladdin, Ali Baba, and Sinbad the Sailor were staples in every day-care center and preschool in the industrial world. The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam enthralled Western readers after its translation by Edward FitzGerald in the nineteenth century. In the 1960s, the "flower children" hitchhiked across the United States carrying the works of the Lebanese poet Kahlil Gibran; in the late 1990s, their children have placed the poetry of the eleventh-century Persian mystic Jalal ad-Din ar-Rumi on the bestseller lists. When the Nobel Prize for Literature was awarded to Egyptian Naguib Mahfouz in 1988, millions of non-Arabs suddenly discovered the social critique of The Cairo Trilogy and Mahfouz's numerous other writings. The Middle East is also significant as one of several geographical regions currently undergoing the transition from a pre-industrial to a postindustrial economy—from the world of the village to the world as a village. People throughout the Middle East, much like people in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, are facing tremendous challenges as they move from a rural to an urban economy, from a life based on tradition to a life based on innovation, and from a world of legends told by the dying embers of a fire to a world of satellite dishes, CNN, and Nintendo games. These changes can have a profound impact on the structure of the family, the roles of women and men, the status of religion in society, and the responsibilities of the individual to the state and of the state to the individual. The diversity of the Middle East means that there are many different reactions to these socioeconomic transformations. For example, in response to the pressures of modernization and European influence, in the early 1920s Kemal Atatiirk and the "Young Turks" transformed Turkish society by eliminating the Islamic norms of the old Ottoman Empire and establishing a secular Turkish state. Yet just across the border from Turkey,

4

Deborah ]. Gemer

the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979, led by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, responded to the pressures of modernization by overthrowing a secular, Western-oriented state and reestablishing an Islamic republic based on classical Islamic norms. As you explore various dimensions of the Middle East through this volume, you will find a world that you knew existed but about which you perhaps knew very little. These chapters will confirm some of your perceptions—but challenge many others. It is a world of immense diversity but of shared traditions; a world of extremes of wealth and poverty but of many common ideals and aspirations. This is the world of the Middle East. Enjoy.

2

The Middle East: A Geographic Preface Ian R. Manners and Barbara McKean Parmenter A camel c a r a v a n crossing desert dunes, oil derricks p u m p i n g thick black crude, r o w s of men kneeling in prayer, bearded protesters shouting slog a n s — m o r e than likely these are some of the images conjured up when the outside world thinks of the Middle East. Each of us carries our own "geo g r a p h y " of the world and its places in our heads, our own way of visualizing and interpreting the earth on which we live. Professional geographers attempt to correct preconceived notions and present a broader perspective. Typically, a geographical description of the Middle East, like that of any other region, would begin with an overview of the physical e n v i r o n m e n t — geology, g e o m o r p h o l o g y , climate, flora, and f a u n a — a s a b a c k d r o p f o r a discussion of human activities in the region, land use, resource development, population distribution, urbanization, and political organization. Yet even the best of these descriptions often fail to c o n v e y what the M i d d l e East is " r e a l l y " like. T h e M i d d l e East cannot be easily compartmentalized into book chapters or n e a t l y divided by border lines on a map. S h a r p b o u n d a r i e s are blurred, discontinuities a p p e a r unexpectedly, the familiarity of e v e r y d a y life surprises us in our anticipation of the exotic and dangerous. Timothy Mitchell ( 1 9 8 8 ) has described how European travelers to Egypt in the nineteenth century were frequently confused by what they saw when they reached Egypt: They had seen the ancient Egyptian artifacts that had been collected a n d displayed in E u r o p e ' s capitals, even visited the E g y p t i a n Hall at the Exposition Universelle held in Paris; s o m e had read the Description de I'Egypte, the twenty-two-volume work prepared by the French artists and scholars who had accompanied Napoleon to Egypt, but nothing

5

6

Ian R Manners and Barbara McKean Parmenlei

they saw or experienced quite matched up to what they had been expecting to see. There was often a palpable sense of disappointment. Where was the "real E g y p t " ? In a similar way, contemporary visitors to the M i d d l e East are likely to find that their geographical k n o w l e d g e has to be reformulated as they encounter a world that challenges many of their expectations. T h e difficult path to understanding the Middle East in all its complexity is not t r a v e l e d only by outsiders. In the Iranian film Bashu, d i r e c t o r B a h r a m B a y z a ' i tells the story of a boy f r o m the deserts of K h u z i s t a n in s o u t h w e s t e r n Iran w h o s e village is caught in a b o m b a r d m e n t . B a s h u understands little of the reasons for the conflict between his government and its neighbor, Iraq; he k n o w s only that he is now both homeless and orp h a n e d . S e e k i n g r e f u g e in the back of a truck, he falls asleep. W h e n he a w a k e s , he is b e w i l d e r e d to find himself in a quiet world of cool, deepgreen forests, a paradise he never dreamed existed. The truck has brought him to Gilan province in northwestern Iran, where he is taken in by a peasant w o m a n despite the disapproval of her neighbors. Bashu is of A r a b descent and speaks a mixture of Arabic and Persian c o m m o n to the borderlands of Khuzistan; the woman speaks Gilaki, a dialect of Persian. Unable to c o m m u n i c a t e with either his caregiver or her neighbors, Bashu struggles against their prejudices. But he is not alone in being different. The w o m a n w h o has taken him in is struggling to manage the farm on her own while her husband is away fighting in the war. W h e n her husband returns and dem a n d s that the boy be sent away, she r e f u s e s to comply. In a very real sense, the film is a small reflection of much larger issues in Middle Eastern society, exploring the ways in which people deal with differences and f a c e c h a n g e s related to e n v i r o n m e n t , culture, g o v e r n m e n t , religion, and gender. Thus, although the term Middle East may appear to suggest a degree of h o m o g e n e i t y , the region is extraordinarily diverse in its physical, cultural, and social landscapes. For many, the desert seems the central physical m e t a p h o r f o r the M i d d l e East, an image frequently repeated in f i l m s and novels. T h e sand seas of the Rub'al-Khali (the Empty Quarter) in Arabia perhaps best fit this image. Yet the landscapes of the Middle East also e n c o m p a s s the coral reefs that draw scuba divers to the Red Sea, permanent s n o w f i e l d s and cirque glaciers on the slopes of the great volcanic peaks of M o u n t Ararat (5,165 meters) in eastern Anatolia and M o u n t D a m a v a n d (more than 5,600 meters) in the Elburz Mountains of Iran, the salt-crusted flats and evaporation pans of the Dasht-e Kavir in central Iran, and the coastal marshes and wetlands of the Nile Delta. Most emphatically, and despite the vast expanses of desert and steppe, the Middle East is also very m u c h an urban society, with more than half the population living in cities that f a c e m u c h the same e n v i r o n m e n t a l , infrastructural, and social problems of cities around the world.

A Geographic

Pre/ace

7

Photo 2.1 The area around the ancient West Bank town of Jericho/Ariha, located 250 meters below sea level, is a mixture of hill, desert, and lush oasis.

Photo 2.2

Full of modern concrete, steel, and glass buildings, Riyadh is the of Saudi Arabia and its largest city, recently surpassing Jeddah.

capital

8

Ian R Maimers

and Barbara

McKean

Parwenler

There is likewise great cultural diversity in the Middle East. Much of the area c a m e under A r a b Muslim influence during and a f t e r the seventh century. At various times, Persian and central Asian peoples and influences f l o w e d w e s t w a r d into the lands around the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . Most people in the region are Muslims, but there are significant communities of Christians and Jews. T h e three m a j o r languages are Arabic, Turkish, and Persian, all of which are quite distinct linguistically (Arabic is a Semitic language, Persian is Indo-European, and Turkish is Ural-Altaic). Nonetheless, they have been heavily i n f l u e n c e d by each other. Persian is written in Arabic script, as was O t t o m a n Turkish; only since 1928 has Turkish used a m o d i f i e d Latin alphabet. All three languages contain n u m e r o u s words f r o m the others, and each has a subset of distinct dialects. In addition, other peoples with their own languages are found throughout the region. There are, for example, Berber speakers in Morocco and Algeria and Baluchi speakers in southeastern Iran. Kurdish-speaking people probably constitute the fourth-largest linguistic group in the region, and the revived Hebrew language has been a central integrating force among Jews in Israel. How, then, to describe the geography of the Middle East? In this chapter we choose to present multiple geographies of the Middle East, different ways of seeing and depicting the region. In this way, we hope to present a richer description of the area than would normally be possible in a f e w pages, although one that is far f r o m comprehensive.

•

BOUNDARIES

A geography of the Middle East must first c o m e to grips with how to d e f i n e the Middle East. C o m p a r e d to the area portrayed in any Western atlas published in the late nineteenth century, the political landscape of the region we know today as the Middle East is virtually unrecognizable. T h e atlas published by the Times of London in 1895, for e x a m p l e , provides a series of m a p s entitled " T h e Balkan P e n i n s u l a , " " T h e C a u c a s u s , " "Asia Minor and Persia," and "Palestine." Nor would these places, as depicted in the atlas, have been any more f a m i l i a r to those living in the region, w h o would have recognized no unified geographical entity but rather a mosaic of regions. Al-Iraq referred to the area around the Shatt al-Arab waterway, and al-Jazira identified the lands between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, including Baghdad. Sham indicated the area immediately around Damascus and Bilad al-Sham (or country of Sham) the larger region n o w comprising Syria, L e b a n o n , Jordan, and Palestine. Egyptians still call their country Misr, but originally the term referred only to the Nile Delta and its narrow valley, not to the vast territory contained within its present-day boundaries. Today's m a p reveals a very different geography. Almost without exception,

A Geographic

Pre/ace

9

the present sovereign states are new creations, in large measure the products of European intervention and the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. T h e term Middle East is itself an u n a b a s h e d l y Eurocentric term. It seems to have been used first in 1902 in reference to British naval strategy in the Gulf at a time of increased Russian i n f l u e n c e a r o u n d the Caspian Sea and G e r m a n plans f o r a B e r l i n - t o - B a g h d a d railway. Largely through the c o l u m n s of the Times, the term achieved wider circulation and c a m e to d e n o t e an area of strategic c o n c e r n to Britain lying b e t w e e n the Near East (another Eurocentric designation, essentially s y n o n y m o u s with the area remaining under the control of the O t t o m a n Empire), the expanding Russian empire in central Asia, and the Indian R a j (Chirol, 1903). During World War I, the British expeditionary force to M e s o p o t a m i a was generally referred to as " M i d d l e East Forces," as distinct f r o m Britain's " N e a r East Forces," which operated from bases in Egypt. After the war, these two military c o m m a n d s were integrated as an e c o n o m y measure, but the "Middle East" designation was retained. With the passage of time, the name became both familiar and institutionalized, first in the military c o m m a n d s of World War II and later in the specialist agencies of the United Nations (Smith, 1968). Yet there remain a m b i g u i t i e s and uncertainties in terms of its more precise delimitation. Does the Middle East include Afghanistan to the east? With the demise of the Soviet Union, should the region be reconstituted to include the new sovereign states of A r m e n i a and A z e r b a i j a n ? Frequently, the M a g h r e b states of Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria are included in discussions of the Middle East based on the fact that they share so m u c h of its culture and history. For similar reasons, Sudan is sometimes included despite the presence of a large non-Muslim, non-Arabic-speaking population in the southern part of the country (Blake, Dewdney, and Mitchell, 1987). In this book, we have opted for a broad interpretation by including in its discussion Turkey, Iran, and Israel, together with all the states that belong to the Arab League. What is surprising is that the term Middle East is also used by people within the region. The literal Arabic translation, al-sharq al-awsat, and the Turkish, orta docu, can be found in books, journals, and newspapers. Interestingly, the term is most widely used in discussions of geopolitical strategies in the region. A r a b c o m m e n t a t o r s , for e x a m p l e , might discuss "American policy in the Middle East" or "Israel's relationship to the Middle East." Thus, it is perhaps more a reference to how others, either outside the region or outside the p r e d o m i n a n t culture, view the region and less a self-describing term. The " m a p v i e w " of a region is the most skeletal of possible geographies but is both f o r m a t i v e and i n f o r m a t i v e . L o o k i n g at a c o n t e m p o r a r y political m a p of the M i d d l e East, the p r e d o m i n a n c e of long, straight

10

I an R Manners and Barbara McKean Parmenler

b o u n d a r y l i n e s s t r e t c h i n g a c r o s s h u n d r e d s of m i l e s of d e s e r t is s t r i k i n g (see M a p 2.1). A n o t h e r r e v e a l i n g f e a t u r e of t o d a y ' s m a p , as B e r n a r d L e w i s p o i n t s out, is that t h e n a m e s of c o u n t r i e s are, f o r t h e m o s t part, r e s t o r a t i o n s o r r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of a n c i e n t n a m e s ( L e w i s , 1 9 8 9 : 2 1 - 2 2 ) . Syria, f o r ins t a n c e , is a t e r m t h a t f i r s t a p p e a r s in G r e e k h i s t o r i e s and g e o g r a p h i e s a n d w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y a d o p t e d b y t h e R o m a n s as t h e n a m e f o r an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r o v i n c e . B u t f r o m t h e t i m e of t h e A r a b - I s l a m i c c o n q u e s t of t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e n a m e v i r t u a l l y d i s a p p e a r s f r o m l o c a l u s e . Its r e a p p e a r ance dates f r o m the nineteenth century, largely through the writing and i n f l u e n c e of W e s t e r n s c h o l a r s . S i m i l a r l y , a l t h o u g h E u r o p e a n s h a v e b e e n ref e r r i n g to t h e l a n d s of A n a t o l i a a n d A s i a M i n o r as T u r k e y s i n c e t h e t i m e of t h e C r u s a d e s , t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of this r e g i o n d i d n o t u s e this n a m e until the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e R e p u b l i c of T u r k e y in 1923. T o u n d e r s t a n d t h e c h a n g e s t h a t h a v e o c c u r r e d in t h e p o l i t i c a l m a p of t h e M i d d l e E a s t , it is h e l p f u l to r e c a l l t h a t at t h e e n d of t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e e x t e n d e d f r o m t h e b o r d e r s of M o r o c c o in t h e w e s t to t h e b o r d e r s of I r a n in t h e e a s t , a n d f r o m t h e R e d S e a in t h e s o u t h t o t h e n o r t h e r n a n d e a s t e r n s h o r e s of t h e B l a c k S e a ( s e e M a p 2.2). In E u r o p e the O t t o m a n s t w i c e laid s i e g e to V i e n n a . B u t t h e e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s s a w a g r a d u a l retreat f r o m t h e s e h i g h - w a t e r m a r k s . In t h e T a r t a r and T u r k i s h p r i n c i p a l i t i e s f r o m the C r i m e a to the C a u c a s u s , O t t o m a n s o v e r e i g n t y w a s r e p l a c e d b y R u s s i a n d o m i n a t i o n ; in t h e Balkans, the Ottomans confronted growing nationalist aspirations and a c o n c e r t e d a s s a u l t b y A u s t r i a a n d its allies; in N o r t h A f r i c a , t h e O t t o m a n s h a d t o d e a l w i t h t h e e x p a n s i o n a n d i m p o s i t i o n of c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t y inv o l v i n g t h e F r e n c h in A l g e r i a ( 1 8 3 0 ) and T u n i s i a ( 1 8 8 1 ) and t h e I t a l i a n s in Libya (1911). In o t h e r a r e a s , O t t o m a n p o w e r w a s g r e a t l y w e a k e n e d b y t h e e m e r g e n c e of s t r o n g l o c a l r u l e r s . In t h e a f t e r m a t h of N a p o l e o n ' s u n s u c c e s s f u l i n v a s i o n of E g y p t , f o r e x a m p l e , an O t t o m a n m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r n a m e d M e h m e t ( M u h a m m a d ) Ali e s t a b l i s h e d a d y n a s t y that m a d e E g y p t v i r t u a l l y ind e p e n d e n t of O t t o m a n rule. T h e b a n k r u p t c y of t h e E g y p t i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a f t e r e f f o r t s to m o d e r n i z e t h e c o u n t r y ' s e c o n o m y a n d i n f r a s t r u c t u r e in t u r n o p e n e d t h e w a y to m o r e d i r e c t E u r o p e a n i n t e r v e n t i o n in the c o u n t r y ' s a f f a i r s t h r o u g h a F r e n c h - B r i t i s h D e b t C o m m i s s i o n a n d British o c c u p a t i o n in 1882, a l t h o u g h t h e c o u n t r y still r e m a i n e d n o m i n a l l y u n d e r O t t o m a n s o v e r e i g n t y . In L e b a n o n , f o l l o w i n g a m a s s a c r e of M a r o n i t e C h r i s t i a n s b y D r u z e in 1 8 6 0 a n d t h e l a n d i n g of F r e n c h t r o o p s in B e i r u t , B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e f o r c e d t h e O t t o m a n s u l t a n t o e s t a b l i s h t h e s e m i a u t o n o m o u s p r o v i n c e of M o u n t L e b a n o n w i t h a C h r i s t i a n g o v e r n o r to be a p p o i n t e d in c o n s u l t a t i o n with European powers (Drysdale and Blake, 1985:196). T h u s , e v e n w h e r e E u r o p e a n p o w e r s d i d not c o n t r o l t e r r i t o r y o u t r i g h t , b y t h e e n d of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e y h a d b e c o m e d e e p l y i n v o l v e d in

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Photo 6.5 Israeli troops confront Palestinian demonstrators in the highly contested West Bank city of Hebron/Khalil. The Palestinians were protesting their lack of access to the Mosqne of Ibrahim, known to lews as the Cave of Machpelah, where the Prophet Abraham, Sarah, and their children are believed to be buried.

v i l l a g e s are m o s t l y n o n c o n t i g u o u s and Israel r e m a i n s in c o m m a n d o f the road n e t w o r k c o n n e c t i n g t h e m , all m o v e m e n t o f g o o d s and persons into and out o f t h e s e e n c l a v e s as well as b e t w e e n them can be interdicted at will ( R a b b a n i , 1 9 9 6 : 4 ) . Further c o m p l i c a t i n g the already delayed implementation o f the O s l o A c c o r d s was the u n e x p e c t e d victory o f the L i k u d Party, led by B e n j a m i n N e t a n y a h u , in I s r a e l ' s M a y 1 9 9 6 e l e c t i o n s . Netanyahu argued, and many analysts agreed, that his p o l i c i e s o f settlement e x p a n s i o n and the " j u d a i z a t i o n " o f E a s t J e r u s a l e m m e r e l y f o l l o w e d t h o s e set by e a r l i e r L a b o r g o v e r n m e n t s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the blunt and u n c o m p r o m i s i n g m a n n e r in which N e t a n y a h u carried out t h e s e p o l i c i e s resulted in a serious e s c a l a t i o n o f Palestinian-Israeli relations and another m a j o r setback in, if not total c o l lapse o f , the p e a c e p r o c e s s . T h e main disputes have revolved around two c e n t r a l i s s u e s : J e w i s h s e t t l e m e n t s and J e r u s a l e m . B o t h o f these i s s u e s , along with the q u e s t i o n s o f P a l e s t i n i a n r e f u g e e s and final b o r d e r s , were not addressed in the O s l o A c c o r d s but rather left to b e d i s c u s s e d during final status negotiations, which were originally set to begin in S e p t e m b e r 1 9 9 8 but had not started when the f i v e - y e a r O s l o transition period ended in M a y 1 9 9 9 .

186

Simona Sharoni and Mohammed

•

Abu-Nimer

ONE LAND, TWO PEOPLES: CENTRAL ISSUES A N D POINTS OF CONTENTION

As the previous section illustrates, the dynamics of the conflict, the range of solutions, the role of outside actors, and the political positions of both Palestinians and Jews have dramatically changed throughout the course of the conflict. At the same time, the central issues underlying the conflict have not been dramatically transformed. One such set of issues involves the competing claims of two national movements for the same piece of land. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has served as both the catalyst and the touchstone for the consolidation of particular notions of national "imagined c o m m u n i t y " for Palestinians and for Israeli Jews. For Palestinians, the imagined community came to be seen as a future sovereign Palestinian state. Apart from differences concerning the territorial boundaries and the political and social character of their future state, there is a broad consensus among Palestinians that the principles of national self-determination and territorial sovereignty are inseparable and crucial to the survival of the Palestinian people. A consensus around the same principles has served as the basis for the Israeli-Jewish imagined community. Yet, although Jews realized their dream and established a Jewish state, this has come at the expense of Palestinians, whose desire to fuse national self-determination with territorial sovereignty remains unfulfilled. This turn of events has in many ways formed the basis for the present conflict. The principles of national self-determination and territorial sovereignty underlie the early conflicts between Zionist settlers and the indigenous Palestinian population. The dynamics and intensity of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict and its significant military component over the years have contributed to the escalation of the conflict and reinforced sharp distinctions between "us" and "them." The establishment of the state of Israel further exposed the differences between Palestinian and Israeli nationalisms: first, the difference between institutionalized state nationalism and the nationalism of a liberation movement, and second, the disparities in power relations between an occupying state and a population struggling to rid itself of that state's rule. The emerging Jewish state has placed a special emphasis on its national security. For Palestinians, however, national liberation has emerged as the most important focus of their collective identity, especially following the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 and the emergence of the PLO as a vehicle of national aspirations. Within IsraeliJewish society, the constant invocation of Israel's security concerns has helped reinforce an overt and covert militarization of peoples' lives. But for Palestinians, the centrality of the conflict has manifested itself in the

The Israeli-Palestinian

187

Conflict

p r i v i l e g i n g o f n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n not o n l y as the p r i m a r y i d e o l o g y o f s t r u g gle against Israeli occupation

but a l s o as t h e p r i n c i p l e d i s c o u r s e

that

s h a p e s certain ideas and w a y s o f thinking about Palestinian identity and community. N a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y a n d n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n d o c t r i n e s are s i m i l a r in that t h e y v i e w t h e p o t e n c y a n d u n i t y o f t h e n a t i o n as s u p e r i o r to i s s u e s r a i s e d b y p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s and v a r i o u s s o c i a l g r o u p s w i t h i n that n a t i o n . A s a r e s u l t o f the primary e m p h a s e s on national security and national liberation, different social and e c o n o m i c p r o b l e m s within both c o m m u n i t i e s h a v e been put o n t h e b a c k b u r n e r s u n t i l t h e I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n c o n f l i c t is r e s o l v e d . Nevertheless,

the

differences

between

Israeli-Jewish

and

Palestinian

n a t i o n a l i s m s , w h i c h are o f t e n o v e r l o o k e d , are f a r g r e a t e r than t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s . T h e y i n v o l v e f u n d a m e n t a l d i f f e r e n c e s in t h e h i s t o r y and s o c i a l c o n t e x t o f t h e t w o n a t i o n a l m o v e m e n t s and, m o s t p a r t i c u l a r l y , s t r i k i n g d i s p a r i t i e s o f p o w e r and p r i v i l e g e b e t w e e n the t w o c o m m u n i t i e s . In o r d e r to f o r m u l a t e a s o l u t i o n to t h i s l o n g - s t a n d i n g c o n f l i c t

that

w o u l d b e a c c e p t a b l e to b o t h P a l e s t i n i a n s a n d J e w s , o n e s h o u l d first i d e n t i f y t h e c e n t r a l i s s u e s f o r e a c h p a r t y . D u r i n g t h i s p r o c e s s , it is i m p o r t a n t to pay a t t e n t i o n to the c h a n g e s that o c c u r r e d in the p a r t i e s ' f r a m i n g o f i s s u e s o v e r t h e y e a r s as w e l l as to s i m i l a r i t i e s a n d d i f f e r e n c e s in the p a r t i e s ' p e r c e p t i o n s o f c e n t r a l i s s u e s . F o l l o w i n g is a p r e l i m i n a r y list o f s o m e o f the i s s u e s that a n a l y s t s v i e w a s c e n t r a l to a j u s t a n d l a s t i n g r e s o l u t i o n o f t h e conflict: •

F i x e d , a g r e e d - u p o n b o r d e r s b e t w e e n I s r a e l a n d its n e i g h b o r s

•

T h e a s s u r a n c e o f m u t u a l s e c u r i t y f o r all s t a t e s a n d p e o p l e s in the region

•

T h e status o f J e r u s a l e m

•

J e w i s h s e t t l e m e n t s in the W e s t B a n k a n d G a z a S t r i p

•

C o m p e n s a t i o n f o r P a l e s t i n i a n s w h o w e r e f o r c e d to l e a v e t h e i r h o m e s a n d p r o p e r t y as a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f the I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n c o n f l i c t

•

T h e p o l i t i c a l , c i v i l , a n d n a t i o n a l s t a t u s o f P a l e s t i n i a n s w h o l i v e in Israel and hold Israeli c i t i z e n s h i p

•

T h e e c o n o m i c v i a b i l i t y o f I s r a e l , P a l e s t i n e , a n d t h e o t h e r s t a t e s in t h e r e g i o n and t h e e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n s a m o n g t h e m

•

T h e a l l o c a t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s s u c h as w a t e r a m o n g t h e s t a t e s o f t h e region

•

T h e r o l e o f t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y in p e a c e k e e p i n g ,

peace-

m a k i n g , and peace building It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that t h e s e i s s u e s are not l i s t e d in a n y p a r t i c u l a r o r d e r . In f a c t , i f P a l e s t i n i a n s a n d I s r a e l i J e w s w e r e a s k e d to p r i o r i t i z e t h e m , t h e y w o u l d m o s t l i k e l y c o m e up w i t h v e r y d i f f e r e n t l i s t s . M o r e o v e r ,

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m a n y o f t h e s e i s s u e s are i n t e r r e l a t e d , and s o m e h a v e b e e n a d d r e s s e d at least partially within the f r a m e w o r k o f the O s l o A c c o r d s . O t h e r i s s u e s , however,

such

as

settlements,

final

borders,

the fate

of

Palestinian

r e f u g e e s , and the status o f J e r u s a l e m h a v e b e e n identified as issues to be d i s c u s s e d during final status n e g o t i a t i o n s . O n these particular issues, it is interesting to note the d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n the o f f i c i a l Israeli and Palestinian p o s i t i o n s . F o r P a l e s t i n i a n s , t h e s e are the m a i n issues presently underlying the I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n c o n f l i c t . C o n c e r n e d ( f o r g o o d r e a s o n ) that the p r o c e s s m a y b r e a k d o w n b e f o r e t h e s e i s s u e s are d i s c u s s e d , P a l e s t i n i a n s wanted to p l a c e these issues on the a g e n d a from the start. I s r a e l , h o w e v e r , preferred to d e f e r the d i s c u s s i o n o f these four issues primarily b e c a u s e the resolution o f any one o f them would have b e e n i m p o s s i b l e without an Israeli c o n c e s s i o n . A l t h o u g h the d e c i s i o n to d e l a y the d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e four c r i t i c a l issues was presented to the parties as a c o m p r o m i s e , a careful study o f the Israeli position reveals that Israel, the m o r e powerful party in the n e g o t i a t i o n s , was a b l e to i m p o s e its will on the P a l e s t i n i a n s with the help o f a third party w h o wanted to k e e p the p e a c e p r o c e s s on track. A n o t h e r point to k e e p in mind in e x a m i n i n g c h a n g e s that o c c u r r e d in the p a r t i e s ' p o s i t i o n s o v e r t i m e i n v o l v e s the q u e s t i o n o f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . M o r e s p e c i f i c a l l y , the c h a n g e s o c c u r r e d m o s t l y in I s r a e l ' s p o s i t i o n , and they c e n t e r m a i n l y around I s r a e l ' s w i l l i n g n e s s to finally a c c e p t the P L O as the l e g i t i m a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the P a l e s t i n i a n p e o p l e . T h e n e g o t i a t i o n s that led to the signing o f the C a m p David A c c o r d s in 1 9 7 8 did not treat the Palestinians as an a u t o n o m o u s party, nor did they a c k n o w l e d g e the P L O as their s o l e representative. At the t i m e , m a n y e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s in Israel publicly denied the e x i s t e n c e o f a P a l e s t i n i a n p e o p l e . T h i s situation c h a n g e d d r a m a t i c a l l y with the o u t b r e a k o f the intifada. Yet until s u m m e r 1 9 9 3 , the Israeli g o v e r n m e n t refused to negotiate with the P L O . T h i s p o l i c y was part i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t in the period p r e c e d i n g the M a d r i d c o n f e r e n c e in 1 9 9 2 , when the Israeli g o v e r n m e n t v e t o e d certain P a l e s t i n i a n d e l e g a t e s b e c a u s e o f their suspected affiliation with the P L O . M o r e o v e r , the I s r a e l i s refused to a c c e p t an i n d e p e n d e n t P a l e s t i n i a n d e l e g a t i o n and i n s i s t e d on a j o i n t J o r d a n i a n - P a l e s t i n i a n d e l e g a t i o n instead. A c c o r d i n g to m a n y analysts, the O s l o A c c o r d s were s i g n e d b e c a u s e Israeli o f f i c i a l s w h o t o o k part in the secret m e e t i n g s with P L O o f f i c i a l s realized that if Israel w e r e serious about p e a c e , it would have to n e g o t i a t e directly with the P L O . F i n a l l y , o n c e the p a r t i e s a g r e e on a p r e l i m i n a r y a g e n d a and on w h o will b e i n v o l v e d in the n e g o t i a t i o n s , they must address a set o f very i m portant procedural issues: when, where, and f o r how long n e g o t i a t i o n s will t a k e p l a c e ; w h e t h e r the p r o c e s s r e q u i r e s a third party to m e d i a t e i s s u e s ; and, if so, w h o that party should b e . B e f o r e the parties m e e t at the n e g o t i ation t a b l e s , d e l e g a t e s must study the issues, prepare position papers, and review past attempts to r e s o l v e the c o n f l i c t . A careful a n a l y s i s o f past and

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present conflict resolution attempts, their success (or failure), and the ways in which they were perceived in both communities may inspire new thinking and creative ideas for the resolution of the conflict.

•

THE ROCKY ROAD TO PEACE: PAST AND P R E S E N T ATTEMPTS TO RESOLVE T H E CONFLICT

Since the turn of the century, there have been numerous attempts at resolution carried out separately and jointly by Palestinians, Jews, and various members of the international community. Following is a partial list of some of the major scenarios that have been proposed by various actors over the years: • Two states for two people: a Palestinian state alongside Israel, in the West Bank and Gaza Strip • Greater Israel: a Jewish state that would annex the West Bank and Gaza Strip and "transfer" the Palestinian population to Jordan and other Arab countries • Greater Palestine: a Palestinian state on all the territory of historical Palestine, with no Israeli Jews except those whose families lived in Palestine before 1948 • Greater Israel: a Jewish state in all the territory of historical Palestine with Palestinians as citizens of the state • Greater Palestine: a Palestinian state in all the territory of historical Palestine with Israeli Jews as citizens of the state • A partial autonomy, more or less according to the terms described in the Oslo Accords: Palestine controls the civic affairs and internal security in its cities and villages, and Israel administers external security and controls the land and natural resources • Return to the pre-Oslo situation: Israel continues to control the territories • A binational state on the land of Palestine/Israel It is important to distinguish between those attempts that have addressed primarily the needs and aspirations of one party to the conflict (Jews or Palestinians) and those that have sought to take into account the needs, aspirations, and preferred solutions of both Palestinians and Jews. According to some analysts, to come to terms with the contending conflict resolution perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it may be useful to place them along a continuum bounded by the terms exclusivist on one end and accommodationist on the other (Vitalis, 1992:290). This continuum clearly reflects the dominant view, according to which the conflict stems

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f r o m c o m p e t i n g c l a i m s o f t w o p e o p l e s to the e x c l u s i v e right o f n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n and s o v e r e i g n t y rights on the s a m e p i e c e o f land. A c c o r d i n g to this view, the s i n g l e - s t a t e s o l u t i o n s — w h e t h e r J e w i s h or P a l e s t i n i a n — a r e e x c l u s i v i s t in nature s i n c e they undermine the o t h e r party's vision and c l a i m s . T h e r e is a t e n d e n c y , e s p e c i a l l y a m o n g c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n

scholars

writing about the c o n f l i c t , to view the transition from e x c l u s i v i s t s c e n a r i o s to a c c o m m o d a t i o n i s t o n e s as a c o m b i n a t i o n o f h i s t o r i c a l p r o g r e s s i o n and rational c h o i c e . T h u s , the Z i o n i s t state-building p r o j e c t in P a l e s t i n e , w h i c h led to the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the J e w i s h state in 1 9 4 8 , c o m p l e t e l y undermining t h e e x i s t e n c e o f the i n d i g e n o u s A r a b p o p u l a t i o n , is o f t e n c o m p a r e d with the a t t e m p t s in the 1 9 5 0 s and 1 9 6 0 s o f P a l e s t i n i a n s s u p p o r t e d by A r a b leaders to liberate their h o m e l a n d . A c c o r d i n g to this interpretation, with time and the i m p a c t o f particular political d e v e l o p m e n t s , as both Israeli J e w s and P a l e s t i n i a n s c o n c l u d e d that their vision o f an e x c l u s i v e h o m e l a n d was not likely to lead to p e a c e , they g r a d u a l l y b e g a n to e x p l o r e a c c o m m o d a t i o n i s t s c e n a r i o s . T h e s e s c e n a r i o s r e f l e c t e d s o m e w i l l i n g n e s s to c o m p r o m i s e and a c k n o w l e d g e , although with m a n y r e s e r v a t i o n s , the o t h e r party's national a s p i r a t i o n s and right to the land. T h i s a c k n o w l e d g m e n t , w h i c h is p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t in such proposals as the t w o - s t a t e solution and the binational state, is praised in the literature as a " w i n - w i n s o l u t i o n " and presented as the best s c e n a r i o f o r a p e a c e f u l r e s o l u t i o n o f the c o n f l i c t ( K e l m a n , 1 9 8 2 ; V i t a l i s ,

1992).

H o w e v e r , such s c e n a r i o s o v e r l o o k the g r a v e p o w e r d i f f e r e n t i a l s b e t w e e n P a l e s t i n i a n s and the state o f Israel, w h i c h are crucial to the understanding o f the transition from e x c l u s i v i s t to a c c o m m o d a t i o n i s t v i s i o n s within both communities. A n o t h e r c o m m o n c o n t i n u u m used to a n a l y z e c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n attempts is that b e t w e e n violent and n o n v i o l e n t attempts to r e s o l v e the c o n flict. L i k e the e x c l u s i v i s t - a c c o m m o d a t i o n i s t c a t e g o r i z a t i o n , this c o n t i n u u m has b e e n inspired by a c o m b i n a t i o n o f rational c h o i c e t h e o r i e s with s o m e h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . A c c o r d i n g l y , o v e r t i m e , m o s t P a l e s t i n i a n s and Israeli J e w s c a m e to the c o n c l u s i o n that the c o n f l i c t c o u l d not b e

resolved

through military might and that d i p l o m a c y might be a b e t t e r venue. S t i l l , in m o s t m e d i a a c c o u n t s o f the c o n f l i c t , there has been a t e n d e n c y to present P a l e s t i n i a n s as m o r e prone to v i o l e n c e and m o r e r e l u c t a n t to a c c e p t d i p l o m a t i c s o l u t i o n s . T h i s t e n d e n c y a l s o m a n i f e s t s i t s e l f in d i f f e r e n t i a l treatment o f v i o l e n c e carried out by P a l e s t i n i a n s , w h i c h is usually referred to as " t e r r o r i s t a t t a c k s , " w h e r e a s v i o l e n c e carried out by the state o f Israel is said to be done in the n a m e o f " n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y . " A s critical s c h o l a r s h i p on terrorism has underscored, rather than b l a m ing the underdog in a c o n f l i c t for resorting to violent m e a n s , w e must e x a m i n e the c o n d i t i o n s under w h i c h certain groups see no o t h e r a l t e r n a t i v e

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but violence to achieve their goal. By pursuing this line of thinking, we do not condone violence but instead look beneath the surface for its root causes in an attempt to propose a more comprehensive and long-lasting solution (cf. Rubenstein, 1987). Thus in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, it seems that as the PLO achieved legitimacy on the world's stage and especially after it was recognized by Israel and the United States as the official representative of the Palestinian people, it gradually and willfully moved away from military struggle to pursue diplomatic means for the resolution of the conflict. It is important to note that neither Palestinian nor Israeli collectivities are homogeneous; within both communities there are individuals and groups who still refuse to move away from exclusivist and militant solutions to the conflict. From a conflict resolution perspective, it would be a mistake to simply characterize these people as " e n e m i e s of peace" and suppress their activities. Rather, it is imperative that we examine the impetus behind these individuals' and groups' behavior and their contending solutions to the conflict. What could further complicate the dynamics of the conflict and the prospects for its resolution is the role of outside parties, with their own agendas and definitions of peace. The United States has a long and complex history of vested economic and political involvement in the Middle East. Most U.S. administrations agreed that a resolution of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict was crucial to achieving a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Peace was viewed as synonymous with stability, which is necessary for continued U.S. hegemony in the region. To further this end, the United States assumed the role of referee and principal negotiator. Yet despite its self-portrayal and peacemaking initiatives, the United States hardly fit the role of an impartial third party. In fact, some analysts have argued that in the Middle East, as in many other parts of the world, the United States has acted more as a cobelligerent than as a peacemaker. As Israel's chief ally and protector, the United States was simply unable to discharge its self-assigned mission as a catalyst for peace; the tensions between such roles as mediator and those of Israel's chief diplomatic backer, bank-roller, and military supplier have surfaced quite often (Aruri, 1995:19-21). Moreover, due to the largely unchallenged U.S. insistence that it is the only party that can act as a mediator between Palestinians and Israeli Jews, the services of other potential third parties have been ignored or relegated to backstage initiatives. This trend has resulted in the marginalization of the United Nations as a potential peacemaker and in the abandonment of the once popular idea of convening a UN-sponsored international peace conference (Bennis, 1996:211-232). When discussing past and present attempts to resolve the conflict, most media accounts, like the vast majority of scholarly literature on the

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c o n f l i c t , t e n d to f o c u s o n t h e activities of elected o f f i c i a l s , t h u s o v e r l o o k ing a t t e m p t s b y c i t i z e n s o n b o t h sides of the political d i v i d e to b r i n g a b o u t a p e a c e f u l r e s o l u t i o n to t h e c o n f l i c t . S o m e s c h o l a r s h a v e d i s t i n g u i s h e d bet w e e n p e a c e - f r o m - a b o v e and p e a c e - f r o m - b e l o w , or t o p - d o w n and b o t t o m u p c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n a t t e m p t s ( F a l k , 1 9 9 4 : 1 8 9 ; S h a r o n i , 1996). In the c o n t e x t of t h e I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n c o n f l i c t , t o p - d o w n c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n t a k e s p l a c e p r i m a r i l y a r o u n d n e g o t i a t i o n tables, u s u a l l y o u t s i d e t h e r e g i o n , a n d is o f t e n c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a t t e m p t s to a p p l y g e n e r i c , u n i v e r s a l m o d e l s of c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n to the c o n f l i c t . B o t t o m - u p p e a c e initiatives, h o w e v e r , t e n d to e m e r g e f r o m the " i n s i d e , " f r o m within P a l e s t i n i a n a n d Israeli socie t i e s a n d s t r u g g l e s . A c c o r d i n g to t h o s e w h o e m p h a s i z e b o t t o m - u p s o l u t i o n s , s o c i a l m o v e m e n t s , p r o t e s t , and g r a s s r o o t s a c t i v i s m a r e v i e w e d as c r u c i a l v e n u e s f o r p e a c e m a k i n g and c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n ( S h a r o n i , 1996). Indeed, long before the much-celebrated handshake between Arafat a n d R a b i n , P a l e s t i n i a n s a n d I s r a e l i s at the g r a s s r o o t s level h a d l a u n c h e d b o t h s e p a r a t e a n d c o l l a b o r a t i v e i n i t i a t i v e s d e s i g n e d to b r i n g a b o u t a j u s t a n d l a s t i n g s o l u t i o n to t h e c o n f l i c t . D e s p i t e their a b s e n c e f r o m t h e n e g o t i ation table, P a l e s t i n i a n a n d I s r a e l i - J e w i s h w o m e n h a v e p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e in t h e s t r u g g l e to e n d t h e Israeli o c c u p a t i o n of t h e W e s t B a n k a n d G a z a S t r i p ( H i l t e r m a n n , 1991; S t r u m , 1992; S h a r o n i , 1 9 9 5 a ; E m m e t t , 1 9 9 6 ) . O t h e r e x a m p l e s of c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n i n i t i a t i v e s at t h e g r a s s r o o t s l e v e l i n c l u d e s u c h g r o u p s as I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n P h y s i c i a n s f o r H u m a n R i g h t s , w h i c h p r o v i d e s m e d i c a l a t t e n t i o n a n d s e r v i c e s to P a l e s t i n i a n s in n e e d , a n d j o i n t e d u c a t i o n a l p r o j e c t s and d i a l o g u e g r o u p s d e s i g n e d to c o u n t e r s t e r e o t y p e s a n d f e a r and e s t a b l i s h c o n d i t i o n s f o r c o e x i s t e n c e b e t w e e n P a l e s t i n i a n s a n d Israeli J e w s ( A b u - N i m e r , 1993; H u r w i t z , 1992; F e r n e a and H o c k i n g , 1992; R o s e n w a s s e r , 1992; K a m i n e r , 1996). T h e s e i n i t i a t i v e s c l e a r l y d e m o n s t r a t e that the e x p e r t i s e f o r r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t s p e a c e f u l l y d o e s not r e s i d e solely with o f f i c i a l g o v e r n m e n t p e r s o n n e l or p r o c e d u r e s . R a t h e r , c i t i z e n s and g r o u p s f r o m a v a r i e t y of b a c k g r o u n d s a n d w i t h a v a r i e t y of skills c a n play an i m p o r t a n t r o l e in p e a c e m a k i n g a n d c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n p r o c e s s e s . M o r e o v e r , t h e r e is a g r o w i n g r e a l i z a t i o n a m o n g c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n e x p e r t s and o r d i n a r y c i t i z e n s a l i k e t h a t f o r m a l , g o v e r n m e n t - t o - g o v e r n m e n t o f f i c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n ins t r u c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of s o v e r e i g n nations are not s u f f i c i e n t to s e c u r e int e r n a t i o n a l c o o p e r a t i o n or r e s o l v e d e e p - r o o t e d c o n f l i c t s . E v e n if the p a r t i e s to t h e c o n f l i c t s i g n a p e a c e a g r e e m e n t , its s u c c e s s f u l i m p l e m e n t a t i o n d e p e n d s on the s u p p o r t of g r a s s r o o t s c o n s t i t u e n c i e s on both s i d e s of t h e p o litical d i v i d e ( S h a r o n i , 1996). In fact, one of the m a j o r s h o r t c o m i n g s of t h e O s l o A c c o r d s lies in t h e f a i l u r e of both P a l e s t i n i a n and I s r a e l i - J e w i s h o f f i c i a l s to d r a w o n t h e e x p e r i e n c e and e x p e r t i s e of p e a c e a n d c o m m u n i t y a c t i v i s t s o n b o t h s i d e s of t h e P a l e s t i n i a n - I s r a e l i d i v i d e . T h i s r u p t u r e in t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n o f f i c i a l and u n o f f i c i a l p e a c e m a k e r s m a y h a v e its

The Israeli-Palestinian

Pliolo 6.6 Israeli and Palestinian often participated jointly in political

Conflict

193

peace activists demonstrations.

roots in different definitions of peace that inform the groups' practices and affect their relations with one another. Indeed, one more way to examine various peace and conflict resolution initiatives is by focusing on the definition of peace that informs them. One o f the most popular distinctions in the field o f peace and conflict resolution studies is that between negative peace and positive peace (Barash, 1 9 9 1 : 5 2 9 - 5 9 0 ) . Negative peace is defined merely as the absence o f war or direct violence, whereas positive peace requires the eradication o f all forms o f violence, including structural violence, and a transformation o f society grounded in the principles o f equality, social j u s t i c e , and nonviolence. In the case o f the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, it seems that official representatives o f the two collectivities viewed peace mostly as the absence o f war and direct violence (negative peace), whereas grassroots activists within both communities envisioned peace as a transformative process grounded in the presence o f j u s t i c e (positive peace). T h e advantage of this distinction is that it enables us to come to terms with competing sets of values, experiences, and political discourses that inform various definitions of peace. For example, peace has been defined and envisioned differently by Israeli J e w s and Palestinians both before and after the signing o f the Oslo Accords. Peace for Jews has primarily meant peace with security, although

194

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Sharoni

and Mohammed

Abii-Nimer

since the signing of the Oslo A c c o r d s this f o r m u l a t i o n has been used int e r c h a n g e a b l y with terms such as peace and stability or peace and prosperity. For Palestinians, however, references to peace have almost always been accompanied by invocation of such terms as justice, equality, liberation, and self-determination (Sharoni, 1 9 9 5 b : 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 ) . T h e significant differences between them notwithstanding, these definitions are not mutually e x c l u s i v e but rather interdependent. Both the two-state solution and the binational-state option can a c c o m m o d a t e these c o n t e n d i n g visions of peace. T h e main challenge, however, is not only for each collectivity to recognize the validity of the other party's vision. Because of the asymmetrical nature of the conflict, it a p p e a r s that the f u l f i l l m e n t of these interdep e n d e n t visions d e p e n d s on the w i l l i n g n e s s of the stronger party to the c o n f l i c t , the Israeli g o v e r n m e n t , to take the first step and r e c o g n i z e the P a l e s t i n i a n s ' right of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . To win the support of its electorate f o r such an act, the Israeli g o v e r n m e n t must introduce it not as a unilateral c o n c e s s i o n but rather as an essential step t o w a r d long-lasting peace in the region. In accepting the two-state solution and recognizing Israel's right to exist, Palestinians have d e m o n s t r a t e d their realization that the fulfillment of their national aspirations depends on Israel's sense of security. It is imperative now that Israeli J e w s understand and publicly ack n o w l e d g e that their quest f o r security, stability, and prosperity will not

Photo

6.7

Israeli peace activists protest the building of a new Israeli settlement Har Homa/Jebel Abu Ghneim, near Jerusalem and Bethlehem.

at

The Israeli-Palestinian

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195

m a t e r i a l i z e as l o n g as P a l e s t i n i a n s ' q u e s t f o r j u s t i c e , e q u a l i t y , a n d n a t i o n a l self-determination remains unfulfilled.

•

CONCLUSION

It is c l e a r t h a t o v e r t h e y e a r s b o t h t h e P a l e s t i n i a n l e a d e r s h i p a n d I s r a e l i g o v e r n m e n t h a v e m o v e d a w a y f r o m e x c l u s i v i s t m i l i t a r y s o l u t i o n s to t h e c o n f l i c t to m o r e a c c o m m o d a t i o n i s t d i p l o m a t i c o n e s . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , it is a l s o o b v i o u s that the t w o n a t i o n a l c o l l e c t i v i t i e s still h o l d v e r y d i f f e r e n t d e f i n i t i o n s o f p e a c e , i n f o r m e d to a g r e a t e x t e n t b y t h e p o w e r d i s p a r i t i e s b e t w e e n t h e m that t h e O s l o A c c o r d s f a i l e d to a d d r e s s . T h i s a s y m m e t r y in p o w e r r e l a t i o n s h a s b e e n r e i n f o r c e d b y t h e f a i l u r e o f p a s t a n d p r e s e n t c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n a t t e m p t s to s u c c e s s f u l l y a d d r e s s the t w o c e n t r a l i s s u e s at the h e a r t o f t h e P a l e s t i n i a n s ' s t r u g g l e — n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n a n d t e r r i t o r i a l s o v e r e i g n t y . M o s t P a l e s t i n i a n s f e e l that t h e y h a v e a l r e a d y m a d e a s e r i o u s c o n c e s s i o n b y g i v i n g up the d r e a m to r e c l a i m h i s t o r i c a l P a l e s t i n e a n d i n s t e a d a c c e p t i n g the t w o - s t a t e f o r m u l a , that is, a P a l e s t i n i a n s t a t e in the West B a n k and G a z a Strip, alongside Israel. T h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the t w o - s t a t e s o l u t i o n , h o w e v e r , d e p e n d s o n a c o m p l e t e I s r a e l i w i t h d r a w a l f r o m t h e t e r r i t o r i e s it o c c u p i e d in 1 9 6 7

in

v i o l a t i o n o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l law. S o far, the I s r a e l i g o v e r n m e n t h a s r e f u s e d to c o m p l y a n d return to t h e p r e - 1 9 6 7 b o r d e r s . T h e O s l o A c c o r d s o f f e r e d a t e m p o r a r y c o v e r - u p o f the s i t u a t i o n by h i g h l i g h t i n g I s r a e l ' s w i l l i n g n e s s to n e g o t i a t e d i r e c t l y with the P L O and grant P a l e s t i n i a n s l i m i t e d a u t o n o m y to g o v e r n their internal affairs. At present, with the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the O s l o a g r e e m e n t s m o n t h s b e h i n d s c h e d u l e a n d n o set d a t e f o r the b e g i n n i n g o f final status t a l k s , Israel r e m a i n s in c o n t r o l o f m o s t o f the c o n t e s t e d l a n d , a n d J e w i s h s e t t l e m e n t s c o n t i n u e to e x p a n d . A s a r e s u l t , P a l e s t i n i a n s a c r o s s t h e W e s t B a n k a n d G a z a S t r i p w h o h a v e s e e n v e r y l i t t l e i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s s i n c e t h e s i g n i n g o f the O s l o A c c o r d s in 1 9 9 3 a r e g r o w ing m o r e a n d m o r e i m p a t i e n t . T h e I s r a e l i g o v e r n m e n t h a s c o n t i n u e d to u s e its n a t i o n a l s e c u r i t y as a p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r p e a c e , f a i l i n g to r e c o g n i z e that I s r a e l i s w i l l not b e s e c u r e until P a l e s t i n i a n s f u l f i l l t h e i r n a t i o n a l a s p i r a tions through a political solution they deem just. R a t h e r than s u b s u m e a l t e r n a t i v e v i s i o n s o f w h a t p e a c e m i g h t l o o k l i k e u n d e r t h e n a r r o w f o r m u l a t i o n s o f t h o s e p r e s e n t l y in p o w e r , w e o u g h t to treat m o r e s e r i o u s l y the d i v e r g e n t p o s i t i o n s o f the p e o p l e — P a l e s t i n i a n s and I s r a e l i J e w s — w h o s e l i v e s h a v e b e e n e n t a n g l e d in t h e c o n f l i c t . S u c h v o i c e s and p e r s p e c t i v e s o f t e n p o i n t out that the I s r a e l i - P a l e s t i n i a n c o n f l i c t is m o r e t h a n s i m p l y an i n t r a c t a b l e t e r r i t o r i a l d i s p u t e b e t w e e n t w o n a t i o n a l c o l l e c t i v i t i e s ; it a l s o i n v o l v e s c o n t e n d i n g v i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e s o l u t i o n o f t h e c o n f l i c t a n d t h e f u t u r e o f t h e M i d d l e E a s t that h a v e b e e n t h e s u b j e c t o f

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h e a t e d p o l i t i c a l d e b a t e s and c o n t e s t a t i o n s w i t h i n both P a l e s t i n i a n and Israeli-Jewish communities. Finally, as c i t i z e n s o f the M i d d l e East and as c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n s c h o l ars, w e w o u l d l i k e to v o i c e our s k e p t i c i s m r e g a r d i n g c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n i n i t i a t i v e s carried out by s u c h interested third parties as the U n i t e d States or a m y r i a d o f c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n e x p e r t s . Far f r o m b e i n g neutral or i m partial f a c i l i t a t o r s , t h e s e o u t s i d e parties, w h o s e i n t e n t i o n s are s o m e t i m e s n o b l e , tend to m a r g i n a l i z e or a l t o g e t h e r i g n o r e the h o p e s and f e a r s o f ordinary p e o p l e in the r e g i o n w h i l e i m p o s i n g their o w n c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n f r a m e w o r k s and v i s i o n s o f p e a c e on the c o n f l i c t . In c o n t r a s t , w e b e l i e v e that P a l e s t i n i a n s and Israeli J e w s , if not their present leaders, h o l d the k e y to a just and lasting r e s o l u t i o n o f the c o n f l i c t . T h e role o f M i d d l e Eastern s c h o l a r s and c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n e x p e r t s or the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y m o r e g e n e r a l l y is not to bring p e a c e to the M i d d l e East, but rather to e m p o w e r and support t h o s e p e o p l e in the r e g i o n w h o h a v e l o n g b e e n i n v o l v e d in the e l u s i v e search for p e a c e .

•

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7

The Economies of the Middle East Elias H. Turna T h i s c h a p t e r e x a m i n e s the d i v e r s e e x p e r i e n c e s o f states in the M i d d l e E a s t in order to gain insight into the p r o c e s s e s o f e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in the r e g i o n . T h e e c o n o m i e s o f the M i d d l e E a s t have c o m e a long way s i n c e individual c o u n t r i e s a c q u i r e d statehood and b e c a m e free o f f o r e i g n o c c u p a t i o n . 1 S o m e have a c h i e v e d d e v e l o p m e n t and w e a l t h , w h e r e a s o t h e r s remain relatively poor; h o w e v e r , all f a c e s i g n i f i c a n t c h a l l e n g e s as they look toward the twenty-first century. T h e r e are t w e n t y - f o u r s o v e r e i g n states in the M i d d l e East and one potential state, P a l e s t i n e , w h o s e political status is still in l i m b o . T h e s e states vary widely in g e o g r a p h i c a l area, population, resource e n d o w m e n t s , l e v e l s o f e c o n o m i c and human d e v e l o p m e n t , political and e c o n o m i c r e g i m e s , and in the a b i l i t y to integrate into the g l o b a l e c o n o m y . E c o n o m i s t s c l a s s i f y m o s t o f them as m i d d l e - i n c o m e c o u n t r i e s , although the range o f per c a p i t a i n c o m e s is e x t r e m e l y wide. T h u s , o n e s e e s s i g n i f i c a n t contrasts in both the assets M i d d l e Eastern c o u n t r i e s have a v a i l a b l e f o r e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t and the l e v e l s o f d e v e l o p m e n t they have m a n a g e d to attain. S e v e r a l important f e a t u r e s o f this d i v e r s i t y may b e g l e a n e d f r o m the a v a i l a b l e q u a n t i t a t i v e data. F i r s t , there is a w i d e v a r i a t i o n in the natural and human r e s o u r c e s a v a i l a b l e f o r m o b i l i z a t i o n by the states in the M i d d l e E a s t . T h e c o u n t r i e s vary w i d e l y in p o p u l a t i o n , f r o m the tiny c o u n t r y o f B a h r a i n , with p e r h a p s h a l f a m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s , to E g y p t , T u r k e y , and Iran, e a c h with well o v e r 6 0 m i l l i o n p e o p l e . V i r t u a l l y all h a v e an e x t r e m e l y high rate o f population growth that is due at least in part to i m m i g r a t i o n , w h e t h e r t e m p o r a r y , as in l a b o r e r s w o r k i n g in the G u l f states, or p e r m a n e n t , as in I s r a e l ' s effort to gather in J e w s f r o m around the world. In C h a p t e r 2, Ian R . M a n n e r s and B a r b a r a M c K e a n P a r m e n t e r c o m m e n t e d upon the d i v e r s i t y o f M i d d l e E a s t e r n c o u n t r i e s with r e s p e c t to

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e n d o w m e n t s o f land and other resources. The largest country, Sudan, with m o r e than 2 3 7 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 h e c t a r e s (ha) o f land, is more than 3 , 0 0 0 t i m e s larger than the smallest country, Bahrain, which has only 6 9 , 0 0 0 ha. 2 However, all the M i d d l e Eastern c o u n t r i e s e x c e p t L e b a n o n and T u r k e y have predominantly arid e n v i r o n m e n t s and have little arable ground. F o r instance, less than 2 percent o f the total territory o f Bahrain and Kuwait is suitable for agriculture; Iran has 1 7 , 7 5 0 , 0 0 0 ha o f arable land, or just over 10 percent o f its total area. Turkey is the only country with a large portion o f cultivable land, approximately one-third o f the total. Water r e s o u r c e s are also limited: they are both s c a r c e and unequally distributed. I r a q ' s and S y r i a ' s water sources originate in T u r k e y and are shared by all three countries, not always amicably. Iraq's water from the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers needs better management to avoid salinity and exploit the rivers' tremendous potential for energy generation. In addition, some parts o f Iraq are flooded swamps, whereas other areas are desert. T h e other significant river, the Nile, is E g y p t ' s , S u d a n ' s , and E t h i o p i a ' s main water source f o r d o m e s t i c and industrial uses; f o r growing c o t t o n , r i c e , sugar c a n e , and vegetables; and f o r fisheries, recreation, and power g e n eration. B u t the Nile too is suffering from overutilization and pollution. M a n y M i d d l e Eastern c o u n t r i e s are able to e x p l o i t mineral deposits and other natural resources f o r e c o n o m i c development ( s e e T a b l e 7 . 1 ) . S o m e countries are able to attract foreign tourists and their m u c h - n e e d e d hard currency. Israel, Palestine, and Saudi Arabia have holy places that annually attract many religious pilgrims, and Egypt, Syria, Turkey, and Iraq have m a j o r historical sites that attract tourism and form an important e c o n o m i c r e s o u r c e . H o w e v e r , e x c e p t for those countries with large oil reserves, the only really significant potential source o f wealth for most M i d dle E a s t e r n c o u n t r i e s is e m b o d i e d in the s t i l l - t o - b e - d e v e l o p e d abundant human capital. T h e c o u n t r i e s o f the M i d d l e E a s t also vary widely in the extent to which they have been able to d e v e l o p e c o n o m i c a l l y . As T a b l e 7 . 2 indicates, Middle Eastern e c o n o m i e s range in size from several countries with a gross d o m e s t i c product ( G D P ) o f less than $5 billion per year to Saudi Arabia, which produces over $ 1 7 0 billion o f GDP. As Table 7 . 2 illustrates, these countries also exhibit wide e x t r e m e s o f wealth per person. C o m o r o s , S o m a l i a , Sudan, and Syria each have a per capita G D P o f less than $ 1 , 0 0 0 a year, whereas countries such as B a h r a i n , Kuwait, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates ( U A E ) have a per capita G D P equal to those o f Western E u ropean countries. Other indicators o f development, such as adult literacy rates and proportion o f the population in urban areas, also e x h i b i t c o n s i d erable variation among countries. In recent years, much criticism has been aimed at the use o f i n c o m e as a measure o f economic conditions. Therefore, an index o f human development

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