Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv 9783963271847, 3963271841

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Ägypten und altes TestamenT 113 ÄAT 113 Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv

Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink

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Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv

Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink With Contributions by Diego Barkan, Yossi Nagar, Varda Sussman, Donald T. Ariel, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstein, Omry Barzilai, Naomi Porat, Daphna Ben-Tor and Henk K. Mienis

ÄGYPTEN UND ALTES TESTAMENT Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion Ägyptens und des Alten Testaments

Band 113

Gegründet von Manfred Görg Herausgegeben von Stefan Jakob Wimmer und Wolfgang Zwickel

Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv

Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink With Contributions by Diego Barkan, Yossi Nagar, Varda Sussman, Donald T. Ariel, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstein, Omry Barzilai, Naomi Porat, Daphna Ben-Tor and Henk K. Mienis

Zaphon Münster 2022

Illustration on the Cover: Intermediate Bronze Age Tomb C-15, © Edwin C.M. van den Brink.

Ägypten und Altes Testament, Band 113 Two Bronze Age Cemeteries in the Qirya Quarter of Tel Aviv. Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink. With Contributions by Diego Barkan, Yossi Nagar, Varda Sussman, Donald T. Ariel, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstein, Omry Barzilai, Naomi Porat, Daphna Ben-Tor and Henk K. Mienis

© 2022 Zaphon, Enkingweg 36, Münster (www.zaphon.de) All rights reserved. Printed in Germany. Printed on acid-free paper. ISBN 978-3-96327-184-7 (book) ISBN 978-3-96327-185-4 (e-book) ISSN 0720-9061

THIS REPORT IS DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF HAYA RITTER-KAPLAN AND JACOB KAPLAN

Haya Ritter-Kaplan and Jacob Kaplan posing in front of the Jaffa Museum in 1969 during a visit of Professor William Foxwell Albright.

In Memoriam Professor Ram Gophna During excavations at the site the directors were visited and encouraged by Ram Gophna, who with his prodigious memory was able to fill in gaps in our knowledge of the work of his late paternal uncle, Dr. Yaakov Kaplan, and Ms. Haya Kaplan. Unfortunately, Ram passed away after a short illness just as this volume went to press. The excavation directors, Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink, both former students of Professor Gophna at Tel Aviv University, wish to express their appreciation of Ram’s contribution to their education and specifically to this work and to offer a tribute to his memory.

CONTENTS FOREWORD ............................................................................................................................................ XIII CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink .............................................................................................. 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 1 Terminology .................................................................................................................................................... 1 The Site .......................................................................................................................................................... 2 Additional Archaeological Deposits in the Vicinity ....................................................................................... 5 Modern Impingement on the Archaeological Deposits of the Cemeteries ...................................................... 6 History of Excavations ................................................................................................................................... 6 The 2002 Salvage Project (Israel Antiquities Authority [IAA] Permit A-3646) ........................................... 7 Aims and Methods of Excavation .................................................................................................................. 8 Limitations Placed on Archaeological Examination of Human Remains ....................................................... 8 Documentation and Curation .......................................................................................................................... 9 Archaeological Features .................................................................................................................................. 9 CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON Eliot Braun............................................................................................................................................... 11 Overview ....................................................................................................................................................... 11 The Cave-Tombs ........................................................................................................................................... 11 CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY Edwin C.M. van den Brink ....................................................................................................................... 21 Overview ....................................................................................................................................................... 21 Bone Preservation ......................................................................................................................................... 21 The IB Tombs ............................................................................................................................................... 21 1. Larger Tombs....................................................................................................................................... 21 2. Tombs of Lesser Size ........................................................................................................................ 25 3. Re-Used Tombs of the EBA ................................................................................................................ 41 4. The MB II Tombs (Re-Used Tombs of the Intermediate Bronze Age) ............................................... 41 Summary ....................................................................................................................................................... 44 CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink with a contribution by Diego Barkan................................. 45 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 45 Tomb C-100 .................................................................................................................................................. 45 Burial Cave, C-101 (Diego Barkan) ............................................................................................................. 48 The Avissar Excavation (2006; IAA License No. B-264/02) ....................................................................... 49 Cavities in the Kurkar that Were Not Tombs ............................................................................................... 50 Summary ....................................................................................................................................................... 50 CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE Eliot Braun............................................................................................................................................... 53 Grave Goods ................................................................................................................................................. 53 A Note on the Illustrations ............................................................................................................................ 53 The Ceramic Assemblage—Overview ......................................................................................................... 53 Local Types: A Subset .................................................................................................................................. 54 Rounded Bowls ............................................................................................................................................. 54 Goblets and Cups ......................................................................................................................................... 55

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Large and Medium-Sized Bowls .................................................................................................................. 58 Local Juglets and Jugs .................................................................................................................................. 60 Small Jars (aka “amphoriskoi”)..................................................................................................................... 62 Small Jar ....................................................................................................................................................... 62 Imported TFN Ware ..................................................................................................................................... 62 TFN Ware Bowls ......................................................................................................................................... 63 TFN Ware Juglets ......................................................................................................................................... 63 TFN Ware Jars ............................................................................................................................................. 64 Shallow Carinated Bowls: Examples of a Subset.......................................................................................... 65 Spouted Vessels Including TFN Ware ......................................................................................................... 65 Pillar Handle Jars and a Jar of Local Type ................................................................................................... 65 Bottles: Vessels of Exotic Inspiration? ........................................................................................................ 65 Varia ............................................................................................................................................................. 70 Summary ....................................................................................................................................................... 70 CHAPTER 6: THE GROUNDSTONE ASSEMBLAGE Eliot Braun............................................................................................................................................... 73 CHAPTER 7: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE Edwin C.M. van den Brink ....................................................................................................................... 75 The Assemblage ............................................................................................................................................ 75 The IB Pottery Assemblage........................................................................................................................... 75 Comparanda .................................................................................................................................................. 76 CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION—THE CEMETERIES AND THEIR CONTEXTS Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink ............................................................................................ 81 Part 1: An EB 1 Formalized Cemetery and Place for Mortuary Related Activity......................................... 81 The Cemetery in Its Chrono-Cultural Context ......................................................................................... 81 Cave Tombs for Multiple Burials ............................................................................................................ 82 Treatment of the Interred ......................................................................................................................... 82 Chronology .............................................................................................................................................. 86 Trade, Inter-site Relations and the Social Context of Late EB 1 Society: Interpreting the Ceramic Evidence ....................................................................................................................... 87 Part 2: The IB and MB IIA Cemeteries: Discussion and Conclusions .......................................................... 87 REFERENCES CHAPTERS 1–8 .............................................................................................................. 91 CHAPTER 9: ANTHROPOLOGICAL REPORT Yossi Nagar .............................................................................................................................................. 97 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 97 Materials and Methods .................................................................................................................................. 97 Results ........................................................................................................................................................... 97 Burial Postures: Early Bronze Age ............................................................................................................... 97 Burial Postures: Intermediate Bronze Age .................................................................................................... 98 Skeletal Morphology ..................................................................................................................................... 98 Burnt Bones................................................................................................................................................... 98 Discussion: Burials of the Early Bronze Age ................................................................................................ 98 Burial Postures .............................................................................................................................................. 99 Paleo-Demography ........................................................................................................................................ 99 Skeletal Morphology ..................................................................................................................................... 99 Discussion: The Intermediate Bronze Age .................................................................................................... 99 Burnt Bones (Continuation) ........................................................................................................................ 100 Summary and Conclusions .......................................................................................................................... 101 References ................................................................................................................................................... 108

CONTENTS

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CHAPTER 10: ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS Eliot Braun, Edwin C.M. van den Brink, Varda Sussman and Donald T. Ariel .................................... 111 Human Activity Later Than the Cemeteries (Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink) ....................... 111 A Hellenistic Bronze Oil Lamp and Bowl (Varda Sussman) ...................................................................... 111 Coins of the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (Donald T. Ariel) .................................................................. 113 A Hellenistic Jar Handle ............................................................................................................................ 113 References ................................................................................................................................................... 114 CHAPTER 11: METALS FROM THE ANCIENT CEMETERIES Sariel Shalev and Sana Shilstein............................................................................................................ 115 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 115 Analyses ..................................................................................................................................................... 115 Analyses Results ......................................................................................................................................... 115 Discussion ................................................................................................................................................... 115 Rivets .......................................................................................................................................................... 117 References ................................................................................................................................................... 125 CHAPTER 12: THE LITHIC ASSEMBLAGE Omry Barzilai ........................................................................................................................................ 127 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 127 Diagnostic Types by Period ........................................................................................................................ 128 Discussion ................................................................................................................................................... 128 In Situ Cemetery-Related Finds .................................................................................................................. 129 References ................................................................................................................................................... 132 CHAPTER 13: BEADS AND PENDANTS Naomi Porat........................................................................................................................................... 133 The Assemblage .......................................................................................................................................... 133 Analyses ...................................................................................................................................................... 133 CHAPTER 14: TWO SCARABS FROM AN EARLY MIDDLE BRONZE AGE TOMB Daphna Ben-Tor .................................................................................................................................... 143 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 143 Scarab B3107 .............................................................................................................................................. 143 Scarab B3108 .............................................................................................................................................. 144 Discussion ................................................................................................................................................... 144 References ................................................................................................................................................... 145 CHAPTER 15: THE SHELL FINDS Henk K. Mienis ...................................................................................................................................... 147 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 147 The Recovered Shell Material—EB 1 ......................................................................................................... 147 The Recovered Shell Material—IB ............................................................................................................. 148 The Recovered Shell Material—Hellenistic or Later .................................................................................. 148 Discussion ................................................................................................................................................... 148 Geographical Origin of the Shells.......................................................................................................... 149 Exploitation of the Shells ....................................................................................................................... 150 Mother-of-Pearl ..................................................................................................................................... 150 Conclusion................................................................................................................................................... 150 References ................................................................................................................................................... 150

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APPENDICES 1–2: LOCI AND BASKET INFORMATION .............................................................. 153 Appendix 1: Locus List ............................................................................................................................... 153 Appendix 2: Basket List by Cave and Locus with Principal Finds ............................................................. 156 COLOR PLATES

FOREWORD Major population growth in Israel has led to rapid development with the concurrent loss to the archaeological record. The Israel Antiquities Authority, a quasi-governmental body responsible for the maintenance of that record, has taken a pro-active part in preserving or monitoring some few sites, while permitting and supervising destruction of significant portions of an ever-shrinking archaeological record. This latter activity involves salvage projects that aim at recovering as much data as possible for future reference. The work in the Qirya quarter is one example of a salvage excavation that might have been of the most efficacious type had there been no interference in the anthropological-associated research of the finds. Nevertheless, the project did allow for a very significant contribution to an understanding of ancient activity in the Qirya quarter prior to the development of the modern city of Tel Aviv. Those salvage excavations were carried out on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority over a threemonth period in summer of 2002 at the eastern extremity of that quarter due to widening of a major boulevard, Derech Petah Tiqvah—today renamed for Menahem Begin. The excavations revealed two distinct chronoculturally complexes of tombs, one a burial ground of the Early Bronze Age, the other a cemetery of the Intermediate Bronze and Middle Bronze Ages. Their excavation and associated finds, as well as objects from nearby tombs from earlier excavations, are the subjects of this report. Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink

CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink Introduction In spring of 2002 the city of Tel Aviv began construction of a new junction at the eastern extremity of the “Qirya” quarter1 that entailed widening of a major boulevard, Derech2 Petah Tiqvah, at the expense of a north-south aligned segment of an elongated sandstone prominence. Today the entire area has been redeveloped and Derech Petah Tiqvah renamed for Menahem Begin. Nothing remains of the excavated area, part of which is now that roadway (Fig. 1.1). The following report is organized into 15 chapters. Chapters 1–8 include a general introduction to the site and its history of excavation, while Chapters 2–7 deal with its specific features, tomb types and artifacts, primarily pottery and ground stone objects. Chapter 8 summarizes that information and offers interpretations. The subsequent bibliography includes all references cited in Chapters 1–8. Chapters 9–15 are specialized studies, each of which includes a list of references cited within it. Inspectors for the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA), the statutory institution in charge of antiquities, armed with knowledge of an ancient tomb previously found in that segment of the ridge (C-100; Chapter 4), carried on continuous inspection of the site as work was undertaken by the municipal construction team. That involved removal of a complex of small, modern buildings cut into the underlying kurkar3 ridge, originally part of Sarona, a German colony founded in 1871 by the Tempelgesellschaft. British Mandate Authorities expelled the last of those settlers during WW II and confiscated their holdings for government use. With statehood, much of that property passed into government hands and together a motley cluster of buildings there became known as the “Qirya”. Latterly, its easternmost precinct, the site of our excavation, housed the Israel Broadcasting Authority. Those buildings and associated installations located there (some constructed by the Germans, and others since the founding of the state) were all razed to the ground, prior to our excavation. As each structure was demolished and the east edge of this light-colored sandstone ridge shaved away by bulldozers, regular patches of dark soil-filled cavities cut into the underlying stone were revealed, indicating ancient burials. Consequently, work was halted and for three months the writers of these lines conducted salvage excavations in what turned out to be two distinct chrono-culturally complexes of tombs, one a burial ground of the Early Bronze Age, the other a cemetery of the Intermediate Bronze and Middle Bronze Ages. Their excavation and associated finds, as well as objects from nearby tombs, excavated before and after the 2002 excavation, are the subjects of this report. Terminology Three major periods are represented in the cemeteries at this site (Table 1.1). The earliest is Early Bronze 1 (EB 1). A later cemetery is dated to the Intermediate Bronze Age (IB) and apparently utilization of the locale transitioned to a very early phase of the Middle Bronze Age (MB IIA). Since the introduction of a conventional periodization in the early 20th Century (Wright 1937) alternate terminologies have come into use. They are indicated in Table 1, which also indicates abbreviations used in this report. The reader will note that unless citing other works, no alphabetical distinctions are used to indicate early and late phases of EB 1, as they are inadequate to accurately denote the very complicated reality of a period that dates from ca 3700 BCE through ca 3000 BCE (Braun 2021; forthcoming). Phasing and sub-periods of the Early Bronze Age, in as much as they may be indicated, are expressed with adjectives such as early, developed and late.

1

Map ref: 32o05’34.50” N / 34o48’01.30” E (Google Earth). Derech is a Hebrew word for thoroughfare, generally translated as street, road, avenue or boulevard. 3 Kurkar is a Hebrew word for calcareous sandstone (see below). 2

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CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

Table 1.1: Chronological Periods Represented at the Site and Their Equivalents Period Early Bronze Age 14 Early Bronze Age 2 Intermediate Bronze Age Middle Bronze Age I5

Abbrev. EB 1 EB 2 IB MB I

Equiv. EB I EB II EB 4 MB II

Equiv. EBI EBII MB I MB IIA

According to K. Kenyon (1970) Proto-Urban Early Bronze Age Intermediate Early Bronze-Middle Bronze Middle Bronze Age

The Site The Qirya quarter lies in the heart of Tel Aviv (Fig. 1.1), occupying part of a natural, elongated kurkar ridge (now all built up), that was the western boundary of a broad flood plain, the Ayalon Valley with its narrower stream (nahal6). Following are descriptions of the site and its environs at the time of excavation that give some idea of its ancient situation, now a totally modern, urban setting. The ancient tombs were completely destroyed by modern construction and presently remains of the ridge are barely visible as a low prominence above the sunken Ayalon Expressway that more or less utilizes the flood plain of this ancient water course. The ridge, truncated for urban development, is part of a gentle slope to the west covered by modern buildings. Geological Features: The cemeteries are situated on the most inland of a series of “fossil dune deposits” dated to the Upper Pleistocene era, long ridges paralleling the coast and separated by broad troughs or swales that typify this region of the Mediterranean Littoral. The calcareous sandstone, of which these ridges are composed, known locally as kurkar, is “medium to fine sand, white to buff or gray in color” and cemented by calcium carbonate into different degrees of consolidation (Orni and Efrat 1980:6,11; Gifford and Rapp 1989; Gifford, Rapp and Hill 1989:209). The area of the ridge excavated is notable for its buff color and for considerable variation in the degree of cohesion of the ancient dune that ranges from poor to virtually unconsolidated. The most cohesive patches of kurkar encountered in the excavation proved to be rather friable, while others were merely loose sand trapped between deposits of non-contiguous, small, thin, lacy looking, flat sheets of barely consolidated stone.7 Inherent qualities of this kurkar were major factors in the state of preservation of the tombs cut into it, and in excavation strategy (Fig. 1.2). All tombs encountered were hewn from friable sandy deposits that tended to collapse when fill within cavities was removed. Accordingly, even when upper portions of these features occasionally remained, including ceilings, it was imperative to remove them by mechanical means before further manual excavation would permit work in safety. In 1979, when the modern roadbed was created, the unstable nature of this material dictated construction of a steeply sloping cemented stone retaining wall to bolster the east side of the ridge south of Rehov (street) Kaplan. Its construction prompted the Ritter-Kaplan (n.d.) excavation of a burial cave (C-100, Chapter 4) found there (Fig. 1.3). This wall defined the west side of Derech Petah Tiqvah at the time of excavation and was a decisive factor in the overall strategy of our 2002 investigations. Topography, Then and Now: Although very little of the original, natural topographical features of Tel Aviv in the region of the Qirya quarter were perceptible at the time of excavation8, it was still possible, grosso modo, to discern remains of the broad, elongated ridge on which the quarter was built. Possibly this prominent feature once rose a considerable height above the adjacent valley floor, but today its eastern contours have been so sculpted, the valley floor so raised and its former prominence so dwarfed by modern high-rise buildings that it remains only as an indistinct aspect of the modern topography of the city. This ridge parallels and defines the west side of the Ayalon Valley, now a busy thoroughfare which is an access road to a multi-laned highway (Ayalon Freeway) straddling a cemented water conduit approximating the original course of the now canalized stream. Just north of the excavated part of the ridge is a bustling commercial quarter occupied by several skyscrapers and a train station (Fig. 1.5). 4

The use of the term Early Bronze 1 (EB 1) is preferred to that with Roman numerals as they tend to appear as acronyms (e.g., EBI, EB II, EBIA, EBIB, EB IA and EB IB), which they are not. 5 This is the newest, generally accepted convention. Its equivalents appear in older publications. 6 This Hebrew term (wady in Arabic) is used for any potential watercourse, whether perennial or seasonal. 7 These thin (ca 2 mm to 3 mm) small, ragged sheets of kurkar are replete with amoeba-like gaps that give them a “lacelike” aspect. 8 They are now even less visible after additional widening of the road.

CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

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Fig. 1.1: Map of the excavation area as it appears in 2020 with New Israel Grid coordinates. The broken line indicates the approximate area of the excavation. Note that it encroaches on the east of the southern extension of Derech Menahem Begin. To the right (i.e., east) is the Ayalon Valley and what was once its flood plain. The Ayalon Freeway, with its water course is farther to the east. Clearly the cemeteries extended beyond the bounds of the 2002 excavation, but mostly those areas were developed without any prior archaeological exploration and so nothing is known of ancient remains that might have been there. Note that the entire area is densely built-up. Ganei Sorona is a modern shopping district that commemorates the name of the German Tempelgesellschaft colony that once occupied this part of the kurkar ridge.

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Fig. 1.2: The beginning of the excavation of C-45 under nets for shading. Note the numbered (N = 6) severed cables still embedded in the newly created scarp that anchored a recently-removed support wall built in 1979. The white line indicates the outline of the cave below which may be seen the layered kurkar.

Fig. 1.3: C-100, a tomb excavated by H. Ritter-Kaplan in 1979. Note the freshly-built retaining wall and the modern building above it.

CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

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Today the extreme west of the Ayalon Valley borders what remains of the ridge on its east but several times in the last decades widening for the thoroughfares has incrementally encroached upon it to some unknown degree. It is likely that additional burials may have been destroyed in those operations. Prior to modern construction the Ayalon Valley was a somewhat expansive alluvial plain bifurcated by a deeper water course that flowed seasonally and possibly also perennially. The Ayalon Valley is still cut by a perennial stream of the same name, but virtually nothing of its former, natural aspect remains. The whole area is built up and the stream is a ribbon of sluggishly flowing effluents confined to a narrow, cemented channel. Occasionally that trickle becomes swollen with winter rains and overflows its confines onto the freeway, probably close to the level of its original floodplain. Additional Archaeological Deposits in the Vicinity Unfortunately, relatively little is known of the true extent of archaeological deposits within this now urban segment of the Ayalon Valley and its immediate environs.9 Two small salvage projects within this same burial field were conducted by D. Barkan and R. Avissar (2006), who unearthed a series of pits, several of which contained human remains (Chapter 4). Additional evidence of late prehistoric activity, the fruit of Jacob Kaplan’s excavations in the Tel Aviv region has recently been published (Gopher et al. 2017). They document a number of late prehistoric, preEB 1 sites, suggesting that the EB burial ground was no anomaly, but one type of evidence of a significant degree of human activity in the region in late prehistoric and later times. The populations making use of this cemetery represent part of the sequence of sedentary utilization of the region's water and soil resources. Evidence of Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements of the Tel Aviv region was encountered in earlier excavations (Kaplan 1951a; 1958b; 1959:21–35; Kaplan 1972; Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1452–1453; Gophna 2009; van den Brink et al. 2016; 2021). The Early Bronze sites are primarily EB 1 in date and include: a: Rehov Hamasger (also Kanias 2011; Blumenthal 2015); b: Nordau Boulevard; c: Slaughterhouse Hill (Giv’at Beit Ha-Mitbahaim, Tel Aviv), d: Jabotinsky Street (Jamassin) Tel Aviv, e: Ha-Bashan Street, Tel Aviv, f: Rishpon 4, Tel Aviv. More extensive reports on most of these sites and their associated artifacts were published by R. Gophna, Y. Paz and D. Rosenberg in Volume II of reports on Jacob Kaplan’s excavations (Gopher et al. 2017:563–665). Recently, another site adjacent to the east perimeter of the former airfield of Sadeh Dov yielded evidence of two EB 1 architectural phases on a kurkar ridge closer to the sea (E.C.M. van den Brink, pers. obs. 2017). To the southeast in Azor, a suburb of Tel Aviv, several excavations yielded evidence of significant settlement and cemeteries by A. Ben-Tor (1975), A. Druks (Amiran 198510), J. Perrot and D. Ladiray (1980)11, and A. Golani and E.C.M. van den Brink (1999). Information on another tomb, looted by the late minister of defense, Moshe Dayan12, was eventually published by E.C.M. van den Brink, R. Gophna and A. Ovadia (2007). Additional evidence of Early Bronze Age deposits and another tomb utilized in EB 1 and re-used in the IB period have been published by Yannai (2018). Other EB 1 sites in the region have been found at Givatayim (Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966) and in the lowest levels of Tel Gerisa in nearby Ramat Gan (Kaplan 1972). Unfortunately, despite information from those sites, most of the evidence for such settlement was likely destroyed by construction of the modern city, as in the years when the Kaplans worked and Tel Aviv grew rapidly, inspection by the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums (IDAM13) in Tel Aviv was haphazard at best. Within that context the work of the Kaplans (Jacob and Haya Ritter-Kaplan) is only to be praised 9

An example of archaeological deposits that came to light only through inspection is a Chalcolithic site located within the Ayalon flood plain just a few hundred meters north of this cemetery (van den Brink et al. 2016; 2021). 10 This excavation was of a tomb that has never been published, but R. Amiran did publish some of the finds from it. In addition, E. Braun was shown a rare cylinder seal of either bone or ivory from this same tomb by the late Adam Druks. 11 Most of the material from the tomb was of the Chalcolithic period, but the artifacts from “Installation C” are developed EB 1 in date and date to the Erani C horizon (Braun and van den Brink 1998; Braun 2012). 12 At the time of the looting the tomb collapsed and injured Dayan, then a governmental minister. It remains one of the numerous scandals attached to Dayan, who had a penchant for looting and trading in antiquities (Kletter 2003). Notably, a large part of his collection of local artifacts was “given” to the Israel Museum, while purportedly objects of foreign origin were sold for a large sum of money. Included in the Dayan collection are some unique examples of EB 1 pottery (cf. Ornan 1986). 13 This was the governmental predecessor institution (Ministry of Education) of the IAA.

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as outstanding because it took place at a time when conditions were anything but conducive to archaeological investigation and when resources and funding were virtually non-existent. The Kaplans, employed by the municipality of Tel Aviv, always worked on a shoestring budget and had to do much of the work themselves. Although there is no way of determining to what extent the fruit of their labors is representative of early settlement in the region, their contribution represents the primary source of information on this subject and is thus, eminently laudable. Modern Impingement on the Archaeological Deposits of the Cemeteries The German settlers of die Tempelgesellschaft built numerous structures on the locale of the site, houses and out-buildings, some of which remain in use to the present. Those removed from the excavation area were lastly utilized by the Israel Broadcasting Association. Accordingly, evidence of over a century of modern occupation of the site occupied by the cemeteries was encountered below the level to which the buildings were razed. They were various modern intrusions that impinged upon archaeological deposits on and in the kurkar hillside. House foundations, water pipes, sewage installations, electric cables, junction boxes, pylon foundations and pits of all shapes and sizes, some filled with the detritus of modern civilization, cut into archaeological deposits. Bulldozing of the site that razed the modern buildings also cut into any uppermost archaeological deposits that might have existed, accounting for unequal states of preservation at the site. History of Excavations The Ritter-Kaplan Excavation (IDAM License 848): In 1979, widening of Derech Petah Tiqvah impinged on the eastern side of the kurkar ridge on which the Qirya quarter was built. Work there revealed a large, earthfilled cavity in a newly exposed eastern scarp, apparently opposite Derech Petah Tiqvah nos. 108–110. RitterKaplan, working for the Tel Aviv Municipality under the auspices of the Jaffa Antiquities Museum, excavated what turned out to be partial and poorly preserved remains of a cave-tomb dating to the EB 1 horizon (C-100; Chapter 4). During that excavation the newly created scarp at the edge of the road (the eastern edge of the ridge) was faced with the cemented stone retaining wall noted above, which was intended to shield the widened roadbed from effects of erosion of a very unstable kurkar slope (Fig. 1.3). That wall was anchored to the artificial scarp by heavy metal cables embedded almost horizontally (slightly sloping down) and cemented into the ridge. The excavators (Ritter-Kaplan nd; Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1453) in their reports noted additional, small cavities, apparently other tombs cut into the kurkar, but they could not be excavated and nothing of their nature is known beyond a photograph of one of them (Fig. 1.4). Later excavation suggests that on the basis of their diminutive sizes they may have been part of the IB-MB cemetery. Fig. 1.4: A small cavity excavated by H. Ritter-Kaplan, presumed to have been an IB or MB tomb. NB: This picture has been manipulated digitally to expose the interior of the pit, which is otherwise obscure.

CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

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The 2002 Salvage Project (Israel Antiquities Authority [IAA] Permit A-3646) In light of Ritter-Kaplan’s discoveries, plans for the new junction at the eastern edge of this ridge, that included the razing of a broad strip of the kurkar prominence down to the level of the roadway, prompted an IAA demand for continuous archaeological inspection during that phase of work. It also accompanied the razing of buildings then extant on that part of the ridge as well as removal of the modern retaining wall. Thus, under the watchful eyes of Diego Barkan, IAA inspector, all modern structures were bulldozed away, and a new profile created for this part of the ridge. Immediately below the buildings the kurkar proved to have been dotted with pits of varying sizes, with a pitted appearance something akin to “Swiss cheese” (Figs. 1.5, 1.6). Work with earth-moving machines was halted and a salvage excavation organized. That first phase of bulldozing left a flat area on the highest portions of the excavation precinct and a series of irregular, lower, terrace-like levels sloping down towards the east. In addition, the rear of the retaining wall encasing the east scarp of the ridge was detached at the level of the roadway (below its anchoring cables) in preparation for the ultimate removal of the wall. This bulldozing left an almost free-standing, sloping wall edging most of the excavation area. The wall was anchored only by steel cables cemented into the kurkar. Behind the wall a mechanical shovel cut a ca 3.0 m swath, creating a new scarp in the kurkar to the west of the wall façade and not incidentally removing eastern portions of at least two tombs (C1 and C45) that had been located there (Figs. 1.2, 1.7).

Fig. 1.5: View of the excavation area at the top of the truncated ridge, with modern buildings in the background.

Fig. 1.6: A precinct of the excavation area at the top of the ridge, after the modern bulldozed surface was swept showing several emptied IB tombs.

This phase of activity, “preparatory” to excavation, left the surface of the precinct dedicated to excavation with numerous small, mostly regular shaped, circular stains of dark soil in a freshly cut, crumbly kurkar surface on the terraced slope and in the scarp. They were overlain with numerous long, narrow piles of this crumbled rock mixed with soil left by the steel blades of the bulldozer. Pottery and bones visible in some soil-filled portions of the scarp indicated they were likely fills of tombs. At that phase all development work was halted and excavation began there under the supervision of E.C.M. van den Brink, who directed efforts for the early part of the season. Further work in other adjacent precincts, also under the watchful eyes of Barkan, eventually enlarged the area that came under archaeological scrutiny. It was similarly “prepared” for excavation by judicious use of the bulldozer to remove most of

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CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

the modern overburden to reveal the top of the kurkar with its cavities. Approximately six weeks into the season E. Braun joined the team, spelling van den Brink as co-director during its latest phase. Aims and Methods of Excavation From the first it was evident, given the extremely friable state of the kurkar, and the need to remove this entire segment of the edge of the ridge for modern development, that no attempt would be made to preserve any vestiges of archaeological deposits in situ. Thus, the project was purely salvage in nature, aimed at discovering whatever ancient remains could be found in the hillside, recording them and removing all portable objects, all within the allotted time and under the usual ungenerous budgetary constraints. This was done to the present writers’ satisfaction so that virtually 100% of the area of the ridge to be destroyed was scrutinized for archaeological deposits and, with a single exception, C-8 (Chapter 4, Fig. 4.10), all the archaeological deposits encountered in situ, were “salvaged”. Methods of excavation involved removal of loose debris to clear newly exposed kurkar surfaces and subsequent excavation of any evidence of features found upon them or quarried into them. When loose material was particularly copious, because of time considerations, work began with the aid of a small shovelblade (without teeth) on the reverse end of a mechanical backhoe. Subsequently, workers removed remaining loose fill covering newly created surfaces with shovels and hoes, afterwards brushing the entire area “clean” (Fig. 1.6). As each feature was identified, it was numbered and plotted on a schematic plan (Fig. 1.7). Each feature was then excavated as an independent unit. All fill from these cavities was removed with the aid of small tools and then screened through a 0.3 cm metal mesh. Each excavated feature was assigned a unique number with the prefix C, for cave. While this designation is not always accurate, especially for some of the smaller features within bedrock, the term was used as a convention in the field to indicate any cavity of archaeological interest. It is maintained in the report in order to match identification signs appearing in published photos. Limitations Placed on Archaeological Examination of Human Remains Because Israel’s antiquities law does not recognize human remains as antiquities, the Ministry of Religious Affairs exercises some degree of control over what happens to human remains that are excavated. Practically, the ministry is controlled by fanatical Jewish groups that, when it suits their convenience, demand and gain control over the ultimate fate of physical remains of excavated humans. As they are, or claim to be only interested in Jewish remains, it is, by default of state institutions, the fanatics who “decide” which bones are of Jews or might be of Jews and which are not. If the first category is certain, then the remains are reburied in Jewish cemeteries; if the latter, then the bones are interred in graves reserved for people of uncertain religious affiliations. Generally, burials dated prior to the Iron Age are ignored by the fanatical and governmental religious authorities, allowing for anthropological investigations. In theory that should, of course, exclude all burials dated to prior the end the Late Bronze Age as Jewish history in the region began, according to biblical sources with the period of Joshua, which is claimed to have dated to what is generally accepted as the Iron I period. However, notwithstanding that generally accepted convention, in this instance for some uncertain reason the Ministry of Religious Affairs chose to ignore that general practice. Instead, it allowed a non-governmental, anti-Zionist sect that does not recognize the State of Israel, to decide how the burials in the EB and IB cemeteries should be treated. In the first instance its leader(s?) decided that as the IB burials were apparently in single sepulchers, they were probably not Jewish and could be excavated immediately, although the bones, they demanded, had to be reburied as soon as possible. That usually meant they removed them for burial at the end of the work day. Despite the expertise of Braun and van den Brink, who knew the dates of the human remains from these cemeteries (sic!), it took approximately a month longer to receive permission to excavate the EB remains in the cemetery. It was explained that the sect’s (Atra Kadisha)14 leader(s) had to determine whether larger sepulchers with numerous burials were not of Jews (sic!). Of course, that absurdity can only be understood as political pressure unrelated to archaeology, which the government caved into and still does. The effects of this misplaced religious fanaticism forced unnecessary limitations on the anthropological investigation of the 14

The name is Aramaic and is used for a society that claims to protect Jewish burial sites. It does that but also uses its powers for political purposes that have nothing to do with its purported function.

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9

excavation, creating an especially egregious lacunae in the study of human remains of the EB 1 era west of the Jordan River15, where preservation of bones is generally very poor. In practice, the Ministry of Religious Affairs sent a non-governmental representative of Atra Kadisha, Yisrael Eisenbach, to oversee the removal of all human remains. He was omnipresent at the site, but Braun refused to recognize his presence and resented such interference. As the IAA determined that he could not be banned from the site, Braun refrained from any social intercourse with Eisenbach. Only occasional visits to the site were made by S. Fried, a representative of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, who did absolutely nothing. Thus, fanatics controlled the collection of bones and severely limited any ability to obtain the most important data from excavation of human remains. Accordingly, all information gleaned from the human remains had to be undertaken with unnatural haste by the IAA anthropologist, Yossi Nagar, prior to their removal for reburial. That explains the minimalist nature of his report (Chapter 9). One of the most appalling consequences of this was the loss of information on a trephination of a skull, overlooked due to hasty working conditions. It was a very small, drilled hole, ca 1.5 mm, noticed by a sharpeyed, visiting anthropologist, who fished it out of a bucket full of bones awaiting reburial. By then it was impossible to determine its origins within the cemetery, and thus it went to its second grave without proper recognition. Such was the “anthropological study” derived from this excavation. The reader can judge for her/himself the quality of work that can be done under such absurdly limiting conditions. Documentation and Curation The plans, photos and other illustrations in this publication all derive from the archives of the IAA, which holds the copyright for them. All the artifacts retrieved from the cemeteries are the property of the State of Israel. All documentation is stored by the IAA in its archives. All objects from the excavation are stored and curated by the IAA, which is the organization entrusted by law with that task (http://www.antiquities.org.il/ article_eng.aspx?sec_id=45&subj_id=220&autotitle=true&Module_id=7). Archaeological Features In total, 62 individual features were excavated, of which five proved to be natural, while others, which yielded no evidence of any human activity, may be termed archaeologically “sterile”. The remainder were man-made and were almost always associated with artifacts. A single exception is C-8, a very deep shaft with jagged sides, that was only partially excavated. Due to its narrowness and depth that presented dangers for working in it, excavation was eventually abandoned before plumbing its entire depth (Fig. 4.10). Exploration of this part of the ridge, including precincts of the site destroyed in earlier construction projects, has yielded evidence of at least 55 tombs dating from several periods (Fig 1.7). Their locations, plans and the dating of the tombs indicate they were part of two formalized cemeteries or concentrations of burials, representing two spans of time. The earlier is associated with chrono-cultural phases known as developed and late EB 1 and likely lasted until early in EB 2. The second cemetery apparently began in the Intermediate Bronze Age and continued into the following early MB IIA period. In addition, several man-made cavities and earthen deposits blanketing the ridge were encountered that indicate utilization of the site in the Persian, Late Hellenistic to Early Roman times (Chapter 10), the Late Ottoman period and, as noted above, “earlier” modern times.

15

This may be contrasted with work in the cemeteries of Bâb edh-Dhrac that yielded extraordinary results on EB populations (Ortner and Froehlich 2008) which are otherwise very poorly represented in anthropological literature.

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CHAPTER 1: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE AND NOTES ON THE EXCAVATION

Fig. 1.7: Plan of the excavated features in the cemetery.

CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON Eliot Braun Overview Six caves excavated by the authors are part of a larger cluster of tombs utilized in the Early Bronze Age that were located at the east end of the extant kurkar ridge (Fig. 1.2). Additional tombs of that era discovered in the same area include two partially-preserved caves, C-100 excavated by Haya and Jacob Kaplan (Chapter 4), and C-101, excavated by D. Barkan (Chapter 4). Several small pits that yielded evidence of EB 1 material culture and human remains were also excavated nearby by D. Avissar (2006; see also Chapter 4). Such a concentration of burials in a tight cluster allows us to interpret that precinct as a kind of formalized burial ground specifically devoted to mortuary activity. At present there is no evidence for any contemporary settlements in the immediate vicinity of the cemeteries where the populations interring their dead may have resided16, but that is likely due to modern development of the area that mostly took place without any prior archaeological investigation. Indeed, the discovery of these cemeteries was a serendipitous and fortunate occurrence that prompted our’s and other salvage excavations. Based on associated finds, activity in these tombs began in an advanced phase of EB 1 and apparently lasted into very Early EB 2, when most of this cemetery ceased to be used. The known exceptions are two caves, re-used after a lengthy hiatus in the IB period (C-4 and C-45; see below; cf. Yannai 2018) when the locale once again became a burial ground. There is, for the present, no evidence to suggest continuity of activity in the interim between EB 2 and the IB period. What appears more likely is that IB people utilizing the same hill discovered earlier tombs and made use of two of them; a phenomenon not unknown in the archaeological record of the southern Levant (e.g., Guy and Engberg 1938:24–27, Pl. 6:20–31; Dar 1977:26; Meyerhof 1989:34–36). The choice of that precinct of the ridge for disposing of the dead is understandable as its friable kurkar required little effort to hollow out necessary cavities, while its position on a prominence near the edge clearly marked its location for continued use. Until modern destruction by mechanical means, this hill also provided quite a reasonable degree of “protection” for the interred, well above the flood plain. EB 1 people who used this cemetery appear to have eschewed higher portions of the ridge when hollowing out their caves. We suggest that this apparent preference for locating the tombs relatively low down at the edge of the ridge is related to the EB 1 people's habit of literally interring the dead by covering them with soil, which could be easily obtained from the nearby valley floor (see below). Exceptional instances of EB 1 material cultural artifacts deriving from the upper elevations on this ridge are noted in C-101, a not overly large cavity (see Chapter 4) used apparently in the very latest phase of EB 1 or early in EB 2, and in an even smaller sepulcher (1.85 × 2.5 m), Pit A, excavated by Avissar (2006; Chapter 4). The Cave-Tombs Tomb C-1 (Figs. 2.1–2; Pls. 1A, 2A): Remains of this cave were discovered in a bulldozer section (in the newly created, temporary scarp) at the northeast limit of the excavated area, in the lowest-lying part of the ridge still visible at the time of excavation. So far as may be understood, part of the cave was destroyed many years prior to the present work, when a retaining wall (Chapter 1: Figs. 1.2, 1.3) was built to enclose the east side of this ridge, after a steep scarp was created during an earlier widening of the road. Since the northern and eastern extremities of the cave were removed prior to excavation, only a portion of the entire cavity (of unknown original dimensions) could be excavated. The extant portion of its plan suggests it might originally have been a regular bell-shaped affair. Although the walls were somewhat jagged in appearance when excavated, and bore no signs of smoothing, that may not have been the case when the cavity was first hewn. Chunks of kurkar encountered throughout the earthen accumulation within the cave suggest portions of its friable walls collapsed as the cave was filled, although whether through man-made or natural processes or a combination thereof, cannot be determined. 16

There is sporadic evidence for late EB 1 occupation in the environs of Tel Aviv (Gopher et al. 2017; see also discussion in Chapter 8), but none, so far as we know dated to the IB period.

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Fig. 2.2: C-1 with bones in situ. Approximately 2.0 m of soil deposits mixed with bones and grave goods filled this grave to its ceiling, indicating it was likely used over a span of time. No signs of Fig. 2.1: C-1 Plan and section. specific surfaces could be detected within the matrix of soil filling the cave, but there appears to have been a series of at least three episodes of utilization (represented respectively by Loci 101, 103 and 109) that entailed placement of bodies and/or bones and their subsequent burial within purposely deposited matrices of soil, eventually filling the cave up, possibly almost to its ceiling. Later silting up may have completed filling it with soil. The discovery of one nearly complete ceramic vessel near the domed ceiling of the cave is interpreted as evidence that the cave was deliberately filled with soil by humans. It also suggests that access to the cave was either from the roof or an opening in its upper walls. While no direct evidence of articulation of skeletons was found within the cave, that need not necessarily be interpreted as indication of secondary burial. That is because the tomb was obviously used over a span of time for interring a number of individuals, suggesting successive interment episodes rather than a single mass burial. Evidence for the type of inhumation, primary or secondary, in the cave is equivocal. Since the chamber was probably not very large and the bones were found scattered all over its extant area, there is a possibility that skeletons became disarticulated after their burial there. Alternately, all or some of the individuals were interred there as the result of the practice of secondary inhumation. Tomb C-2 (Fig. 2.3–4; Pls. 2B, 3A): Originally thought to be a unitary cavity bifurcated by a modern, cinder block-lined, circular shaft that removed the middle of the cave, it original plan was actually of two or more lobes. Because of the bifurcation our documentation gave each side of the cave a letter designation, “A” and “B” (Fig. 2.3); loci assumed to be part of a single chamber. However, when the loci were fully excavated, we used a mechanical backhoe to remove the modern intrusion in the center. Only then were we surprised to note that a small portion of the rear wall (its western extremity) of the cave still remained. It preserved a hint of the tomb’s plan in a nub of a kurkar divider indicating originally there were at least two lobes. Prior to excavation the tomb had also suffered destruction when the eastern portions of these chambers (and any additional chambers that might have existed) were removed as the new scarp was cut into the ridge. That probably happened in the 1970’s, at about the time when the Kaplans’ excavation, slightly farther south (see below, C-100) took place (Fig. 1.3). No evidence for the entrance to this cave was found, but the considerable fill within its upper elevations contained intact artifacts and reasonably well-preserved bones that suggests an entrance was in its upper extremities at least during its later period of use. The juxtaposition of bones and ceramic vessels over the entire preserved area of the cave, and throughout the depth of the earthen fill, suggest to us interment took place in a number of sequential burial episodes at different levels. The arrangement of the human remains, and artifacts clearly indicate the tomb was purposefully filled with soil and did not merely silt up. That accounts for the relatively good condition of some bones, especially in lower elevations of the earthen matrix where evidence suggesting primary inhumation was encountered. Had these objects not been covered in soil they would have been crushed when people entering the tomb in later periods walked over them.

CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON

Fig. 2.3: Plan, sections of C-2 and a photo of the modern cesspit construction that penetrated into it. Some of the earliest burials found on the bedrock floor show signs of partial articulation, suggesting at least some of the burials were likely to have been originally of a primary nature. Later burials fail to show any degree of articulation and, while the possibility of secondary burial cannot be dismissed for later inhumations in this tomb, it is as likely that some or even many bones became disarticulated when they were moved as successive burials took place (e.g., Kenyon 1960:22–23). Fig. 2.4: Bones in situ in C-2, Lobe A.

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Tomb C-3 (Fig. 2.5; Pl. 5B): This cave, located higher up the hillside than C-1 and C-2 and the other tombs in the Early Bronze Age Cemetery, was better preserved , probably because it was not disturbed when the east edge of the ridge was altered in the 1970’s. It appears that most of its ground plan was recovered. It was a roughly hewn, mostly curvilinear cavity in its north and west quadrants; to its south a jagged line of bedrock seems to have been the edge of the chamber, as indicated by the presence of ceramic artifacts (slightly shaved/damaged by the bulldozer), found in situ next to that wall of the cave. Cement foundations of a modern (late 19th, early 20th century) building, destroyed large portions of the center of this tomb, while the newly cut bulldozer slope sheared off much of the upper portions of the cave, especially in its southern and eastern quadrants. No evidence for means of access to this cave was found.

Fig. 2.5: Plan and sections of C-3. A: Early in the excavation with fallen kurkar debris. B: Bases of mediumsized jars in situ in the latest fill in the cave. C: The empty cave with the intrusive modern foundation. Two distinct, thick layers of bones and associated artifacts in soil were noted in the extant fill, suggesting two major utilization episodes with deliberate filling up of the cavity with soil. The evidence points to the likelihood of episodic burials, but whether en masse or individually is unclear. Other, later episodes may have taken place in the cave, but if they occurred, evidence for them would have been destroyed by foundations of the modern house that lay above, removed by bulldozing. No hint of articulation of skeletal elements was noted in the layout of the bones recovered but considering the badly disturbed nature of the contents of

CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON

15

this cave, this observation should not be considered as definitive concerning burial customs that determined interment in this tomb. Tomb C-4 (Fig. 2.6–7; Pl. 1B): This badly disturbed cave, the first of only two of the EB 1 burial caves located relatively high up the slope, was re-used in the IB period, as indicated by a jar fragment (Chapter 7: Fig. 7.3:2) that had been placed in an almost sub-rectangular niche crudely hollowed out of the kurkar. A small protrusion of bedrock in its southern wall is notable for two shallow depressions or lobes. Most of the upper portion of the cave was bulldozed away prior to excavation and its entire eastern wall seems to have suffered the same fate. In addition, a modern cement construction cut into the remaining portion of the cave floor, obviously destroying its contents where it was found and probably disarranging those that lay nearby. No sign of the entrance to this cave was encountered in the extant portions of this tomb. Evidence of articulation of human bones was noted in this tomb, but little else may be said of burial customs beyond noting that some of the bones interred were partially charred. Particular noteworthy at the time of excavation was a blackened end of a femur of an adult individual. Evidence of this type of cremation was noted elsewhere in this locale as well as in additional EB 1 tombs elsewhere (Chapter 8). The selective burning of some bones indicates that at least they were evidence of secondary burials. Particularly noteworthy finds from this sepulcher are two daggers, one virtually complete, the other a hafted fragment with rivets and a detached rivet (Chapter 11: Fig. 11.3:5). In addition to pottery also recovered were 37 shells (Chapter 15). Some are in the form of beads and others are pendants. Several were fashioned from shells of several taxa that derive from the Nile River and the Red Sea. The former group of objects is additional information on the dispersion of objects of Egyptian origin and influence in the Mediterranean Littoral in late phases of Early Bronze Age I (van den Brink and Braun 2003; 2008). In this cemetery it appears to be somewhat of a “spill over” effect, which stands in rather stark contrast with contemporary tombs at Azor, where there are more Egyptian imports, some obviously prestige objects (Ben-Tor 1975: van den Brink, Gophna and Ovadia 2007; van den Brink pers. obs.17). The presence of shells from the Red Sea indicates what appears to be some type of long distance trade, as well as ancient peoples desire to possess such exotic objects for ornamentation. Tomb C-44 (Fig. 2.8–9): Remains of this tomb were found at the very edge of the eastern slope of the ridge. Only the westernmost fringe of it was preserved. The remainder was obviously removed along with a wide swath of the kurkar ridge when it was cut back to the west and then capped by a retaining wall (see above and Chapters 1 and 4; Tomb C-100). The tomb was originally identified as a small patch of dark soil in the newly carved slope, after the retaining wall was removed. This small remainder of what is assumed to have been a cave of proportions similar to that of others of the same period in the cemetery, was found filled with soil virtually to its top. A bulldozer, just prior to the excavation leveling above apparently removed what is likely to have been preserved of its roof. A kind of niche in the kurkar to the west (Fig. 2.9) may have been remains of a shaft that gave access to the cave from above. Some few finds indicate it was utilized for burial during the Late EB 1 period, although little but human bones were recovered from this tomb. It is noteworthy that some of the human remains showed evidence of different degrees of burning, while others offered no evidence of such treatment. Unfortunately, it was impossible, given the juxtaposition of the non-articulated skeletal fragments, to determine whether this was selective treatment of individuals or was done only to certain specific bones. Tomb C-45 (Fig. 2.10; Pl. 6B): This roughly hewn cave was first quarried in the EB 1 period but re-utilized in IB times. The present discussion relates only to its primary utilization as its later utilization is discussed in Chapter 3. However, Fig. 2.10 illustrates its basal plan as well as two plans dated to its use in the IB period. Section C-D is of the fill early in the excavation, which notes the soil, bones and artifacts that filled it. The extant plan of this tomb is of a slightly irregular, almost sub-rectangular chamber. The northern segment of the cave seems to have been slightly larger than its opposite side. The entire eastern side of this cave was bulldozed away and we have no indication of what percentage of the cave was excavated, although it is estimated at about half, given the overall dimension of additional caves and the unstable nature of the kurkar

17

This observation is based on documentation of several tombs excavated for IDAM by the late Adam Druks.

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that does not allow for especially large cavities. The cave was found filled to the height of its ceiling with soil (Fig. 2.10: section C-D). The integrity of this cave was further impinged upon by large cables anchoring the retaining wall that covered the east edge of the ridge (Chapter 1: Fig. 1.2; Chapter 4: Fig. 4.2 upper left). The cables, inserted into the kurkar ridge at regular intervals through nearly horizontal bore holes, sloped slightly downward. These holes were tunneled for more than 7.0 m right through the matrix of the tomb and anchored by injections of liquid concrete, which when set formed bulbous masses slightly thicker than the bore-holes. Fill of this tomb in its lower layers contained bones and quantities of artifacts, pottery, beads, shells and a metal dagger, all dated to EB 1. They suggest the tomb was in use over a period of time. The earthen matrix and the relative state of the bones once again suggest deliberate covering of the interred with soil in a series of episodes. The overall depth of deposits and the later utilization of the cave’s upper reaches in the IB period, again suggest, at least in the later period, access to the cave was from above. A notable feature in this tomb was evidence of burning found in patches of blackening and gray discoloration on bedrock at the southern end of the cave. In addition, one large deposit of very dark, almost black soil was noted in the southwest quadrant of the cave, also near, but not quite upon its bedrock floor. Some soil deposits within the lower elevations of fill in the cave showed evidence of sustained heating that caused it to turn a brick-red color.

Fig. 2.6: Plan, section and photo of C-4 showing modern disturbance.

CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON

Fig. 2.7: Detail of C-4 with several long bones in articulation and a portion of a skull.

Fig. 2.8: C-44 during excavation. Note the crumbling sides of the little that remained of this cave.

17

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Shaft?

Shaft?

Fig. 2.9: Plan and section of the scant remains of C-44. Another noteworthy feature of this cave was the presence of numerous bones discolored by heating, not just partially, but wholly and completed charred, sometimes to the point where they turned completely black or were mottled grayish white and black; the former hues indicating prolonged heating at relatively high temperatures. These bones, obviously of a number of individuals, were not found in any single concentration, but rather were found scattered throughout the tomb, interspersed with other bones that showed no indications of burning. No evidence was found in this tomb for articulated burials. No discernible difference was noted between the fill in this tomb associated with the two different periods and thus the interface between the latest EB 1 burials and the IB utilization was only understood based on associated artifacts. While the differences in pottery are clear, the chrono-cultural ascription of the metal (Chapter 11) and beads (Chapter 13) is not always certain.

CHAPTER 2: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE SEPULCHERS—2002 SEASON

Fig. 2.10: Plans and sections of C-45. The two partial plans of are of late IB phases of the tomb.

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CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE— MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY Edwin C.M. van den Brink Overview Fifty tombs are assigned to the IB and MB II periods. Forty-three are dated by pottery and other associated finds, while seven are small regularly shaped cavities, indirectly identified as tombs by their shapes, sizes and locations. Nearly all were unearthed in the upper precincts of the excavated area (Fig. 1.7), suggesting the valley floor may have been significantly higher in these later periods, perhaps covering portions of the lowest-lying levels of the ridge. The four exceptions, C-4, C-5, C-6 and C-45 were located at virtually the same lower elevations on the hillside as several EB tombs. Tombs C-4 and C-45 were actually EB tombs reused in this period. The IB utilization was, not unnaturally, near their ceilings and thus, in higher elevations. In general there were two types of tombs in this cemetery. Larger ones appear to have been sub-rectangular chambers, at least one of which appears to have had a stepped entrance. Others were represented by small, often shallow cavities, some circular and others of irregular plans. These smaller cavities, based on analogies with other IB cemeteries, were likely remains of relatively shallow shaft tombs. The care taken in the planning of and the quality of quarrying in the tombs, to the extent it was discernible in extant remains in the crumbly kurkar matrix, indicates varying degrees of skill. Some examples exhibited symmetry in plan, while their contours were relatively smooth. Others were rather less assiduously shaped and exhibited evidence of less than careful planning as may be discerned in layered surfaces of kurkar bedrock left exposed. Bone Preservation Rather extraordinarily, the bones from these graves albeit hundreds of years younger than those from the EB 1 cemetery, were in far more advanced states of deterioration and disintegration, than the bones in the EB 1 tombs.18 Indeed, very few complete bones were encountered in this later cemetery and in numerous instances only small bits of them were preserved. Some bones may have even completely disintegrated, as sieving retrieved only artifacts from some cavities, presumably grave goods, that indicate their use as sepulchers. The IB Tombs As noted above, the tombs of this period can be divided into two groups, one distinguished by large burial chambers, the other by diminutive cavities, likely reflecting differences in social status of the interred. A third category includes the EB 1 tombs re-used during the IB period. 1. Larger Tombs Four examples of large tombs were excavated. Three yielded definitive evidence for sepulchral functions, C9, C-29 and C-37, while a fourth, C-55, devoid of contents that could definitively allow its identification as a burial chamber is identified as a tomb on the basis of its location within a cemetery precinct and its overall features that are analogous to those of nearby tombs. Tombs C-9 and C-29 were close to each other at the south-west extreme of the excavated part of the cemetery. Tomb C-37 was located in the central-north part of the cemetery, while C-55 was in the extreme northwestern part of it (Fig. 1.7). C-9 (Fig. 3.1): Clearance in the southwest precinct of the excavated area with the aid of a mechanical scoop, prior to the arrival of the excavators, apparently removed the central part of a domed ceiling of the almost sub-rectangular burial chamber (C-9A) of the first large tomb encountered. Further clearance by workmen unearthed evidence of a large shaft (C-9B), irregular in plan, adjoining its eastern wall. Notably the floor of the burial chamber was not level but sloped up from the deeper center towards its periphery. The upper reaches of the actual burial chamber (C-9A) were devoid of fill but because of a very 18

Two reasons are suggested for this disparity in bone preservation. The EB bones had been buried in soil and were possibly better protected, while the IB bones were closer to the surface and open to the air, subjected to greater weathering.

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real danger of collapse the entire ceiling had to be removed by mechanical means before the chamber could be entered, and work begun there. Eventually the entire chamber was systematically excavated and all the fill, fallen, crumbled kurkar, mixed with small quantities of soil that had apparently filtered into the tomb, was painstakingly removed and sifted. The plan of the chamber included a slight, bulbous niche at its southern flank ca 1 m southwest from the narrow entrance shaft. Together, the plan of the chamber and shaft resemble a keyhole. The original depth of the shaft is unknown as the upper portion was removed prior to excavation, but notably its maximum depth did not reach the floor of the main chamber but ended at a threshold marked by a line of kurkar stones, which prevented earthen fill in the shaft from spilling over into the burial chamber. Access to the lower room was down a steep step. Despite the rather large size of this tomb (especially as compared with others of the same era), the skeleton of only a single individual, in a flexed position (Chapter 9) could be discerned during excavation. However, sifting of the fill yielded poorly-preserved evidence of remains of a second individual, apparently a child of uncertain age. Rather unexpectedly, the commodious burial chamber was devoid of grave goods with the exception of a single storage jar (Fig. 7.3:3). While the size of this sepulcher might be interpreted as belonging to an entity or group of persons of elevated status, the near absence of grave goods is noteworthy. Quite possibly the small yield of this tomb does not reflect the original burial situation as there is copious evidence of ancient looting in the cemetery. C-29 (Fig. 3.2; Pl. 11A): This large tomb, only a few meters south of C-9, another large sepulcher, is noteworthy for the sub-rectangular plan of its burial chamber connected to a large, rectangular shaft by a short corridor. As in the instance of C-9, the shaft was significantly shallower than the main chamber so as to create a high step. Some blocking stones were found in the shaft, but they were probably disturbed and, in any case, did not fulfill their likely intended function as a threshold. Both the chamber and the shaft were filled with soil at the time of excavation. When discovered, only the shaft was visible on the surface, which proved to give access to a burial chamber completely preserved to the height of its ceiling. However, due to the unstable nature of the kurkar, the roof of the cave had to be removed using a mechanical digger.19 Once most of the ceiling was gone the burial chamber was painstakingly dug by hand and all its contents sifted. The removal of the ceiling was entirely justifiable, during the excavation of the large chamber it was found to have been hollowed out of the most friable type of kurkar. As the deposits in the room were removed the walls began to slowly collapse and sand particles dribbled out between the thin lacy horizontal plates that made up most of the layers of kurkar in this part of the hill. Osteological remains were very poorly preserved in this tomb. Only a few fragments of bones, apparently of a single individual, a child (sic!), were retrieved from this tomb (Chapter 9). It also yielded four metal rivets (Chapter 11). The rivets indicate the likely existence of a metal utensil, probably a dagger looted in antiquity. The presence of a dagger would suggest in its turn that the tomb was probably intended for an adult male, perhaps a warrior. Whether this lack of concrete evidence is merely the result of poor preservation is uncertain, although given the state of the human remains it seems likely (see below). If that is the case then the “addition” of a child in the tomb, as in C-9 is noteworthy. It could suggest some pattern in burial customs. C-37 (Fig. 3.3): This nearly sub-rectangular burial chamber is apparently another example of a large tomb. It was accessed by a shaft, rounded at one side with straight sides adjacent to the burial chamber. Here too the base of the shaft formed a relatively high step above the floor of the burial chamber. The excavation yielded only some badly fragmented bones, potsherds, a single bead (Chapter 13, Table. 13.1) and flint artifacts (Chapter 12) indicating the cavity’s function as a sepulcher. C-55 (Fig. 3.4): This large cavity, notable for its almost vertical walls, was found empty of fill. The identification of this feature in the kurkar bedrock as a tomb is based on its location within a cemetery and its overall features common to tombs including a partially sub-rectangular plan and what appear to have been remains of a stone-blocked shaft at its northeastern periphery. Although otherwise devoid of artifacts, a bead 19

This may have been due to the heavy mechanical equipment working above.

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23

and a single metal rivet are salient evidence of the chamber’s identification as a large sepulcher (Chapters 13 and 13, respectively), and additional indication of looting in antiquity.

Fig. 3.1: Plan, section and digitally enhanced photo (to show rear wall) of C-9. Inset: C-9 at time of discovery.

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Fig. 3.2: Plan, section and photo of C-29.

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25

Fig. 3.3: Plan and section of C-37 and photo of the tomb prior to excavation, as it appeared in the cleaned, bulldozed surface. 2. Tombs of Lesser Size C-5 (Figs. 3.5–6; Pl. 8B): Remains of this tomb were a shallow, roughly quarried, slightly elongated and curvilinear cavity cut into the kurkar. Its upper portions were bulldozed away leaving only ca 50 cm of its original depth extant. A number of irregular lumps of kurkar were found atop fill in the northern part of this tomb. Its excavation yielded a jar preserved so badly that it could only be partially drawn in situ (Fig. 7.3:1), three metal rivets (Chapter 11) and few fragments of human bones. The rivets suggest ancient looters removed a blade from its handle in the tomb, a pattern of behavior encountered in several sepulchers in this cemetery. C-6 (Fig. 3.7): The plan of this irregularly shaped tomb is notable for one angle at its southern extremity. Most of the top part of the tomb was bulldozed away leaving only ca 50 cm of depth remaining. A somewhat unusual feature of this tomb is the relatively smooth aspect of its contours; most other cavities had more ragged outlines due to the dissolution of the kurkar matrix. The sole finds from this tomb were some few tiny fragments of human bones. C-7 (Fig. 3.8): This cavity was identified as a tomb by a small quantity of highly fragmented human bones. C-11 (Fig. 3.9): This shallow, irregularly quarried pit was first noted as a circular patch of reddish soil. It appears to have had a small shaft at its southwest extremity similar to that of C-32 (see below), although that feature was poorly preserved. There is little difference in elevations between the floor of the shaft and that of the chamber that slopes down to form a pit of irregular aspect. The floor of this tomb was slightly stepped and irregularly sloping. Finds from the fill are a few human bone fragments and tiny potsherds found in random positions throughout its depth. C-12 (Fig. 3.10): Little remained of this shallow tomb after its truncation by the bulldozer. Its remains suggest it was of irregular plan. It is speculated that some small chunks of kurkar discovered at its southeast extremity may hint at a no longer extant shaft or stepped threshold. Besides few fragmented human bones, the most notable finds from this tomb are a dagger (Figs. 3.11, 11.2:2) and four rivets found independently in its fill.

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Fig. 3.5: Plan and section of C-5.

Fig. 3.4: Plan and section of C-55.

Fig. 3.6: Photo of early phase of excavation of C-5 with jar in situ.

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27

C-15 (Fig. 3.12; Pl. 10B): This is one of the best-preserved tombs in the IB cemetery and was discovered as a cavity replete with modern debris atop a fill of soil. Its plan is somewhat irregular, but it had a narrow, elongated shaft on its east side. The maxim depth of the truncated burial chamber is 1.60 m. Two flexed burials of individuals were found in situ on the floor of the chamber (Fig. 3.12:A) together with two broken jars between them. In addition, two intact storage jars (Fig. 3.12:B) were discovered in a small niche west of the shaft. Particular importance is attached to this tomb because of the relatively good preservation of its contours and the finds within. It is understood to indicate, more or less, the original aspects of many of the smaller sepulchers. Unfortunately, the upper part of the shaft was not preserved, but notably the substantial differential between the floor of the burial chamber and that of the shaft is ca 1.0 m, a similar distance to that between the bottom of the shaft and the floor of large Tomb C-9. There is no obvious explanation for this particular feature, but it is speculated that it might be an indication of a particular function, or status of the interred or even of a chronological niche within this cemetery complex. C-16 (Fig. 3.13): This tomb, almost circular in plan, is notable for the rather good preservation of its northern extremity to a height of ca 2.0 m. Its vertical contours and floor are somewhat uneven and no sign of a shaft, the likely manner of entrance, was recovered in the excavation. Apart from a few fragments of human bones, the only finds are two metal rivets (cf. Table 11:1). These last, presumably of a dagger looted in antiquity when it was detached from a handle of wood or some other organic material that disintegrated. Similar finds from additional tombs suggest that looting, especially of metal, was not a unique phenomenon in this cemetery. C-17 (Fig. 3.14): The circular plan of this tomb is the most regular encountered in this cemetery. A sloping roof of the low burial chamber at the west suggests the possibility that there may have been a shaft through the roof directly into the chamber, as in the case of C-32 (see below), rather than one located to the side as in some other tombs in this cemetery. Some few human bone fragments retrieved from the fill of this cavity indicate its function as a sepulcher. C-18 (Fig. 3.15): This cave almost circular in plan was accessed by a long shaft on the east side, partly blocked by chunks of kurkar. Of note is the cave's sloping roof indicating the limited confines of the burial chamber. Only a few fragments of human bones remained of the interred. Additional finds include some potsherds and flint artifacts as well as two metal rivets, that apparently belonged to a dagger looted in antiquity. C-19 (Figs. 3.16–17; Pl. 9B): One of the smallest tombs, this quarried pit, nearly circular in plan, yielded only small fragments of bone, sherds and some flint artifacts. Possibly the entrance was achieved directly through an aperture in the roof at its northeast extremity where there is a bulge in the plan. However, access to the burial chamber might also have been from a high step at the bottom of a shaft no longer extant, similar to an arrangement in C-15. C-20 (Fig. 3.18): This burial chamber, almost circular in plan, was accessed by a relatively wide, long shaft, part of which was destroyed by modern buildings. Notably the fill of this chamber was mostly sand with some little admixture of orange-brown soil. Only small bits of bone (human?), diminutive sherds and an IB (i.e., “envelope”) ledge handle and flint artifacts were recovered from this fill. Two MB II type strap handles from a jar found in the tomb suggest it was re-used during that period (see below). C-21 (Fig. 3.19): This quarried feature shares the dubious distinctions of being the smallest cavity likely to have been a tomb and the least preserved. Only a shallow, almost circular pit remained of the supposed burial chamber. Finds were limited to some potsherds of indistinct mien. No bones were preserved in this pit, but that may be interpreted as a sign of their disintegration; alternately this feature may not have been a tomb. C-23 (Fig. 3.20): This elongated cavity was quarried in a rather haphazard manner that left jagged contours to the burial chamber. No sign of a shaft was encountered. Poorly preserved (human?) bone fragments and some diminutive sherds and flint artifacts indicate its function as a tomb.

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Fig. 3.7: Plan, section of C-6 and photo after excavation.

Fig. 3.8: Photo of C-7 with poorly preserved bones in situ.

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Fig. 3.9: Plan and section of C-11.

29

Fig. 3.10: Plan and section of C-12.

Fig. 3.11: Plan, section and photos of C-12 with fragments of bones and dagger (A) in situ (B: close-up of dagger). C-24 (Fig. 3.21): This elongated cavity has an unusual, stepped feature on its southern side, possibly associated with the manner in which access to it was achieved. The jagged sides of the chamber and its sloping floor indicate the haphazard nature of the quarrying operation. Most of this cavity was filled with sand rather than soil, which may indicate the reason why no bones were discovered in it. Finds include some few potsherds and flint artifacts, that may or may not be associated with the cavity’s primary use, probably as a tomb. C-25 (Fig. 3.22): This quarried feature consists of an unusually small, irregularly shaped, slightly elongated cavity. Its earthen fill contained some potsherds and flint artifacts in addition to some fragments of human bones. The diminutive size of the cavity could suggest that it was incompletely quarried, an explanation that might account for the unusual, stepped aspect of the floor. C-26 (Fig. 3.23): Another likely diminutive burial chamber with slightly inward-sloping contours yielded a single artifact, a small eyeless needle or awl (Table 11.2: P6; Fig. 11.2:4), but no bones. The absence of human remains is assumed to be a function of non-preservation. C-27: Fragmented human bones were found in a shallow depression of no clear plan.

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Fig. 3.12: Plan and sections of C-15. Photos of the excavated tomb. A: An early phase of work when the tomb was just opened. Note the scatter of poorly preserved bones. B: A later phase of the excavation with remains of the interred and two complete vessels.

CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY

Fig. 3.13: Plan and section of C-16.

31

Fig. 3.14: Plan and section of C-17.

C-28 (Fig. 3.24A–B): This burial chamber, almost circular in plan, was accessed by a small shaft leading down to a high step. Bones unearthed in situ were probably the remains of a flexed inhumation. Notable finds recovered in the fill of this tomb include a lower hard kurkar grinding stone (resting on the bottom of the shaft; see section A-B), four rivets, a fragment of a metal needle (Fig. 11.2), and fragments of a storage jar lying on the floor of the burial chamber (Fig. 7.1:5). Once again, the rivets are interpreted as evidence of looting, probably of a dagger. C-32 (Fig. 3.26): This small tomb, one of the best preserved cavities, is notable for having its vertical shaft that leads directly into the sloping, low-ceilinged burial chamber. Somewhat unusually, the plan of the chamber is sub-rectangular, and the floor sloped slightly. Some poorly preserved bones (human?), two cylindrical beads of bone (Chapter 13), flint artifacts and bits of metal indicate this was a tomb. C-34 (Fig. 3.25): This tomb, of slightly irregular plan, was preserved to a depth of ca 1.3 m. No indication of a shaft was discovered, and it is uncertain as to how access to the burial chamber was attained. Fragments of human bone were found in the fill of this tomb. C-35 (Fig. 3.27): This irregularly shaped tomb, apparently entered through a narrow shaft at its western extremity, led into a burial chamber with a sloping floor. Some potsherds and flint artifacts were recovered in it, but no bones were encountered, apparently due to lack of preservation. The shaft and chamber and their location in a cemetery make it more than likely that this cavity was indeed a tomb. C-36 (Fig. 3.28): This almost clover-shaped quarried pit may be definitively identified as a tomb by its contents, which included bone fragments, potsherds and flint artifacts. Presumably access to such a diminutive burial chamber was through a vertical shaft in its roof as no evidence was discerned of a shaft adjacent to the tomb. C-38 (Fig. 3.29; Pl. 10A): One of the smallest quarried cavities within the cemetery complex, somewhat irregular in plan, may have been a false start at creating a tomb. No finds were associated with it and its function remains obscure.

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Fig. 3.15B: Photo of C-18 after excavation. Fig. 3.15: Plan and section C-18. Fig. 3.16: Plan and section of C-19.

Fig. 3.15A: Photo of C-18 early in excavation.

Fig. 3.17: Photo of C-19 after excavation.

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33

Fig. 3.19: Plan and section C-21.

Fig. 3.18: Plan and section C-20.

Fig. 3.20: Plan and section C-23.

Fig. 3.22: Plan and section C-25.

Fig. 3.21: Plan and section C-24.

Fig. 3.23: Plan and section C-26.

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Fig. 3.24B: C-28 after excavation.

Fig. 3.24A: Plan, section C-28.

Fig. 3.25: Photo of C-34 prior to excavation and plan and section of the tomb.

Fig. 3.26: Plan and section of C-32.

Fig. 3.27: Plan and section of C-35.

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35

C-39 (Figs. 3.30–31): Although devoid of artifacts, this diminutive pit, nearly circular in plan has a vertical wall and a flat base consistent with the aspects of the small tombs in this cemetery, and thus has been so identified.

Fig. 3.29: Plan and section of C-38. Fig. 3.28: Plan and section of C-36. Fig. 3.30: Plan and section of C-39. C-40 (Fig. 3.32): Approximately two thirds of this cavity is roughly semi-circular in plan, but its southern side is irregular. The southeastern contour has a small niche, in plan forming part of a parallelogram, that is likely to mark the outer edge of the bottom of a shaft. The excavation of the burial chamber, filled with sand and chunks of kurkar yielded fragments of human bones, portions of a necked jar (Fig. 7.2:4), a metal rivet (Chapter 11) and a single bead (Chapter 13). C-41 (Fig. 3.33): Only a portion of the almost circular plan of this tomb was recovered, apparently part of the burial chamber. It is not known how access to it was achieved as no sign of a shaft was encountered. Finds from the fill include human bone fragments, five beads, a metal needle (Fig. 11.2:3), a metal rivet, flint artifacts and a shell indicating it was a tomb. This additional example of lone rivets unattached to any object is further indication of metal looting at some period in the distant past.

Fig. 3.31: Photo of C-39 at beginning of excavation.

Fig. 3.32: Plan and section of C-40 and photo of the tomb after excavation.

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Fig. 3.33: Plan, section and photograph of C-41 at the end of excavation.

C-42 (Fig. 3.34; Pl. 7B): This tomb of irregular plan is notable for its stepped and somewhat sloping floor. It is not known how access to it was achieved, but it is likely there was a vertical shaft over the higher step that was not extant at the time of excavation. Bone fragments (human?), a handful of potsherds, a small fragment of metal and three metal rivets indicate the function of this cavity as a sepulcher. The metal objects are likely remains of a dagger looted in antiquity. No drawn plan is available for this tomb. Fig. 3.34: Photo of C-42 after excavation. C-46 (Fig. 3.35): This almost circular tomb appears to have had a shaft on its northern side, although it was so poorly preserved that neither this function nor the precise plan of the shaft is certain. Bone fragments (human), potsherds and flints indicate the burial function of this chamber. Occasional flint artifacts appear to be residual from activity in the Natufian period (Chapter 12). C-47 (Fig. 3.36): Judging from the plan and location of this shallow cavity, it seems likely that the original function was for burial, probably in the IB or MB periods. Within the fill there seems to have been a carelessly constructed line of stones (L217). Excavation of the cavity revealed a single rivet (D9) and a needle (P7), both apparently dating to the MB IIA period (Table 11.1: D9 and P7, respectively) but no human remains were found. The presence of some sherds of typical Hellenistic-Ro- Fig. 3.35: Plan and section C-46. man period cooking pots and an iron knife (Fig. 11.4:1) indicate the cavity probably filled up in that period. C-48 (Fig. 3.37; Pl. 8A): This shallow elongated cavity may have had a shaft at its western extremity blocked by stones. Fragmented human bones and shells were found here. C-49 (Fig. 3.38): This poorly preserved, small, irregularly shaped pit, almost approaching a triangle with outwardly ballooning sides in plan, is notable for its sloping floor. The sole objects recovered from it are a few shells (Chapter 15).

CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY

Fig. 3.36: Plan, section and photo of C-47.

Fig. 3.37: Plan, section and photo of C-48.

Fig. 3.38: Plan, section and digitally enhanced photo (to show left interior) of C-49.

37

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C-50 (Fig. 3.39): This was apparently only the very bottom of a burial chamber, the upper portions of which were bulldozed away prior to excavation. Notable as a stain of dark soil in the kurkar, its excavation yielded some few bone fragments and a large number of beads (Chapter 13, Fig. 13.4: 1, 2, 5,13), presumably of a single necklace associated with the interred. C-51 (Fig. 3.41, Pl. 9A): This cavity, almost oval in plan, is notable for its diminutive size and low, sloping ceiling. Presumably the dome-like cavity was entered through a vertical shaft in the ceiling. A few fragmented human bones, two beads, metal wire and a grinding stone were found inside. C-52 (Fig. 3.40): This cavity is notable for its irregular plan that includes two narrow protrusions. One near the east side of the pit, too small and poorly preserved to be labeled a shaft, is tentatively identified as an entranceway. It may have been associated with a shaft no longer extant at the time of excavation. Notably, the walls make up one of the most roughly hewn and carelessly finished man-made cavities encountered in the excavation. The floor of this cavity was sloping. Some few fragments of human bones, a few beads and a metal rivet were found inside. This last is yet additional proof of ancient looting of this cemetery. C-53 (Fig. 3.42): This small, irregularly shaped burial chamber was accessed by means of a wide, somewhat sloping shaft that gave onto a rather steep step. In section, the walls of the burial chamber sloped inward, suggesting the likelihood of a domed roof. Some few fragments of human bones and a single rivet were the sole finds derived from this tomb. C-54 (Fig. 3.43): This pit appears to have been rather carelessly hewn into a plan very roughly approaching an oval. Notably, stepped layers of the kurkar bedrock were encountered on its east side, where it appears to have been unusually wide for this tomb type. It is suggested that this irregularity in plan is likely to be an artifact of excavation created by the extremely friable kurkar deposits there that, having disintegrated, were removed when the tomb was exposed. Fragmented human bones, a complete, ledge-handled jar (Fig. 7.2:3), two daggers (Chapter 11; Fig. 11.3:4) and a perforated whetstone (Figs. 3.43; 6.2) were found inside. Similar whetstones have been found in an IB tomb near ‘Enan in Upper Galilee (Shimron 1985). C-57 (Fig. 3.44): Very little remained of this diminutive chamber almost circular in plan with sloping floor. It was filled almost exclusively with sand which, when removed, proved to cover a beautiful bronze oil lamp of the late Hellenistic period, placed upside down, where it lay with a small, three-legged cylindrical bowl, similarly placed. This extraordinary, possibly unique object, published in detail by V. Sussman (2006), is notable for its decoration that includes a Greek comedy mask-like face (Fig. 10.1). The cavity is surmised to have been an IB or MB grave re-used in later times. C-59 (Fig. 3.45): Only the very bottom of this tomb was preserved. The roughly cylindrical burial chamber was easily accessed through a shaft in which several crude steps were cut. Its contents included fragments of human bones belonging to at least two individuals, and remains of shells (Chapter 15). C-60: A few fragmented human bones and a metal rivet were found inside a shallow depression filled with soil. C-61 (Fig. 3.46): Access to this crudely quarried burial chamber was through an equally rudely hewn entranceway. The floor of this tomb was left with several steps, presumably because of the inability or unwillingness of the original quarriers to remove very hard portions of underlying, quarried kurkar. Fragments of human bones and some IB sherds were found in the fill of this cavity, indicating its date and function. C-64 (Fig. 3.47): This tomb of irregular plan was entered through a sloping, stepped corridor. Its identity as a sepulcher rests on its location within a cemetery and its plan, that indicates deliberate quarrying.

CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY

Fig. 3.39: Plan and section of C-50.

Fig. 3.41: Plan, section and photo of C-51 during excavation.

Fig. 3.42: Plan and section of C-53. A: Photo of the tomb and its location prior to excavation; B: after excavation.

Fig. 3.40: Plan and section of C-52.

39

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Fig. 3.43: Plan, section of C-54, photos: detail of dagger and whetstone in situ and tomb after excavation.

Fig. 3.44: Plan, section and photo of C-57 after excavation.

Fig. 3.45: Plan and section of C-59.

Fig. 3.46: Plan and section of C-61.

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41

C-66 (Fig. 3.48): The plan of this cavity is of a somewhat elongated and crudely rounded chamber, with a sloping floor. Possibly the east side of this pit, which almost appears as a partial lobe, was the location of the shaft, no longer extant at the time of excavation. That would suggest that the bottom of the shaft was only barely preserved because of the crumbly nature of the kurkar. No artifacts were recovered in this cavity, but it is identified as a tomb on the basis of its location within a cemetery and because of its most salient features.

Fig. 3.47: Plan and section of C-64.

Fig. 3.48: Plan and section of C-66.

3. Re-Used Tombs of the EBA C-3 (Fig. 3.51): This badly disturbed cave was first quarried in the EB 1 period (Chapter 2) but re-utilized in IB times as indicated by the presence of 4 large jars shaved off by the bulldozer, in addition to the upper part of a necked jar found on fill at the very top of this cave. It suggests the likelihood that this cave had been open and only partially filled and was thus found suitable for burials of some individuals during the IB period. C-45 (Figs. 3.49; Pls. 6A, 7A, 12B): This roughly hewn cave was first quarried in the EB 1 period (Chapter 2) but re-utilized in IB times as indicated by the presence of two complete ledge-handled jars (Fig. 7.2:1–2) found on fill at the very top of this cave (Fig. 3.49). This second example of re-utilization of an existing cavity similarly suggests that this EB 1 tomb also was not filled to its ceilings before it ceased to be used. 4. The MB II Tombs (Re-Used Tombs of the Intermediate Bronze Age) C-13 (Fig. 3.50): The almost circular plan of this diminutive tomb is notable for a curved niche at its southeast extremity, possibly evidence of a shaft or entrance no longer extant at the time of excavation. The burial chamber is notable for its relatively smoothly quarried contours and level floor. Human bone fragments as well as grave goods, including a dagger (Fig. 11.3:3), two tiny scarabs (Chapter 14), 15 carnelian beads (Chapter 13) and a few potsherds were found. The beads (notably different from those retrieved from IB burials) and scarabs (Chapter 14) indicate a date within the MB IIA period for this interment, while the dagger seems to suggest an earlier use of this tomb during the IB. Thus, the MB IIA remains appear to represent continuity in utilization of the cemetery from the IB period, although it is impossible to determine which of the earlier tombs in this cemetery may have been the latest in that series and precisely how close in time they are to this and possibly other MB II burials.20

20

The nearest settlement for this period, an unfortified village, is to be found slightly farther to the north, at Tel Gerisa near the confluence of the Yarkon and Ayalon rivers (Herzog 1993:482).

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Fig. 3.49: A: Storage jars of the IB period, in situ, in the uppermost level of C-45. B: Closeup of two storage jars, in situ. C: Bones and broken ceramic vessels of the IB period in C-45. C-14 (Fig. 3.52): There was no evidence for the existence of a shaft associated with this chamber of somewhat irregular plan. Its excavation yielded some few fragments of human bones, two metal, socketed spearheads (Fig. 11.5:1–2) and a dagger (Fig. 11.4:4), which date it to the MB II period. C-20 (Fig. 3.53): This burial chamber, almost circular in plan, was first quarried in the IB period (see above) but re-utilized in MB II times as indicated by the presence of two strap handles of an MB II type storage jar found in the fill of this cave. The likelihood of a re-use in MB II is further strengthened by its close proximity to the two other initially IB tombs re-used during the MB IIA, viz. C-13 and C-14. C-47 (Fig. 3.54): Judging from the plan and location of this shallow cavity, it seems likely that the original function was for burial. Excavation of the cavity revealed a single rivet and a needle, both apparently dating from the MB IIA (Chapter 11) but no human remains. This tomb is located ca 40 m southeast of the former three tombs of this period.

Fig. 3.50: Plan and section of C-13.

CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY

Fig. 3.51: Plan and photo of C-3 with IB pottery vessels in situ.

Fig. 3.52: Plan, section and photos of C-14. A: prior to excavation. B: Closeup of metal dagger. C: Fill in the tomb with dagger.

Fig. 3.53: Plan and section of C-20.

Fig. 3.54: Plan and section of C-47.

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CHAPTER 3: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE—MIDDLE BRONZE AGE CEMETERY

Summary The evidence of these few tombs of a post-IB period suggests the likelihood of continuity of utilization of the cemetery, at least early in the MB II period. Three of the sepulchers (C13, C-14 and C-20) represent reuse of earlier, IB graves. As noted above, there is, however, no possibility of ascertaining whether the cemetery was actually enlarged and continued in use with the addition of graves (as is possibly the case with tomb C-47) or whether these all represent re-use of earlier (IB) tombs. Neither is it possible to precisely date the IB tombs to determine whether there is a pattern of spatial utilization within the cemetery that could suggest chronological development, although that possibility can be suggested as the later graves tend to be clustered in the northwest portion of the excavation precinct.

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink with a contribution by Diego Barkan Introduction In addition to the burials unearthed in our excavation, several salvage projects conducted by colleagues yielded further evidence of similar utilization of this portion of the kurkar ridge. They include a cave tomb excavated by the late Jacob Kaplan and Haya Ritter-Kaplan, a small tomb cleared by Diego Barkan and several pits, some of which contained poorly preserved remains of burials, excavated by Rona Avissar. Following are descriptions of their work, including an account by Barkan of his excavation, and our summary of Avissar’s work based on published accounts. Tomb C-100 (Fig. 4.1–4.7; Pls. 3B, 4A–B, 5A) The cave, excavated by the late Haya Ritter-Kaplan and Jacob Kaplan, is, for convenience sake, designated C-100 according to the numbering system of our excavation. It was discovered in 1979 when the east slope of the kurkar ridge was cut back to widen Derekh Petah Tiqvah (now Derekh Menahem Begin) to the east (Fig. 4.1). The Kaplans excavated it under the auspices of the Jaffa Museum of the Tel Aviv Municipality and the Department of Antiquities (IDAM21 license A848). The tomb, a small cave, lay several scores of meters to the south of our excavation area, but its precise location remains obscure because of drastic alteration of the topography that did not allow us to pinpoint it.22 It appears to have been situated at least as far west as Tomb C-44, as may be assumed from steel cables anchored behind it visible to the left in a photograph taken just prior to its excavation (Fig. 1.3). Those cables are part of the same system of anchoring the retaining wall encountered in Tomb C-45 (Fig. 1.2). If the cables visible in the photograph lay at the same elevation as the cables found in C-45, then this tomb was situated rather low down the slope, possibly at the same elevation as Tomb C-1. It apparently was located slightly farther to the east and is evidence that an unknown but significant portion of the east side of the kurkar ridge was removed prior to any archaeological excavation. It is possible additional tombs may have been located in those destroyed portions. Descriptions of the state of this tomb and the disposition of the artifacts within, noted below, are based on the excavator’s notes (Ritter-Kaplan nd) and graphic documentation.23 Unfortunately, we were unable to locate neither a plan nor a section of the sepulcher and so visual information is derived from a series of photographs taken by the Kaplans. However, they do convey a great deal of information that allowed us to understand the placement and location of most of the tomb's artifactual contents. Nothing of the anthropological remains, beyond the excavator's description is known. Two partially preserved lobes were excavated. Ritter-Kaplan suggested Fig. 4.1: Haya Ritter-Kapan additional lobe (B) to the south (Fig. 4.2), but that may merely have lan above C-100. Note the been a passage or shared space between the two lobes, similar to those modern buildings in the found in two tombs excavated at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975: Figs. 1,3). Alterbackground, part of the Isnately, it might have been a shaft through which the cave was accessed. rael Broadcasting AuthoriThe ceiling of Lobe A, partially preserved, was domed, as was the small ties’ former offices. The arremnant of the ceiling of our Tomb C-1. This cave, as Tomb C-2 (Fig. 2.3), row we drew roughly indiwas cut into by a modern cesspit which destroyed most of Lobe B. The cates north. cave is described as having been filled with reddish hamra soil, somewhat 21

The Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums. Although very specific indications were noted by the excavator, by the time of our excavation the entire topography of the area was so changed that no precise location could be ascertained. 23 The authors are grateful for the help of Mr. Tzvi Shacham, former Director of The Antiquities Museum of Tel AvivJaffa, in locating the excavated material and making it available to them. 22

46

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

in contrast to darker, brown hues of fills noted by the writers of these lines in other caves in this cemetery. Hamra deposits are known to overlie kurkar formations (e.g. Perrot and Ladiray 1980:42) and so this soil must have filled the uppermost part of the cave, between the latest burial layer (see below) and the ceiling, presumably after filtering in from above. A description of the deposits in the cave make it clear that several episodes of interment took place in the tomb. The earliest of which is likely to have been associated with deliberate attempts to cover human remains with soil, a practice documented in the EB caves excavated by us and at other sites (Chapter 8). No information on the nature of that particular soil is available. A heap of stones on the east side of the cave was interpreted by Ritter-Kaplan as a blocked entrance (Fig. 4.3). If her interpretation is correct, then the entrance, at the bottom of the cave, may have been either through a vertical shaft or possibly a horizontal or sloping passageway in the east end of the kurkar ridge. All of Lobe A and only the northern part of Lobe B were excavated. The Kaplans documented several burial episodes in this cave. In the earliest level, above bedrock the excavator noted rectangular arrangements of stones, including kurkar slabs, as well as a quantity of skulls and other bones (Figs. 4.4–4.6) obviously in secondary deposition.24 Kaplan's interpretation suggests each skull was accompanied by a juglet. The purpose of the stone arrangements is unclear but could possibly have been associated with a means of laying out corpses for decarnation. Another possibility is that the largish slabs found in the interior may have Fig. 4.2: Digitally enhanced (right formed a kind of cist or compartment that was later disturbed. A interior) photo of C-100 with Lobe B small, constructed line of stones (Fig. 4.3) on the floor of the cave, on the left. as well as evidence of another (see below), makes this interpretation likely. In one instance a slab of kurkar, showing evidence of burning, is described by the excavator as “used for offerings”. It is noteworthy that some of these skulls were burnt.25 Later burial episodes followed with obvious, deliberate deposition of soil to cover earlier interments. Present were bones of adults and children. Evidence of cremation was encountered on some of those bones. The latest burial episode in Lobe A was apparently of three individuals. One was found in a cist formed from large, flat plates of kurkar and was accompanied by a single pottery vessel and the base of another. Notably, the flat kurkar plate separating the cist from the larger burial was set into soil Fig. 4.3: Detail of Lobe A of C-100. 35cm above the level at which most of the pots lay, perhaps Note the stone structure, that may indicating this was the ultimate interment in this cave. Two skulls have been part of a cist or of a built and some long bones, in obvious secondary deposition, lay in an compartment in the lowest level of adjacent but larger, less restrictive compartment of stones. Long the cave. bones were found there next to a large flat slab of kurkar, while a skull lay some small distance away. At least 13 ceramic vessels were associated with this same context (Chapter 5). In addition to them, a small silver wire, possibly of an earring and several basalt bowls were among the grave goods found in this cave (Chapter 6). The description of the burials in this cave by the excavator suggests some evidence for primary inhumation, but that secondary inhumation was the rule, with many bones found randomly scattered over the entire surface of excavated portions of the cave. Cremation of select bones, proof of secondary burial, was associated with the earliest period of utilization of the cave (Figs. 4.4–5) and seems to have continued for most of the time span when it was in use. However, not all bones were so treated. The latest burials suggest some

24

Most unfortunately, there is no record of the disposition of the human remains from this tomb, which could have revealed important information, as there were no fanatics to limit anthropological investigations. 25 We speculate that the signs of burning might have been associated with the charred skulls in the tomb.

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

47

alteration in mortuary traditions, accompanied by the fashioning of cists, perhaps for individual burials (Fig. 4.3).

Fig. 4.4: Details of interior of C-100.

Fig. 4.5: Additional details of interior of C-100.

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CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

Fig. 4.6: Detail of the basal level of the cave with several badly fragmented skulls, long bones, a basalt bowl (1) and several ceramic vessels (2–6). Burial Cave, C-101 (Diego Barkan) For purposes of reference in this volume this cave is cited as C-101. This was a brief salvage operation undertaken for the IAA (Permit No. A-4813) in May 2006.26 It was initiated after remains of antiquities were discovered in a preliminary inspection of an area slated for development as a public park. The excavation was located ca 150 m south of the cemetery excavated by the Kaplans on the same kurkar ridge. This site was at a relatively high elevation (ca 31 m asl) atop the ridge and was significantly higher than the other cemeteries, possibly because the natural state of the ridge there was at a greater elevation when the tomb was quarried. This sepulcher was a single burial cave hewn into the kurkar bedrock, the ceiling of which had collapsed some time in antiquity (Fig. 4.7). Additional destruction occurred to its eastern wall due to modern work that led to the excavation. The plan of the cave was irregular, although its approximate south southeastern two thirds roughly approached the shape of a parallelogram. The remaining portion of the cave, not wholly preserved, appeared as a roughly rectangular extension to the north northwest. Unarticulated human skeletal remains identify the cave as a sepulcher. Unfortunately they were in such a poor state of preservation that it was impossible to determine the number of interred. Neither could evidence of their sexes and ages be determined from those remains. In addition to the late EB 1 pottery (Chapter 5), some ceramics dated to MB II found in the uppermost fills suggest re-use of this tomb in the latter period. That is another instance of activity in this period in the region.

26

The site was located at: map ref. NIG 180112–18/664239–43; OIG 130112/164239.

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

49

Fig. 4.7: Plan and section of C-101. The Avissar Excavation (2006; IAA License No. B-264/02) A small salvage excavation was conducted R. Avissar (2006) in a precinct near our excavation. There she encountered 12 or 15 pits, described as “cut” by natural forces into the kurkar ridge. From her description it is uncertain whether three pits used for inhumations are included in those 12, or whether there were 15 pits in all. The likelihood that the interments were not in natural cavities (see below) suggests two possible interpretations derived from the published report. One is that minimally three, and some, possibly as many as 12 pits, were actually man-made and originally were tombs. Alternately, 12 pits were naturally formed as claimed, and three additional pits (12 + 3 = 15) were more than likely, man-made. The first possibility seems to be particularly attractive, as the site is a known cemetery. The likelihood of the disappearance of human osteological remains in such pits due to disintegration is very real as we know from our experience in excavating C-21, C-24, C-25 and C-35. Three pits, labeled A, B and C respectively, contained human bones. In Pit A were found remains of two adult individuals, 20–30 and 40–50 years of age. Some of the osteological remains were scattered, but the articulated bones of one of the deceased indicates the likelihood of a flexed burial as indicated by the lower extremities found in situ (Avissar 2006: Fig. 1). Also found in that pit were “funerary offerings placed next to the deceased”. They include a jug and juglet, identified as dating to Early Bronze Age 1, stone beads

50

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

(Avissar 2006: Fig.2), one of carnelian, a bone bead and what are described as a “bronze” knife (i.e., dagger) and a (bronze?) pin or awl.27 The description of this burial suggests it does not fit the pattern of EB 1 burials, but rather is more consistent with those of the IB-MB II cemetery, especially because of the flexed attitude of the interred. Such small burial chambers as these appear to be unknown in this period, even at the site of Bâb edh-Dhrâc (Schaub and Rast 1989), where shaft tombs with relatively diminutive chambers were common in EB 1. That suggests several possibilities to us. The EB 1 objects may have been residual or were re-interred as a result of later mortuary activity, while the remaining objects could as easily be associated with later burials. If the dagger is indeed bronze, then it certainly dates to one of these later periods. An alternative possibility is that Pit A is a niche or part of a larger EB 1 tomb, of which nothing else was preserved. Cavities in the Kurkar that Were Not Tombs C-8 (Figs. 4.8, 4.10): This cavity appears to have been a deep, irregular, shaft-like, presumably natural feature that filled in with soil. It contained artifacts and animal bones. After excavating to a depth of 4.5 meters, work on it ceased when it became too dangerous to descend farther because of the instability of the surrounding kurkar. The plan of this feature, indicating the irregularly stepped walls of the uppermost segment of this shaft, showed no evidence of quarrying and it is surmised the feature may have been created when the ancient dune formed around it and solidified. Debris recovered from within the fill of this shaft consists of numerous bovid bones and some Hellenistic period sherds and a coin. Possibly in one or more periods this shaft was not filled with soil and may have been used for discarding rubbish.

Additional Cavities: These include C-10, C-22 (Fig. 4.9), C-30, C-31, C-33, C-43, C-56, C-58, C-62, C-63 and C-65. They appear, as far as we are able to determine, to have been natural depressions filled with soil and sometimes debris. They were all devoid of artifacts.28 Additional natural features include certain low-lying portions of the cemetery area that were covered by a thin layer of soil left by the bulldozer blade after the primary clearance of the precinct. Within that layer of soil were found numerous sherds, apparently associated with the modern occupation of the site although they were so badly crushed by bulldozer treads and tires that nothing of their original shapes could be discerned.

Fig.4.8: C-8, a shaft-like feature.

Fig. 4.9: C-22 as it was first observed, a patch of dark soil on the kurkar surface.

Summary Given the information from these remains, it is certain that our 2002 salvage excavation unearthed a particularly densely utilized portion of this ridge. These additional tombs suggest the likelihood that adjacent areas in all directions may also have been used for burial. We have no idea how much farther to the east the kurkar ridge extended beyond the missing portions of C-1, C-2, C-44, C-45 and C-100, or if there were additional sepulchers that were entirely cleared away when the first alterations to the ridge were undertaken, prior to the Kaplans’ work. The same may be said for the other peripheral areas destroyed by modern building and road construction. Thus, the full scope of the cemeteries remains obscure, as does the extent to which there might have been remains of settlements of the people who populated them.

27

Editor notes: Although no information is available on these metal objects, if they date to the same time span as the pottery, then they are most likely to be of copper or possibly arsenical bronze. 28 These features are not included in the general plan of the excavation.

CHAPTER 4: ADDITIONAL EB AND IB BURIALS IN THE CEMETERIES

Fig. 4.10: Plan and section of C-8, the deep, narrow shaft-like feature.

51

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE Eliot Braun Grave Goods The EB sepulchers were replete with grave goods, primarily ceramic vessels, but also some metal and stone artifacts. Unfortunately, the recovered assemblage represents some unknown percentage of the original full range of objects associated with the interments. Clearly some artifacts were lost together with the partial destruction of these tombs. Those recovered derive from serendipitously and randomly preserved portions of these caves. Thus, any inferences that may be drawn from this assemblage must be understood as equivocal and not necessarily representative of the complete range of original offerings. Pottery vessels make up the majority of grave goods in this cemetery, although items of silver, copper (Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan nd; Chapter 11), and larger and smaller stone objects (Chapters 6 and 13 respectively), shell (Chapter 15) and animal bones (Chapter 9) were also recovered from the tombs. The combined assemblage from the early burials indicates the cemetery can be dated to within a chronological range that began in a relatively advanced phase of EB 1 and ended in what is likely to be a very early phase of EB 2. A Note on the Illustrations (Figs. 5.1–5.16; Pls. 14, 15A–B) Figures in this chapter represent the best-preserved examples of ceramics from the excavation. Short descriptions accompanying the drawings, when available29, indicate the colors of fabrics. In addition to descriptions, select parallels are indicated for most of the vessels. As is usual in an Early Bronze Age ceramic assemblage, due to unequal firing conditions, fabric surfaces are sometimes mottled in different colors and hues. Darker cores often resulted from interiors that did not attain the same temperatures or prolonged firing conditions to which outer surfaces were subjected. Some vessels bear decorations, primarily by the application of slips and polishing or burnishing. Shading in drawings is indicative of “red” slips30 or painting, which are in effect a conventional way of indicating coloring in black and white drawings. So-called “reds” are actually a wide array of colors and hues that range from brown to orange, which are generally created by firing of clays with iron oxides in oxidizing atmospheres. Gray or dark brown spots are often the result of firing without the presence of oxygen, which often occurred where vessel walls touched during firing. The Ceramic Assemblage—Overview The pottery under discussion derives from eight Early Bronze Age tombs discovered to date in this cemetery. It includes six sepulchers excavated by the writers of these lines, C-100 excavated by Kaplan and RitterKaplan and another, C-101, excavated by D. Barkan (Chapter 4). There may have been some EB associations with the pits excavated by R. Avissar (Chapter 4), but detailed information on that is not available. As there are no radiocarbon dates from the excavation, chronological inferences are primarily derived from morphology and decorative characteristics of ceramics as other types of artifacts are less sensitive to chronological differences. All pottery from the EB tombs dates to developed and late phases of EB 1, while one vessel (Fig. 5.6) seems likely to point to use of the cemetery in early EB 2. Although all that pottery was hand-made as is typical for ceramics associated with these periods, the assemblage itself is marked by a major dichotomy that indicates the existence of two especially prominent subsets of vessels clearly deriving from disparate origins. One encompasses an appreciable number of vessels of morphology, fabrics and methods of manufacture that are typical of the central, coastal region. By contrast, the other is a group of very specific aspects including typology, modes of manufacture and decoration that indicate its representatives were imported from a more northerly locale. Two additional subsets of ceramics are found in this assemblage. One is represented by a group of small, shallow, carinated bowls, while another is represented by three examples of well-made vessels of hard-fired,

29

For some vessels we had access only to drawings. Slips are sometimes referred to as “washes” in publications of EB pottery when they were thin and did not cover external surfaces completely. 30

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CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

well-levigated fabrics with surface treatments a cut above that of the common, local types. A small, fourth group is composed of a few small bottles that are likely copies of exotic types. Local Types: A Subset Excavation at EB 1 sites in the Mediterranean Littoral of central Israel has yielded sufficient quantities of pottery to allow identification of “local” ceramic types, i.e., types commonly found at sites within the central coastal plain of what is now Israel, but not beyond it. Thus, the inference is that they were likely to have been made locally (i.e., within that region).31 In this instance the telltale characteristics are mainly in fabrics and modes of external decoration. Such fabrics tend to be poorly preserved, especially when contrasted with the states of preservation of most examples of pots imported to the region from some distance (see below: TFN Ware32). The fabrics of local types are probably the result of low firing of earthen materials with not very high clay contents. Mostly they lack any special external treatment such as slipping, polishing and burnishing33 that would seal them against penetration by external agents, particularly ever-present salt, that weakened them.34 These features account for the poor preservation of this sub-set of ceramics. Colors of fabrics in this group tend to be pale orange, brown or buff and there is little evidence of the use of slips, which were much more popular in other regions. Most examples in this group display only a modicum of potting skills. Their shapes tend to be very simple and some of the more elaborate types are noticeably lacking in symmetry. Within this subset there does not appear to be any group of objects that are so highly visible as to be considered a coherent grouping meriting a specific definition of “ware” (see below). There is relatively little variety in the morphology of vessels of this subset that includes types that have quite specific parallels from other sites. That is enough to suggest that virtually all the pottery in this group was made by professional potters35 rather than by sometime-potters engaging in household production.36 I am convinced that production of vessels in this group was by professional potters, albeit not particularly skillful ones, working in one or more centers that supplied consumers at different sites within the region. Rounded Bowls (Fig. 5.2) These bowls are typical of the entire EB period and are generally not particularly chronologically sensitive diagnostic artifacts. The smallest of these are relatively shallow and are often cited as “hemispherical” (e.g., Fig. 5.2:1,2,6,7,15). There is considerable variation in form and rim type. One example (Fig. 5.2:7) is noteworthy for two small piercings near its rim. This is a not uncommon treatment found on similar bowls, particularly at late EB 1 sites in the central coastal plain and Shephela37. The function of these piercings is likely for suspension using a string or possibly for affixing a lid in place. Some of these simple types were used as lamps as is one example (Fig. 5.2:1), which has a prominent soot stain on its rim. The bowl with indentations on its rim is unusual in late EB 1 (Fig. 5.2:10), as such decoration is more often found in Late Chalcolithic and very early EB 1 repertoires. The bowl with almost upright rim (Fig. 5.2:12), although rather crudely fashioned, is of a type common in late EB 1 assemblages. The largest bowl in this group (Fig. 5.2:13) is a common type and likely had a flat base. The three bowls with small lug handles (Fig. 5.2:14–16) are also typical of late EB 1 assemblages. Several examples were poorly fashioned (Fig. 5.2:4,5,12,17), emphasizing the less than skillful output of the local potters. One bowl with

31

This type of pottery is known from excavations at e.g., Palmahim Quarry (Braun 2001), Horvat 'Illin Tahtit (Braun and Milevski 1993) and Lod (Yannai and Marder 2000) and many other sites, some unpublished. 32 TFN is an abbreviation denoting the site Tell el Far'ah North, a large site where this pottery was first found in abundance in associated tombs (Braun 2012). 33 For purposes of this discussion, only polishing was noted in this assemblage. Polishing in the context of this work designates a deliberate smoothing of an external surface which, when fired, produced a dull, satiny sheen. It is considered by these writers as distinct from burnishing, a term reserved to indicate a significantly shinier, sometimes even glasslike effect. 34 This is likely to have been a significant problem, especially if sea shells were used as temper, which appears to have been the case in some instances. 35 The suggestion is that of people who were primarily engaged in this craft, rather than people who occasionally produced pots for their own use, sometimes described as evidence of "household production". 36 This is true for nearly all late EB 1 pottery. 37 This is a Hebrew term applied to the piedmont west of the Judean Incline.

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

55

an everted, tapering rim (Fig. 5.2:18) is unusual in this assemblage but common in advanced phases of EB 1. Goblets and Cups (Fig. 5.1) These diminutive vessels are sometimes known as goblets or cups. Most appear to have been recovered from developed EB 1 tomb assemblages, but given their fragility and sizes, they may be easily overlooked in assemblages of sherds in occupational contexts. In this group there is some little variation in skill exhibited in their morphology. One example, with widely splayed wall and rim (Fig. 5.1:1) is unusual, while the others tend to have s-shaped profiles (Fig. 5.1:4–8) with flaring, tapered rims. One was used as a lamp (Fig. 5.1:7) as was discernible from soot marks. Two are notable for having string-cut bases (Fig. 5.1:7,8).

Fig. 5.1: Small goblets or cups. No. Cave Locus Basket 1 C-100 008 28 2 C-100 005 25 3 4

C-100 C-45

006 119

68 1471/2

5 6 7 8

C-4 C-100 C-45 C-100

203 006 119 007

2059 68 1471/2 25

Description

Parallels Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:24 de Vaux 1951: Figs. 1:5, 5:5

Orange, gray core

de Vaux and Steve 1949: Fig. 11:2 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:22 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:22 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:22 de Vaux 1951: Figs. 1:5, 5:5

Brown, buff Buff (lamp)

56

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.2: Rounded bowls (see next page).

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

57

Fig. 5.2: Rounded bowls. Cave Locus 1 C-100 004

Basket 40

2

C-100

003

16

3

C-45

119

1480

Orange

4 5

C-45 C-45

119 119

1420 1430

6

C-45

119

1408

Orange Red-brown, pared and scraped smooth outside Black, brown-gray

7

C-45

119

1467

Orange

Wampler 1947: Pl. 51:1088–1090; Lass 2003: Fig. 19:7

8

C-45

119

1391.5

Orange, brown and gray

9

C-45

119

1449

Orange

de Vaux and Steve 1949: Fig. 1:2 de Vaux and Steve 1949: Fig. 13:2

10 11

C-45 C-101

119 102

1479 1009.1/2

Brown Orange-buff; gray core

12

C-45

119

1335

Pink and buff

van den Brink and Grosinger 2004: Fig. 2:6–7 Kenyon 1960: Fig,9:19,21; van den Brink and Grosinger 2004: Fig. 2:9

13 14 15 16 17 18

C-45 C-44? C-45 C-100 C-101 C-101

119 116 115 028 102 102

1458 1303 1353 31 1031.1 1012

Brown Yellow-buff Buff and pink

Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:11

Description

Parallels Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966: Fig. 9:4 Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966: Fig. 9:4 Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966: Fig. 9:4 de Vaux 1951: Fig. 11:8 de Vaux 1951: Fig. 11:8

Kaplan 1959: Fig. 11:1 Orange-buff; gray core Orange-buff

Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:14

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CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Large and Medium-Sized Bowls (Fig. 5.3) This is an eclectic group of types found at late EB 1 sites. Judging by the levels of skill invested in their fabrication, they probably came from more than one workshop. Some examples (Figs. 5.3:1, 5.3:4 and 5.3:7) show more than a modicum of skill, but others in this group appear to have been fashioned haphazardly, further emphasizing the less skilled aspect of the local ceramic repertoire. Two examples with flat, thickened rims that have rounded walls (Fig. 5.3:1,3), are relatively large and likely to have had flat bases as does a somewhat smaller example with slightly inverted, tapered rim (Fig. 5.3:2). These are believed to foreshadow the appearance of the EB 2–3 shallow bowls, sometimes identified as platters. They can be dated to late EB 1 or even early EB 2. A shallow example with straight sides and rounded rim (Fig. 5.3:5) and slightly concave base is a simple type with thick, slightly beveled rim. The bowl with nearly straight side that is slightly splayed (Fig. 5.3:6) is noteworthy for two small piercings near its rim, presumably for suspension. One finely fashioned, symmetrical example has three noteworthy features, a beveled, tapering, slight everted rim, a small horizontal lug handle and a string-cut base (Fig. 5.3:7).

Fig. 5.3: Large and Medium-Sized Bowls. No. Cave Locus Basket Description 1 C-45 119 ? Orange 2 C-45 119 1467 3 C-45 119 1391 Orange 4 C-45 119 1436 Brown-buff 5 C-4 203 2060 6 C-100 032 ? 7 C-45 119 1428 Brown

Parallels Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5:21 Kenyon 1960: Fig. 17:20,22 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 5: Kenyon 1960: Fig. 17:23 Wampler 1947: Pl. 51:1088–1094,1097,1098

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.4: Local juglets and jugs (see next page).

59

60

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.4: Local Juglets and Jugs. No. Cave Locus Basket 1 C-45 119 1450 2 C-101 104 1016.2 3 C-2 203 2058 4 C-4 203 2093 5 C-45 119 1444 6 C-3 201 2017 7 C-2A 106 ? 8 C-45 119 1384 9 C045 119 1388

Light-orange-buff Orange Brown and orange Buff Orange Brown-red Brown Orange

10 11 12 13

Orange-buff Buff, orange Red-slipped Orange

C-101 C-4 C-45 C-45

104 203 119 119

1017 2062 1421 1425

Description

Parallels Wampler 1947: Pl. 44:918

Gophna and van den Brink 2002: Fig.18.5 Dothan 1970: Fig. 1:35 Marquet-Krause 1949: Pl. LXXIII: 910

Wampler 1947: Pl. 35:617; de Vaux 1952: Fig. 11:19; Kenyon 1960: Fig. 23:9; Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 6:20 Kenyon 1960: Fig. 23:8 Fischer 2008: Fig. 267:2, 268:6 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 11:13

Local Juglets and Jugs (Fig. 5.4) As the names imply, there is great variation in the sizes and morphology of this group, that displays varying levels of potting skills. Their fabrics vary and they are likely to have originated in more than one atelier. Those with preserved handles are of the high-loop type that comes up over the rim to which it is attached. It is a very characteristic feature of EB 1 pottery and is only rarely encountered in EB 2 assemblages. One example (Fig. 5.4:4) has an unusual feature, a small lug handle opposite the strap handle, presumably for suspension. Only a few examples of this type are known, mostly from this region. Most are of plain fabrics, but one was red-slipped (Fig. 5.4:12).

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.5: Small Jars (Amphoriskoi). No. Cave Locus Basket 1 C-100 015 21

Description

2 3 4

C-2A C-100 C-3

106 014 201

1011 37 2001

Orange Pink Orange; black core

5 6 7

C-45 C-4 C-4

119 203 203

1442 2068 2065

Orange-brown Buff-orange Buff orange; gray core; outer surface flaked off

8 9

C-100 C-3

033 201

2015

Orange

10

C-2A

106

1071

Buff brown

11

C-3

201

2015

Buff

12

C-1

103

1104

Buff-brown

61

Parallels de Vaux and Steve 1949: Figs. 1:15, 5:8, 13:20 Kenyon 1960: Fig. 15:7 Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966: Fig. 9:15– 17 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 11:28 Marquet-Krause 1949: Pl. LXXII:871 Kenyon 1960: Fig. 23:17,18 Lass 2003: Fig. 21:6–8 Marquet-Krause 1949: Pls. LXX:665, LXXI:781 Wampler 1947: Pl. 12:1; Marquet-Krause 1949: Pl. LX:555; de Vaux 1951: Fig. 1:3 Marquet-Krause 1949: Pl. XXIX:57; Dothan 1970: Fig. 5:26 de Vaux 1949: Fig. 8:28; Fischer 2008: Fig. 110:1

62

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Small Jars (aka “amphoriskoi”) This is another eclectic group of vessels with significantly different morphologies and fabrics. The Greek term “amphoriskos” is often used for two general types, one with short necks and wide apertures; the other with long necks and largish and small apertures; the last mostly resembling bottles, but with the addition of two handles. Similar vessels with only one handle are known as jugs or juglets. Amphoriskoi were very popular during EB 1 and, in EB 2 those resembling bottles were often found in association with burials. Several examples from this cemetery have ledge handles. One small example (Fig. 5.5:3) is pierced on its handles and its rim which are means of affixing a cover. Another (Fig. 5.5:4) is very diminutive and poorly fashioned and may be an example of a “homemade” type, obviously in imitation of a large jar as may be discerned by the one remaining ledge handle. Others have vertical lugs, probably for suspension. I have included one example with very wide aperture that is more of an open type than a jar (Fig. 5.5:8) with restricted aperture because of its two handles. Small Jar (Fig. 5.6) The morphology of this jar, unique in the recovered assemblage, is, however, well paralleled in EB 2 types. One feature, in particular, is often found on vessels of that period. It is a decorative, raised vertical line that is sometimes known as a vestigial handle, apparently in imitation of actual handles on some EB 2 vessels. The morphology of this vessel suggests the cemetery continued in use in that period, at least for a short time. A similar type is found in a late EB 1 cave at Ramla (Avrutis 2012: Fig. 4.12:5).

Fig. 5.6: Small Jar with Vertical Handles. Cave Locus Basket Description C-45 119 1399 Brownish-gray

Parallels Amiran et al. 1978: Pl. 28:1,3,4–6,12

Imported TFN Ware38 (Fig. 5.7) TFN Ware is the name I have given to a homogeneous type of pottery, akin to the idea of “family” the late Pirhiya Beck (1985) applied to a group of late EB 1 bowls (Braun 2012). The name derives from the eponymous site in the hill country of Samaria that has yielded significant quantities of it (de Vaux and Steve 1949: Fig. 1:7–9, 22, Fig. 5:2,4; Charloux 2002:20–21; van den Brink and Grosinger 2004:92). Vessels of TFN Ware are easily distinguished as much for the consistency of their fabrics and surface treatments as for their singular mode of construction. As such they fulfill Rice's (1987:287) definition of a “ware”. TFN Ware is a coherent group of specialized pottery that includes small and medium-sized vessels only. Unfortunately, no evidence of any workshop or ateliers where this very parochial type of pottery was made has been found, but it is assumed its homeland is in the region of Tell el Far'ah North (TFN), where it has been found in quantity, particularly in tombs. The dating of this ware is not very clear, but it appears in developed phases of EB 1 in tomb assemblages39, but how long it may have lasted is not known. However, considering the copious quantities of this ware, and the array of types and differences in quality, I assume the group represents a chronological range of no little duration. Following are the major features of TFN Ware:

38

The term “ware” has different connotations (Rice 1987:5,287). In this sense it refers to fabrics of vessels, modes of fabrication and often types of decoration, shared characteristics that make this an especially coherent grouping. 39 At Tell el-Far'ah North it is not found in the same tombs as Gray Burnished Ware (Braun 2012), which is definitively dated to early EB 1.

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

63

1. Fabrics, often red and reddish brown, tend to be relatively well levigated and well fired. Walls of vessels in this group are generally thin and of even thicknesses. 2. Surface treatment is generally smooth and often slipped, with many examples polished or burnished. 3. Numerous examples have so-called “omphaloi 40” (e.g., Fig. 5.7:1–2,8), small protuberances in the centers of their internal bases, probably resulting from having been made on or in molds (Braun 2012). 4. Bowls are the basic morphological type from which all types were constructed. Some were retained as bowls, but others were used sometimes in tandem with one bowl placed atop another to create closed vessels. A researcher, G. Charloux (2002), who studied the assemblage of pottery from the Tell el-Far'ah North’s tombs has designated the technical production of closed vessels in this group the “dual-mode”. Generally, the melding of two basic bowls is slightly visible externally in these closed vessels (Fig. 5.7), while internally the sides of these bowls visibly overlap. There is a considerable assemblage of well-preserved examples of TFN Ware in the Qirya cemetery. That preservation appears to be due to the quality of their fabrics and especially external treatments with slips and polishing and burnishing. That type of investment by potters, together with nicely formed shapes, apparently made this ware imported to the site, desirable for grave goods. Indeed, TFN Ware is the most common type of grave good in this burial ground, indicating a significant degree of respect or perhaps identification by the living population with its deceased. For additional information on this ware see Chapter 8.

Fig. 5.7: Examples of construction techniques of TFN Ware including the “dual mode” and omphaloi. TFN Ware Bowls (Figs. 5.8) The basic bowl was common in the TFN potters’ repertoire but there is some degree of variation in size, angles of rims and occasional use of handles (Fig. 5.8:7,9–13), which appear to be more decorative than functional. All these examples have omphaloi, while six examples are polished (Fig. 5.8:2,5,7,11–13). TFN Ware Juglets (Fig. 5.10) This collection of vessels includes some with all the hallmarks of TFN Ware, while others have only select features. Fig. 5.10:1 was fashioned of two pieces in the usual (“dual-mode”) manner, but the uppermore was not a bowl but a specially shaped neck. Several are noted for their unusually high loop handles. One juglet (Fig. 5.10:4) was decorated by pattern burnishing, suggesting that it may be a late example as that type of adornment is relatively rare in EB 1, but it is known in assemblages in the Jordan Valley (e.g., Eisenberg and Rotem 2016: Fig. 7). However, it is mostly identified in EB 2 and EB 3 pottery in the central and southern regions.

40

The Greek term for navel is often used to indicate this feature.

64

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.8: TFN Ware Bowls. No. Cave Locus 1 C-1 107 2 C-1 109 3 C-4 203 4 C-8 202 5 C-4 203 6 C-1 103 7 C-2B 105 8 C-45 119 9 C-100 002 10 C-100 001 11 C-45 119 12 C-45 119 13 C-4 203

Basket 1027 1023 2094 2026 2090 1010 1012 1449 19 33 1468 1465 2091

Description Orange-red slip Orange; self-slip, polished Orange Light orange Brown, red slipped, polished Red-brown Orange-red slipped, polished Orange-brown

Red-orange, polished Brown, red, polished Buff orange; red-slipped, polished

TFN Ware Jars (Fig. 5.11) The vessels in this figure show the extremes of skill or lack thereof and morphological differences in this family of vessels. All of these examples show one or more characteristics of TFN Ware (see above). They have either ledge handles and/or small vertical lugs. The addition of a third handle, a vertical lug (Fig. 5.11:241,10) may have been used to stabilize a suspended vessel while pouring. However, the example with both small ledge and lug handles (Fig. 5.11:1) suggests these appurtenances may have been more decorative than functional. In general, these small, nicely decorated jars appear to have been made specifically as grave goods, rather than for practical quotidian use.

41

This vessel is known only from a photograph, in which a small protuberance at the rim is interpreted as a vertical lug handle similar to that in Fig. 5.11:10.

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

65

Shallow Carinated Bowls: Examples of a Subset (Fig. 5–9) This is a small group of bowls made by skilled potters likely to have come from a major production center. It is related to Beck’s “family” of late EB 1 bowls, exponents of a group identified by the late Pirhiya Beck (1985). They are dated to very late EB 1 and also probably to early EB 2. The examples here were made by skilled potters and appear to have been fashioned in molds and possibly finished on tournettes. Fabrics of some examples in this group are finely levigated and may be Metallic Ware Fig. 5.9: Shallow, carinated bowls. (Greenberg and Porat 1996). Examples may be polished or even have pattern burnished decoration. Colors range from red to brown and gray. One example (Fig. 5.9:3) has small ledge handles at the line of carination. Others in this group (not found in this assemblage) may have small lugs or pierced ledges. Spouted Vessels Including TFN Ware (Fig. 5.12) All but one of these vessels (Fig. 5.12:5) are of TFN Ware. Notably, all but one of the spouts have apertures wider than their shafts, but whether that is to serve a specific function or merely a stylistic trait is uncertain. The smallest, with delicate, tapered spout (Fig. 5.12:2) was polished externally and might have been used for feeding babies or some other specialized function. One example is a small variant of a type that has what is sometimes described as a false spout or “pillar handle” (see below). Another has an elaborate morphology (Fig. 5.12:4) that includes a globular body, a double basket handle and two small, pierced lugs at its juncture with a high splayed rim. It has a virtual twin in a tomb at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 8:14) and they may have been specifically made as grave goods, possibly as luxury items. Pillar Handle Jars and a Jar of Local Type (Fig. 5.13) These examples have so-called “pillar handles” (Fig. 5.13:1–3), appurtenances that would more likely have served for resting small dipper juglets than as actual handles. They are related to vessels with shallow cups atop hollow tubes that allow dripping liquid to drain back into the vessel (e.g., Fig. 5.12:5). One example (Fig. 5.13:1) was slipped red and was possibly burnished, as suggested by the lines on the drawing. With the exception of one jar (Fig. 5.13:4), these vessels are of fabrics that are a cut above those found in the common, local types. They are more symmetrical and are decorated by slipping which was then polished or burnished. They are clearly the output of a workshop or workshops of more skillful potters, who produced vessels of superior quality. There are several examples of these vessels from late EB 1 tombs at Ramla (Avrutis 2012: Figs. 4.19:3, 4.23:3,6). The remaining jar (Fig. 5.13:4) is notable for a rather unusual decorative (?) feature, a kind of two-stranded appurtenance in low relief on its shoulder. It is too low for a handle and seems to be a unique feature that has no obvious function. Bottles: Vessels of Exotic Inspiration? (Fig. 5.15) Four bottles without handles are unusual in EB assemblages. One with long, thin neck (Fig. 5.15:1) is reminiscent of many local types but could also be of foreign inspiration. A smaller, less nicely fashioned bottle with thick walls and wide aperture could be an attempt at imitating an Egyptian imported bottle (Fig. 5.15:2). A lemon-shaped bottle with tapered base (Fig. 5.15:3; cf. Petrie 1953: Pl.XXVI:88g) is similar to Egyptian types as is a squat vessel with everted rim and narrow, flat base (Fig. 5.15:4; cf. Petrie 1953: Pl.XXVI:88e). There is, however, no evidence of any imported Egyptian pottery at the site, although quantities of it and Egyptianized copies have been found in contemporary tombs at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975) and in a settlement context at Lod (van den Brink 1999; Paz, Rosenberg and Nativ 2005; Braun 2016).

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CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.10: Juglets of TFN Ware. No. Cave Locus Basket 1 C-4 203 2073 2 C-2A 102 1002 3 C-100 021 1 4 C-100 018 26 5 C-100 020 25 6 C-100 019 5 7 C-1 107 1017 8 C-28 316? 1081 9 C-100 017 42 10 C-100 016 22 11 C-100 029 ? 12 C-4 203 2072

Description Orange Orange Pattern burnished Orange Orange

Orange-brown

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.11: Jars of TFN Ware. No. Cave Locus Basket 1 C-100 011 34 2 C-45 119 1389 3 C-100 010 25 4 C-100 009 24 5 C-100 013 23 6 C-45 119 1143 7 C-1 109 1022 8 C-1 109 1047 9 C-1 109 1042 10 C-100 012

Description Orange (conical knob on shoulder)

Orange; fire-blackened Orange Orange, dark gray Orange

67

68

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.12: Spouted Vessels of TFN Ware. No. Cave Locus Basket Description 1 C-100 022 ? 2 C-2B 104 1006 Orange 3 C-100 025 11 4 C-100 023 7 5 C-100 024

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.13: Pillar Handle Jars and a Jar of Common, Local Type. No. Cave Locus Basket Description 1 C-100 Orange-buff 2 C-100 Orange 3 C-100 Orange 4 C-101 (Barkan excavation) Buff, very coarse fabric (local), unusual, raised, two-stranded low relief decoration on shoulder

69

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CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Varia (Fig. 5.16) A small assemblage of sherds offers additional evidence of activity at the site, some of which may not have been directly related to mortuary activity. A jar (Fig. 5.16:1), a narrow neck and rim (Fig. 5.16:2), and several small handles (Fig. 5.16:3,4,8) are evidence of additional small vessels. The high, flat loop handle with incised decoration (Fig. 5.14) is the sole evidence of a class of pottery known as Erani C, found at the site. It is one type of decorative style of that class (Braun 2012) that indicates activity in the cemetery in an advanced, but not very late EB 1 phase (Braun and van den Brink 1998). Only a single example of this class of pottery is known from Ben-Tor’s (1975: Fig. 5:14) Azor excavations, suggesting those tombs likely had a chronological range similar to that of the EB Qirya cemetery. Two ledge handles (Fig. 5.16:5,6) are Fig. 5.14: Handle decorated examples of different styles, while two jars bodies (Fig. 5.16:8,9) indiin one of Erani C styles. cate types of small vessels other than those found in the well-preserved collection. Large vessels are represented by only recognizable sherds of pithoi. One is a thickened rim of a vessel with larger aperture (Fig. 5.16:7), while the other is of a large jar with a horizontal band of rope-like decoration (Fig. 5.16:10). This type of adornment is typical of late EB 1 in the central and southern regions (Avrutis 2012: Pl. 4.16:9; Braun forthcoming). Two flat bases are of large storage vessels (Fig. 5.16:11,12) likely to have been associated with non-mortuary related activity. Summary Not unexpectedly, the pottery from the tombs in this cemetery represents a limited range of small to medium sized vessels that are consistent with the kinds of grave goods found in late EB 1 mortuary contexts. Of note is the disparity in the types of pottery, which may reflect on the status of individuals interred in these tombs. Grosso modo, there is an assemblage of common, local types, which contrasts with TFN Ware and other well-fashioned types, clearly indicating the origins of this entire assemblage are to be found at different centers of production.

Fig. 5.15: Bottles. No. Cave Locus 1 C-1 107 2 C-4 203

Basket 1018 2084

Description Buff-green

3 4

1434 21

Buff Red brown

C-45 C-100

119 030

Parallels Fig. 5.5:2,5 (albeit sans handles) Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 9:15; Yannai and Braun 2001: Fig. 3:5 Gophna 1992a: Fig. 4:7 Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 10:8; Yannai and Braun 2001: Fig. 3:3

CHAPTER 5: THE EARLY BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 5.16: Pottery, Varia. No. Cave Locus 1 C-44 113 2 C-1 109 3 C-1 101 4 C-1 110 5 C-2B 105 6 C-1 110 7 C-1 110 8 C-3 201 9 C-3 10 C-1 107 11 C-1 110 12 C-1 110

Basket 1301 1024 1001 1049 1008 1054 1057 2006 1015 1053 1057

Description Small jar Bottle or small jar Jug handle Handle or appliqué Buff, orange-pink Ledge handle Juglet (?), buff-orange Orange Jar, bottle? Storage jar, buff-orange Jar base Jar base

Parallels

Braun and Milevski 1993: Figs. 1–4

71

CHAPTER 6: THE GROUNDSTONE ASSEMBLAGE Eliot Braun A small assemblage of stone artifacts was recovered from fills around the tombs and also within C-100 (Fig. 6.1). Some are definitively EB 1 in date, while others suggest earlier and different periods of human activity. The several basalt artifacts were imported to the site as no such stone is available in the region of the Mediterranean Littoral. However, sand stone is available locally, while limestone may be brought from not too distant regions. A Pierced Pebble (Fig. 6.1:1): A hole was drilled in a flattened pebble roughly rounded on its edges. Possibly it was used as a loom weight(?) or for some purpose which remains obscure, or it may be a crudely attempt at making a pendant or a palette. A Shallow Bowl (Fig. 6.1:2): This small, shallow bowl of what appears to be hard sandstone is nicely smoothed and shows no obvious traces of working or use, neither externally nor internally. Its outer form may be a natural configuration or possibly was subtly altered by human intervention; its smoothed and relatively deep interior suggests some practical use. Limestone Mace Head (Fig. 6.1:3): This nicely symmetrical and smoothed piriform macehead is likely to have been an object of prestige. A portion of a similar object was found in a contemporary tomb context at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 12:7). Unfortunately, this example cannot be associated with any particular burial that might suggest an elevated status of an individual in the entombed population. Shallow Bowl or Mortar (Fig. 6.1:4; Pl. 16B:3): Finely fashioned of dense basalt with smooth sides, this vessel with flat bottom is probably too shallow to have been used as a container. Accordingly it is more likely to have been used as a mortar, although there is no obvious evidence of such a function. Deep Bowls with Flat Bases (Fig. 6.1:5,6; Pl. 16B:1): Two deep bowls of finely worked basalt are typical of the EB 1 period (Braun 1990). These examples have characteristically thick, flat bases and tapered rims (Braun 1990: Type 1). One (Fig. 6.1:5), however, is decorated with a low raised, horizontal band below its rim. More usual are bowls with double raised bands (e.g., Seger 1988: Pl. 5:11), some in imitation of rope. The other example (Fig. 6.1:6) has a somewhat uncharacteristic straight wall. This simple type is paralleled at a number of sites, including Gezer (Seger 1988: Pl. 5:10). Deep Bowl with Low Pedestal Base (Fig. 6.1:7; Pl. 16B:2): This vessel has a deep, rounded well with wide aperture, a curving profile with tapering base and low, slightly flaring high pedestal with flat base. It is a type virtually unique42 in Early Bronze Age assemblages but has numerous generic parallels in Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic contexts (Braun 1997:129; van den Brink, Rowan and Braun 1999). Its presence in C-100 is somewhat surprising and I suggest it is probably best explained as an ‘heirloom’, i.e., an ancient artifact discovered and re-used by Early Bronze Age people. A possible source could be the not too distant Neolithic site of Ha-Bashan Street in Tel Aviv (Kaplan 1959:15–25; Gopher et al. 2017:49–170). All three of the deep basalt vessels were found broken, with large portions of their rims missing, suggesting the likelihood they were deliberately entombed in those states. It is possible that these three similar defects in the deep stone vessels were due to deliberate acts of mourners to signify their mortuary associations. Alternately, these objects may have been “retired” from quotidian use when they were no longer functional.

42

A double ended basalt mortar from Tall Abu el-Kharaz (Fischer 2008: Fig. 119:14) was found in an Early Bronze Age context. It too is unique for the period and may also have been an heirloom found out of its original context.

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CHAPTER 6: THE GROUNDSTONE ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 6.1: Groundstone objects from the cemetery and the ridge. 1: A pierced pebble found on the surface. 2: A smoothed, hard sandstone bowl found on the surface. 3: A limestone macehead. 4: A shallow basalt bowl or mortar from C-100. 5: A deep basalt bowl from C-100. 6: A deep basalt bowl with shallow, raised decoration from C-100. 7: A rounded basalt bowl with high foot from C-100. A Whetstone (Figs. 6.2, 3.43): A small, rectangular whetstone, pierced at both ends was found in C-54, in close proximity to a dagger. The burial is dated to the IB period (Chapter 3) and it is surmised that the whetstone was originally part of a body interred with these objects, although virtually nothing of the skeleton survived. Fig. 6.2: A whetstone from C-54, an MB II burial.

CHAPTER 7: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE Edwin C.M. van den Brink The Assemblage There are 47 tombs dated to the IB period by artifacts recovered from them, their plans and their locations, relatively high on the kurkar prominence (cf. Chapter 3). In addition to the pottery discussed below, six metal daggers and numerous rivets (Chapter 11),43 likely indications of other metal items looted in antiquity, were also recovered from these tombs. Beads and minuscule pendants of carved bone, numbering 154 (Chapter 13), were also found in association with some of these burials.44 Looting and other post-interment activity makes it likely the artifact assemblage recovered from this cemetery offers a rather skewed picture of the original panoply of associated grave goods. It is noteworthy that there are more tombs with daggers (N = 3) and/or rivets (N = 8) than tombs with ceramic vessels (N = 9). Thus, it is not unlikely that pottery as well as metal was looted from this cemetery. The IB Pottery Assemblage (Figs. 7.1–7.3; Pl. 16A) Twelve ceramic vessels were retrieved from nine of 47 tombs of this period (Table 7.1). The pottery assemblage represents a homogeneous group of vessels consisting of medium-sized storage jars (Figs. 7.1–7.3). Four of these were found in C-15 (Fig. 7.1:1–4) and two others in C-45 (Fig. 7.2:1–2). Six tombs, C-4, C-5, C-9, C-28, C-40 and C-54 yielded only one vessel each (Figs. 7.1:5; 7.2:3–4; 7.3:1–3). Seven jars were found intact and five are incompletely preserved. All vessels are of pale, gray-yellowish fabrics, unadorned by slip or painting. Their bodies were all hand-made; their necks wheel-shaped. One jar (Fig. 7.1:1) has a notable indentation on its shoulder, evidently made prior to firing.45 Vessel Morphologies: The shapes of all the jars in this group are similar and suggest nuanced, regional influences. The diameters of their flat bases are greater than those of their rims, while their bodies are somewhat squat. Gophna (1992b:145) suggests jars of this period constitute a change in formal conception of overall dimensions of these types in comparison to morphological norms of the preceding Early Bronze Age. Amiran (1960; 1969:79–89; Fig. 2) noted two major groups associated with body forms. Vessels in her southern group (her Family A) tended to be more barrel-shaped with slimmer bodies, while jars in her northern group (her Family B) are more globular in form (Amiran 1960:209: Fig. 3). Most jars in this assemblage tend to be more globular than barrel-shaped. However, this globularity is less pronounced than the “main-stream” vessels in Amiran’s northern Family B. Thus, the shapes of the vessels in this assemblage appear to have been influenced by templates from both regions. This might suggest that the Mediterranean Littoral in the region of Tel Aviv saw a convergence of regional influences. Handles: At least nine (9) jars have opposing pairs of vestigial wavy ledge handles positioned at the widest extents of their walls. One example has a vestigial, plain ledge handle (Fig. 7.2:4), while another has a single knob on its shoulder (Fig. 7.3:1). The latter concerns a decorative element more typical of vessels in Family A rather than in Family B (Amiran 1960:209). The ledge handles on these vessels continue a venerable Early Bronze Age tradition (Gophna 1992b:145; Amiran 1960:207) and may well point to an early date within the IB Age. The relatively wide bases, however, are something of a break with earlier traditions. The absence of lug or small loop handles in the assemblage is notable and is perhaps indicative of a certain regional or local preference. Lug handles are more commonly associated with IB assemblages from northern sites (cf. Gophna 1992b: Fig. 5.11; Amiran 1960: Family B) than from the southern region, while ledge handles are more common in the latter region.

43

Detached metal rivets from tombs C-12, C-13, C-18, C-28, C-29, C-40, C-41, C-42, C-55 and C-60, were assigned with great confidence to the IB because of their chemical compositions (Chapter 11), which seems to be reflected in the tomb types. 44 The majority of these belong to a single necklace uncovered in C-50. Additional beads were found in tombs C-32, C37, C-40, C-41, C-52 and C-55. 45 For examples of similarly dented jars in the Azor IB cemetery see Ory 1944: Pl. 14:1; Yannai 2007: Fig. 10:44.

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Table 7.1: Intermediate Bronze Age Pottery Cave Loc Basket Description 4 203 2071 Upper part of necked jar, with knob Necked, ledge-handled jar 5 205 2106 Necked, ledge-handled jar 9a 312 3204 Necked jar, incomplete 15 313 3652 Necked, ledge-handled jar 15 313 3653 Necked, ledge-handled jar with im15 313 3654.1 pressed decoration around the neck Necked, ledge-handled jar with in15 313 3654.2 cised decoration around the neck 28 316 3808 Necked, ledge-handled jar with incised decoration around the neck; base is missing Neck/shoulder and ledge handle frag40 339 4410/ ment, base fragment and punctured 4412 body sherd of one and the same jar Necked, ledge-handled jar 45 115 1354

Fig. 7.3:1 7.3:2 7.3:3 7.1:4 7.1:1 7.1:2

Additional finds 3 rivets L205/2108

7.1:5

Metal pin fragment L316/B3804

7.2:4

7.2:1

45

119

1409

Necked, ledge-handled jar

7.2:2

54

223

2660

Necked, ledge-handled jar

7.2:3

Whetstone L223/ B2658* Dagger L223/B2659

*For two other whetstones in IB burial contexts, see Shimron 1985. Decoration: The exteriors of eight jars are without decoration, but for the folded edges of their paired ledge handles. Four jars have continuous bands of impressed or punctuate decorations on their lower necks and adjoining shoulders (Figs. 7.1:2,3,5; 7.2:4) called by Amiran (1960:207) “collar decoration”. Perhaps this form of adornment was intended to conceal a juncture of two separate pieces, wheel-made necks and handmade bodies. The use of a single-toothed tool for all four decorated jars seems to point to influences from Amiran’s Family B rather than from her Family A. The use of a comb producing straight, wavy or zigzag grooves is more common (Amiran 1960:209) in the latter group. Of particular interest is a punctuate design around the neck-shoulder of one jar (Fig. 7.2:4). A possible comparison is with a rare jar form found in the nearby IB cemetery at Azor (Yannai 2007: Fig. 7, No. 32; and see below). Comparanda The uniformity of this small group of jars, and the notable absence of any other ceramic forms often associated with IB burial assemblages such as amphoriskoi, cups, mugs and lamps is particularly noteworthy. The conspicuous absence of these last types makes comparisons between this assemblage and those of other IB burial sites less informative than one might wish, given the relatively large number of IB tombs in this cemetery. A hint at possible chronological correlations may perhaps be with the early IB cemetery at Ramat HaNadiv at the southern end of the Carmel Range (Bunimovitz and Greenberg 2004). That cemetery is notable for a complete absence of any pottery in what is defined as a “post-EB III” (i.e., early IB) context (Gophna 2009). Tens of IB cemeteries have been excavated throughout the region (Gophna 1992b:139). Many of these burial grounds are spatially quite extensive. Notably, most tombs in the Qirya cemetery were small, while only a few were of considerable size. Possibly, these last suggest they were for persons of elevated status. Tombs in both groups contained only limited numbers of individuals, possibly representing members of single nuclear, rather than large, extended families. The latter case seems likely for the significantly fewer, but larger EB tombs in this cemetery with their numerous burials. This would explain the existence of nearly fifty tombs of the IB period, compared to only eight of the EB 1 period within the excavated area.

CHAPTER 7: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 7.1: Intermediate Bronze Age jars from C-15 and C-28 (see page 79).

77

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CHAPTER 7: THE INTERMEDIATE BRONZE AGE CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGE

Fig. 7.2: Intermediate Bronze Age jars from C-40, C-45 and C-54 (see next page).

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Fig. 7.1: Intermediate Bronze Age Jars from C-15 and C-28. No. Cave Locus Basket Description Necked ledge-handled jar. 1 15 313 3653 Necked ledge-handled jar with impressed decoration around the neck. 2 15 313 3654/1 3 15 313 3654/2 Necked ledge-handled jar with impressed decoration around the neck. Necked jar incomplete. 4 15 313 3652 Necked ledge-handled jar with incised decoration around the neck; 5 28 316 3808 lower part of jar is missing. Fig. 7.2: Intermediate Bronze Age jars from C-40, C-45 and C-54. No. Cave Locus Basket Description Necked ledge-handled jar. 1 45 115 1354 Necked ledge-handled jar. 2 45 119 1409 Necked ledge-handled jar. 3 54 223 2660 4 40 339 4412/4410 Rim/neck/shoulder/ledge handle fragment, punctured body sherd and a fragment of the base. With the exception of two isolated tombs at Kibbutz Horshim (Gilboa and Yannai 1992), the only known nearby extensive IB burial site is at Azor. It was first explored by Y. Ory (1944) and later by Y. Shapiro. Thirty-nine (39) tombs, exposed during quarrying activities of a kurkar-outcrop, now within the Holon industrial zone, were excavated (Yannai 2007). However, the site, once more extensive, is estimated to have originally included as many as 150 tombs of the IB period (ibid.: 53). The closest parallels for the globular cum-barrel-shaped jars from these graves are from the Azor cemetery. They are three vessels from three different sepulchers, Tombs 8, 22 and 44 there (Yannai 2007: Fig. 5.22–5.24), which otherwise appear to have been devoid of grave goods. However, that information derives from excavations by Shapiro, for which there are only rather sparse records. By contrast with the jars from the Qirya cemetery, the ceramic assemblage from the Azor cemetery has jars of more varied morphologies. Forms from Azor include many barrel-shaped jars that are characteristic of Amiran’s southern Family A. Such disparities in the ceramic assemblage could be explained by the Azor cemetery representing a longer time range than the tombs in the Qiryah cemetery, but present knowledge can neither confirm nor deny that. Yannai (2007) suggests that the pottery assemblage of the IB cemetery at Azor should be associated with southern rather than northern traditions. He further suggested it is representative of a more restricted regional tradition located within the basins of the Ayalon and Yarqon rivers and the hill country of Samaria. That indicates a disparity with the Qirya cemetery which, as noted above, seems to display features common to both Amiran’s northern and southern families.

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Fig. 7.3: Intermediate Bronze Age Jars from C-4, C-5 and C-9A. No. Cave Locus Basket Description 1 5 205 2106 Necked ledge-handled jar, incomplete. 2 4 203 2071 Upper part of necked jar with knob. Necked ledge-handled storage jar. 3 9A 312 3204

CHAPTER 8: DISCUSSION—THE CEMETERIES AND THEIR CONTEXTS Eliot Braun and Edwin C.M. van den Brink PART 1: AN EB 1 FORMALIZED CEMETERY AND PLACE FOR MORTUARY RELATED ACTIVITY The Cemetery in Its Chrono-Cultural Context The Early Bronze Age cemetery of the Qirya Quarter in Tel Aviv was a burial ground of uncertain size that indubitably covered a much larger area than has been excavated, as indicated by the discovery of Tombs C100 and C-101 prior and posterior to our own excavations. Definitively included within its precincts are several quarried cave tombs used for multiple burials and a single, barely-preserved cavity excavated by Avissar. The evidence clearly indicates these tombs, once quarried, were used for the repose of individuals over a period of at least several generations. Thus, that part of the ridge devoted to mortuary functions may be deemed a formalized cemetery to which numerous people repaired when in need of disposing remains of departed members of their society. This site is one of a number of known formalized cemeteries within the region where clusters of such commodious sepulchers are known; farther afield similar cemeteries are known at such sites as Slaughterhouse Hill, Tel Aviv (e.g., Barkan and Abu Salah 2017; Gopher et al. 2017:563– 579), Azor (Ben-Tor 1975), Ramla (Avrutis 2012; 2018; Avrutis and van den Brink 2010), Palmahim Quarry (Gophna and Lifshitz 1980; Paz et al. 2021), Jerusalem (Vincent 1911), Ai (Callaway 1964), Tell el Far'ah North (de Vaux and Steve 1948; 1949), 'En Esur (Yannai 2016), Megiddo (Guy and Engberg 1938), Nahal Tavor (Oriental Institute nd), Jericho (Kenyon 1960; 1965), Bâb edh-Dhrâc (Schaub and Rast 1989), an-Naq', Ghor es-Safi Jordan (Braun 2021b) and Fifa/Feifeh (Kersel and Chesson 2013). The style of the tombs in this cemetery, used for multiple burials, is common in EB 1 and directly paralleled in other locales at Nordau Street and Kefar Shalem (Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1453), Givatayim (Sussman and Ben-Arieh 1966) and Azor (Ben-Tor 1975; van den Brink, Gophna and Ovadiah 2007), as well as at Palmahim Quarry (Gophna and Lifshitz 1980; Paz et. al 2021) to the south and Ma'abarot to the north (Dar 1977), all of which had tombs cut into underlying kurkar bedrock. Several of the cave tombs in the Qirya cemetery are of indeterminate plan due to poor preservation, but at least two, C-2, and C-100 appear to have been bi-lobed. The former may originally have been accessed through a vertical shaft or a passage cut into the hillside. Tomb C-101 was smallish and irregularly shaped, possibly due to the varying degrees of consolidation of the kurkar from which it was hewn. Other sepulchers may have been of similar mien but were too little preserved for their original plans to be convincingly reconstructed. These tombs are paralleled at those sites noted above, but the similarity with the Early Bronze Age cemetery at Azor is perhaps the most striking, where at least three tombs have bi-lobed plans (Ben-Tor 1975: Figs. 1,2, Pl. 1; van den Brink, Gophna and Ovadia 2007:61) comparable to those of C-2 and C-100. There are, however, some interesting differences between these cemeteries. The continuous use of the caves in the Qirya cemetery, in what appears to be successive human interments associated with grave goods followed by deliberate burial episodes that filled these cavities nearly to their roofs is possibly contrasted with the evidence from two properly excavated tombs at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975) where there appears to have been only a single layering of interments and then a deliberate filling up of the chambers with soil afterwards, apparently in association with later deposition of grave goods (Ben-Tor 1975) and construction activity, albeit without interments. It is very difficult to interpret the significance of this evidence as there are no good parallels for the type of behavior evidenced in the Azor tombs in the literature on EB 1 mortuary customs, especially as relatively46 few caves have been systematically excavated and properly reported on. Of those excavated, preservation was often not good enough to allow for observations of such phenomena. Do these two cemeteries exhibit evidence of differing customs, some related to interment and others to post-interment behavior, or was it merely that the Qirya cemetery served a larger population with significantly greater numbers of mortalities that demanded more frequent and intensive use of its cemetery? This latter scenario might explain the filling up of these chambers to great heights. Suffice it to note that reuse of these tombs over time obviated the need for creating additional burial chambers.

46

The major exceptions are Jericho (Kenyon 1960) and Bâb edh-Dhrâc (Schaub and Rast 1989).

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Cave Tombs for Multiple Burials Although plans of all these sepulchers are incomplete, with one possible exception, C-101, they all appear to have been deliberated quarried to sizes capable of allowing for multiple interments over spans of time.47 Burial chambers all seem to have been rather simple, unsophisticated affairs of rounded contours, with one, or more, smallish chambers roughly hewn out of the crumbly kurkar. The creation of these cavities represented some investment in time and labor, albeit one that was not particularly onerous as the kurkar from which they were hewn is easily quarried. Treatment of the Interred Primary and Secondary Burial: Although careful excavation of the caves failed to indicate anything that could be discerned as a deliberate pattern in the exact placement or arrangement of bones, it appears that most were found lying more or less horizontally, indicating they were probably deliberately placed in layers and not just tossed in or pushed aside in piles.48 In the better preserved caves this horizontal disposition of the bones suggests a succession of episodes in which burials occurred over time, with the eventual filling up of the cavities. It was not, however, possible to precisely determine where one burial horizon may have ended and another begun as there were no obvious layers of fill devoid of bones and grave goods separating them. So far as may be discerned, this process of filling the sepulchers appears to have been a continuous one with no such evidence of deliberate termination of interments as in the Azor tombs. Both primary and secondary burials were practiced by the population that utilized this cemetery. Some skeletal elements, found in articulation, are understood as likely evidence of primary inhumation latterly disturbed by post-interment intrusions (Chapter 9; Avissar 2006), presumably occurring when the caves were filled with soil. Other charred bones jumbled in with non-heat-treated skeletal material are obviously evidence of secondary burial practices. The mixed juxtaposition of these remains is evidence of post-interment intrusions that would have displaced any earlier arrangements of primary burials. Cremation: Evidence of partial cremation of many bones indicates the practice, albeit deliberate, was not intended to reduce corpses to mere piles of ashes (as is the practice in modern times). Partially burnt and completely burnt bones were found in only four of the eight caves. The bones exhibited varying degrees of heat-related trauma (cf., Berszin 2002:166) ranging from partial charring and blackening to more complete, prolonged heating that caused major discoloration. Numerous parts of skeletons, including skulls, long bones and smaller bones, of both adult and young individuals, showed evidence that exhibited different states of burning, which appear to be related to the intensity and duration of their subjection to heat (Berszin 2002:166). Three general states of bones were observed: 1. This state includes bones with no evidence of any heat treatment. 2. Some bones were charred in patches, while select long bones showed evidence of blackening on their ends, suggested they were burnt by having been placed in a fire after decarnation to produce those kinds of states. 3. Occasional examples were completely burned, apparently at high temperatures for prolonged periods, which caused them to become ivory-colored with tinges of light gray. State ‘2’ appears to indicate bones were subjected to burning after decarnation (see below), which would seem a likely explanation for bones only partially burned. What is uncertain is whether decarnation was natural or a deliberate activity, as modern religious fanaticism denied any possibility to research this aspect of mortuary customs. State ‘3’ could have been the result of cremation without decarnation, or alternately after it. The mixing in interments in these tombs of bones of different states, burnt and unburnt, is somewhat puzzling; its reasons remain obscure. However, it is noteworthy in that it suggests different customs were practiced by the population of this cemetery, especially as some tombs yielded no evidence of cremation.

47

A minimum number of 139 individuals was recorded for the six late EB 1 tombs excavated by the authors, the majority deriving from C-45 (MNI 64) and C-2 (MNI 43; cf. Chapter 9). 48 There is no suggestion in this cemetery of any deliberate heaping up of bones and grave goods to make room for additional interments or space for visitors as is known at other cemeteries of this horizon (e.g., Kenyon 1960: Figs. 3–6; Schaub and Rast 1989: Fig. 90).

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Fig. 8.1: Burnt and unburnt bones in situ, C-45.

In the instances of states ‘2’ and ‘3’, the evidence is more equivocal and could also have resulted from the cremation of a recently deceased individual, prior to decarnation. It is unknown whether decarnation was a natural or an artificial process as no detailed analysis was carried out on bones to determine evidence of this type of activity. Some long bones were only blackened at their ends as if they had been placed directly in a fire after decarnation (Figs. 8.1–8.3; Pls. 12B, 13A). Unfortunately, it was impossible to further study this phenomenon as the modern religious authorities refused to allow any but initial analysis of human remains in the field within the same day, after which they were taken away for reburial (Chapter 1).

Fig. 8.2: Burnt and unburnt bones removed from C-45.

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Of particular note are the charred, embryo/neonatal bones found in C-45 in the small jar only when it was cleaned in the laboratory (Fig. 8.3; Pl. 12A). This practice is noteworthy as it indicates this type of treatment was applied to human remains of any age, while the use of a small amphoriskos for such a function seems to be a uniquely documented example for the Early Bronze Age. The question of where cremation took place is an intriguing one, but for which there are no answers. Ritter-Kaplan noted that several skulls in C-100 were burnt, although the extent of that was not noted, nor was any information available on the deposition of the bones after removal from the tomb. The following observations made in C45 may have bearing on the question of where disarticulation and burning of some bones occurred. The most intensely burned examples found in our excavation were in this tomb. They Fig. 8.3: Charred bones of an embryo or neo-natal included a number of skulls turned ivory white, in a small jar. probably subjected to ca 650–800º C (Berszin 2002:166). The southwest quadrant of the cave had a large and relatively deep (ca 25 cm) patch of very dark, almost black soil compared to a browner matrix in the remainder of the cave. Below it, on the floor and on the nearby wall of the cave, the kurkar showed signs of burning, but only in small patches that had turned dark red or gray. In no instance, however, was there evidence for extensive blackening of the walls of the burial chambers that might suggest cremation of an entire corpse took place within a cave. This is apparently in contrast to the interpretation of evidence from C100 at Jericho (Kenyon 1960:22) and tombs at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975:10), where cremation was believed to have taken place within the caves, although no detailed evidence is offered in either instance. Ritter-Kaplan noted evidence of burning in C-100 but believed it to have been related to food preparation. For thorough cremation of a corpse to successfully occur, a rather plentiful supply of oxygen and a good draft would be necessary, which within confined spaces such as these caves seems unlikely, as that would probably entail two openings, one for intake and another for outlet, which seems implausible and is unknown in the literature. Furthermore, if cremation had taken place within the caves there would likely have been more evidence of blackening and scorching of their interiors. The several burnt patches noted within the burial chambers could, however, be related to partial cremation of human remains, although they need not necessarily be. They could as easily have been associated with other mortuary related behavior such as preparation of cooked foods for a ritual meal or offerings for the departed. Burnt animal bones found in several caves (Chapter 9) allow for such a possibility. As nothing is known of the contemporary surface of the hill associated with these tombs, there is no information on the possibility of additional mortuary activity that might have taken place there. Suffice it to note there may have been structures in the nature of charnel houses similar to those of a slightly later age discovered at Bâb edh Dhrâc (Schaub and Rast 1989:336–396; Ortner and Frölich 2008), which were apparently intended for temporary disposition of corpses until decarnation was complete or nearly so. Structures could have been periodically emptied and their contents transferred to caves with or without attendant cremation. Such activity, followed by periodic transfer of human remains, could explain the kind of burial events evident in this cemetery and in the tombs at Azor and Jericho as well as the disruption of once completely articulated skeleton elements of primary burials within tombs of this period. Partial cremation is a mortuary tradition associated with developed phases of EB 1, which for the present appears to be confined to certain sites in the southern and central regions. Similar treatment of individuals is recorded in roughly contemporary mortuary contexts at Rehov Nordau, Beit Ha-Mitbahaim49 (Kaplan 49

Otherwise known as “Slaughter House Hill”.

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1951b:30–31) and Kefar Shalem in Tel Aviv (Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1453; Gopher et al. 2017:563– 579), Azor (Tomb 1; Ben-Tor 1975:10), Palmahim Quarry (Gophna and Lifshitz 1980; Paz et al. 2021), Gezer (Macalister 1912:74–75; Callaway 1962) and Jericho (Kenyon 1960:21–22) but appears not to have been practiced in the hill country or at sites farther north such as Megiddo (Engberg and Shipton 1934). As noted by Berszin (2002:166), this kind of treatment of a corpse “… can be analyzed as a set of technological, social and ritual transformations.”, but how these differing patterns of treatment of bones noted within four tombs in this cemetery (cremation and non-cremation) and from selected tombs at other sites should be understood demands interpretations that go beyond what the actual facts can supply. Suffice it to note they may be related to ethnicity, class, sex, individual status, or some other form of social differentiation, but not, apparently age (see above and Chapter 9). Individuals’ Status and the Cemetery: One of the most intriguing aspects concerning the interred in this cemetery is whether there is evidence for status of individuals or groups and other possible social divisions. Unfortunately, the multiple disturbances, ancient and modern, undergone by these sepulchers, have virtually eliminated any possibility of ascribing status to any individual within the cemetery population. However, there is a possibility of a degree of elevated status for particular segments, perhaps representing that of individuals included, based on the grave goods found. Objects of higher status appear to be of metal, silver (exceedingly rare; Philip and Rehren 1996), possibly earrings (Chapter 11; cf., Ben-Tor 1975: Pl. 22:6) and copper (relatively rare), bowls of basalt (e.g., from C-100) and some pots, particularly of TFN Ware and others that are red slipped and/or polished (Chapter 5). If, as suggested by our modern appraisal the local ceramics were indeed held in less esteem than the more prestigious TFN Ware, the major dichotomy in the ceramic assemblage is likely to be associated with statusrelated phenomena that reflect, albeit abstrusely, on the social organization of the people who used this cemetery. One might ask whether local, common types were associated with burials of people of lesser status, perhaps of children or practitioners of one or another activity?50 Unfortunately there is no way of ascertaining such a phenomenon because of the nature of interment; multiple and successive burial episodes that placed most of the grave goods and skeletal material in non-primary deposition. Thus, it is impossible to associate individuals with specific artifacts, or even to evaluate the chronological associations of particular objects within the time frame of the use of the EB cemetery. If the supposition is made that each tomb, as a discrete unit represents in itself a single cemetery, then it might be possible to ascertain whether these were family sepulchers or whether there are any markers to indicate why certain populations were buried in one or another cave. What, if any differences there might have been between the populations interred in these tombs is virtually impossible to discern because, unfortunately, proper analyses of the bones was impossible as all human remains had to be handed over for reburial within 24 hours of their excavation. That allowed the garnering of only minimal anthropological data, which leaves the burden of comparison between tombs to data on sizes, styles and content. As all the tombs were too badly preserved for any reasonable judgment to be made on the basis of their plans, there remain only the artifact assemblages for comparison. As all the tombs were badly mauled and only portions of them were excavated, comparisons are limited to only the better-preserved tombs, and any conclusions drawn from them should be understood as essentially tentative. The best-preserved tomb, C-100, may have been somewhat exceptional in terms of its contents, possibly because it contained the remains of individuals of elevated social status, or because the interred were deemed worthy of such grave goods for some other reason that remains obscure. This tomb yielded two silver objects, four vessels of basalt and may have had a relatively higher proportion of TFN Ware (including examples of the best quality), as well as a few more elaborate, finely finished vessels (i.e., pillar-handle jars) than any of the other tombs. Notably, basalt vessels were not found elsewhere in the cemetery, although that might be the result of incomplete preservation. Such heavy, durable objects that could only be produced by highly intensive labor, had to be brought to this cemetery from afar. All those aspects suggest that their presence in a tomb imparted elevated status for one or more of the interred. Perhaps the very location of this tomb at a distance from the other seven EB tombs reflects elevated status of the interred. If the basalt bowls were intentionally broken (all seem to have been similarly marred) when placed in the tomb, then they represent a

50

For instance, in the not too distant pass, charcoal burners tended to be shunned and considered to be of lower status.

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willingness of the society to sacrifice objects of long-lived, quotidian functions, which were probably acquired from producers for an article or commodity of like value. A silver wire in C-2 (Chapter 11), possibly an earring, as well as some of the finer pottery, may be indicative of some personage of elevated status within that tomb’s population. The copper daggers in C-4 and C45, some of which presumably date to EB 1,51 as well as items of TFN Ware, could similarly be understood as indications of enhanced status. Additional copper objects, a chisel and an awl, are also apparently dated to EB 1 and may have been additional signs of specific status for individuals. In the case of the former, the usual paradigm is to consider daggers as having belonged to male warriors, while the chisel and awls are generally thought to have belonged to practitioners of less bellicose professions, generally assumed to be females. The evidence of cremation, which was found only in some of the tombs, must also be considered. Although this type of treatment represents a truly significant difference from that of simple interment, the meaning of it remains obscure. We may only speculate whether it is indicative of some tribal or familial distinction or one associated with status, albeit whether a mark of unequal, elevated or inferior status remains obscure. What is notable in this cemetery is that cremation was a selective practice ending in quite different final results and involving only some elements in the population or of individuals (sic!). Although widely practiced by some EB 1 people, it was not shared by all. It also seems to have been a regional phenomenon. The charred neo-natal or embryo skeleton in a small jar, indicates that the practice was not dependent upon age. Chronology With no radiocarbon data, the basis for determining the chronology of the EB tombs is pottery. That the tombs in this cemetery were used successively over a span of time is indicated first by the number of inhumations with successive burial episodes, and secondly by what appears to be a chronological range of pot types. On the evidence of close parallels to numerous vessels, virtually all date to late phases of EB 1, while some probably continue into the earliest phases of EB 2 (e.g., the jar with vertical handles and the small, carinated bowls). This latter date is probably confirmed by Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan (nd), who discovered a fragment of an EB 2 platter in C-100, indicating activity in that era. Unfortunately, their find could not be located in the drawings from their excavation and thus is not illustrated in this report. The Qirya cemetery appears to have been in use during a flourishing period of settlement in the Tel Aviv region, as may be judged by the several cemeteries dated more or less to the same time span, and further indicated by the numerous and close parallels in ceramics (see above). This cemetery is, therefore, a significant increment in the chain of evidence for human activity in the region during the Early Bronze Age. The earliest phases of EB 1 in the region are found at Palmahim Quarry (Braun 2000); Azor (Ussishkin 1961; Golani and van den Brink 1999) and in Tel Aviv at Ha-Masger Street (Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1452; Kanias 2011; Giv'at Beit Ha-mitbahayim and the Exhibition Garden (Gophna 2009:46) as may be discerned by associated ceramics (Braun 2000). Evidence, albeit sparse, of an intermediate link between those early sites and late EB 1 is found in the presence of a few examples of decorated pottery types associated with Level C at Tel Erani (Kempinski and Gilead 1991; Braun and van den Brink 1998; Braun 2012; 2019) in burial caves at Azor in Installation C, an assemblage most of which is clearly datable to Early EB 1 (Ussishkin 1961; Perrot and Ladiray 1980: Fig. 74:19,22,30). Notably, one published specimen of an Erani C style of pottery was also found in a definitively late EB 1 tomb assemblage at Azor (Ben-Tor 1975: Fig. 6:3) in its basal level. That suggests the tomb may have been, in its earliest phase, come into use just prior to those styles of pottery being abandoned. The single sherd of an Erani C style vessel (Fig. 5.14) in the Qirya cemetery suggests a similar range of utilization with perhaps a continuation into very early EB 2, as evidenced by the jar with vertical handles (Fig. 5.6). The major period of use of the Qirya cemetery appears to be contemporary with late EB 1 human activity at Ha-Masger Street and farther north in the Exhibition Gardens (Kaplan and Ritter-Kaplan 1993:1453). Thus, there is evidence for a long, if not necessarily continuous period of human activity during the Early Bronze Age on the Mediterranean Littoral in the environs of Tel Aviv. These cemeteries are part of the late EB 1 settlement in the region, of which, unfortunately, we know relatively little. 51

Although they were found in tombs re-used in the IB period, their metallic contents, which lack any traces of tin such as found in daggers of the IB period (Chapter 11), may indicate an EB chrono-cultural association. However, the later attribution cannot be excluded as Ben-Tor (1975:22; Pl. 22:1-3) has noted, the morphology of such objects is inordinately conservative during the Early Bronze and Intermediate Bronze Ages.

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Trade, Inter-site Relations and the Social Context of Late EB 1 Society: Interpreting the Ceramic Evidence The assemblages of well-preserved ceramics from the Qirya and contemporary cemeteries with their close parallels are good evidence for the transfer from one or another production site or clusters of sites, of relatively large quantities of goods within and between regions. First and foremost is the case of TFN Ware, that has a clear pattern of distribution indicating relatively large-scale trade relations between the hill country of northern Samaria and the central Coastal Plain in the Tel Aviv region (Braun 2012). Other examples of specific types of vessels such as spouted jars minimally suggest shared sources for procurement, but they could also be evidence of established trade routes along which pots, other commodities, some non-durable, and ideas were transferred. Pots do not move over the landscape alone, but are evidence of human contacts, whether by small groups of traders or émigrés from one to another region. Thus, by tracing the distribution of specific pot types, especially those that were traded in quantities, it is possible to infer something of intersite dynamics, social organization, and even the way in which local populations may have interacted (e.g., trade, shared specific mortuary customs, exogamy). The producers of TFN Ware appear to have found their fine pottery in great demand in the central Mediterranean Littoral and thus, produced it in large quantities.52 As the production of this ware is limited to a few basic types with some little variation in morphology and accoutrements of each type, it appears to have been primarily targeted at very specific groups of consumers, possibly even primarily for mortuary-related functions, as at the eponymic site and its environs, and for the central Mediterranean Littorals' population where there was a desire for grave goods of relatively high quality. Possibly the ware's producers even invented their specialized mode of construction for specific markets so as to be able to easily manufacture it in relatively large quantities with minimal effort. The complete absence of TFN Ware at sites in the Jezreel Valley and in the ‘En Esur cemetery, which are considerably closer to the hill country of Samaria, where the pottery was likely made, may indicate such a reality. The very existence of such numerous examples of these high quality products found at considerable distance from their source53, indicates the society to which the producers belonged, had specialists within the general population who were allowed to devote considerable time and labor in the production of their wares. Obviously, that was done with the intent of receiving something, presumably goods, in return. It further indicates that both populations had economically exceeded levels of subsistence, to a point in which they were able to produce and acquire prestige objects for non-utilitarian purposes, i.e., objects literally buried with the dead that were not expected to be used nor to yield any practical return. That indicates spiritual values associated with mortuary activities were worthy of considerable investment to these societies. It is manifested not merely in the quarrying of sepulchers in specialized precincts and the effort needed for cremation of segments of their population, but also in the acquisition of grave goods, some of considerable value such as silver, copper and basalt objects. PART 2: THE IB AND MB IIA CEMETERIES: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Fifty tombs are assigned to the Intermediate Bronze Age. Forty-three are dated by pottery or other associated finds, while seven are indirectly, tentatively identified as tombs by their locations or shapes and sizes. Two of those were actually EB 1 tombs re-used in the Intermediate Bronze Age, suggesting the caves were not completely filled at the start of their secondary period of utilization. Four tombs date to the Middle Bronze Age IIA, three of which were actually re-used IB tombs suggesting the likelihood of a population continuing to use the cemetery at least into the early MB II period. 52

While it might be questioned, on the basis of archaeological literature, whether there was truly considerable production of TFN in its supposed “homeland”, such perception is, unfortunately, due to a lacuna in information owing to social and political realities that have allowed large-scale looting of antiquities over the last six decades. In addition to the published finds from the Tell el Far'ah North and Askar tombs (Guyot, F. 2008), there are many hundreds and possibly thousands of looted vessels from tombs in the region of Samaria that have been confiscated by the authorities, and others “legally” (sic!) sold on the open market. Of those, many are examples of TFN Ware. De Vaux, obviously aware of the problem of looting, deliberately avoided publishing maps indicating the location of the tombs he excavated, although probably to little avail as looted cemeteries are known in the same region. 53 A few examples are known from as far south as Palmahim Quarry, where they appeared in late EB 1 contexts (Paz et al. 2021).

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Surprisingly, bone preservation in the later cemetery was far less good than in the earlier, EB 1 sepulchers. Indeed, very few complete bones were encountered in the IB–MB IIA cemetery and in numerous instances only the tiniest of fragments of human skeletons were preserved. This is something of an anomaly, as these later bones are nearly a millennium younger. We suggest a major dichotomy in the grouping of these tombs, based on typology, that is apparently associated with status of the interred. One group is distinguished by large burial chambers accessed through a shaft, the bottom of which could be blocked by kurkar slabs, the other by their diminutive cavities. A third category includes the few tombs originally hewn during the EB 1 and re-used during the IB. While the size of the large tombs might be interpreted as belonging to an entity or group of persons of elevated status, the near absence of grave goods is notable. The small yield in both large and small tombs, however, probably does not reflect the original burial situation as there is at least a modicum of evidence to suggest that a number of the tombs in the IB cemetery were subjected to looting in antiquity, with special attention paid to removal of metal blades. That may be ascertained from the number of tombs that yielded metal rivets but no blades (Chapter 7, note 43). The excavation of the cemeteries yielded 63 objects of copper-based alloys; the majority associated with burial deposits within the caves. They were analyzed to see whether it is possible to successfully differentiate, based on their chemical composition, between the metallurgy according to the major periods represented in this cemetery, in particular in the EB 1 and IB, because of the noted general similarity in overall typology and metal composition of tongued daggers from EB 1 and IB Levantine contexts (Philip 1989). Based upon trace elements results of the daggers from this cemetery deriving from clear EB or IB contexts, a possible metallurgical mode to differentiate between possible EB 1 and IB dates for such artifacts is cautiously suggested (Chapter 11). It is thought that daggers found to be made of copper mixed with more than 1Wt% arsenic and no traces of tin were produced and deposited in these tombs during the EB 1 period, while daggers that have levels of arsenic around 1Wt% As and traces of tin originated in the Intermediate Bronze Age. Clearly the looters were not interested in blades as objects in themselves, but for the metal in them as they took the trouble to remove handles, discarding rivets used to affix blades onto handles of perishable materials. As no handles were found in the caves, it is assumed the weapons despoiled of their blades originally had wooden or bone handles that have totally disintegrated. Presumably, those blades were then recycled but when this might have happened is unclear. Possibly looting may have taken place during the time when the IB cemetery was in use, probably indicating a scarcity of metal resources during that period. Notably, despite the large number of tombs of the IB period, the few nearby MB IIA burials yielded proportionately more objects including two scarabs, a bracelet of 15 large carnelian beads as well as two metal, socketed spearheads and a ribbed dagger. By contrast, the IB cemetery yielded only two daggers, found together with a whetstone (Chapter 6, Fig. 6.2) in a single tomb, two additional daggers from two more tombs, two from “surface” contexts, 26 detached rivets attributed with some confidence to ten additional IB tombs, twelve ceramic vessels and some flint tools, stone beads, and shells, probably used as ornaments. The six intact IB dagger blades and rivets suggest the presence of several warriors within that mortuary population as do the weapons in the MB II burial in C-14. The 154 beads recovered are from seven IB tombs, 146 of them from a single tomb (C-50). They are discussed in Chapter 13. The presence of isolated beads in six additional IB tombs is further indication of looting in antiquity. In addition, 16 marine shells, probably used as beads and pendants for personal adornment were also found within six IB tombs (Chapter 15). By contrast, 17 beads, including two scarabs, derive from a single MB IIA tomb, C-13 (Chapter 14). Those scarabs, dated to the early 12th Dynasty, are two of only a few extremely rare Egyptian imports found in the southern Levant in that period. Other excavated examples are heirlooms from later archaeological contexts. Their presence in the Qirya cemetery is surprising given the almost complete absence of Egyptian imports in the southern Levant during the early MB IIA, “when Egypt traded mainly with the northern Levant, primarily with Byblos on the Lebanese coast” (Chapter 14). Tens of IB cemeteries have been excavated throughout Israel (e.g., Gophna 1992b:139; Greenhut 1995; Yannai 2007; Yannai and Nagar 2014; Govrin 2015; Herriott 2015; van den Brink 2020), many of which are known to have been quite extensive in scope, presumably because of the limited number of individuals in each tomb. Possibly they were sepulchers meant to inter members of single nuclear families, which appears to be the case for this cemetery. As far as is known today, the Qirya IB cemetery had a minimum population of 41 individuals interred in 36 tombs, with 31 tombs associated with single burials, while five tombs contained double burials. That may be compared to six burial caves of the EB 1 period used for multiple

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interments with a minimum number of 139 individuals recorded, the majority from C-45 (MNI 64) and C-2 (MNI 43). The paucity of excavated settlements of the IB period in the coastal plain means that our understanding of this period is derived almost exclusively from cemeteries. The excavation of this IB cemetery adds somewhat to the picture of what is believed to have been a rather dispersed IB settlement system (Gophna 2009b). Additional information on this local population information comes from two isolated tombs at Kibbutz Horshim (Gilboa and Yannai 1992) some little distance north of Tel Aviv, and an extensive IB burial site in the area of Azor and Holon, first explored by Yaakov Ory (1944) and later by Yariv Shapira (Yannai 2007). Although only 39 tombs are known from that cemetery, also located on a kurkar outcrop and similarly exposed during modern building activities, it is estimated that there may have been as many as 150 sepulchers prior to modern destruction. In addition 128 shaft tombs dug into the local hamra54 were excavated in the vicinity of Azor at Bet Dagan, (Yannai and Nagar 2014). Another 11 shaft tombs, also dug into the hamra, were excavated by Y. Govrin at Yehud (2015; Herriott 2015; see also Yannai 2004). There are notable disparities between the ceramic assemblage of the Qirya Quarter cemetery and that of the Azor-Holon cemetery (see above). Given that these burial grounds are located in quite close physical proximity, those differences may be explained by chronological disparity, with the Azor-Holon cemetery possibly representing a longer span of time. Yannai (2007) has suggested that the pottery assemblage of the IB cemetery at Azor-Holon should be associated with southern rather than northern traditions and further that it is representative of a more restricted regional tradition located within the basins of the Ayalon and Yarqon rivers and the hill country of Samaria. By contrast, the Qirya Quarter cemetery seems to display features common to both Amiran’s northern and southern families (see above; Chapter), possibly indicating ethnic/tribal differences or that their pottery derived from different sources.

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This is a rust-colored soil found in deposits on the coastal plain (Ravikovitch 1981; Tsatskin, Sandler and Porat 2011).

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Fig. 8.4: Principal EB and IB sites cited in the text.

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CHAPTER 9: ANTHROPOLOGICAL REPORT Yossi Nagar Introduction Human skeletal remains were found in 44 burial caves in the Qirya cemeteries. The burials date to the Early Bronze 1 period, the Intermediate Bronze Age, and the Middle Bronze IIA period (Chapters 2–4). The bones in all the caves were very poorly preserved: the cranial and postcranial bones were extremely fragmentary, and the few skulls that were still complete were considerably flattened due to the heavy pressure of the dense soil layers. This prevented a full reconstruction of anthropological parameters and did not allow for any morphological analysis. At the end of each day, the bones were transferred to the Ministry of Religious Affairs for reburial. Therefore, laboratory research was impossible as the anthropological examination was done solely on-site. However, despite the objective limitations, the anthropological research yielded data concerning burial postures, the minimum number of individuals and estimations of age-at-death and sex for the interred, depending on the state of preservation of the bones. Materials and Methods In most cases, teeth were the only indicative skeletal element to be used for estimating the minimum number of individuals and their ages. Therefore, adult age-at-death estimations were mainly based upon tooth attrition stages (Hillson 1986:176–201; Nagar and Winocur 2016). In several cases, only a gross distinction between children and adults was made, which was based on epiphyseal closure in long bone fragments (Johnston and Zimmer 1989). In a few cases, a more precise estimation of the adults’ age-at-death could be made based on chronological changes of the symphysis pubis (Brooks and Suchey 1990) or the presence of osteophytes in the vertebral column (Bass 1987:20–21). The age-at-death of infants and children were estimated by means of tooth development stages (Hillson 1986:176–201) and long bone measurements (Bass 1987). A full description of the type of skeletal fragments found in each locus and the specific methodologies used for the age and sex determinations are detailed in the archived anthropological report.56 Estimations of sex were based upon skull morphology, as well as measurements of femoral heads and the distal ends of humeri (Bass 1987:151, 219). No pelvic bones could be used for this purpose. Eighteen (18) epigenetic traits from skulls and postcranial fragments were recorded, following a list of 22 traits regularly documented by the IAA (Nagar 2011a; 2011b). Bilateral traits were counted separately for each side (Hauser and De Stefano 1989). Effort was made to visually check the bones for the presence of pathologies. However, due to the poor state of preservation, pathologies, if they had existed, could not be noticed. Results Palaeodemography: The skeletal fragments from the site represent at least 182 individuals, of which minimally 139 were interred in the Early Bronze Age, 41 date from the Intermediate Bronze Age. One is either of the Intermediate or Middle Bronze Age II and another is of unknown date. The results of the age and sex estimations and the minimum number of individuals per cave are presented in Table 9.1, which is organized by period. Burial Postures: Early Bronze Age Most of the skeletal remains in the six Early Bronze Age caves were arbitrarily scattered, and therefore the original burial postures could not be determined. However, the remains of three individuals from C-2, C-2A, and three individuals from C-45 were anatomically articulated, indicating that these were primary burials. Caves 2 and 2A: The three articulated deceased were placed with their spines aligned in a north-south direction. One was found with its head in the south (C-2, L102); the other two were discovered with their heads in the north (C-2A, L215; Fig. 9.2).

56

The following anthropological reports cited in this chapter are available in the archives of the Israel Antiquities Authority: Kaplan Junction (Haqirya), A-3646; Giv‘atayim Ha-Meri Street, A-3201; and Megiddo Prison, A-4411.

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Cave 45: One deceased was placed with its spine aligned in a northwest-southeast direction (L119), with the head in the northwest. The other two (L119) were placed with their spines aligned in an east-west direction, with their heads in the east. Burial Postures: Intermediate Bronze Age The original burial postures of skeletal remains could be determined in only 2 of the 36 probable Intermediate Bronze Age burial caves. The remains of three individuals from C-13 and C-15 were anatomically articulated, indicating that these were primary burials. Cave 13: The deceased, a female, was placed in a flexed position on her right side, with her spine aligned in a north-south direction, and her head in the north. The burial is assumed to be of the IB period, however two MB II scarabs, also found in this grave, could reflect possible reuse of the burial chamber. Cave 15: Two individuals were placed in flexed positions, one on its right and one on its left side. These interred were put with their spines aligned in a north-south direction, with their heads in the north (Fig. 9.5). Skeletal Morphology Due to the fragmentary nature of the bones and because relatively complete skulls were bilaterally compressed, reliable morphometrical data could not be recorded. However, in two big burial chambers (C-2, C45) dated to the Early Bronze Age, epigenetic traits of some interred were recorded using fragmentary bones (Table 9.3). The state of preservation of the bones in the Intermediate Bronze Age burials was too poor for such traits to have been preserved. Burnt Bones Burnt human bones were noticed in the caves dated to the Early Bronze Age (Table 9.2: Figs. 8.2–3). There was no indication of cremation in the caves dated to the Intermediate and Middle Bronze Ages in this site. Although burnt human bones were present in all but one Early Bronze caves, most of the skeletal assemblage was composed of non-burnt fragments. The burnt fragments include all parts of skeletons: skull, teeth and postcranial elements (Table 9.2). Most burnt fragments were found in C-45. Both burnt and non-burnt skeletal remains from C-45 include teeth, skull and postcranial fragments. The teeth were collected and sorted into types. Then, the age-atdeath was estimated based upon tooth development-attrition rates (Hillson 1993:176–201). The minimum number of individuals was estimated by analyzing results from four different permanent tooth types (Table 9.4). The number of burnt teeth in this sample was counted and their frequencies in each age group was calculated (Table 9.4). Table 9.4 lists only permanent teeth, while additional teeth from C-45 included eight right, seven left, and one unknown side lower second deciduous molars, of which two right and three left teeth were burnt. All these teeth were partially developed and represent at least eight individuals aged less than 2 years old. Of them, at least three (ca 40% of the total no. of teeth) were burnt. Discussion: Burials of the Early Bronze Age The skeletal remains from the Early Bronze Age caves indicated that these caves were used for multiple burials, in which infants, children, and adults of both sexes were interred, as is expected from a burial field associated with a sedentary population, with no evidence of a specialized demographic profile. Although the remains were extremely fragmentary, the minimum number of individuals found in almost all caves bear resemblance to data from reports on other contemporary cemeteries such as ‘En Esur (‘Ein Assawir), Gilan South, Barqai South and Midraḥ ‘Oz (Table 9.5). The sole exception in the Qirya cemetery is C-4, in which the remains were too poorly preserved to be reliably counted. The average minimum number of individuals in the Qirya burial caves was smaller than those found in some burial caves near large Early Bronze towns of ‘En Esur and Jericho (Table 9.5), but they are similar to other contemporary burials from various regions such as Ḥanita (Western Galilee), Midraḥ ‘Oz (Jezreel Valley), Sha‘ar Efrayim (Emeq Hefer57) and Rasm en-Nuqur (northern Negev). It is possible that the larger MNI58 of the ‘En Esur and Jericho caves is the result 57 58

The site is located in the Hefer Valley just west of the Samaria Incline. Editor’s note: MNI, dependent upon context, means minimum number of individual or individuals.

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of their close proximity to large settlements. By contrast, the Qirya burials’ average MNI resemble the numbers found in more remote burials around big towns or burial caves associated with smaller villages. Burial Postures Although the majority of the skeletal remains were scattered in the burial caves, remains of at least six anatomically articulated skeletons were found. These were found at the bottom of C-2, C-2A (Figs. 9:2–3) and C-45, indicating that primary burial was the original burial practice in those instances. In another Early Bronze cave from a different excavation in the same cemetery (Avissar 2006; Chapter 2), articulated skeletal remains were also found alongside scattered fragments of other individuals. It was clear that the scattered fragments were due to later disturbances, and thus should not be considered as an indication of secondary burial. Paleo-Demography The bones from the Early Bronze burial caves represent a total of 139 individuals. The ages of 121 of them were identified to within a 10-year age range (Table 9.6). Based on the relative distribution of the deceased into these age categories, a mortality curve was drawn (Fig. 9.1). The life expectancy (e0), as calculated using a life table as outlined in Ubelaker 1974, was 26.5 years at birth and 25.5 years by the age of 10. The ages of the individuals buried in the Early Bronze Age cemeteries near ‘En Esur (including T-3, Barqai South, and T-80) were estimated using the same methodologies described above (Nagar and Winocur 2016; Nagar 2010). The life expectancy and death curve were calculated as well. Since the poor state of preservation may have resulted in underestimation of infants in the sample (Walker and Johnson 1988), comparison between the sites was made using life expectancy by the age of 10, which is a more reliable paleodemographic parameter; one that is less affected by this probable bias. The results show that both the shape of the mortality curve and the life expectancy data generally resemble those associated with Early Bronze Age sites of ‘En Esur and Barqai South (26.5 years; Nagar and Winocur 2016). The probable bias, resulting from the poor state of preservation of the bones and the under-representation of infants, decreases our ability to reconstruct variable parameters other than life expectancy. Each stable age distribution is the consequence of a combination of factors, namely mortality schedule and a growth rate (Coale and Demeny 1966), which in turn are affected by a variety of parameters. Therefore, reconstructing the demographic parameters of the living population from this skeletal age distribution under the present circumstances is highly speculative. Although the age and sex of individuals of the Intermediate Bronze Age was not determined, it is noted that the fragments examined in each one of the caves were not of infants. The absence of infants in this large sample is analogous to that in the Bet Dagan sample, in which 113 individuals were counted (Nagar 2014). Therefore, this lacuna in remains of infants indicates that these cemeteries were unrelated to the way in which their corpses were disposed of. As is noted in Table 9.5, the number of individuals buried in each grave was not a coincidence, but was a planned, culture-related action. That the number of individuals found per Intermediate Bronze Age burial cave consistently differs from those found in Early Bronze Age burial caves emphases the well-defined differences between burial practices of these periods. Skeletal Morphology The study of epigenetic traits is meaningful only when recorded in large numbers. The small sample and the fragmentary nature of the bones did not allow further anthropological analysis in this case. However, the data were incorporated into the relevant IAA anthropological database for future use in comparative anthropological analyses. Further morphological (metrical) studies from this site were not attainable. Discussion: The Intermediate Bronze Age The skeletal remains from the Intermediate Bronze Age burials were extremely fragmentary; thus, it was not possible to even estimate the age-at-death and sex of the deceased in the majority of the burial caves. However, it is clear that the majority of the caves (n = 31; 86%) had only one individual, although in five burial caves (14%), two individuals were interred (Fig. 9.5). The interment of only one individual per cave, with few exceptions, has been reported at other large Intermediate Bronze Age cemeteries such as Jericho and Bet Dagan (Table 9.5; Kenyon 1971; Nagar 2014). However, information from more northern cemeteries such as Tel Reḥov (Golani and Kohn-Tavor 2005), Qanat el-Ja‘’ar (Nagar2016), and Megiddo (Guy 1938:40)

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indicate interment of more than one individual in a single burial chamber was more frequent (Table 9.5). The idea that the burial of several individuals in a single tomb was more common in the northern region of the southern Levant has been suggested by Oren (1973:46). However, although the data presented in Table 9.5 generally agree with this hypothesis, other factors, such as the sizes of cemeteries, or whether a cemetery is regional or local, may explain the difference between these sites in terms of MNI (e.g., Qanat el-Ja‘’ar; Nagar 2016). Burnt Bones (Continuation) Burnt bones were found in all the six caves dated to the Early Bronze Age. Their presence does not necessarily indicate the use of cremation as a common burial practice at this site. However, its presence in several caves indicates that it is not the result of one, extrinsic event (fire, for example), but a practice associated with the burial process. According to Table 9.2 (Figs. 8.1–3), burnt bones from all possible parts of the body (cranial, teeth and postcranial) are represented in the sample. During the Roman period, a time when cremations were more common, burnt bones were usually found totally cremated and in jars (e.g. Megiddo Prison; see footnote 56; Hershkovitz 1988), whereas at the present site, they were found in one of the following states: completely burnt fragments scattered in the caves without evidence of any especially made burial vessel; partially burnt fragments, as in C-4; or absent, as in C-1, with the presence of burnt animal fragments as an evidence of cremation. Of course, some burnt human remains could have completely deteriorated. In all cases, burnt bones were scattered together with bones that were not burnt. The differences noted here between the EB bones and those for example of the Roman period, suggest that some of the former corpses underwent open-fire cremation, while in the latter case cremation took place in in specialized containers after which they were placed in urns. Burnt bone taphonomy is different from that of the regular osteological material. Burnt bones tend to disintegrate faster in the ground, resulting in smaller and distorted fragments (Ubelaker 2009). Therefore, it is impossible to reliably estimate their frequency in the total fragmentary sample. However, in the relatively large sample of C-45 (Table 9.4; Figs. 9.6–7), burnt teeth from all age groups underwent cremation, and at least three females and two males were identified (by means of skull morphology) within the burnt sample. Additional teeth from C-45, not listed in Table 9.4, include partially developed lower second deciduous molars (right side: eight teeth of them two burnt; left side: seven teeth, of which here were burnt; unknown side: one tooth). These teeth represent at least eight individuals aged less than 2 years old, of which, at least three were burnt (40%). Based on these analyses, burnt individuals constituted, on average 25% of the skeletal population in C-45, with surprisingly higher numbers in the younger, 30) 1 (adult) 1

1

1

0

0

2

1

5

1

3

1

1 1

Table 9.2: Burnt Bones from the Early Bronze Age Burial Caves Burial 1 2A, 2B

Locus/Basket 101, 103, 107, 109 106/1075

Description of Burnt Bones One burnt animal bone Vertebra, rib, long bone fragment

3

201/2020

Long bone fragment

4

201/2018 203

Two burnt animal bone fragments Two teeth burnt, few cranial and postcranial bones partially burnt Cranial and postcranial fragments

44 45

113/1300, 1301 116/1302 114, 115, 119

29

Teeth, cranial and postcranial fragments, partially and completely burnt

Remarks Very rare find; unknown age/sex Very rare find; unknown age/sex Partial cremation of two out of two adult individuals Common find; unknown age/sex Common find in most baskets; see age distribution in Table 9.7

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Table 9.3: Frequency of Epigenetic Traits in Skeletal Sample Trait Metopic suture Supraorbital foramen Supratrochlear notch Parietal foramen Frontotemporal articulation Ossicle at lambda Inca bone Foramen of Huschke Mandibular torus Mylohyoid bridge Mandible, M3 agenesis Maxilla, M3 agenesis Humerus septal aperture Atlas, posterior bridge Atlas, lateral bridge Atlas, spina bifida occulta Atlas, incomplete fusion of the costal element of the transverse process Axis, incomplete fusion of the costal element of the transverse process

Sample size 15 10 3 3 2 6 10 8 4 11 9 5 4 4 6 8 4

# Observations 0 1 0 3 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0

Frequency 0% 10 % 0% 100 % 0% 16.5 % 0% 12.5 % 0% 0% 0% 0% 25 % 0% 0% 0% 0%

8

0

0%

Table 9.4: Age Estimation Based on Permanent Dentition (Cave 45) Tooth Type

Parameter

No. teeth No. burnt teeth No. teeth No. burnt teeth No. teeth No. burnt teeth No. teeth Upper central No. burnt teeth incisor (R) No. teeth Upper central No. burnt teeth incisor (L) No. teeth Upper central incisor (side ?) No. burnt teeth Total MNI. MNI burnt % burnt teeth Lower 1st molar (R) Lower 1st molar (L) Upper premolars

2–5 5 2 5 4 1 1 1 0 2 0 1 1 5 4 80

5–9 1 0 1 0 6 2 3 0 1 0 0 0 3 1 33

10–19 1 0 1 0 15 1 4 0 7 0 0 0 7 1 14

Age Group (years) 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 0 1 0 1 0 0 5 9 13 8 1 3 2 3 9 11 7 3 1 2 1 0 9 7 3 2 1 1 0 0 2 4 2 6 0 2 0 2 9 11 7 6 1 3 1 1 11 27 14 17

60< 0 0 0 0 6 0 2 0 1 1 12 1 8 1 13

CHAPTER 9: ANTHROPOLOGICAL REPORT

105

Table 9.5: Comparison MNI: Qirya with Contemporary Caves Period Early Bronze

Intermediate Bronze

Site Qirya Quarter: C-1 Qirya Quarter: C-2, 2A, 2B Qirya Quarter: C-3 Qirya Quarter: C-44 Qirya Quarter: C-45 Jericho: Cave 94 ‘En Esur (‘Ein Assawir) Barqai South

MNI

References 15 43 8 7 64 113 123 26

Gilan South (‘En Esur T-80) Midraḥ ‘Oz

93 24

Ḥanita Sha‘ar Efrayim: Cave 1 Rasm en-Nuqur Qirya Quarter: In 31 cavities Qirya Quarter: In 5 cavities Bet Dagan: In 117 caves Jericho Tel Reḥov: In 2 caves

20 35 12 1

Kenyon 1960:19 Nagar and Winocur, 2016 Archived Report A-2526/96 Nagar 2010 Getzov, Nagar and Cohen-Weinberger 2015 Arensburg 1986:44–48 Nagar 2011b Zelin 2001 Present study

2

Present study

1 1 1–3

Qanat el-Ja‘’ar: In 3 caves Megiddo

1–7 1–3

Nagar 2014 Kenyon 1971 Golani and Cohen-Tavor 2005 Nagar 2016 Guy 1938:40

Table 9.6: Age Distribution of the Deceased in the Early Bronze Age Caves from the Qirya Age Group (years) NB–9 10–19 20–29 30–39 40–49 >50

# Individuals 36 16 19 16 13 21

% Death 30 13 16 13 11 17

Life Expectancy (e0x) 26.5 25.5 20.0 16.0 11.0 5.0

Table 9.7: Summary of Demographic Data Period Number of caves excavated Sample size MNI Male:Females Number of children NB–5 years Life expectancy by the age of 10

Early Bronze Age 6 139 7–64 7:10 24 25.5 years

Intermediate Bronze Age 38 43 1 (86%)–2 (14%) 1:1 0 ?

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CHAPTER 9: ANTHROPOLOGICAL REPORT

80

Qiryah Quarter

70

50

40

Percent death (%)

60

Assawir and Barkai South

30

20

10

0 50