Turkish-English contrastive analysis: Turkish morphology and corresponding English structures [Reprint 2017 ed.] 311125383X, 9783111253831

Citation preview

T U R K I S H - E N G L I S H C O N T R A S T I V E ANALYSIS

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN WIJK D E D I C A T A edenda curai

C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES P R A C T I C A 84

1971

MOUTON T H E H A G U E • PARIS

TURKISH-ENGLISH CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS TURKISH MORPHOLOGY AND CORRESPONDING E N G L I S H STRUCTURES by

HIKMET I. S E B Ü K T E K I N ROBERT

COLLEGE

fr

1971

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

© Copyright 1970 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 75-120352

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This study has been made possible by a Rockefeller Foundation fellowship through the Robert College of Istanbul, Turkey. I would like to acknowledge gratefully the inspiring teaching and guidance of the late E.V.Gatenby, William M.Austin, Paul L.Garvin, Robert Lado, Mary R.Haas, and Murray B. Emeneau. During the actual writing of this analysis Jesse O. Sawyer, Wallace L. Chafe, and Sheldon Sacks, the chairman and members of the Dissertation Committee respectively, have contributed greatly with patient reading and invaluable criticism. I alone take the responsibility for all shortcomings and errors in the work.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgement

5

Symbols and Abbreviations

14

Introduction

15

1. Morphological Processes 19 1.1 Preliminaries 19 20 1.2 Affixation 1.21 Prefixation 20 1.22 Infixation 21 1.23 Suffixation 21 1.3 Internal change 24 1.31 Consonantal change 24 1.32 Vocalic change 24 1.33 Stress change 24 1.34 Combinations of internal change 25 1.4 Reduplication 25 1.5 Suppletion and portmanteau morphemes 26 1.6 Zero modification 27 1.7 Compounding 28 1.71 With regard to the number of bases 29 1.711 Two-base compounds 29 1.712 Multibase compounds 30 1.72 With regard to the syntactic relation between the constituent bases 30 1.721 Syntactic compounds 30 1.722 Asyntactic compounds 30 1.73 With regard to the phonemic similarity of the constituent bases . 30 1.731 Reduplicative compounds 30 1.732 Non-reduplicative compounds 31 1.74 With regard to the inclusion of their referents 31 1.741 Endocentric compounds . . 31

8

CONTENTS

1.742 Exocentric compounds 1.75 Compounds of foreign origin 1.8 Words 2. Parts of Speech 2.1 English Parts of Speech 2.11 Morphological classes 2.111 Inflectional classes 2.111(a) Nouns 2.111(b) Verbs 2.111(c) Pronouns 2.111 (d) Adjectives 2.112 Mixed class — inflectional and derivational 2.12 Syntactic classes 2.121 Major syntactic classes 2.121 (a) Nominals 2.121(b) Verbals 2.121(c) Adjectivals 2.121(d) Adverbials 2.122 Minor syntactic classes 2.122(a) Determiners 2.122(b) Prepositions 2.122(c) Conjunctions 2.122(d) Relatives 2.122(e) Interrogatives 2.122(f) Intensives and reflexives 2.122(g) Auxiliaries 2.122(h) Adverbials of degree 2.2 Turkish Parts of Speech 2.21 Morphological classes 2.211 Verbs 2.212 Particles 2.213 Substantives 2.22 Syntactic classes 2.221 Substantivals 2.221 (a) Nominals 2.221 (b) Participles 2.221 (c) Pronouns 2.221 (d) Adjectivals 2.221(e) Verbals 2.221(f) Adverbials 2.221 (g) Post-positions

31 31 32 34 34 34 34 34 34 35 35 35 35 35 35 35 35 36 36 36 36 36 36 36 37 37 37 38 38 38 38 38 38 38 38 38 39 39 39 39 40

CONTENTS

2.221 (h) Auxiliaries 2.222 Particles 2.222 (a) Conjunctions 2.222(b) Article 2.222 (c) Intensifies 2.23 Other classes 2.3 Parts of Speech Contrasted 2.31 General contrastive features 2.32 Contrasts in morphological classes 2.321 Nouns 2.322 Adjectives 2.323 Adverbs 2.324 Pronouns 2.325 Verbs 2.33 Contrasts in syntactic classes 2.331 Determiners 2.332 Prepositions 2.333 Conjunctions 2.333 (a) Coordinating conjunctions 2.333 (b) Subordinating conjunctions 2.333 (c) Correlative conjunctions 2.334 Relatives 2.335 Interrogatives 2.336 Intensives and reflexives 2.337 Auxiliaries 2.338 Adverbials of degree 3. Diaforms: Turkish Affixes and Corresponding English Structures 3.1 De-Substantive Substantive Derivational Affixes 3.11 Major affixes 3.111 -ci (professional) 3.112 -lik (associative) 3.113 -li (attributive) 3.114 -siz (privative) 3.115 -ce 3.116 -ce (reductive) 3.117 -cesine 3.118 Reduplicative prefix 3.119 -cegiz (diminutive) 3.1110 -cik, -cdk (diminutive) 3.1111 -cik, -icik, -cak, -acik (intensive) 3.1112 -imsi (attenuative)

9

40 40 40 40 40 41 41 41 42 42 42 43 43 44 45 45 46 47 47 47 48 48 49 49 50 51 52 52 52 52 53 54 54 55 55 55 56 56 56 56 56

10

CONTENTS

3.1113 -imtrÂk (attenuative) 3.1114 -er/ 3.1115 -feme (adverbial) 3.1116 -yin, -leyin (adverbial) 3.1117 -sizin (adverbial) 3.1118 -inci (ordinal number) 3.1119 -i'z (multiplexive numeral) 3.1120 -§ér (distributive numeral) 3.12 Minor suffixes 3.121 -âk 3.122 -él 3.123 -cil 3.124 -sél 3.125 -dâ$ 3.13 Loan affixes 3.131 -ât, -iyât 3.132 -ân 3.133 -dar 3.134 3.135 -istân 3.136 -IyÉ 3.137 -IyÉt 3.138 -kâr 3.139 -yé 3.1310 -zEdÉ 3.1311 -Englz 3.1312 -Evî 3.1313-/ 3.1314-varî 3.1315 -yané, -Iyané 3.1316 -en 3.1317 bi3.1318 na3.1319 gâyri3.1320 bilâ3.1321 M3.2 De-Verb Substantive Derivational Suffixes 3.21 Major nominal forming suffixes 3.211 -ék 3.212 -gi 3.213 -inti 3.214 -îi

57 57 57 57 58 58 58 58 58 58 59 59 59 59 59 59 60 60 60 60 60 60 61 61 61 61 61 61 62 62 62 62 62 62 63 63 63 63 63 63 63 64

CONTENTS

3.215 -yim 3.22 Minor nominal forming suffixes 3.221 -cé 3.222 -év 3.223 -giç 3.224 -in 3.225 -it 3.226 -mén 3.23 Major nominal-adjectival forming suffixes 3.231 -ç, -inç 3.232 -gén 3.233 -gin 3.234 -i 3.235 -ik 3.236 -yici, -ci 3.24 Minor nominal-adjectival forming suffixes 3.241 -éç 3.242 -âm 3.243 -éy 3.244 -si 3.25 Participle suffixes 3.251 -ir (aorist) 3.252 -iyor (continuative) 3.253 -meli (necessitative) 3.254 -yecék (future) 3.255 -mig (presumptive-past) 3.256 -yé, 0 (optative) 3.257 -di (past) 3.258 -sé (conditional) 3.26 Verbal nominal suffixes 3.261 -dik (non-future) 3.262 -yèn (agentive) 3.263 -yi§ 3.264 -mé 3.265 -mék (infinitive) 3.27 Gerunds 3.271 -yince (temporal) 3.272 -yip (consecutive) 3.273 -yérek (coordinative) 3.274 -yeli (subsequential) 3.275 -dik-çe (durative) 3.276 -me-den (privative)

11

64 64 64 64 64 65 65 65 65 65 65 66 66 67 67 67 67 67 67 68 68 68 69 70 70 70 71 73 73 73 73 74 74 75 75 75 75 76 76 77 77 77

12

CONTENTS

3.3

3.4

3.5

3.6

3.277 -irV-me-z 3.278 -mek-dén-se 3.279 -yecék-possessive suffix-ye De-Substantive Verb Derivational Suffixes 3.311 unmarked derivation 3.312 -lés 3.313 -él 3.314 -ér 3.315 -lé 3.316 -imsé, -sé 3.317 -à 3.318 -ik 3.319 -ét 3.3110-aj 3.3111 -dé De-Verb Verb Derivational Suffixes 3.411 -elé 3.42 Voice 3.421 -in (reflexive) 3.422 -ig (reciprocal) 3.423 -dir (causative) 3.424 -il (passive) 3.425 -me (negative status) 3.426 -yebïl, -yé (abilitative mood) Inflectional Suffixes 3.51 Nominal inflectional suffixes 3.511 -dé (locative) 3.512 -dén (ablative) 3.513 - j e (dative) 3.514 -yi (accusative) 3.515 -nin, -im (genitive) 3.516 Possessive suffixes 3.517 -lér (plural) 3.518 -ki,-kin 3.52 Predicate inflectional suffixes 3.521 Personal suffixes 3.522 -dir (predicate emphatic suffix) 3.523 -di (past tense) 3.524 -sé (conditional tense) Postclitics 3.611 -ydi, idi (past tense) 3.612 -yse, ise (conditional tense)

77 78 78 78 78 78 78 78 79 79 79 79 79 79 80 80 80 80 80 81 81 83 87 87 88 88 88 89 90 92 94 95 97 99 100 100 102 103 104 104 104 105

CONTENTS

3.613 3.614 3.615 3.616 3.617

-ymi§, imi§ (presumptive participle) -ykEn, iken (gerundive) mi (interrogative postclitic) -yle, ile (concomitive postclitic) de (conjunctive postclitic)

13

106 106 106 107 107

Bibliography

109

Index

Ill

SYMBOLS A N D ABBREVIATIONS

FM I MM P Pm PP S WO X/Y

morphological word boundaries free morpheme internal change more than one morpheme prefix portmanteau paraphrasing suffix word order diamorpheme

INTRODUCTION

Contrastive studies are relatively recent.

This is especially true for the area of

morphology and syntax. In spite of several suggestions that prompted research in this field, a full theory of contrastive linguistics has not yet been developed. 1 The need for contrastive studies, however, has long been felt in foreign language teaching, stylistics, mechanical translation, and linguistic typology.

This analysis has been

attempted in the hope that it may be used as a reference source for the preparation and selection of materials in teaching English to Turks and Turkish to speakers of English. Descriptive linguistics, along with educational psychology and cultural anthropology, is a basic contributor to the field of foreign language teaching. By revealing the phonological and grammatical structure of the target language, a descriptive grammar enables the language teacher to select what is to be taught and arrange it in an order for presentation. Contrastive linguistics serves the same purpose in that 1

The following are among early suggestions: Uriel Weinreich in his Languages in Contact 48 (New York, 1953) says, "Often two existing semantemes, X and Y, of one language are merged on the model of another language, where the combined content of X and Y is represented by a single sign, Z". John B. Carroll develops this point further in "Linguistic relativity, contrastive linguistics, and language learning", IRAL, (International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching) 1 (1963), pp. 1-20: "The paradigm can also be extended to include the case where a certain concept represented by a certain symbol in one language appears to have zero representation in another language. For example, there is no word for the concept too (as in too much) in Amharic, Persian, or Urdu ... Contrastive linguistics must therefore be particularly watchful for apparent 'holes' in the representational system of a language. The interest here is in semantic differences between the referential systems of languages. Contrastive linguistics must study differences in meaning as well as in form." Einar Haugen offers unified terminology and definitions in "Language contact", Proceedings of the VIII International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1958), pp. 771-85: "The type of linguistic comparison here envisaged is different from traditional comparative linguistics; Weinreich has called it differential description, this writer bilingual description; in the heading of this paragraph a new term has been offered, viz. dialinguistics, defined as the determination of likenesses and differences between linguistic structures." Zellig S.Harris in an article titled "Transfer grammar", IJAL, 20 (1954), pp. 259-70, proposes a new kind of grammar: "One can construct purely structural transfers between the phonologies of two languages, or their morphophonemics, or their morphologies. And one can construct transfers between paired items in the two languages — paired by some useful criterion."

16

INTRODUCTION

it helps determine the interference and reinforcement resulting from the source language. Obviously, a contrastive study must presuppose complete descriptions of the languages to be contrasted. In our particular case, Turkish and English have both been subject to linguistic descriptions of various kinds, traditional and modern. Turkish has always attracted the linguist since it is a typical example of the so-called agglutinative languages and shows a relatively clear-cut morphology. English, on the other hand, has been described repeatedly as the native or the second language of a great number of speakers, including many prominent linguists, and as a conveyor of scientific thought for centuries. Descriptive analyses of languages to be contrasted usually do not place equal emphasis on similar areas in each one. Moreover, the methods of description are often quite diversified. Therefore, it is the task of the contrastive analyst either to level the analyses available to him or to attempt the much more time consuming process of analyzing each language independently before contrasting them. The present study attempts only the former. Hence, part of the problem is to reorganize the description of various kinds by filling the gaps. Otherwise, the emerging contrasts might be due to methodological differences rather than purely structural ones. In descriptive morphology and syntax formal features are labeled by the use of terminology which has semantic implications. This indicates by no means that semantics is involved in the analysis since the terminology may very well be substituted with other labels such as numbers or letters. In the latter case, however, the ensuing description would be unnecessarily complicated and unintelligible. Such terms as passive, plural, feminine, then, are used for convenience rather than necessity and their meaning is relevant only within the structure of the particular language for which they are intended. That is to say that the English plural is not the same as the Turkish plural and so forth. What are directly observable to the analyst are the forms in each language in terms of its own grammatical structure. To bring these structures together may be possible only if the semantic implications of the labels are laid aside and the contrast is done on a strictly formal basis. Thus form and order constitute the two aspects of morphological and syntactic categories. A formal contrastive analysis of this kind includes a discussion of types and order of morphemes and morphological processes at the word level and syntactic devices such as inversion and concord at the syntactic level, but it does not proceed any further to contrast the labels of these classes. In other words, while morphemes, words, phrases, clauses, and sentences and their various types are discussed and defined contrastively, their functions remain formally unanalyzable. There is no justification, for instance, for contrasting the English and Turkish plural morphemes without proposing a common definition of plurality in the two languages. The above type of analysis, worthy in itself, reveals the contrasts between the languages under study only in very broad lines. In order to remedy the discrepancy, we must somehow bring the semantic-formal classes into our treatment.

17

INTRODUCTION

It is true that different cultures perceive and encode realities of the universe differently. But if we admit the oneness of the total reality interpreted by the oftenmentioned grid of each language, the difference in perception and encoding must be nothing but overlaps of various sorts or no overlaps at all where one of the languages encodes concepts not observed in the other (Figure l). 2 Language A

Language B

Figure 1 1. Concepts particular to Language A; 2. The area contrastable in terms of divergences and convergences (Notice the different shapes of the cells); 3. Concepts particular to Language B.

The concepts encoded in the non-overlapping area of each language are expressable, of course, in the language that does not have them in its inventory. This is done by other means such as paraphrasing. A bilingual informant must be used in determining the convergences and divergences, both of which are to be included in the contrastive grammar. Bilingual grammars and dictionaries also contain contrastive data. Several types of correspondence emerge when each cell of the grid in one language is matched with its informant-attested counterpart in the other (Figure 2). Lang. A Lang. B

^/T • •

i i

1/

1

< !» • 4 i = •7 i i • i > i • i i/ 2

* * i i i '

• i • i i •

1 1 1 1 1 1 / 1 ' -

/

/

t 1 1

3 Figure 2

1. Complete correspondence: A = B; 2. Partial correspondence with divergence in the direction of B: A — 3 . Partial correspondence with divergence in the direction of A: A * - B ; 4. Partial correspondence with divergence in both directions: AB. 4

Herbert L.Kufner comments on this subject in his book, The Grammatical Structures of English and German 64 (Chicago, 1962): "... we can all agree that the universe surrounding us is an amorphous mass: all the things, the states, the happenings, and events in it are not neatly divided and classed, they are a continuum. Language, any language, on the other hand is discrete and selective: it dictates the ways in which we select and group elements of our experience. Thus it has often been said that the particular language we speak provides us with a kind of 'grid' through which we perceive

18

INTRODUCTION

The minimum unit of contrastive morphology may be called a diamorpheme, a unit which is needed for the discussion of formal-semantic classes.3 Diamorphemes of English-Turkish diastructure are extremely varied because of the non-overlapping areas in the two grids. A characteristic feature of Turkish is its single word constructions with as many as fourteen suffixes and postclitics expressing structural meanings which are usually marked syntactically in English. A contrastive morphological analysis with its direction from Turkish to English leaves out a very small area of English morphology, but includes many important parts of the syntax. The limits of the present analysis are determined conveniently by the extent of Turkish morphology.

the world. The universe surrounding us is dissected along lines laid down by the various substructures of our language". • For the definition of diamorpheme see 3, p. 52. This concept was first suggested by Haugen (see Note 1).

1. MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

1.1 PRELIMINARIES

One of the major differences between Turkish and English morphologies is the degree of separability of morphs. Generally speaking, Turkish morphemes have allomorphs with clear-cut boundaries. Among the few problematic morpheme boundaries are the following: bek-le 'wait', get-ir 'bring', yar-i§ 'race'. The bound base forms bek-, get-, yar- are considered morphemes on account of further suffixation. Their meaning may be said to be determinable by subtracting the meaning of the suffixes -le, -ir, and -i§ from the meaning of the total form. Morphophonemic variation which occurs under phonemic conditions is very common in both languages. 1 The variants of English plural suffix -s and the past tense suffix -ed, and the variation in almost all Turkish suffixes called vowel harmony, are the most typical examples. On the other hand, morpheme alternation which occurs under morphemic conditions is more frequent in English. Unlike morphophonemic variants, morpheme alternants can not be predicted since morphemic conditions simply mean that each morpheme has its own restrictions towards combining with others. For instances, the base ox has no formal feature that enables us to predict its plural form. The inflected form ox-en is the result of an inherent restriction within the morpheme ox, which requires the -en alternant rather than -s. Alternation in English and Turkish is illustrated by the following examples: (1) Alternation in the affix: ox-en, fox-es /«-adequate, ««-happy (2) Alternation in the base : long, leng-th (3) Alternation in both base and affix: childr-en /cildrin/ (child /cayld/ + -s) | 1

ol-iir 'one who dies', bol-er 'one who divides' yut 'swallow', yud-um '(a) swallow' gid-er /gider/ 'one who goes' (git

The discussion of morphophonemic variants belongs appropriately to the morphophonemic part of the grammar.

20

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

Cf. pile-s Ipaylz/ (pile /payl/ + -s)

/git/ 'go' + -ir 'aorist participle suffix') igit-ir /isitir/ 'one who hears' (i$it /isit/ 'hear' + -ir 'aorist participle suffix')

Alternants must be listed along with morphemes with which they occur. Phonemically, the alternants in the Turkish forms cited above, i.e., /gid/ and /er/, are partially the same as the representing alternants /git/ and /ir/. That is, /git/ and /gid/ share their non-final phonemes while /er/ and /tir/ have the same final phoneme. Furthermore, /e/—/tl/ alternation in the second set is the result of the reverse application of the morphophonemic rules, not a haphazard selection of forms. The /t/—/d/ alternation in the first set occurs within a morphophonemic pattern to be found elsewhere in Turkish, but the limitation of this rule to only five verb bases {i.e., git, et, dit, tat, gut) makes a prediction impossible. Loanwords in Turkish exhibit base alternants of various phonemic shapes. They are affixable with affix alternants: garab-et 'peculiarity'. The free base form of this Arabic loanword is garip 'peculiar' which may be subjected to native derivational processes of Turkish to yield a functionally and semantically similar form: garip-lik 'peculiarity'. A full discussion of loanword derivation belongs to a subgrammar appended to the Turkish grammar proper. In this study occasional reference has been made to loanword grammar for contrastive purposes.

1.2 AFFIXATION

1.21 Prefixation Morphemes that precede bases are called prefixes. In English prefixes are used only in derivation: re-form, un-fair, co-operate. Turkish has prefixation only in loanwords. The number of prefixes, therefore, is relatively small: gajYi-muslim 'non-moslem', ¿rnij-demokratik 'anti-democratic', na-tamam 'incomplete'. More than one prefix may occur in English in a determined order: ««-ex-changeable. Not all bases may be preceded by all prefixes in either language. A kind of prefixation to be found in Turkish is the reduplication of the (C)V of the initial syllable with one of the consonants /p/, /s/, /r/, jm/ added to it. This occurs with the members of a semantically definable subclass of adjectivals :2 sap-sari 'bright yellow', iftw-dogru 'absolutely straight, straight ahead', ter-temiz 'very clean', bembeyaz 'extremely white'. Sometimes these final consonants are accompanied by * That is, color and shape-denoting adjectivals in most instances.

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

21

3

additional phonemes: giipe-giindiiz 'in broad daylight', p/n/-?iplak 'stark naked, completely bare'. Prefixation in some loanwords in Turkish presents a special problem because of its occurrence before various bases consisting of discontinuous morphemes and infixes: intizam 'order (nominal)', mu-ntazam 'orderly (adjectival)' (both forms from Arabic). The native derivational suffix -li may also be used to obtain a functionally and semantically similar form: intizam-/; 'orderly (adjectival)'. Considering the tendency of Turkish morphology towards treating all loanwords as monomorphemic forms, it would be proper not to discuss the following loan prefixes: (1) Loan prefix + bound base (formed with discontinuous morphemes): ftikur 'thank(s)', tt-sekkur 'thank(ing)' (from Arabic). (2) Loan prefix + free base (but some bound bases as well in the paradigm): rahat 'comfort(able)', isti-rahat 'rest(ing)'; but fay da 'use', isti -fade 'making use of' (from Arabic). Prefixes followed by bound bases in English constitute fused units which are mostly of foreign origin: re-ceive, con-ceive, per-ceive; re-fer, con-fer, in-fer, trans-fer. The term fused unit is used here to indicate that the total meaning of the resulting form is not the sum of the meanings of the constituent morphemes, although it is usually a related one. In word-formation the degree of fusion is determinable in terms of the number of bound morphemes. The relatively small number of bound bases in Turkish not only makes segmentation easier but also reduces the amount of fusion. 1.22 Infixation Some linguists accept the existence of infixation in both Turkish and English in the following areas: English has infixes in nominal and verbal inflection: foot — feet, woman — women, drive — drove, take — took. These forms exhibit a special kind of infixation which is called replacive. Whether we designate them infixes or suffixes depending on the general pattern of the language or the methodology we follow, 4 the fact remains that these formal changes are morphologically conditioned, hence not predictable. They will be discussed in more detail in 1.3 under the heading 'internal change'. The only forms that are said to be infixed in Turkish are a number of adjectivals (see 1.21). 1.23 Suffixation The most productive process of word-formation in both English and Turkish is 8

The four consonants /p/, /s/, /r/, and /m/ and other accompanying phonemes are considered infixes in Norman McQuown's Spoken Turkish (New York, 1944), p. 883. 4 Archibald A.Hill in Linguistic Structures, p. 129 (New York, 1958) treats these replacive forms as suffixes in order to incorporate them into the linear pattern of analyses.

22

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

suffixation. It may be used in derivation as well as in inflection. It may follow free or bound bases. In Turkish, suffixation is the predominant morphological process. The grammatical functions it covers include not only those of all morphological processes in English, except compounding, but also some areas which are well within the domain of syntax. No two languages, of course, are expected to have an equal distribution of their word-formation devices even if they have an exactly similar set of them. Overlaps of various sorts would be a natural outcome. Thus, when English has an adjective inflected with the comparative suffix -er, as in long-er, the corresponding form in Turkish is a phrase daha uzun 'longer (more long)'. But the reverse case is also very common in examples like my father and baba-m 'father + 1st person sing, possessive suffix'. However, the ratio of such reciprocal diversification in the distribution of grammatical devices is heavily in favor of the Turkish suffixation. A distinction between derivational and inflectional suffixes is useful in both languages. The criteria to distinguish these two types of suffixes are listed below: (1) Inflectional suffixes do not bring about changes in form-class or subclass membership. (2) Inflectional suffixes have a much wider range of application than the derivational ones. Verb roots in both English and Turkish may be inflected with verb inflectional suffixes, but not all verb roots may be substantivized by the use of derivational suffixes. (3) When both kinds of suffixes occur in the same form, inflectional suffixes follow derivational ones. Since suffixes constitute the closest morphological environment for bases, different classes of the latter are determined in terms of the suffixes that may occur with them. One characteristic feature of Turkish morphology is the co-occurrence of several suffixes in a fixed order. There are rules regulating the order of suffixes as well as indicating the mutual exclusiveness that some of them may have. For instance, a set of personal suffixes always follows participle suffixes: gel-iyor-um 'I am coming (come + continuative participle suffix + 1st person sing, predicate suffix)' In the above form, -iyor is substitutable with other members of this particular position class such as -yecek (future participle suffix), -mis (presumptive participle suffix), but only one member of this class may occur at a time. That is, these participle suffixes are mutually exclusive. Similar rules also apply in English, but the relatively small number of orders in suffix sequences does not yield so many restrictions as in Turkish. A special class of Turkish suffixes is usually called postclitic suffixes. What sets them apart from the regular suffixes is their having free allomorphs called postclitics which occur in careful speech and written language: iyi-ymis ~ iyi imi§ iyi-ydi ~ iyi idi

'He was reportedly well.' 'He was well,'

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

iyi-yse ~ iyi ise iyi-yken ~ iyi iken

23

'If he is well ...' 'While he was well ...'

Phonologically, these postclitics are partially comparable to the so-called 'contracted' forms of the English auxiliaries in their free and bound occurrences: He's gone. ~ He has gone or He is gone. He hasn't gone. ~ He has not gone. Most grammars treat Turkish postclitics as regular suffixes since vowel harmony links bases with all suffixes and postclitics that follow them. Such foims having a continuity of vowel harmony are phonological words. They may include more than one morphological word (see 1.8). For instance, the following phonological word contains four morphological words: gel-ecek-l-mi-l-ymi§-l-se 'Is it if he is one (who is) reportedly going to come' (-/- marks morphological word boundaries). Here, mi has syntactic freedom to occur after any postclitic as well as any other word there may be in the sentence. The other two, -ymi$ and -se, have the free allomorphs imi§ and ise respectively. As with regular suffixes there is a fixed order in the occurrence of postclitics. Likewise, English auxiliaries precede participles in a regular order. In both languages there are clusters of suffixes which function as a single morpheme. The components of such clusters are usually not substitutable with other morphemes in the same category; neither is any of them droppable since the resulting sequences are not words but complex bound forms: The cluster -ic-al functions in English as a single morpheme in bibl-ic-al, grammat-ic-al, and categor-ic-al; and *bibl-ic, *grammat-ic, *categor-ic do not occur alone. In Turkish, the cluster -ce-sin-e is added to substantives of different classes to form adverbials: erkek 'man', erkek-fcsin-e 'in a manly fashion'; dl-iir 'one who dies', ol-iir-ce-sin-e 'in the manner of one who dies (as if dying)'. With participles no components of the cluster may be dropped: *dl-ür-ce, *dl-ür-ce-si, *ól-ür-ce-ye, *dl-ür-e, *dl-ür-ün-e, *dl-ür-ü are not possible. With other substantives, however, many of the above combinations are possible: erkek-ge 'manlike', erkek-fe-si 'the manly way of it', erkeg-e 'to the man', erkeg-in-e 'to his (her, its) man', erkeg-i 'his (her, its) man'. Other morphemes in the same category as the components of this cluster can not be substituted in this form. So *ol-iir-ce-m-e (/m/: allomorph of the 1st person sing, possessive suffix -im) or *ól-ür-ce-sin-den (-dén: ablative suffix) are also not possible. In other words, forms with such morpheme clusters have a special pattern of immediate constituency: biblj | ic][al

ol||ürjjce||sin||e

Forms without such morpheme clusters, but having similar morphemes functioning independently, have a regular pattern of immediate constituency: period ||ic | jal

dü?ün||ce||siz||lik 'unthoughtfulness'

24

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

In English, forms with both suffixation and prefixation exhibit more complex patterns of immediate constituency :

Homophonous suffixes are found commonly in both languages. In English, third person singular verb inflectional suffix, the possessive inflectional suffix, and one alternant of the plural suffix are all represented by the same form: (he) plays, boy's, toys. Turkish reflexive verb derivative suffix and a variant of the passive derivative suffix are homophonous: yika-n-di 'he washed himself', yika-n-di 'he was washed'. Ambiguity resulting from homophonous forms is often resolved by the morphological or syntactic environment or the general context. Homonymity is more frequent among morphemes represented by a single phoneme. 1.3 INTERNAL CHANGE

Some bases may be derived or inflected by having a partial change in their form. This is called internal change and may involve the replacement of one or more vowel and consonant phonemes or the primary stress. By definition, affixes can not be derived or inflected. Hence the changes they exhibit as in the allomorphs /-iz/ and /-in/ of -s plural suffix in English are simply due to morpheme alternation. Internal change is very rare in Turkish. 1.31 Consonantal change (1) In derivation: speak /spiyk/, speech /spiyc/; gor '(to) see', gdz 'eye'. (2) In inflection: spend /spend/, spent /spent/; Turkish has none. 1.32 Vocalic change (1) In derivation: fill Ifi\/, full /ful/; farp '(to) strike', Qirp '(to) beat'. 6 (2) In inflection: foot /futI, feet /fiyt/; Turkish has none. 1.33 Stress change In derivation:permit /parmit/ (noun),permit /parmit/ (verb); dogru /do:ru/ (adverbial) 'directly, straight ahead', dogru /do:ru/ (adjectival) 'correct, right'. 6 5

The internal change in this pair does not result in a change in word-class membership. A parallel case in English is sit - set, fall - fell where both members of each set are verbs. Internal change occurs very rarely in native Turkish words. Loanwords, on the other hand, have this limited kind of internal change more often: amir ¡a:mir/ 'executive (one who orders)', emir /emir/ 'order'. 8 There are only a few forms where stress change affects the subclass (adjectival or adverbial) membership of substantives. Within the subclass of nominals, place names are set apart from other nominals by stress change: yildiz 'star', Yildiz 'a place name'. In suffixed forms where the place of stress is determined by morphophonemic rules, the stress of place names falls on the syllable that precedes the regularly stressed one: armutlu 'having pears', Armutlu 'a place name'.

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

25

Stress change does not occur for inflection in either language. 1.34 Combinations of internal change In English various combinations of internal change may occur simultaneously: (1) Vocalic and consonantal change: teach /tiyc/, taught /tot/. (2) Vocalic and stress change: conflict /kanflikt/, conflict /konflikt/. Internal change may also be accompanied by suffixation in English: keep /kiyp/, kept /kept/; hear /hiyr/, heard /hard/. None of these combinations are found in Turkish since internal change itself is of very rare occurrence.

1.4 REDUPLICATION

The repetition of all or part of a base either with or without vocalic or consonantal change is called reduplication. This morphological process has a limited place in the English derivation but the part it plays in Turkish word-formation and phrase structure is very important. Reduplication at the simple word level, that is the repetition of one part of a base, occurs only in Turkish. It may be called a reduplicative prefix which can be formulated as {(C)V + / p / ~ / s / ~ / m / ~ / r / } where (C)V is identical with the initial (C)V of the base. The reduplicative prefix final consonants are only partially predictable. Bases beginning in a vowel always have /p/ as the final consonant of their reduplicative prefix: incé 'thin' ek$i 'sour' üzgün 'worried' ölgün 'faded' islâk 'wet' 'open' açik uzün 'long' ortâ 'middle'

ip-ince ép-ek$i üp-üzgün 6p-ölgün ip-islak âp-açik ûp-uzun óp-orta

'extremely thin' 'extremely sour' 'extremely worried' 'quite faded' 'completely wet' 'wide open' 'extremely long' 'right the middle'

Examples of consonant initial bases with non-predictable reduplicative prefix final consonants are: temiz 'clean' taze 'fresh' tamam 'complete'

ter-temiz 'very clean' tap-taze 'very fresh' tas-tamam 'quite complete'

Reduplicative prefixes of these various phonemic forms are considered to be alio-

26

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

morphs of a single morpheme since they all share the same meaning.7 This morpheme is the only one of its kind in Turkish. Like most other derivative affixes, the reduplicative prefix has limited occurrence. It may precede only certain bases belonging to the adjectival and adverbial subclasses of substantives. Loanwords are rarely subjected to reduplicative prefixation: cu>ik&r 'obvious' (from Persian), ap-a§ikar 'quite obvious'. Some bases may occur with a more complex reduplicative prefix in addition to the regular one in certain cases: giplak 'bare', gir-giplak ~ firil-fiplak 'completely bare'; gundtiz 'daytime', gupe-gunduz 'in broad daylight'. Complete reduplication occurs in both English and Turkish with much greater frequency in the latter. Two kinds of complete reduplication are distinguishable, compounding and syntactic. The first type is characterized by the modification compounding stress pattern, that is / ' 7 in English and / ' 7 in Turkish, and other morphemes may not occur between its components (see 1.73). The second type usually has the primary stress on both components which may be separated by various morphemes such as conjunctions: 2

2

3

2

2

3

1

2

3

1

Kalem | malem aldim # (also Kalem malem aldim # ) 'I bought pen(s) and the like.' 3

2 2

3

1

Ne kalem aldim ne malem # 'I bought neither pen(s) nor the like.'

In this kind of reduplication /m/ replaces an initial consonant except /m/ or precedes a vowel: kalem malem 'pencil and the like', ate§ mates 'fire and the like', but not *mum mum (mum 'candle'). 1.5 SUPPLETION A N D PORTMANTEAU MORPHEMES

Suppletion is a type of morpheme alternation in which a base or an affix is replaced by a totally different form in a paradigm. Thus, in the inflection of English adjective good {i.e., good /gud/, better /betar/, best /best/), /gad/, /bet/, and /be/ are alternants of the base morpheme {good}, /bet/ and /be/ being suppletive to /gud/. In the paradigm cats, dogs, oxen /-in/ is the suppletive alternant of the plural morpheme {s}. The representation of a base with its affix in a paradigm by a totally different hence unsegmentable form is called portmanteau: bad /basd/ + -er /ar/ -> worse /wars/. The occurrence of suppletion or portmanteau morphemes depends on the existence of large paradigms having a regular pattern of affixation, since there is usually no reason for distinguishing suppletive or portmanteau forms in a limited or restricted paradigm such as the English pronouns. Suppletion and portmanteau morphemes have no place in Turkish morphology. '

See Zellig S.Harris, Structural Linguistics, 13.523, p. 211 (Chicago, 1960) (4th ed.).

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

27

English has them only in a few paradigms. The regular paradigm of adjectives kind, kind-er, kind-est is paralleled by bad, worse, worst where the base may best be isolated as having a suppletive alternant /war/ in the superlative, but the comparative form, being unsegmentable, is a portmanteau. Similarly, the paradigm of verbs walk, walks, walked, walking is paralleled by go, goes, went, gone, going where went is a portmanteau form. 8 Other examples of suppletive and portmanteau forms are found in English personal pronouns. At this point, however, most grammars do not attempt any further segmentation because of the large number of alternants, suppletive and portmanteau forms, and zero modifications involved in the description of such a small class. Although suppletive and portmanteau forms are relatively few in English, they are very important being all inflective and, therefore, having high frequency of occurrence.

1.6 ZERO MODIFICATION

The total lack of an overt formal difference between a base and its inflected or derived form in a paradigm is called zero modification. In such cases the affixed morpheme, which is always a suffix in both English and Turkish, is said to have a zero alternant. Thus the gaps in paradigms are filled to make the description easier. boys {boy} + {-z} tables {teybsl} + {-z} sheep {siyp} + {0} gel-mi-yor-um 'I am not coming.' gel-me-di-m 'I did not come.' gel-me-0-m 'I do not come.' (Cf,'., the affirmative form gel-ir-im 'I come.' The aorist participle suffix -ir is replaced by zero in the above example.) In some analyses of Turkish morphology zeros are set up to serve as morphemes which have no overt form. Thus the '3rd person singular' and the 'nominal case', for instance, are both considered to have zeros as their basic form. Here we will simply say that the above distinctions are unmarked in Turkish. 9 That is, certain meanings are marked by the consistent absence of an overt form. A large number of English nouns and verbs have identical phonemic forms: cut, hammer, swim, etc. Unlike the case of sheep which retains the same form for both singular and plural not only in isolation but also in other syntactic environments, an 8 /went/ cannot be separated into two segments /wen/ and /t/, since /t/ may only occur as a morphophonemic variant of the past tense morpheme after voiceless consonants. The /d/ allomorph follows /n/ regularly: penned /pend/, phoned /fownd/. 9 Sometimes the suffix -dir is considered to be the overt form which alternates with the 3rd person singular zero. In fact, -dir is a predicate emphatic suffix which may just as well appear after 1st and 2nd person suffixes: iyi-yim-dir 'I am well', iyi-sin-dir 'You (sing.) are well', iyi-dir 'He is well', etc. Clearly, the 3rd person singular is not marked by -dir, or better, by anything at all.

28

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

assumption of different morphological structures of the above identical verb and noun forms is of no value since their syntactic environment is always different from one another. The sheep, his sheep, black sheep, etc., are viable utterances where singularity or plurality of sheep is still unmarked. In the case of cut, hammer, swim, etc., syntactic environment clarifies the grammatical status of these words in all of their occurrences: For instance, hammer may occur in isolation only as a verb in the imperative. When it is a singular noun, however, a determiner must precede it: a hammer, the hammer, etc. Again, we will speak of this large number of English words as unmarked with regard to their being nouns or verbs.

1.7 COMPOUNDING

Two or more bases may join together to make new forms that have the same syntactic distribution as words. Although compounding is generally regarded as a morphological process, the above definition does not set compound words apart entirely from some of the syntactic phrases. In order to make the distinction more complete a set of criteria is offered: (1) Some compound words are distinguished from phrases by having a superfix: black-bird /blsek+bard/, black bird /blaek+bard/; Karagdz /karagoz/ 'Turkish shadow-show', kara gdz /kara+goz/ 'black eyed'. The internal juncture of a compound word may never coincide with a terminal juncture. (2) Some phonemic changes occur at the junctural point with certain bases: no one /now/+/wan/ — none /nan/; kahve alti /kahve/+/alti/ — kahvalti /kahvalti/ 'breakfast'. More common morphophonemic changes also take place in Turkish. Among these vowel and consonant gemination, loss of vowels, and voicing are very frequent: /haj/+/etmek/ — /haJletme^/ '(to) solve', /memnun/+/olmak/ — /memnumolmak/ '(to) be pleased', /kayip/+/etme^/ — /kaybetmelf/ '(to) lose'. However, the most common morphophonemic rule of Turkish, vowel harmony, does not operate in compounding. (3) Inflectional suffixes may only follow the final base when further inflection takes place: housewives, bedrooms (but, mothers-in-law, mothers-in-law's); tahtaperdeler 'wooden fences', yuzba§i\ax 'captains', (but, gozyagi 'tear', gdzya§Ian 'tears'. This is the more regular pattern for this type of compound words in Turkish.) (4) Unlike phrases, compound words may not be reduced into coordinate constructions : black-birds and blue-birds but not *black- and blue-birds yiizbagilar ve binbagdar 'captains and majors' but not *yiiz ve binba$ilar Whereas: black cars and blue cars — black and blue cars,

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

29

elli liraliklar ve yiiz lirahklar 'fifty and a hundred lira bills' — elli ve yiiz lirahklar. (5) Constituents of a compound word may not be separated by the insertion of another word between them: newcomer, handsome newcomer, but not *new handsome comer dalgakiran 'breakwater', dalgakiran mi 'Is it a (the) breakwater?', but not *dalga mi kiran The starred combinations are possible utterances with a different stress pattern at the syntactic level where the relation between the constituent bases of the compound words is changed completely. (6) Constituents of compounds are substitutable under more strict restrictions than those of phrases: COMPOUND WORDS

PHRASES

ENGLISH

bàli •big bàli *white bàli

soft ball bîg ball white ball

TURKISH

Karagóz 'shadow show' *mavigoz *yesilgoz

karà gòz 'black eye' mavì gòz 'blue eye' yejil gòz 'green eye'

SÓft

The initial constituents of compound words, as clearly seen in the above table, can not be substituted with other bases of the same form-class whereas this restriction does not apply to the initial constituents of phrases. The starred forms are grammatically possible, but they do not occur due to their not having been assigned to a referent yet. An analysis of the restrictions on the occurrence of compounding belongs to metalinguistics, since one must know what realities of each culture have been considered worthy of linguistic representation. Generally speaking, these morphological, syntactic, or, perhaps, even semantic criteria enable us to make a distinction between phrases and compound words, although not all compound words conform with all of them. From the point of view of their morphological structure compound words fall into the following classes:

1.71 With regard to the number of bases 1.711 Two-base compounds (1) Both bases without inflection or derivation: màilbòx bozkúrt 'grey wolf' (2) One base with inflection or derivation : icebrèaker kardan adam 'snow man'

30

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

wâlking stick kulbasti 'broiled meat' (3) Both bases with inflection or derivation : shipping wèight dedikodû 'gossip' 1.712 Multibase compounds Compared with two-base compounds, multibase compounds are much less numerous in both languages: longshoreman, mérry-go-round; dôrtyôlagzi 'road intersection (dort 'four', yol 'road', agiz 'mouth', -sin '3rd person possessive suffix', mouth of four roads)', iyisaattéolsunlar 'evil spirits (iyi 'good', saat 'hour', -dé 'locative suffix', ol '(to) be', -sin '3rd person singular suffix', -lér 'plural suffix', let them be at good hour)'. 1.72 With regard to the syntactic relation between the constituent bases 1.721 Syntactic compounds Syntactic compounds have the same syntactic relations that phrases have between their constituents : blùefish fâther-in-làw bull's èye

karakedi 'black cat' kardân adam 'snow man' dogûmevi 'maternity hospital'

Turkish has relatively more syntactic compounds both in number and variety of their syntactic patterns. 1.722 Asyntactic compounds Asyntactic compounds have constituent bases with special rules of juxtaposition not to be found at the phrase level: gârden pàrty çalçené 'chatter-box' hôusekèep sût beyaz 'milk white' forgét-me-nôt erbâs 'non-commissioned officer' Asyntactic compounds have constituent bases with special rules of juxtaposition not them. 1.73 With regard to the phonemic similarity of the constituent bases 1.731 Reduplicative compounds Turkish has many types of reduplicative compounds. Some of them are extremely productive. English makes only very limited use of reduplicative compounding:

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

crisscross teeny-weeny wishy-washy

31

yavas yavas 'slowly' zarzor 'with great difficulty' eskipiiskii 'old and worn'

1.732 Non-reduplicative

compounds

In addition to the large number of compounds which have constituent bases with no phonemic similarity, there is a group of syntactic compounds which exhibit formal resemblance to reduplicative compounds: arm-in-arm one-to-one

kolkola 'arm-in-arm (arm to arm)' ba§tanba§a 'completely (from head to head)'

In such compounds the similarity of the constituent bases is due to the coincidental occurrence of the same form as the modifier and head of the constituent phrase. 1.74 With regard to the inclusion of their referents 1.741 Endocentric compounds (referent included) classroom hdrserace

buyilkbaba 'grandfather' kilifbahgi 'swordfish'

1.742 Exocentric compounds (referent not included) Here the referent is expressed implicitly. The distinction between endocentric and exocentric compounds is restricted to those with substantive base constituents: redskin breakwater

denizalti 'submarine' hanimeli 'honeysuckle' 1.75 Compounds of foreign origin

In Turkish these compounds are mostly syntactic. However, the corresponding syntactic patterns are not productive any longer in Modern Standard Turkish: erkan-i harp 'general staff', mevzu-u bahis 'subject (of conversation)', ehl-i keyif 'one who has a taste for good-living'. The above examples with the Persian syntactic pattern Nominali + -i + Nominal2 are sometimes transformable into the native Turkish pattern of possessive compounds, i.e., Nominal2 + Nominal ^ + -(s)i. Notice that this loan pattern is exactly like the English o/-construction: harp erkam (can not be used as an adjectival: *harp erkam zabiti. C f , erkan-i harp zabiti 'staff officer'), bahis mevzuu, keyif ehli. The same pattern, with the second nominal replaced by an adjectival, frequently occurs corresponding to the Turkish Adjectival + Nominal pattern, but it is not

32

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

transformable as the previous one: Bâb-i Âli 'The Sublime Port', Kuran-i Kerim 'The Glorious Koran', zevk-i selim 'good taste', but not *Âli Bâb, *Kerim Kuran, *selim zevk. Another loan pattern is the Arabic Nominalx + -i ( ~ i i ) + Nóminal2 which corresponds and can be transformed into the native Turkish pattern Nominah + ve 'and' + Nominal2 : zevk-ù safâ ( ~ zevk-i safâ) 'amusement and pleasure', kemal-i ciddiyét (~kemal-ii ciddiyét) 'maturity and seriousness'. These examples can be transformed into the Turkish pattern: zevk ve safâ, kemal ve ciddiyét. Other loan compounds in Turkish do not exhibit such patterning and have no correspondence in the native structure : postrestan 'poste restante', statuko 'status quo', tabldot 'table d'hôte', istimbot 'steamboat', antrparantez 'entre parenthèse', motamo 'mot-à-mot'. English has no loan compounds with patterns transformable into those of the native structure. The relations between the constituent bases of loan compounds in English are usually to be found in the native patterns of compounding : kindergarten, AngloSaxon, in memoriam, status quo, vis-à-vis, cum laude, pièce de résistance.

1.8 WORDS

At this point we must state that the definition of Turkish and English morphemic word is basically the same: 'A word is a linguistic form consisting of a base which may be accompanied by one or several affixes and a compulsory superfix extending over the whole'. Compound words which do not fit in this definition may be incorporated into a larger and more inexact linguistic unit by using the criteria presented in the discussion of compounding (see 1.7). The differences between Turkish and English words which will concern us lie in the morphological processes that are used in their formation and the syntactic relations among them at higher levels of structuring. In terms of their constituent morphemes words are classified as follows: (1) Simple words'. book, idea-, deniz 'sea', kedi 'cat' (2) Complex words: a) bound stem + derivational suffix(es): option, suffix; kurtul 'to be saved', gevik 'agile'. This type of word is relatively rare in Turkish. b) prefix + bound stem: survive, predict; none in Turkish. c) free stem + derivational suffix: (1) Where stem is a simple word: careful, formal', akilh 'clever', giizelce 'nicely'.

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

33

(2) Where stem is a complex word: reduction, hopefully, uzakla$tirilmak 'to be sent away', isteksizlik 'unwillingness', d) prefix + free stem: (1) Where stem is a simple word: rewrite, discharge-, natamam 'incomplete', sapsari 'extremely yellow'. (2) Where stem is a complex word: rediscover, disapproval-, koskocaman 'extremely big', antidemokratik 'antidemocratic'. (3) Compound words: (see 1.7).

2. PARTS O F SPEECH

The purpose of presenting parts of speech in this analysis is to establish a frame within which the morphological structure of words may be contrastively studied. Contrary to traditional descriptions, Turkish and English parts of speech differ widely when the classification is based on formal criteria. Unfortunately no single type of formal criterion yields a satisfactory description, that is, a description which makes the right number of distinctions without creating large catchall classes or trivially small ones. It is, therefore, necessary to define parts of speech in terms of morphological structure and syntactic distribution, although there is a certain amount of overlapping between the two types of classes that result. In the following sections the parts of speech in both languages are listed and defined briefly.1

2.1 ENGLISH PARTS OF SPEECH

2.11 Morphological classes 2.111 Inflectional classes (a) Nouns are words that may take either or both of plural and genitive endings thus fitting in the inflectional series boy, boys, boy's, boys' or man, men, man's, men's. (b) Verbs are words that fit the inflectional series play, plays, played, played, 1

For a detailed discussion of English parts of speech see James Sledd, A Short Introduction to English Grammar (Chicago, 1959) from which the present classification is taken. Most of the definitions of the Turkish parts of speech given here are to be found in Lloyd B. Swift's A Reference Grammar of Modern Turkish (Bloomington, 1963). In both of these treatments, morphological and syntactic classes are always included in the single word -«/-subgroup of syntactic classes; a reversal of order in defining parts of speech seems preferable. Such a classification would set up, for instance, a class of adjectives where beautiful, comfortable, handsome could be included as well as old, slow, red. Then, adjectives proper that may occur with inflectional suffixes -er and -est would constitute a subclass.

35

PARTS OF SPEECH

playing or sing, sings, sang, sung, singing where the distinction between present and past tense is marked. (c) Pronouns are those words which fit in a paradigm with closed membership where two genitive, one subject, and one object form are marked. This definition must be amended to account for inconsistencies such as it, it, its, its; your, your; etc. However, it is much easier simply to list all members of this class which includes the personal pronouns and the relative-interrogative pronoun who of traditional grammar. (d) Adjectives are words that fit the inflectional series old, older, oldest or bad, worse, worst. 2.112 Mixed class — inflectional and derivational This category consists of a single class of words called adverbs. They consist of the positive degree of adjectives to which derivational suffix -ly is added. They may not be inflected with -er and -est. 2.12 Syntactic classes 2.121 Major syntactic classes (a) Nominals are words or word groups which may substitute for nouns in positions typically occupied by nouns. Testing frames: 2

2

2 2

' The

3

| seemed good

2

'

2 2

1

# 3

| seemed good

1

#

(b) Verbals are words or word groups which may substitute for verbs in positions typically occupied by verbs. Testing frames: 2

3

2 2

£

(1) Determiner nominal |

3

adjectival

1

£

2

3

2 2

2

3

2 2

(2) Determiner nominal | (3) Determiner nominal |

# 3

s

determiner nominal

"

adverbial

3

1

1

#

#

(c) Adjectivals are words or word groups which may substitute for adjectives in positions typically occupied by adjectives. Testing frame: 2

determiner

"

3

nominal

1

#

36

PARTS OF SPEECH

(d) Adverbials are words or word groups which may substitute for adverbs in positions typically occupied by adverbs and such uninfected words as then, there, thus. 2.122 Minor syntactic classes (a) Determiners constitute a subclass of adjectivals and are characterized by their occurrence under the weak or tertiary stress before nominals. Testing frame: 2

^

2

2 2 A

3

nominal | verbal adjectival

1

#

In all of their occurrences a, an, the, my, your, our, their and in some of their occurrences his, her, its, any, each, either, neither, every, no, one, that, those, this, these, another are determiners. (b) Prepositions are a closed set of words which usually precede nominals or follow verbals in utterance final position where they are distinguished from primary stressed homophonous adverbials by having a tertiary stress: around, at, by, down, for, from, in, of, o f f , on, out, over, to, up, with, etc. (c) Conjunctions are uninfected words which are usually under weak or tertiary stress and do not occur before terminal junctures. They fall into three groups: (1) Coordinating conjunctions: and, but, or, nor, for; (2) Subordinating conjunctions: after, before, although, because, i f , since, when; (3) Correlative conjunctions: either ... or, neither ... nor, both ... and. Those words or word groups which occur freely in utterance initial or final positions, with terminal junctures following or preceding them respectively, may be included as an entirely different major group under conjunctions. They are usually called adverbial conjunctions or sentence adverbials: therefore, however, in fact, actually, etc. (d) Relatives, consisting of who (whose, whom), which, that, constitute a subclass of nominals which incorporate clauses into larger syntactic constructions and agree in number with their antecedent and the verb that follows them in their functioning as subjects. (e) Interrogatives include the words who, what, which, when, where, why, how occurring in utterance initial position where they exhibit features that are best treated under three further subclasses: (1) who and what are nominals which occur as subjects before simple present and past tense or verbals like has + V-en, is + V-ing: e.g., Who is coming? What happened? but as objects they occur before verbal sequences like Aux. + Subj. + V: e.g., Who have you worked with? What does he want? (2) which and what are adjectivals but, unlike determiners, they may occur before verbal sequences like Aux. + Subj. + V and do not have the weak stress. (3) when, where, why, and how are adverbials which occur before verbal sequences like Aux. + Subj. + V, but not before simple past or present forms of verbs.

PARTS OF SPEECH

37

(f) Intensives and reflexives are compound nominals having the 1st possessive or object forms of personal pronouns plus the nominal -self or -selves as their constituents. The members of this class follow nominals with which they have complete agreement in gender, number, and person. (g) Auxiliaries are those words which appear in any position except the final in the following verbal phrases: A. With participles: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

have/has/had + V-en am/is/are/was/were + V-ing am/is/are/was/were + V t -en 2 have/has/had + been + V,-en have/has/had + been + V-ing am/is/are/was/were + being + V,-en

B. With infinitives : 3 (1) will/would, shall/should, may/might, can/could, must + infinitive or infinitive phrases (2) ought + to + infinitive or infinitive phrases (3) a) do/does/did + infinitive b) do/does/did + Subj. + infinitive Subj. + do/does/did + not + infinitive Subj. + don't/doesn't/didn't + infinitive do/does/did + Subj. + not + infinitive don't/doesn't/didn't + Subj. + infinitive Thus, the principal auxiliaries are have/has/had, be Iam/is I are/wasI were/been) being, will I would, shallj should, may ¡might, can/could, must, ought, do IdoesIdid.* (h) Adverbials of degree are words that precede adjectivals and adverbials as in the following frames: 2

2

2 2

He was |

3

'

1

old

#

Examples: very, rather, quite, extremely, too, unusually, etc. 2

V,: transitive verb. English infinitives are simple base forms of verbs. Be and have, the first constituents of the verbal phrases in Group A, may appear in the infinitive to form infinitive phrases out of Group A phrases except the last one. Both infinitives and infinitive phrases may be preceded by to in certain positions: (to)V, (to) have + V-en, (to) be + V-ing, (to) be + V,-en, (to) have + been + V,-en, (to) have + been + V-ing. 4 Sledd outlines the other grammatical features of auxiliaries in A Short Introduction to English Grammar, p. 108: 'Except for being, may, might, ought, sometimes the forms of do, and perhaps one or two others, the auxiliaries are characterized by the possibility of appearance under weakest stress, as can be heard if the examples which we have given are read aloud. The auxiliaries, moreover, occupy distinctive positions in questions (Have you replied? Must he go?); they are used as substitutes for larger verbal forms (They are being hurt, and so are we); and under one of the three stronger stresses, many of them occur in close transition with n't 'not', as in the sentences / haven't gone, They weren't singing, They wouldn't have answered.' 3

38

PARTS OF SPEECH 2.2 TURKISH PARTS OF SPEECH

2.21 Morphological classes At the stem level all morphological classes in Turkish are definable in terms of inflectional suffixes only.5 2.211 Verbs These are stems that may be inflected with tense suffixes -di and -se, may occur by themselves or with a set of suffixes -yin, -yin-\--iz as imperatives, or may appear before the derivational participle suffixes. 2.212 Particles These are stems (usually roots)6 which accept no suffix at all except when they are in citation form. 2.213 Substantives These are all the remaining stems. 2.22 Syntactic classes 2.221 Substantivals These are words or word groups which occur before the postclitic forms -ydi, -ymig, and -yse. They constitute the largest syntactic class in Turkish and fall into the following subclasses: (a) Nominals are words which may be inflected with both relational and possessive suffixes and accept a special set of personal suffixes -yim, -yiz, -sin, -sin + -iz. (b) Participles are nominals which have a verb stem and one of the derivational suffixes belonging to the set -ir, -iyor, -mis, -meli, -yecek. Just like nominals they are characterized by their occurrence with a special set of personal suffixes -yim, -yiz, -sin, -sin + -iz which follow the interrogative postclitic mi when the latter is present: gel-iyor-um 'I am coming.'; — gel-iyor mu-yum 'Am I coming?'. Participles do not accept possessive and relational suffixes as the nominals do. -se and -di are considered participle suffixes when they are separated from their personal endings by postclitics or the interrogative postclitic mi: 5

•

That portion of a word to which inflectional endings are added is called stem in Turkish. A root consists of a single morpheme which is usually monosyllabic.

PARTS OF SPEECH

verbal gel-se-k mi-ydi gel-di-m-se

39

participle gelse mi-ydi-k 'Should we have come?' gel-di-yse-m 'If I came ...'

Another participle of limited occurrence is -ye which is found only before postclitic forms -ydi and -ymi§. (c) Pronouns which constitute another subclass of nominals are characterized by their inflection with the genitive suffix -nin before post-positions: ben-im igin 'for me', sen-in gibi 'like you', on-un He or on-un-la 'with him (her, it)'. 7 This class is divided into (1) demonstrative pronouns, i.e., bu, §u, o, which also occur as modifiers in modifier-head phrases; (2) personal pronouns which include the remainder: ben, sen, biz, siz, kim. (d) Adjectivals are words or word groups which occur as modifiers substituting for the first substantive in the substantive + (bir) + substantive pattern where the substantives are in modifier-head relationship: Testing frame: zengin bir adam 'a rich man' zengin adam '(the) rich man' Most adjectivals may be inflected with nominal suffixes. (e) Verbals are words which are distinctly different from all other substantives in their having a verb stem combined with a series of personal suffixes which may occur before the postclitic verb forms or the interrogative postclitic mi. These personal suffixes are of two types: (1) -m, -k, -n, -n + -iz occur after past and conditional tense suffixes -diand -se; (2) -yim, -lim, -sin, -sin + -iz are placed after the optative participle suffix -ye. The 3rd person suffix -sin occurs after the { 0 } allomorph of the optative participle suffix -ye. There are several restrictions on the occurrence of the auxiliary postclitics after verbals: (1) gel-di-m, gel-di-n, etc., occur before mi; -ydi; -yse, (2) gel-se-m, gel-se-n, etc., occur before mi; -ymi§; (3) gel-e-yim, gel-e-sin, etc., occur before mi; -ymis when they are followed almost exclusively by diye, the optative participle of the verb de 'to say'. A small subclass whose members include only two forms, that is, imperatives inflected with -yin and -yin + -iz, may be assigned to verbals but since they do not occur before auxiliary postclitics except in quotations before mi, they may also be considered an entirely separate class. (f) Adverbials are words or word groups substituting for the substantive in the substantive + verb pattern where the substantive can not be preceded by the article bir : (abuk gel 'Come quickly.', giizelce yap 'Do nicely.', gimdi konu§ 'Speak now.' ' When o(n) occurs before -nin both Lees and Swift assign the first /n/ to the former morpheme. See Robert B. Lees' The Phonology of Modern Standard Turkish, p. 27 (Bloomington, 1961) and Swift's A Reference Grammar of Modern Turkish, p. 41.

40

PARTS OF SPEECH

Most adverbials at the word level are characterized either by being reduplicative compounds or by having a number of derivational suffixes which form them from verb or substantive stems: yiirii-yérek git 'Go walking.', yavâ.y yava§ yiirii 'Walk slowly.' (g) Post-positions are words that accept the personal suffixes of the nominals, but not either relational or possessive suffixes, and occur only after substantives which may or may not have relational or possessive suffixes : sadt gibi 'like a watch', on-d gore 'according to him', dun-dén beri 'since yesterday', siz-in için 'for you (pi.)', Ali-yle or Ali ile 'with Ali'. Post-positions do not occur in isolation. (h) Auxiliaries are the two postclitics mi, the interrogative morpheme, and the hypothetical verb *i-mek. The postclitic status of these forms is determined by using two types of criteria (see also 1.23): (1) *i-mek has forms occurring both free and as suffixes : né idi ~ né-ydi 'What was it?' (2) mi fulfills the phonological criteria to be considered a suffix, but it has the freedom of syntactic mobility along with the sentence stress that precedes it: Dun Ali Ankaraya gitti mil 'Did Ali go to Ankara yesterday?' In this sentence, mi may be moved to all positions after other words. Auxiliaries do not occur in isolation.

2.222 Particles These are subdivided into the following classes in terms of syntactic criteria: (a) Conjunctions are words that occur in the environment of terminal junctures within utterances and do not accept primary stress. They consist of three subclasses: (1) Coordinating conjunctions: ve 'and', veya 'or', ama 'but', fakat 'but', degil 'not', de or dahi 'too, also', ile 'with', ise 'as for', bile 'even'; (2) Subordinating conjunctions: ki 'who, which, that', fiinku 'because', fakat 'but', ama 'but', mi 'question marker', ya 'or'; (3) Correlative conjunctions: hem ... hem (de) 'both ... and', ne ...ne (de) 'neither ... nor', ya ...ya (da) 'either ... or', de ... de 'both ... and', ha ... ha 'either ... or', kah ... kah 'sometimes ... and sometimes', gerek ... gerek 'both ... and', mi... mi 'or (in interrogative sentences)'. Words or word groups like muhakkak 'certainly', yalniz 'only', evet 'yes', etc., constitute an entirely separate subdivision of conjunctions. As in English, they may be called adverbial conjunctions or sentence adverbials. (b) Article is the unstressed particle bir which may precede nominals in the pattern substantive + (bir) + substantive: iyi bir adam 'a good man'. (c) Intensifies are particles that occur before adjectivals or adverbials and accept primary stress: en 'most', daha 'more', pek 'very', adamakilli 'thoroughly', (ok 'very', olduk(a 'quite, rather'.

41

PARTS OF SPEECH

2.23 Other classes The preceding list does not include such traditional subclasses as numerals, interjections, the three kinds of question words in Turkish (i.e., nominal, adjectival, and adverbial), etc., partly because we do not consider them to be of major importance and partly because our list is not intended to cover all the details of classification.

2.3 PARTS O F SPEECH CONTRASTED

2.31 General contrastive features Classification by using dual criteria, that is morphological and syntactic, results in word level overlaps of the following type in English (see Figure 3):

B

Figure 3 A includes morphologically defined classes: nouns, adverbs, and adjectives. B includes all that belongs in A plus -¿¡/-classes.

Examples: boy: noun 1 . , . nominal chaos: nominalj nice: adjective } beautiful: adjectival J quickly: adverb] , ... , , . . . > adverbial fast: adverbial j This type of word level overlapping does not occur in Turkish where parts of speech are marked off from one another sharply by alternative use of the same dual criteria. The application of morphological criteria results in recognition of three major classes, i.e., verbs, substantives, and particles, which, in turn, are subjected to syntactic criteria for further classification into subclasses; and the latter are subdivided in terms of their morphological structure or syntactic distribution. The -al ending in the terminology marking the Turkish parts of speech, then, simply indicates the syntactic type of classification. Morphological classification of English words leaves a residue which must be accounted for syntactically. In other words, English inflections, or as in the case of adverbs, derivational suffixes, do not mark all members of syntactic classes. Turkish inflectional suffixes, however, are very consistent and exhaustive in marking parts of

42

PARTS OF SPEECH

speech. All verbs are inflectable with -di. All nomináis may be followed regularly by relational, possessive, and personal suffixes. Members of an English form-class and the inflectional suffixes which characterize them usually combine through more than one type of morphological process. Morpheme alternation, either in the base or in the suffix, is also a typical feature of most English paradigms. Since our definitions are based on morphological structure and syntactic distribution, a full discussion of contrasts between English and Turkish parts of speech means a complete comparison of the two structures. Here, we will simply mention the salient differences implied by the classification. The direction of the contrast will be from English to Turkish. For purposes of convenience, there will be slight changes in the order of the previous presentation of parts of speech. 2.32 Contrasts in morphological classes 2.321 Nouns English nouns are inflected for plural number and genitive case (after both singular and plural). The corresponding Turkish substantives,8 including nomináis, most adjectivals (except some members of such subclasses as indefinite, numeral, and interrogative adjectivals), and pronouns, have inflections of a much greater range and variety. Without exception, all members of these classes are inflected with a set of possessive suffixes, five relational suffixes (i.e., dative, locative, ablative, genitive, accusative), post-predicate personal suffixes, plural suffix -lér, and demonstrative suffix -ki. All these suffixes may occur singly or in sequences having a fixed order and a number of restrictions on their occurrence. Most of the inflected forms of Turkish substantives correspond to English phrases of different types: ev-im 'my house', ev-de 'in the house', ev-de-ki 'the one in the house'. Derivations of English nouns and corresponding Turkish substantives do not exhibit striking differences. 2.322

Adjectives.

The -er and -est suffixes which mark English adjectives as compared words do not correspond to any Turkish inflection. Adjectivals and nomináis of Turkish are not distinguishable by morphological means. Two intensifiers, namely en 'most' and daha 'more' precede adjectivals to form phrases expressing the comparative and superlative degrees. A great number of adjectivals may appear in nominal positions in Turkish with all the nominal suffixes: zengin '(the) rich man', zengin-ler '(the) rich men', zengin-den 'from (the) rich man', zengin-in '(the) rich man's'. " The correspondence is determined in terms of diastructure (see 3.1).

43

PARTS OF SPEECH

In English certain adjectivals may also appear in nominal positions but only after the determiner the: The rich can afford it. These words, however, are not inflectable with nominal suffixes: * riches,9 *rich,s, *riches\ Relatively few nominals may occur in adjectival positions in Turkish: ta$ (bir) bina 'a stone building', insan (bir) adam 'a humane man'. English adjectival positions are also occupied very often by nouns as in the stone wall. These nouns are called noun-adjuncts. Turkish adjectivals which occur in nominal positions correspond to various English nominal constructions: sari '(the) yellow one', sari-lar '(the) yellow ones', sari-m 'my yellow one'. 2.323 Adverbs The derivational suffix -ly which characterizes English adverbs usually corresponds to the Turkish derivational suffix -ce, but like nominals, adjectivals, etc., all words ending with -ce are included as adverbials within the general class of substantives. In Turkish there are several adverbializing suffixes or suffix combinations which derive forms corresponding to various English syntactic constructions: oldur-ur-ce-sin-e 'as if killing', ba§la-yin-ca 'when (it) starts', etc. Another characteristic feature of Turkish adverbials is their derivation through reduplicative compounding. Almost all Turkish substantives may be adverbialized by repetition with the first member having the primary stress: kapikapi 'door to door', giizel giizel 'nicely'. These derived adverbials do not occur with any inflectional suffixes but, being substantives, they may precede the auxiliary postclitic verb forms. Just like English adjectives, but in greater number, Turkish adjectivals may occur as adverbials: (¿abuk ye. 'Eat fast.', Sessiz yurii. 'Walk quietly.' 2.324 Pronouns In sharp contrast with nominals, English pronouns have distinct subject, object, and two possessive forms. Both Turkish nominals and pronouns have these distinctions marked by the same nominal suffixes: Subj. form

Pron. Noun

Obj. form

Eng.

Turk.

Eng.

Turk.

I girl

ben kiz

me girl

ben-i kiz-i

1st possessive Eng. my girl's

Turk. ben-im kiz-in

2nd possessive Eng. mine girl's

Turk. ben-im-ki kiz-in-ki

English distinguishes number in pronouns by using entirely different forms for 6 Not to be confused with the homophonous form which does exist as a noun with limited distribution, i.e., only before the plural suffix: The riches of the palace dazzled her.

44

PARTS OF SPEECH

singular and plural.

10

This distinction is by no means parallel to that of the nouns : Nouns

Pronouns / we

Singular Plural

you you

he they

mine ours

its theirs

my our

me us

girl girls

Turkish pronouns are distinctly different from nominals in their singular and plural forms: 1st person 2nd person Singular Plural

ben biz

sen siz11

The 2nd person singular and plural pronouns are clearly distinct in Turkish while no such distinction is made in the English paradigm. The demonstrative pronoun o(n) is used for the 3rd singular person. Having its plural form on-lar inflected like nominals, o(n) must be considered separately. The most striking difference between English and Turkish pronouns is the distinction of gender in the 3rd person singular pronouns of English. The pronoun o(n) and its inflected forms correspond to he, she, it with their object and possessive forms. Other Turkish demonstrative pronouns bu(n) and $u(n) correspond to English this and that which are nouns because of their inflection for plural number. 2.325 Verbs English verbs are inflected for present and past tenses, e.g., learn-s, learn-ed; while Turkish verbs have different inflectional endings marking past and conditional tenses, e.g., git-ti 'he (she, it) went', git-se 'if he (she, it) goes ...' In English the -s suffix marks the present tense and 3rd singular person. An exact reversal of this is found in Turkish. That is, the 3rd singular person is not marked at all whereas all other persons are: I You He, she, it We You They

go. go. goes. go. go. go.

{ben) (sen) (o) (biz) (siz) (onlar)

git-ti-m git-ti-n git-ti git-ti-k git-ti-niz git-ti-ler

'I went.' 'You (sing.) went.' 'He, she, it went.' 'We went.' 'You (pi.) went.' 'They went.'

10 Although there are occasional signs of a system which enables the analyst to separate morphs in these forms, it is not possible to arrive at a simple solution. 11 These four forms are segmentable into {b-}, {s-} roots and {-en}, {-iz} suffixes, but setting up roots with phonemic forms unparalleled elsewhere in the language is objectionable. The main criticism, however, is that this segmentation does not produce a simpler description.

PARTS OF SPEECH

45

Both languages agree in having uninfected stem forms as imperatives: go; git 'Go. (2nd person sing.)'. Turkish imperatives, however, are inflected with suffixes -yin and -yin + -JZ for the 2nd plural person. English has uninfected verb stems occurring in various syntactic positions as infinitives or subjunctives. Some of the morphological differences between English and Turkish verbs are not due to the distinction of different grammatical categories, but exist because of the variety in the morphological processes and morpheme alternations involved in their representation. As compared with the two English participles, Turkish has eight forms corresponding functionally to a larger number of English verbal phrases. When English participles are in nominal, adjectival, and adverbial positions, they correspond mostly to nonparticiple but verb-derived forms in Turkish like verbal nouns or some special adverbials. Turkish verb roots or bases may accept derivational suffixes to form reflexive, reciprocal, causative, passive, possibilitative, and negative verb stems. All these grammatical concepts are signalled analytically in English, that is by use of two or more words in a determined syntactic order. The only English verb with more than five forms is be: belamlislarelwaslwerelbeingj been. Many other verbs have forms ranging in number between two and five. Except for the reflexive and reciprocal suffixes, verb stem derivational suffixes may regularly follow all Turkish verb roots.

2.33 Contrasts in syntactic classes Single word nominals, verbals, adjectivals, and adverbials of English contrast with their Turkish counterparts just as the members of the morphological classes we discussed above. Phrases and clauses of English which fill various -al positions very often have single Turkish words corresponding to them. Since these contrasts will be treated in the following chapter, we will continue our survey here with the minor syntactic classes.

2.331 Determiners In English, determiners may be considered as a subclass of adjectivals because of their positions before nominals. Among the members of this class, those which are traditionally called articles, namely a, an, the and the only article of Turkish bir exhibit very complex correlations. a and an correspond roughly to the Turkish article bir which may be omitted in most of its occurrences, while the sometimes corresponds to the accusative relational suffix -yi:

46

PARTS OF SPEECH

(Bir) adam gôrdiïm. Adam-i gôrdiïm.

'I saw a man.' 'I saw the man.'

The definite-indefinite distinction is also marked by the syntactic position of nominals alone. One group of determiners which are personal pronouns in English have their Turkish counterparts in the form of either possessive suffixes alone or different combinations of genitive-possessive relationships : kitab-im 'my book ( b o o k + 1st person sing, possessive suffix)' ben-im kitab-im 'my book (I + genitive suffix + book + 1st person sing, possessive suffix)' ben-im kitap 'my book (I + genitive suffix + book)' All the remaining determiners of English correspond to Turkish adjectivals of different subclasses: another man that man

ba§kâ (bir) adam (indefinite adjectival) ô adam (demonstrative adjectival)

2.332 Prepositions English prepositions correspond to a large variety of Turkish forms which may be listed as follows : (1) Relational suffixes : kitap-icf in the book (2) Post-positions : a) Preceded by uninfected nominals : kitap için for the book b) Preceded by nominals inflected with relational suffixes : siz-den soma after you (3) Substantive derivational suffix: kitap-iiz without a book (4) Possessive constructions (with or without genitive suffixes) + inflectional or derivational suffixes : a) With relational suffixes: adam-in hakk-in-da about the man (specific) adam hakk-xn-da about the man b) With-ce: duvar-in boy-un-ca along the wall (specific) duvar boy-un-ca along the wall c) With -ylejile: miidlir-iin vasita-si-yla through {by means o f ) the director (specific) miidiir vasita-si-yla through (by means o f ) the director

PARTS OF SPEECH

47

2.333 Conjunctions Both English and Turkish have conjunctions with as many correspondences as divergences of various kinds. The following is a representative list of Turkish forms corresponding to English conjunctions: (a) Coordinating conjunctions. (1) Conjunctions: men and women erkekler ve kadinlar (2) Conjunctive derivational suffix: We ate and drank. Yi-yip igtik. (3) Conjunctive (post-position) postclitic: men and women erkekler-/e kadinlar (4) Correlative conjunctions: Are they men or women? Onlar erkek mi, kadin mil Here mi ... mi also marks the interrogative. (5) Entirely different syntactic constructions: He didn't understand, nor did I. 0 anlamadi, ben de anlamadim. 'He did not understand; I, too, did not understand.' (b) Subordinating conjunctions. (1) Conjunctions: 1 can't see because it is dark. Goremiyorum, giinku karanlik. (2) Post-positions preceded by relational suffixes: after I came (ben) geldik-iew sonra '(I) after having come' (3) Nominals or post-positions preceded by possessive constructions: when we came (biz) geldigimiz zaman ' ( w e ) the time our having come' because we came (biz) geldigimiz igin '(we) for our having come' (4) Possessive constructions: I know that he came. (Onun) geldig-in-i biliyorum. 'I know his having come.' I know what he did. (On-un) ne yaptig-in-i bili-yorum. 'I know his what having done.' (5) De-verb substantive derivational suffix: when we came biz gel-ince 'we — when coming' (6) Auxiliary postclitic verb: while we were coming biz gelir-ken 'while we were (are) ones coming' (7) Auxiliary postclitic verb + coordinating conjunctions: although we came geldik-je de 'even though we were ones who came' (8) Tense suffix: if we come gel-ie-k 'if we (were to) come'

48

PARTS OF SPEECH

(9) Syntactic repetition with alternate suffixes : as soon as he comes gel-/r gel-mez '(when) one has hardly come' (c) Correlative conjunctions. Most members of this subclass have similar morphological form and syntactic distribution both in English and Turkish. The constituents of English correlatives are different morphemes while the same morpheme is repeated in Turkish usually followed by an optional coordinating conjunction de: both ... and neither ... nor

hem ... hem {de) ne ... ne (de)

Turkish correlative conjunction mi... mi is a unique exception in its correspondence to English or in interrogative sentences. 2.334 Relatives English relatives who (whose, whom), which, and that correspond to various suffixes and syntactic constructions listed below, but not to any separate form-class in Turkish. (1) Verbal nominal suffix -yèn: the man who (that) came gel-en adam '(the) coming man' the letter which (that) came gel-en mektup '(the) coming letter' (2) Nominal 'demonstrative' suffix -ki: the man who is here burada-/a adam 'the man (that is) here' the book which is here burada-&/ kitap 'the book (that is) here' (3) Subordinating conjunction : my uncle who never smokes amcam ki hi? sigara igmez 'my uncle that never smokes cigarette(s)' 12 (4) Possessive constructions : the man from whom I received the letter (ben-im) mektubu aldig-im adam 'my having received — the letter — man' All Turkish forms corresponding to relative constructions of English are substantives of one type or another functioning as modifiers before nominals. The only exception to this general rule is the loanword subordinating conjunction ki which marks a structure very similar to that of English relative clauses (see 2.334 (3)). As in the case of English relatives that agree in number and gender with both their antecedents and verbs, ki has an antecedent which agrees in number with the verb that follows it. 12 This structure is not of common occurrence since ki is a loanword in Turkish. Although it corresponds to the English relatives in many opening clauses, the remainder of the sentence usually requires non-corresponding structures. For instance, the above English and Turkish clauses can not be made complete sentences without bringing in a personal pronoun in Turkish and a change in the position of the adverbial even (corresponding to Turkish bile) in English: Even my uncle who never smokes, lighted a cigarette. Amcam ki hip sigara igmez, o bile bir sigara yakti. 'My uncle who never smokes cigarette(s), he even lighted a cigarette.'

PARTS OF SPEECH

49

In English when that replaces who or which, prepositions can not precede it. That itself may be replaced by zero: the man that I received the letter from the man I received the letter from 2.335

Interrogatives

As in English the question words of Turkish are nominals, adjectivals, and adverbials. With the exception of most adverbial ones, they may accept nominal suffixes just like other substantives. Here are, for instance, a few derivational and inflectional endings that the nominal kim may have: kim 'who (sing.); who is it (he, she)?' kim-sin 'who are you (sing.)?' kim-ler 'who (pi.); who are they?' kim-den 'from whom' kim-in 'whose' kim-de-ki 'the one at (on, in, etc.) whom' kim-lik 'who-ness {i.e., identity)' Of course, English makes these distinctions by means of syntactic combinations. There are, however, some distinctions which are not made at all: What did you see? „ Where did you run?

f N e gordiin? 'What (indefinite) you saw?' { . .. ... I Ne-yi gordun? What (definite) you saw? \Nere-ye kostun? 'To what place you ran?' J \ \ [Nere-de kostun? In what place you ran?

Both languages distinguish clearly persons from non-persons (i.e., animals and things) by means of the pairs who — what and kim — ne. There are some differences between certain corresponding forms in terms of syntactic distribution or the number of constituents: (1) when ne zaman 'what time' how manyl ^ how much] (2) what } t ,, . , . , > table hangi masa which] Without suffixation, hangi is exclusively an adjectival. Ne can be used in subject position or before a number of substantives to form adverbial interrogative phrases such as ne kadar 'how much (many); what quantity', ne bigim 'what kind', etc. 2.336 Intensives and reflexives In their intensive use the members of this subclass of English nominals correspond to a single Turkish nominal with appropriate possessive suffixes:

50

PARTS OF SPEECH

I myself you yourself he himself she herself it itself we ourselves you yourselves they themselves the man himself the men themselves

(ben) kendi-m (sen) kendi-n

'(I) my self' ' ( y ° u ) your (sing.) self'

(o) kendi(-si)

'he (she, it) his (her, its) self'

(biz) kendi-miz (siz) kendi-niz (onlar) kendi-ler-i adam kendi(-si) adamlar kendi-ler-i

'we our self' 'you (pi.) your (pi.) self' 'they their self' 'the man his self 'the men their self'

The correlation between intensives and preceding personal pronouns or nominals applies equally to both English and Turkish, although pronouns may be left out in the latter. English intensives and reflexives are compound forms consisting of 1st possessive or object forms of personal pronouns and the noun self, either in singular or plural. The corresponding Turkish form is the nominal kendi with possessive suffixes. Just like all nominals, it may be inflected with other nominal suffixes: kendi-m-den kendi-n-de-ki

'from myself' 'the one (which is) in his self'

Several Turkish forms below correspond to the reflexive use of this class: (1) The reflexive verb stem deriving suffix -in: He exposed himself Ag-w-di. I choked myself Tika-n-di-m. We protected ourselves. Koru-n-du-k. (2) kendi + nominal inflectional suffixes: She killed herself. kendi(-sin)-i oldurdii. 'She killed her self' Another frequently occurring pattern in Turkish is the expansion of the above by the intensive use of the nominal kendi: kendi kendi(-sin)-i oldiirdu. 'He himself killed himself.' (3) No correspondence because of lexical incompatibility: He cut himself. *Kendi(-sin)-i kesti. In Turkish the part of the body which is cut must be specified: Elini kesti. 'He cut his hand.'

2.337 Auxiliaries It is difficult to compare English auxiliaries with the corresponding Turkish forms without giving detailed descriptions. Here, we will simply present very general groups of obvious correspondences, postponing a full discussion until later.

PARTS OF SPEECH

51

(1) Auxiliary postclitic verb: I was coming. geliyor-i/w-m 'I was one (who is) coming.' (2) Nominal personal suffixes: I am coming. geliyor-wm 'I (am) one (who is) coming' (3) Participle suffixes: I will come. gel-eceg-im 'I (am) one (who) will come' (4) Auxiliary verb ol: I will be coming. geliyor o/-acagim 'I (am) one (who) will be one (who is) coming.' (5) Verb stem deriving suffix: I can come. geb-eM-irim 'I (am) one (who is) able to come.' (6) Interrogative postclitic mi: He came. Geldi. Did he come? Geldi mil We may consider the occurrence of do, does, did before subjects as a type of inversion, since what actually corresponds to mi is the inversion of the English subject — auxiliary word order: He is coming. Geliyor. Is he coming? Geliyor mul (7) Zero or no correspondence: He does come. gelir 'He comes.' He does not come. gelmez 'He (does) not come.' It is only the stem morpheme do which has no corresponding form in the above Turkish structures. Inflectional morphemes which accompany do have the same counterparts as elsewhere in Turkish. (8) Finite verbs: The replacive function of English auxiliaries as in the following discourse is paralleled by the repetition of the Turkish finite verbs: Did he go? Gitti mi? 'Did he go?' Yes, he did. Evet, gitti. 'Yes, he went.' He waited. So did I.

O bekledi. Ben de bekledim. 'He waited. I also waited.'

2.338 Adverbials of degree Turkish forms corresponding to English adverbials of degree are of several types: (1) Intensifies: very good (ok giizel (2) Reduplicative prefix: extremely (intensely, very, etc.) red (3) Substantive derivational suffix: a rather old man

fcip-kirmizi

yash-ca bir adam 'a rather aged man'

Turkish intensifies daha and en have a twofold correspondence: (1) Adverbials of degree more and most, (2) Inflectional suffixes -er and -est.

3. DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Diaforms are forms which are identified consistently as same in translation from the source language to the target language by bilingual speakers. The minimum unit of diaform is a diamorpheme. For example, kiz/girl, -ler/s are diamorphemes. A slant line is placed between corresponding forms to indicate diaforms. Between diamorphemes and diasentences, the smallest and largest contrastive (dialinguistic) units respectively, there is a range of forms identified as same but having no correspondence in their morphological or syntactic structures. English structures corresponding to Turkish affixes are of the following types: Turkish affix

diamorphemes

diastructures

(1) affix (2) affix (3) affix

English / single morpheme a) free b) bound: (1) affix; (2) internal change; (3) zero; (4) portmanteau / more than one morpheme / word order / paraphrasing

In this analysis, meanings represented by each Turkish affix will be listed as well as the environments conditioning their occurrence. The symbols used in the following sections are S: suffix, P: prefix, I: internal change, Pm: portmanteau, MM: more than one morpheme, FM: free morpheme, WO: word order, PP: paraphrasing. 3.1 DE-SUBSTANTIVE SUBSTANTIVE DERIVATIONAL AFFIXES

3.11 Major affixes 3.111 -ci (professional) a)

SI S: -ci I -er, -man, -ist, -an golf 'golf', golfQU 'golfer' spor 'sports', spore« 'sportsma«'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

53

ecza 'drug', eczaci 'drugg/s/' cumhuriyet 'republic', cumhuriyetfi 'republica/i' b) S / MM: -ci / seller, maker, etc. kitap 'book', kitappi 'book seller'' ayakkabi 'shoe', ayakkabicz 'shoemaker' Ingilizce 'English', Ingilizcec/ 'English teacher' ziraat 'agriculture', ziraatpz 'agricultural expert' ne 'what', aeci'seller (maker, etc.) of what (what-er)' 3.112 -lik {associative) (1) S I S, I: -Ilk I -ness, -ity, -ing, -hood, -ship, -y iyi 'good', iyilik 'goodness' insan 'human', insan/zA: 'human/// yapmak 'to do, to make', yapmak/z/c '(an act of) doing, making' anlamaz 'one who does not understand', anlamazM: (or anlamamazM) '(a) not understand/«^ (being one who does not understand)' sicak 'hot /hot/', sicakM 'heat /hiyt/' karde? 'brother', kardef/i'A: 'brotherhood' hisim 'kin', hisim/zA: 'kinship' zor 'difficult', zorluk 'difficulty' gen? 'young /yaq/, genqlik 'youth /yuG/' (2) S / FM, PP kira 'rent', kiraM, lfor rent' simdi 'now', ?imdi//& '/or now, for the time being' yaz 'summer', yazM '(suitable) for the summer' soguk 'cold', soguk/w/c'for coldness (refreshment, light dessert)' bes 'five', be$lik 'having the value of five' (iki) dolar '(two) dollars', (iki) dolar/iA: '(two) dollars' worth' (3) SI FM, PP zeytin 'olive', zeytin/i'fc 'olive grove' dag 'mountain', daglik 'full of mountains, mountainous' tuz 'salt', tuzluk 'salt-shaker, a place for salt' Many substantives derived with -lik may have all three or any two meanings listed above, e.g.: e\$ilik (from 'el?i: ambassador'): (1) ambassadori/i/p, being an ambassador: El?i//A: kolay degil. 'Ambassadors/»/? (being an ambassador) is not easy.' (2) (suitable) for (being) an ambassador: Elqilik bir adam. '(He is) a man for being an ambassador (ambassadorship).' (3) embassy (i.e. a place for an ambassador): El?ilik nerede? 'Where is the embassy?'

54

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.113 -li (attributive) (1) a) S I S: -li I -en (past participle), -y, -ful, -ive, -ous boya 'paint', boyali 'painted' su 'water', sulu 'watery' dikkat 'care', dikkat/;''careful' tesir 'effect', tesir// 'effective' tehlike 'danger', tehlike// 'dangerous' b) S / FM, MM: -li / with, in, having ?ocuk 'children', ?ocuk/w (aile) '(a family) with children' siyah 'black', siyah/z (adam) '(a man) in black' radyo 'radio', radyo/w (otomobil) '(a car) having a radio' ne 'what', ne/z (dondurma) '(ice-cream) with (having) what (flavor)' (2) a) S I S: -li I -er, -an, -ese, -ite koy 'village', koylil 'villager' Kanada 'Canada', Kanadali 'Canadian' £in 'China', £in/z 'Chinese' Israil 'Israel', israil/i 'Israel/ie' b) S / FM, MM: -li / from, native of, member, etc. Ankara 'Ankara', Ankara/* 'from (native of) Ankara' universite 'university', iiniversite// 'university student' parti 'party', parti// 'party member' nere- 'where, what place', n e r e / i ' f r o m where, what place' 3.114 -siz (privative) (1) S / S: -siz / -less kiymet 'worth', kiymets/z 'worth/ess' (2) S / P : -siz / in-, unbelirli 'definite', belir.siz 'indefinite' sabirli 'patient', sabirizz 'impatient' okunakli 'legible', okunakiiz '//legible' mesuliyetli 'responsible', mesuliyety/z '/rresponsible' hakli 'just', hakjiz 'unjust' (3) S / MM: -siz / without radyo 'radio', radyoiwz 'without a radio' In Turkish almost all substantives which may occur with -siz may also occur with -li to mark the attributive-privative opposition. Syntactic constructions also mark this opposition in both languages: §eker// 'with sugar' = §ekeri olan 'having sugar' sekeri/z 'without sugar' = sekeri olmayan 'not having sugar' (See also examples in (2) above.)

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

55

power/«/ = with power = having power = that has power power less = without (with no) power = having no power = that does not have power. 3.115 -ce (1) S I S: -ce I -ly (general adverbial) After nomináis: yava? 'slow', yavaspa 'slow// gizli 'secret', gizlice 'secret// (2) After adjectivals: a) S / PP (consultative adverbial) ben 'I, me', hence 'in my opinion, as far as I am concerned' ahlák 'character', ahlakpa 'in character, as far as the character is concerned, characterwise' b) S / S, FM: -ce / -ly, -ish, -like, like erkek 'man', erkekpe 'man/y, man like, like a man' ?ocuk 'child', gocuk ga 'childwA, child ishly, child like, like a child' (c) S / S: -ce / -ish, -an, -ic, -ese After nomináis denoting nationality: Turk 'Turk', Türkpe 'Turkish' italyan 'Italian', italyanca 'Italian' Arap 'Arab', Arappa 'Arab/c' Japon 'Japanese', Japonca 'Japanese' Note that the nationality-language distinction is not always marked morphologically in English. d) S j FM: -ce / many After the plural forms of numerals and units of measurement: binler 'thousands', binlerce 'many thousands (of)' defalar 'times', defalarca '(for) many times' saatlar 'hours', saatlarca '(for) many hours' 3.116 -cé (reductive) S / FM, MM: -cé / rather, somewhat giizel 'pretty', giizelce 'rather, somewhat pretty' aptal 'stupid', aptalca 'rather, somewhat stupid' 3.117 -cesine (suffix cluster:

-ce+sin+e)

S / S, FM: -cesine / -ly, -ish, -like, like erkek 'man', erkek gesine 'man/y, man like, like a man' ahmak 'fool', ahmakpastna 'foolishly, like a fool'

56

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

ko?ar 'one who runs', kosarcasma 'like one who runs (in the manner of one who runs)' 1 (See also 1.23 and 3.115(2)b) 3.118 Reduplicative prefix reduplicative P / FM, MM: (C)V + reduplicative C- / very, extremely, absolutely, etc. beyaz 'white', ¿embeyaz 'very, extremely white' yeni 'new', yepytni 'brand new' kara 'black', Ankara 'pitch dark' agik 'open', opa?ik 'wide open' (See 1.4.) 3.119 -cegiz (diminutive) S / PP ?ocuk 'child', qocukcagiz '(poor) dear little child' ev 'house', ty cegiz 'a modest, small house' 3.1110 -cik, -cak (diminutive) S/ PP After nominals: kedi 'cat', kedia'A: '(poor) dear little cat' Qocuk 'child', ?ocucak '(poor) dear little child' 3.1111 -cik, -icik, -cak, -acik (intensive) S / FM: -cik, etc. j very, just, only, right After adjectivals: kisa 'short', kisacjA: 'very short' bir 'one', bivicik 'the only one' gabuk 'quickly', gabucak 'very quickly, right away' az 'little', azicik \just a little' dar 'tight', daracik 'very tight' burada 'here', buracifcta 4right here' 3.1112 -imsi (attenuative) (1) S j S, MM : -imsi I -ish, somewhat 1 See Robert Godei, Grammalre Turque (Genève, 1945), p. 49, 'Le suffixe -CAsInA est une variante expressive de -CA: adam-casina 'comme un homme, digne d'un homme', korcesine 'aveuglément" However, unlike -ce, -cesine occurs after participles with -ir, -iyor, -mif, and -yecek : koj-arcasina, ko$uyor-casina, koj-muj-casina, kof-acak-casina,

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

57

ye?il 'green', ye$\\imsi 'greenish, somewhat green' aci 'bitter', acimii'somewhat bitter' (2) S I MM: -imsi / somewhat like After nominals: daire 'circle', dairemi/'somewhat like a circle' ev 'house', evimsi'somewhat like a house' 3.1113 -imtrAk (attenuative) S / S, MM: -imtrAk / -ish, somewhat sari 'yellow', sarimtrak 'yellowwA, somewhat yellow' yesil 'green', yz$i\imtrak 'green/j/i, somewhat green' ek?i 'sour', eksimtrak 'somewhat sour' 3.1114 -eri (1) S / S, unmarked, PP: -eri I -side, etc. Forming nominals: di? 'exterior', disari ( ~ di§) '(the) outside, (the) exterior' i>im 'saying (proverb)' at '(to) shoot /§uwt/', atim 'shot /sat/' dil '(to) slice', dilim '(a) slice'

3.22 Minor

nominal forming

suffixes

3.221 -ce S / I dii?iin '(to) think /6ir)k/', dii§unce 'thought /9otj'

3.222 -ev S / I , unmarked soyle '(to) talk, speak /spiyk/', soylev '(a) talk, speech /spiyd/'

3.223 -gif S / S: -gig / -er,

-ant

dal '(to) dive', dalgip 'diver' bil '(to) know', bilgip 'pedani'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

65

3.224 -in S / unmarked yig '(to) heap', yigin '(a) heap' yay '(to) broadcast', yayw '(a) broadcast' ak '(to) rush', akm '(a) rush' 3.225 -it a) b)

S / S: -it / -tion yaz '(to) inscribe', yazif 'inscripi/on' S / PP an '(to) call to mind', ami 'something to call to mind with, memorial, monument' yak '(to) burn', yak;/ 'something to burn, fuel'

3.226 -mén a) SI S: -mén / -er, -ant ògret '(to) teach', ogretmen 'teacher' go? '(to) immigrate', gò?me« 'immigra«?' b) SI PP ?i$ '(to) swell', §i$man 'that which is swollen, fat'

3.23 Major nominal-adjectival forming suffixes 3.231 -ç, -inç ( 1 ) Forming nominals : S / S, /, unmarked : -ç, -inç / -dom, -ure usan '(to) be bored', usanp 'boredom' sevin '(to) be pleased', sevinp 'pleasure' bas '(to) press', basmp 'pressure' inan '(to) believe /biliyv/', inanf 'belief /biliyf/' kazan '(to) gain, profit', kazanp '(a) gain, profit' (2) Forming adjectivals: S / S: -ç, -inç / -ing, -ous, -fui igren '(to) disgust', igrenp 'disgust/«^' giil '(to) ridicule, laugh', gulii«p 'ridiculous' kork '(to) fear', korkwnp 'fearfui'

66

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.232 -gen S / S: -gen / -Jul, -y, -ative, -ous unut '(to) forget', unutkan 'forget/«/' yapis '(to) stick', yapiskan 'stick/ konus '(to) talk', konusfcan 'talkai/ve' ?ahs '(to) study', galis/ran 'studiowi' 3.233 -gin (1) Forming nominals: S / S, unmarked: -gin / -ery soy '(to) rob', soygun 'robbery' bas '(to) raid, ambush', baskin 'raid, ambush' (2) S / S, I, unmarked: -gin / -en (past participle), -ing, -able uy '(to) fit, suit', uygun 'fit, fitt ing, suit able' yor '(to) tire', yorgun 'tired' diiz '(to) arrange', diizgiin 'arranged' se? '(to) select, choose /cuwz/', st^kin 'select, choice /coys/' Notice the contrast in the direction of derivation in the following forms: ol '(to) ripen', olgun 'ripe'. 3.234 -i (1) Forming nominals: SI S, I, unmarked: - / / -ing, -tion tart '(to) weigh', tart* 'weigh/«g' yap '(to) construct /kanstrakt/', yapi 'construcfi'on, construct /konstrakt/' kork '(to) fear', korkw 'fear' kok '(to) smell', kokw 'smell' olg '(to) measure', olgw 'measure' (2) Forming adjectivals: S I S, I: -i I -en (past participle) dol '(to) fill /fil/% dolw 'full /ful/' ayir '(to) separate /separeyt/' ayn 'separate /separit/' dikil '(to) be sewn', dikil/' 'sewn' dizil '(to) be arranged', dizih' 'arrange^?' kurul '(to) be established', kurulw 'established' saril '(to) be wrapped', sarilz 'wrapped' This suffix rarely follows the /-in/ variant of the passive morpheme -il, in which case /n/ is replaced by /I/: kapan '(to) be closed', kapah 'closed'. 2 2

Sometimes these forms are analyzed as a gerund (verb stem + -yi) followed by the attributive suffix -li. (See Jean Deny, Turk Dili Grameri (Istanbul, 1941), p. 855).

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.235 -ik S I S: -ik / -en (past participle) kes '(to) cut', kesik 'cut' yan '(to) be burned', yanik ' b u r i W çatla '(to) crack', çatlak 'cracked' 3.236 -yici, -ci (1) Forming nominals : S / S: -yici, -ci / -er sat '(to) sell', sat ici 'seller' yiiz '(to) swim', yuziicu 'swimmer' ogren '(to) learn', ôgrenci 'learner (student)' dilen '(to) beg', dilenci 'beggar' This suffix is not added to negative verb stems to form nominals : *satmayici. (2) Forming adjectivals : S I S: -yici I -ing, -ive del '(to) pierce', del ici 'pierc ing' patla '(to) explode', paxlayici 'explosive' 3.24 Minor nominal-adjectival forming

suffixes

3.241 -éç S / S: -éç I -ing, -er gill '(to) laugh, smile', giilep iaugh/wg, smiling' tika '(to) stop, block', tikap 'stopper' 3.242 -dm S I PP tut '(to) hold', tutam 'amount that can be held by the hand, handful' 3.243 -éy (1) Forming nominals : S / S, I: -éy / -ing ol '(to) happen', olay 'happen/wg' dene '(to) experiment /ikspéramènt/', dene_y 'experiment /ikspéramsnt/' (2) Forming adjectivals : S I PP yat '(to) lie down', yatoy 'horizontal (lying down)' {cf. loan suffix -/: ufuk 'horizon', ufki 'horizontal')

68

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.244 -si S / S: -si/ -ing sin '(to) hide', sins/ 'hiding, sneaky' 3.25 Participle suffixes 3.251 -ir (aorist) Alternants: 1. -er\ after a large number of monosyllabic verb stems: doner 'one who turns' (cf. gel ir 'one who comes'). 2. -z: after the negative suffix -me: donmez 'one who does not turn', gelmez 'one who does not come'. 3. 0 : after the negative suffix -me preceding the 1st person suffixes -m and -yiz: donmem (i.e., don-me-0-m) 'I (am) one who does not turn', donmeyiz (i.e., don-me-0-yiz) 'we (are) one who does not turn'. 4. -ir: elsewhere (1) As a participle forming suffix: a) S / S: -ir / -s With 3rd person singular subjects in affirmative statements: Gel-ir. 'He (she, it) comes (he (she, it) — (one who) comes).' Ali gel-/V. 'Ali comes. (Ali — (one who) comes)' b) S / unmarked With all other persons in affirmative statements: Gel-fV-im. 'I come. (I — (one who) comes)' Gel-i'r-sin. 'You (sing.) come. (You (sing.) — (one who) comes)' Gel-fV-iz. 'We come, (we — (one who) comes)' Gel-iV-sin-iz. 'You (pi.) come, (you (pi.) — (one who) comes)' Gel-i'r-ler. 'They come, ((they) — (ones who) come)' c) 1. S / MM:-ir / does With 3rd person singular subjects in questions and negative statements: Gel-me-z. 'He (she, it) does not come, (he (she, it) — (one who) does not come)' Gel-/r mi? 'Does he (she, it) come? ('question marker' — he (she, it) — (one who) comes)' 2. S / MM\ -ir / does With 3rd person singular subjects in emphatic-affirmative statements: (Hakikaten) gel-zV. 'He (she, it) does come, ('really' — he (she, it) — (one who) comes)' d) 1. S j FM: -ir / do With all other persons in questions and negative statements:

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

69

Gel-me-0-m. 'I do not come. (I — (one who) does not come)' Gel-me-z-sin. 'You (sing.) do not come, (you (sing.) — (one who) does not come)', etc. Gel-i'r mi-yim? 'Do I come? ('question marker' — I — (one who) comes)', etc. 2. S / FM: -ir / dó With all other persons in emphatic-affirmative statements : (Hakikaten) geWr-im. 'I do come, ('really' — I — (one who) comes)', etc. (See 2.122(h)) In addition to its general present reference, the aorist participle may denote probability and/or future action depending on the context: Ali gel-;>. 'Ali cornei', 'Probably, Ali cornei', 'Ali will come', 'Probably, Ali will come'. Sometimes, adverbials such as yarin 'tomorrow' and herhalde 'probably' accompany the aorist participle to mark the denotations of future and probability more clearly : Yarin gel-ir-im. 'I will come tomorrow', 'Perhaps, I will come tomorrow'. Belki gel-ir-im. 'Perhaps, I will come.' The negative aorist participle with -z may be used adjectivally: gor-un-me-z adam '(an) invisible man ((one who) — not seen — man)' Gel-me-z- oldu. 'He (she, it) stopped coming, (he (she, it) — became — not coming)' (2) As a minor nominal forming suffix : SI S: -ir / -er, -ing yaz '(to) write', yazar 'writer' git '(to) go, be spent', gider 'spending, expenditure' 3.252 -lyor (continuative) S / MM: -iyor / am/is/are ... -ing Gel-yw-um. 'I am com ing. (I — (one who) is coming)' Gel-iyor. 'He (she, it) is com ing. (he (she, it) — (one who) is coming)' Gel-Zyor-uz. 'We are com ing. (we — (one who) is coming)' This participle also has future and perfective denotations usually determined by adverbials of time or the general semantic context: Ali gel-iyor. 'Ali is coming', 'Ali will (is going to) come', 'Ali will be coming', and 'Ali has been coming'. Similarly, the verbal phrase am ¡is¡are ... -ing may denote future action in English: I am coming (tomorrow). All Turkish verbs have the -iyor participle, whereas some English verbs do not occur in the verbal phrase amjisjare ... -ing: Bil-;>w-um. 'I know. (I am knowing,

70

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

I — (one who) is knowing)', isti->w-um. 'I want. (I am wanting, I — (one who) is wanting)'. 3.253 -meli

(necessitate)

S / FM, MM: -meli / must, ought to Gel-me/z'-sin-iz. 'You (pi.) must (ought to) come, (you (pi.) — (one who) must (ought to) come)' The absence of an independent subject or a person suffix with this participle indicates an 'impersonal' subject as well as the regularly unmarked 3rd person singular subjects: Kilo almak i?in 90k ye-meli. 'One (a person, we) must eat much to gain weight' or 'He (she, it) must eat much to gain weight'. 3.254 -yecek (future) (1) As a participle forming suffix: SI FM: -yecek / will, shall Gel-eceg-im. 'I will (shall) come. (I — (one who) will come)' (2) As a verbal nominal forming suffix: SI PP a) In nominal positions: gor-eceg-im adam 'the man who(m) I will see (my — (future) seeing — man)' b) In adjectival positions: gel-ecek adam 'the man who will come ('future' coming — man)' The -yecek verbal nominal contrasts with the -mi§ and -dik verbal nomináis to form a future — non-future opposition at the nominal level. (See 3.255 and 3.261). (3) As a nominal forming suffix: S / S, PP, unmarked: -yecek / -er a9 '(to) open', a$acak '(can) opener' ye '(to) eat', yiyecek 'something to eat, food' i? '(to) drink', iqecek '(a) drink' 3.255 -mis

(presumptive-past)

(1) As a participle forming suffix (denoting presumptive-past): SI PP Gel-mi$. 'He (she, it) reportedly came (has come), It is said that he (she, it) came (has come) (he (she, it) — (one who) reportedly came (has come))' Gel-m/f-im. 'I reportedly (without having realized, according to what people say) came (have come)', etc. (2) As a verbal nominal forming suffix (denoting non-future):

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES a)

71

I n n o m i n a l positions ( o n l y b e f o r e the plural suffix - l e r ) : S / PP gel-m/f-ler 'those w h o ( w h i c h ) c a m e ( h a v e c o m e ) ' ver-il-m/f-ler 'the given (ones), those which w e r e ( h a v e b e e n ) g i v e n ' ye-me-m/f-ler 'those w h o did n o t eat ( h a v e n o t eaten)'

b ) I n adjectival positions: S / S, PP : -mis / -en (past participle) (See 3.5 f o r the alternants o f the English past participle suffix -en.) 1.

I n the attributive p o s i t i o n : y a n - m i s e k m e k 'burn-erf b r e a d ' kir-il-m/i b a r d a k ' b r o k e n glass' gel-mis a d a m 'a m a n w h o has c o m e '

2.

I n the predicate p o s i t i o n : E k m e k yan-mi§. ' T h e bread is burned.' B a r d a k kir-il-mz^. ' T h e glass is b r o k e n . '

N o t i c e that the a b o v e sentences in Turkish and English are a m b i g u o u s in different ways. I n Turkish, ' B a r d a k k i n l m i j ' m a y also m e a n ' T h e glass was (has b e e n ) r e p o r t e d l y b r o k e n ' .

T h i s ambiguity is o f t e n resolved by the use

o f another v e r b - d e r i v e d a d j e c t i v a l : kir-ik

(see 3.235). I n English the a m b i g u i t y

is between passive and equational constructions which have entirely different syntactic correspondences: ( 1 ) the b r o k e n glass - » T h e glass is broken. ( 2 ) I ( y o u , we, etc.) etc.)).

break the glass. -> T h e glass is b r o k e n ( b y m e ( y o u , us,

T h i s a m b i g u i t y occurs with verbs which have past participles f u n c t i o n -

ing as adjectivals. A s verbal nominals, -mis and -yecek participles constitute a set m a r k i n g the future — non-future o p p o s i t i o n : gel-m/>ler 'those w h o c a m e ' — gt\-ecek-\&r

'those w h o will

c o m e ' , gel-mis a d a m 'a m a n w h o has c o m e ' — gel-ecek a d a m 'a m a n w h o w i l l c o m e ' . (3)

A s a n o m i n a l f o r m i n g suffix: SI

S, PP : -mi's I -en (past participle)

o k u ' ( t o ) read, be educated', o k u m u s 'educated ( p e o p l e ) ' ge? ' ( t o ) pass', ge?m/£ ' ( t h e ) past, that which is past' 3.256 -ye, 0

(optative)

( T h e 0 alternant occurs b e f o r e the 3rd person suffix -sin.) (1)

I n independent clauses: 1.

S / FM:

-ye / let

(in negative and a f f i r m a t i v e statements) Gel-e-yim. ' L e t me come.' G e l - e - l i m . ''Let us c o m e . ' G e l - 0 - s i n . ' L e t him (her, i t ) c o m e . '

72

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Gel-0-sin-ler. 'Let them come.' 2. S / FM: -yd / shall, may (before the interrogative postclitic -mi) Gel-e-yim mi? 'Shall (may) I come?' Gel-e-lim mi? 'Shall (may) we come?' Gel-0-sin mi? 4Shall (may) he (she, it) come?' Gel-0-sin-ler mi? 'Shall (may) they come?' The optative participle is followed by a special set of alternants of the person suffixes: 1st person: -yim (sing.), -lim (pi.); 2nd person: -sin (sing.), -sin-iz (pi.); 3rd person: -sin (sing.), -sin-ler (pi.) Note that the 2nd person suffixes do not occur after the optative participle in the above paradigms. 3. SI FM-WO:-ye I may (in certain fixed expressions where the 3rd singular person is not marked after the optative participle and is in free variation with the marked form) Allah koru-jiZ (koru-0-sun). ' M a y God protect.' (2) In complex sentences: a) After the conjunctives ki and de: S / FM, MM: -ye / may, let, might, could, would, should Gel ki gor-e-sin. 'Come (so) that you may (might, could, would) see.' Bilmiyorum ki soyli-je-yim. 'I do not know that I should (could) say (i.e. I do not know that you would (could) expect me to say (it)). Kim kaybetmi§ ki sen bul-a-sin? 'Who has lost (it) that you would (may, might, could, should ("expect to)) find (it))? Geleyim de gor-e-yim. 'Let me come and (let me) see.' 'Let me come (so) that I may see.' b) Before diye 'saying, so that' (the optative participle of the verb de '(to) say'): S / FM, MM: -ye j may, might, could, would gel-e-yim diye ... '... (so) that, in order that I may (might, could, would) come'' Diye may follow quotations of all kinds: 'Gel' diye bagirdi. 'He shouted saying, 'Come'.' 'Biz de gelelim mi' diye sordu. 'He asked saying, 'Shall we come, too?' or 'He asked if they could come, too.' In some of their occurrences optative forms are replaceable by imperative forms: gid-e-sin-iz diye ... 'in order that you may (might, etc.) go' ~ gid-in diye ... 'in order that you go'. (3) In special constructions before the 3rd person singular possessive suffix -sin :3 S / FP a) -ye + -sin (+ -ce 'adverbial suffix', optionally) Kor ol-a-si(-ca) adam 'the man that (I wish) would (should, will) be blind' (curse) • In this sequence, the 3rd person singular possessive suffix -sin has an alternant -si before the dative suffix -yi. Elsewhere -sin occurs before -ye.

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

73

b) -ye +-sin +-ye (dative suffix) ( + kadar 'until', optionally) Kor o\-a-si-ya (kadar) ... 'until he was almost blind' QldilT-e-si-ye (kadar) ... 'until he almost killed (him), as if to kill (him)' (4) In reduplicative compounds: V-ye V-ye / PP Yuru-}>e yiirii-je yoruldum. 'I got tired from walking continuously (for a long time).' Yap-a yap-a ogrendik. 'We learned (it) by doing (it) again and again (repeatedly, etc.)' Ko?-a ko$-a gel. 'Come running (all the way)' 3.257 -di (past) S / S: -di j -en (past participle) Yaz-i/i-ydim. 'I had written. (I — was (one who) wrote (has written))' The occurrence of this tense suffix to form an additional past participle (cf. -mis 3.255) is restricted to the informal spoken language. In its syntactic distribution the -di past participle is found only before the postclitic auxiliary verb forms -ydi and -yse. (For other grammatical restrictions see 2.221(b)). 3.258 -se (conditional) S / FM, WO: -se / i f , ought to, should Gel-se-ydim. 'If I had come', 'Had I come' or 'I ought to (should) have come.' The -se conditional participle may occur only before the postclitic auxiliary verb forms -ydi and -ymi$. (For other grammatical restrictions see 2.221(b)). 3.26 Verbal nominal suffixes 3.261 -dik (non-future) (1) As a verbal nominal forming suffix: S / MM, PP: -dik j having ... -en (past participle) Gel-Jig-im-e memnun oldu. 'He (she) was glad that I came. (He (she) — became — glad — for my having come)' Gel-Jtg-in-iz-i biliyoruz. 'We know that you came. (We know your having come)' gel-ten sonra 'after having come' gdr-Jwg-iim-iiz adam 'the man that we saw (our having seen — man)' Normally, verbal nominals with -dik do not occur in isolation. They are usually followed by possessive suffixes. There is only a two-way temporal contrast in verbal nominals: (1) future: Gel-eceg-im-i biliyor. 'He (she, it) knows that I will come (i.e., my 'future'

74

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

coming)' (2) non-future: Gel-i//g-im-i biliyor. 'He (she, it) knows that I have come (came, come; i.e., my 'non-future' coming)'. (Cf., the future verbal nominal suffix -yecék 3.254). (2) As a nominal forming suffix : S / S: -dik I -ance tam '(to) be acquainted', tanidik 'acquaintance' 3.262 -yèn (agentive) (1) As a verbal nominal forming suffix : a) In nominal positions : SI MM, PP: -yèn / ... -ing one gel-en 'the coming one, one who (which) comes (has come, will come, is coming, etc.)' gel-en-ler 'the comwg ones, etc.' b) In adjectival positions : S / S,PP: -yèn / -ing gel-en adam 'the coming man, the man who comes, etc.' u §-an kus 'the fly ing bird, the bird which flies, etc.' Note that this suffix has no temporal denotations : Gel-en-ler-i gòr. 'See those who (which) come (have come, came, will come, are coming, etc.) (see — the coming ones).' (2) As a nominal forming suffix : SI PP bak '(to) look, look after', bakon 'minister, one who looks after (state affairs)' ?agla '(to) murmur', ?aglayan 'cascade, that which murmurs' 3.263 -yi§ (1) As a verbal nominal forming suffix: S / S, MM: -yi§ / -ing, the manner of... -ing Yaz-^-in-i begenmedim. 'I didn't like the manner of his writing (the way he writes) (I didn't like — his (her) writing).' (2) As a nominal forming suffix : S / S, I, unmarked: -yi§ / -ing, -al, -ure, -tion, -ance, -y anla '(to) understand', anlayi§ '(an) understanding' var '(to) arrive', varif 'arriva/' aynl '(to) depart', ayrilij 'departure' agii '(to) be inaugurated', a?ilif 'inauguration' gir '(to) enter', giri^y 'entrance' bui '(to) discover', bulwf 'discovery' ge? '(to) pass', ge?/f 'passage' sat '(to) sell /sei/', sati£ 'sale /seyl/' yurii '(to) walk', y u r i y ^ '(a) walk'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

75

3.264 -me (1) As a verbal nominal forming suffix: SI S: -me / -ing Oku-ma-yi sever. 'He (she) likes reading.' Gel-me-m làzim. 'I have to come, (my coming — necessary)' Gel-me-m-i istiyor. 'He (she) wants me to come, (he (she) is wanting — my coming)' (2) As a nominal forming suffix : S / S, I, unmarked, PP: -me / -ing, -tion yiiz '(to) swim', yiizme 'swimm/ng' sula '(to) irrigate', sulama 'irrigano«' dòn '(to) convert /kanvihrt/', donwe 'convert /kànvihrt/' bas '(to) print', basma '(a) print (fabric)' dondur '(to) freeze', dondurma 'ice-cream (a freezing)' uiur '(to) fly', uQurma 'kite (a flying)' 3.265 -mék (infinitive) (1) As a verbal nominal forming suffix : SI S, FM: -mék / -ing, to Gel-mek istiyorum. 'I want to come.' gel-me/c-sizin 'without com/ng' This suffix does not occur before possessive and genitive suffixes. (2) As a nominal forming suffix : S I PP ye '(to) eat', yemek 'food, something to eat' ?ak '(to) strike', sakmak 'lighter, something to strike'. 3.27 Gerunds 3.271 -yince (temporal) S / MM, PP: -yince / upon ... -ing, when ... Gel-z'nce gordu. 'He (she) saw when he (she) came, (he (she) saw—upon coming)' gel-mce-ye kadar 'until the time of coming' The time and person of this gerund, which functions as a subordinate predicate, are usually determined by those of the main predicate. A pronominal subject precedes the gerund when the subjects of the main and subordinate predications are not the same: Sen gel-ince goriiriim. 'I will see (it) when you come. (I see — upon you coming)' Sometimes the subject of the subordinate predicate cannot be the same as that of the main predicate because of semantic incompatibility: 01 -iince ?ok iiziildiik. 'We felt very sorry when he died' (Not : 'We felt very sorry when we died').

76

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.272 -yip (consecutive) (1) As a gerund forming suffix: S j S, MM: -yip / (by) ... -ing, having ... -en Kosup geldim. 'I came runnwg. (Having run, I came.)' -yip is in free variation with -yerek as a gerund forming suffix: Kos-arak (ko§-up) geldim. 'I came runm«g.' The postclitics mi and de may follow the gerund: KOS-M/> mu geldim? 'Did I come running?'; Kog-up ta geldim. 'It is by running that I came (And running I came)'. The word order may also be reversed: Geldim, kos-up. (2) As a conjunctive suffix: S / FM, MM: -yip / and, whether ...or Gul-ttp || oynadi ( ~ 'giildu || oynadi ' ~ ' g l i l d u ve oynadi). 'He laughed and danced.' In fact, the suffix -yip corresponds not only to and but also to all grammatical markers that accompany the following verb, since it represents all Turkish verbal suffixes except the stem derivational suffixes -U, -in, -i§, and, sometimes, -me. When the following verb form is in the negative, the verb suffixed with -yip is construed as negative unless both verb forms have the same stem: Gel-ip || gitmeyecegim. Gelmeyecegim || Gitmeyecegim.) 'I will not come and go. (I will not come. I will not go.)' Gel-ip gelmeyecegimi bilmiyorum. ( ~ Gelecegimi gelmeyecegimi bilmiyorum.) 'I don't know whether I will come or not (I don't know — my (future) coming and my (future) not coming)'. Notice that the construction in the second sentence corresponds to the 'whether ...or' correlation in English. More than two verb forms may be conjoined by -yip: Gid-ip || bak-i/? || gelecegim. 'I will go, look, and come.' The verb suffixed with the conjunctive -yip and the following verb forms have a fixed order. Furthermore, they cannot be separated by the postclitics mi and de. 3.273 -yerek (coordinative) (1) S I S, PP: -yerek j -ing (denoting simultaneous action) kg\&-yarak geldi. 'He came crying. (When he came, he was crying.)' Otur-arak okudu. 'He read sitting. (While he was reading, he was sitting.)' (2) S / S, MM: -yerek / (by) ... -ing, having ...en (denoting consecutive action) Bizi gor-erek, onlar da geldi. 'Seemg (having seen) us they came, too.' Oku-yarak ogrendi. 'He learned by read ing. (Reading (having read), he learned.)' Here, -yerek is equivalent to the gerundive suffix -yip (see 3.272 (1)). (3) S / FM: -yerek / as, for (after the verb stem ol '(to) be')

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

77

Hatira ol-arak sakladim. 'I kept (it) as a souvenir.' ilk defa ol-arak karsila§tilar. 'They met for the first time.' 3.274 -yeli (subsequential) (1) S / FM: -yeli / since Buraya gel-eli iyilesti. 'Since he came here, he has recovered. (Since coming here, he has become better.)' (2) S / MM: -yeli / ever since (when verbs in the past tense precede verb stems with -yeli) Geldim gel-eli onu gormedim. 'I have not seen him ever since I came.' 3.275 -dik-ge (durative) (1) After affirmative verb stems: SI MM, PP: -dik-ge / as, whenever, as long as, keep ... -ing, the more ... the more Oku-duk-ga ogreniyorum. 'I learn as I read (as I keep reading, as long as I keep reading, whenever I read).' Oku-duk-ga okumak istiyorum. 'The more I read, the more I want to read. (I want to read as I keep reading.)' (2) After negative verb stems: S j MM : -dik-ge / unless Okuma-dik-ga ogrenemem. 'I cannot learn unless I read.' (3) As an adverbial forming suffix: (after the verb stems git '(to) go' and ol '(to) be') git-tik-ge 'gradually', ol-duk-ga 'rather, quite' The following sentence is ambiguous: Git-tik-ge ogreniyoruz. 'We learn as long as we go', or 'We are learning gradually'. 3.276 -me-den (privative) {me: negative suffix) (1) SI MM: -me-den / without, before Uyu-ma-dan okudum. ( ~ Uyumaksiz/« okudum.) 'I read without sleeping (going to sleep)' or ( ~ Uyumadan once okudum.) 'I read before sleeping (going to sleep)'. (2) S / PP (as an adverbial forming suffix after the verb stem dur '(to) stop') dur-ma-dan 'continuously, incessantly (without stopping)' 3.277 -ir V-me-z S / MM: -ir ... -me-z / as soon as Gel-/r gel-me-z beni gorsiin. 'Let him see me as soon as he comes.'

78

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Ben gel-i'r gel-me-z o gitti. 'As soon as I came he left (went)' 3.278 -mek-dén-se SI MM: -mek-dén-se / rather than ... -ing Esir ol-mak-tan-sa ôlmek daha iyi. 'Rather than being a prisoner, it is better to die.' 3.279 -yecék-possessive suffix-ye SI MM: -yecék-possessive suffix-ye / instead of... -ing, rather than ... -ing Esir ol-acag-im-iz-a oliiriiz. 'We will die instead of {rather than) being prisoners.'

3.3 DE-SUBSTANTIVE VERB DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES

3.311 unmarked derivation unmarked / FM, unmarked : / become, get, turn, etc. kuru 'dry, to dry' tat 'taste, to taste' eski 'old, to become (get) old' aci 'pain, to give pain (hurt)' ekçi 'sour, to turn sour' 3.312 -lés S I S, FM, MM: -lés / ~en, become {get) ... (-er) koyu 'thick', koyulas '(to) thicken' guzel 'pretty', giizelles '(t0) become pretty' iyi 'well', iyi les '(to) become (get) better' 3.313 -él S / S- FM: -él / -en, become kati 'stiff', kati/ '(to) stiffen' dar 'tight', daral '(to) tighten' bo? 'empty', bos al '(to) become empty' duru 'clear', duru/ '(to) become clear' kiiçiik 'small', kiiçti/ '(to) become small' 3.314 -er SI S, FM, unmarked : -e'r / -en, become, go, turn, etc.

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

79

kara 'black', karar '(to) black en, become black' sari 'yellow', sarar '(to) yellow, become yellow' deli 'mad', delir '(to) become (go) mad' mor 'purple', morar '(to) become (turn) purple' 3.315

-le

S j unmarked goz 'eye', gozle '(to) eye' su 'water', snla '(to) water' hor (onomatopoetic bound morpheme), horla '(to) snore' 3.316 -imse,- se S I PP az 'little', azimsa 'belittle, consider insufficient' garip 'strange', garipse 'consider strange' ben 'I', ben imse 'consider one's own' miihim 'important', muhimse 'consider important' This suffix also occurs in some bound stems: iyi 'good', \yimse-x 'optimist, optimistic', kotii 'bad', kutwmje-r 'pessimist, pessimistic'. 3 . 3 1 7 -d

SI I, PP kan 'blood /blad/', kana '(to) bleed /bliyd/' bos 'empty, void', bosa '(to) declare void, divorce' 3.318

-ik

SI FM, PP : -ik I become a? 'hungry', acik '(to) become hungry' geg 'late', gee ik '(to) become late' bir 'one', birik '(to) accumulate, become one' goz 'eye', gbzuk '(to) appear, come to sight, show up' 3.319

-it

S j PP goz 'eye', gozet '(to) keep an eye on, look after' 3.3110

-as

SI PP yan 'side', yanaj '(to) come to the side of, draw near, approach'

80

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.3111 -dé S / unmarked (after onomatopoetic bound morphemes) çatir-, çatinla '(to) chatter, crackle' fisil-, fisiWa '(to) whisper' takir-, takirda '(to) rattle' {Cf., -lé (3.315) which follows monosyllabic onomatopoetic bound morphemes.)

3.4 DE-VERB VERB DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES

3.411 -ele SI PP dur '(to) stop', dura/a '(to) stop repeatedly, hesitate' tep '(to) kick', tepele '(to) stamp' kov '(to) repel', kovala '(to) pursue, repel continuously' e§ '(to) dig', z$ele '(to) keep digging'

3.42 Voice 3.421 -in (reflexive) (1) SI MM: -in / oneself (myself, ourselves, etc.) dov '(to) beat', doviin '(to) beat oneself (with sorrow)' yika '(to) wash', yikan '(to) wash oneself Giy-/«-di-m. 'I dressed myself (I got dressed).' (2) S / MM: -in / become, get (... -en 'past participle') yarala '(to) wound', yaralan '(to) become, get wounded' hastala- (bound stem), hastalan '(to) become, get sick' 4 Alakala-n-di. 'He became (got) interested.' Hastala-w-di-m. 'I became (got) sick.' There is ambiguity in vowel-ending verb stems where the passive and reflexive morphemes are both represented by the same form, i.e., -n. It is usually resolved by the addition of the -il variant of the passive morpheme or by the syntactic environment. * An alternate solution is to set up a de-substantive verb derivational suffix -Un parallel to -Uf (see 3.312). This may be justifiable, at least for contrastive purposes, on the basis of the difference in meaning. In most cases verb stems ending in -Id are bound stems.

81

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

3.422 -ig (reciprocal) (1)

SI

MM:

-is / one another,

each

other

sev '(to) love', sev/'j (to) love one another (each other)' Selamla-j-ti-k. ' W e greeted one another.'' (2)

SI

MM:

-if I

together

(after a few verb stems) gul '(to) laugh', giiltiy, '(to) laugh together' bagir '(to) cry, shout', b a g n f '(to) shout together' (3)

SI

MM:

-is I about

(after a few verb stems) kos '(to) run', kosu} '(to) run about' u? '(to) fly', u?wi '(to) fly about' A number o f verb stems which are formed with this suffix have special meanings. In some cases, the three denotations given above are suggested remotely: tut '(to) catch, hold', tut«i '(to) catch fire'; tart '(to) weigh', tartij '(to) debate (weigh one another)'; bar- (bound stem), b a r y '(to) be reconciled'.

3.423 -dir (causative) Alternants:

The causative suffix -dir has four alternants: -dir ~ -t, -ir, -it, and -er~-ert.

The

alternant -dir ~ -t occurs after most verb stems. It may follow all causative verb stems with -ir, -it, and -er ~ -ert, and may also occur following itself. The variant -t occurs after all causative morpheme alternants ending in /r/. The two variants of the alternant -er ~ -ert are in free variation: 51k '(to) come out', ?ikar ~ 51kart '(to) cause to come out, produce'; kop '(to) break', kopar ~ kopart '(to) cause to break, pick'. 5 The order of occurrence of the causative suffix and its various functions are shown in the following table: causative transitive Vi

agentive

intensive

-dir~-t -it

-ir 8 -ér~-ért

- d í r ~ -t

-dir~-t

V,

Vt: intransitive verb, V,: transitive verb (dk-ert '(to) cause to collapse' occurs without the other variant *fdk-er. (fdk '(to) collapse'). * In the case of if '(to) drink', a transitive verb, -ir, has the function of agentive-causative: Bana birayi i?-i>-di-ler. 'They made me drink the beer.'

1

82

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

(1) S / FM: -dir / make, have, let, cause (agentive) yap '(to) do', yaptir '(to) have (make, etc.) do' Yap-tir-di-m. 'I had (it) done.' The agent of the causative verb is marked by the dative suffix -ye which is used also to mark the indirect object. Therefore, a transitive verb in the causative may have two dative nominals preceding it. The causative agent precedes the indirect object: 2

3

3

2

3 2 2

31

Band || parayi | Mehmede ver-dir-di # 'He had me give the money to Mehmet.'

The causative agent is ordinarily left out: 2

3 2 2

3 1

Parayi | Mehmede ver-dir-di # 'He had the money given to Mehmet.'

Thus, the absence or presence of the agent in Turkish corresponds to a passive or active structure of predication in English. The omission of the causative agent may cause ambiguities. For instance, the sentence given above may have two different meanings: (1) He had (someone) give the money to Mehmet-, (2) He had Mehmet give the money (to someone). (2) S / I, unmarked (causative-transitive) Causative suffixes immediately following the verb stems, especially -ir, -it, and -er ~ -ert, function as transitivizers. The corresponding English verbs are usually unmarked for the transitive-intransitive distinction: intransitive

transitive

bit '(to) finish' pis '(to) cook' bat '(to) sink' eri '(to) melt' geg '(to) pass' biiyii '(to) grow' us '(to) fly' dur '(to) stop' kork '(to) fear /fihr/' dus '(to) fall /fol/' yat '(to) He /lay/'

bit/r '(to) finish' pis/V '(to) cook' bat ir '(to) sink' eri* '(to) melt' geçir '(to) pass' biiyiii '(to) grow' uçur '(to) fly' durdur '(to) stop' korkwf '(to) frighten /fraytan/' dus tir '(to) fell /fel/' yat ir '(to) lay /ley/'

These verbs do not occur with causative agents although they are called causative in general: Yemegi Mehmede pis/rdim. 'I cooked the food for Mehmet.' Unlike the previous example in (1), this sentence has no ambiguity. That is, it does not have an alternative meaning, 'I had Mehmet cook the food.' (3) After another causative suffix -dir ~ -t serves to intensify the causative meaning:

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

unintensive dog-ur-t yap-tir

83

intensive dog-ur-t-tur '(to) have ... deliver (a child)' yap-tir-t '(to) have ... do'

3.424 -il (passive) (variants: -n after vowels, -in after /I/, -il elsewhere) (1) S / MM, WO: -il I be V-en (past participle) gor '(to) see', gorul '(to) be seen' Gor-iil-du. 'He (she, it) was (has been) see«.' (2) S / FM: -il / one, people, a person, etc. (after all verb stems) Gid-i7-di. 'People (they, one, etc.) went (have gone).' Impersonal verb stems do not accept subjects either in the form of personal suffixes or separate pronouns. This is what sets them apart from passive verb stems: Gel-in-ir. 'One (they, etc.) comes.' But not *(Ben) gel-in-ir-im. Gor-ul-ur. 'One (they, etc.,) sees.' But not *G6r-iil-ur-um. (This is a passive sentence meaning 'I am (will be) seen.') (3) S / MM: -il I oneself (myself, etc.) buz '(to) contract', buz«/ '(to) shrink (contract oneself)' ?ek '(to) draw, pull', ?ek;7 '(to) withdraw (draw oneself)' These verbs behave syntactically as active verbs and their denotation is similar to that of reflexive verbs. Thus, passive and reflexive voices overlap semantically as well as formally. The passive morpheme has impersonal meaning only, when it occurs after intransitive verb stems which include passive (with its three different denotations discussed above) and reflexive stems. The various combinations that result may be summarized as follows: passive impersonal K + reflexive passive + impersonal + impersonal reflexive V< + impersonal There are twelve combinations represented here. Each one of them is illustrated below and the corresponding English constructions are also given. 1. V, + passive -il active: V, / V,: ddk j pour (Ben) saksiya suyu ddkium. 'I poured the water in the flower-pot.' passive: V, -il / be + V, -en: dok-iil / be poured (Benim tarafimdan) saksiya su ddkiildil. 'The water was poured in the flower-pot (by me).'

84

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

2. V, + passive -il + impersonal -il Vt -il -il / one (people, etc.) be + V, -en (by one): bog-ul-un / one be strangled (by one) (The verb dok does not occur in this combination for semantic reasons. Therefore, another transitive verb, i.e., bog '(to) strangle' is used for illustration.) (Birisi tarafmdan) bog-w/-wn-ur. (-> (Birisi tarafindan) insan bog-w/-ur. (Birisi) insani bogar. Also: Insani bogar-lar. 'They strangle one (a person, etc.)' birisi: used for a personal subject (i.e., Ali, etc.), insan: used for an impersonal subject.) 'One is strangled (by one)' or 'One gets strangled.' -» 'One strangles one.' 3. V, + impersonal -il V, -il / one (people, etc.) V, ~ be + K -en (without a following by prepositional phrase): dok-iil j one pour, be poured Saksiya su dok-wZ-ur. (-> Insan saksiya su doker. Also: -> Saksiya su doker-ler. 'They pour water in the flower-pot.') 'One pours water in the flower-pot.' or 'Water is poured in the flower-pot.' 4. Vt + impersonal -il + impersonal -il V, -il -il / One (people, etc.) be + V, -en: bog-ul-un I one be strangled Bog-«/-w«-ur. (-> Insan bog-«/-ur. —• Insani bogar-lar. 'They strangle one.') 'One is strangled.' or 'One gets strangled.' 5. V, + reflexive-passive -il V, -il / Vt: dok-iil / spill (intransitive) (Kendiliginden) saksiya su dok-wZ-dii. (su: actor) 'Water spilled in the flower-pot.' (Ben) bog-«/-du-m. 'I drowned.' Other verbs in this class: buz til '(to) shrink', eg// '(to) bend', kin/ '(to) break', katil '(to) join', sen/ '(to) stretch', etc. 6. V, + reflexive-passive -il + impersonal -il V, -il -il / one Vt: bog-ul-un / one drown Bog-i/Z-wn-ur. (-»Insan bog-w/-ur (kendi kendine 'by himself')). 'One drowns.' 7. V, + reflexive-passive -il + impersonal -il + impersonal -il V, -il -il -il I one Vt: bog-ul-un-ul / one drown Bog-ul-un-ul-ur. (-> Bog-«/-M«-ur. -» insan bog-w/-ur (kendi kendine 'by himself')). 'One drowns.' 8. V, + reflexive -in V, -in / V, (preposition) oneself (myself, ourselves, etc.): dok-iin / pour on oneself (myself, etc.) (Ben) su dok-ww-du-m. (-> (Ben) kendime 'to myself su doktiim.) 'I poured water on myself.'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

85

9. V, + reflexive -in + impersonal -il V, -in -il j one Vt (preposition) oneself: dok-un-iil / one pour on oneself {myself, etc.) Su ddk-un-iil-ur. (—• tnsan su dok-HM-iir. tnsan kendine su doker.) 'One pours water on oneself 10. V, + reflexive -in + impersonal -il + impersonal -il V, -in -il -il / one V, (preposition) oneself (myself, ourselves, etc.): ddk-iin-iil-un / one pour on oneself Su dok-un-ul-un-ur. (—• Su ddk-iin-iil-ilr. tnsan su dok-ww-iir. -» tnsan kendine su doker.) 'One pours water on oneself.' 11. Vl + impersonal -il Vl -il / one Vt: gel-in / one come Eve gel-w-ir. (-> tnsan eve gelir.) 'One comes home.' 12. Vt + impersonal -il + impersonal -il Vt -il -il / one Vt: gel-in-il / one come Eve gel-i'rt-z'/-ir. ( - • Eve gel-w-ir. tnsan eve gelir.) lOne comes home.' (4) When passive verb stems (i.e., V + -il) are followed by the aorist participle suffix -ir, permissibility or ability is denoted in addition to the passive meaning. 1. S j MM, WO : -il / may (can) be + V-en (past participle) 2

3

1

Sigara i$-il-ii # 'Cigarette(s) may be smokeJ. (Smoking is permitted.)' Also: 'Cigarette(s) are smoked (emphatic)'

The apparent ambiguity of this sentence is sometimes resolved by the position of sentence stress: 2

3

1

Sigara i?-i'/-ir # 'Cigarette(s) are smoked.'

However, the stress patterns of these sentences are interchangeable for emphasis. Normally, the abilitative suffix -yebil is used to express permissibility in Turkish. The first sentence above is in free variation with 'Sigara i?-j/-ei)//-ir.' 2. In adjectival positions: SI S:-il/

-able, -ible:

a) With affirmative verb stems: itimat ed-i'/-ir (bir) kaynak 'a reliaWe source (a source which is relied upon)' Compared with its negative counterpart (see b below), this pattern is less productive in both languages. It is especially so in Turkish where other constructions are used more frequently in the attributive position : (In addition to the correspondence given above, all of the following correspond to 'a reliable source') itimat ed-il-ebil-en (bir) kaynak 'a source which can (could) be relied upon'

86

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

itimat ed-il-ebil-ecek (bir) kaynak 'a source which could be relied upon (with future reference)' itimat ed-il-me-si mumkiin(olan)(bir) kaynak 'a source whose (upon which) reliance is possible' itimada sayan ( ~ sayan-i itimat)(bir) kaynak 7 'a source worth relying upon, a trustworthy source' In the predicate position, the English pattern (i.e., subject + be + predicate adjectival F-able) corresponds to the following constructions in Turkish. It should be noticed that the same constructions do not function as attributive and predicate adjectivals in Turkish, while they remain unchanged in English: (All of the following correspond to 'This source is reliable') Bu kaynaga itimat ed-il-ir. 'This source is relied upon.' Bu kaynaga itimat ed-il-ebil-ir. 'This source can be relied upon.' Bu kaynaga itimat etmek miimkiin. 'To rely upon this source is possible.' Bu kaynak itimada sayan ( ~ sayan-i itimat). 'This source is worth relying upon, trustworthy.' Among these, only the last sentence has a structural as well as semantic correspondence with its English counterpart, b) With negative verb stems : V + -il + -me + -ir / in- (un-) + V + -able

(-ible)

inan-il-ma-z (bir) hikâye 'an incredible story' geç-il-me-z (bir) yol 'an impassable road' telâfi ed-il-me-z (bir) kayip 'an irrecoverable loss' affed-il-me-z (bir) hata 'an unforgivable mistake' To this list, we may add a few compound words which exhibit semantic and structural correspondence to their English counterparts: kir-il-ma-z bardak 'unbreakable glass', tiike-n-me-z miirekkep 'inexhaustable ink'. There are other Turkish constructions which correspond to the English pattern above in the attributive position : (All of the following correspond to 'an unreliable source') itimat ed-il-me-yen (bir) kaynak 'a source which is not relied upon' itimat ed-il-me-yecek (bir) kaynak 'a source which would not be relied upon' itimat ed-il-me-si miimkun olmayan (bir) kaynak 'a source whose (upon which) reliance is not possible' itimada sayan ( ~ sayan-i itimat) olmayan (bir) kaynak 'a source which is not worth relying upon' In the predicate position, there are also several correspondences: (All of the following correspond to 'This source is unreliable') Bu kaynaga itimat ed-il-me-z. 'This source is not relied upon.' 7

$ayan, which is a loanword (from Persian) itself, is used with other loanwords in this pattern.

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

87

Bu kaynaga itimat etmek miimkiin degil. 'To rely upon this source is not possible.' Bu kaynak itimada sayan ( ~ sayan-i itimat) degil. 'This source is not worth relying upon.' Only the last sentence is a structural as well as a semantic correspondence to its English counterpart. The English pattern in- (un-) + V + -able (-ible) also corresponds to a completely different Turkish construction from those given above in both attributive and predicate positions: ge?-il-e-me-yecek kadar (derecede, sekilde) kotii (bir) yol 'an unpassable road (a road so bad (bad to such an extent, in such a bad shape) that it could not be passed)'; Bu yol ge?-il-e-me-yecek kadar (derecede, sekilde) kotii. 'This road is so bad (bad to such an extent, in such a bad shape) that it could not be passed', 'This road is unpassable.' Clearly, this Turkish construction includes more semantic information than its English counterpart, since it has an extra adjective {i.e., kotii 'bad' as in the above example) modified by an adverbial phrase (i.e., geg-il-e-me-yecek kadar 'so ... that it could not be passed' in the example above). Not all verbs in Turkish may occur in the affirmative and negative patterns given in (a) and (b) above, because there are various semantic restrictions. On the other hand, the English adjectivals with -able (-ible) can be equated with relative clauses which serve as modifiers. The verbs of these clauses are in the passive voice: a reliable source -* a source which can be relied upon, an indefensible position —> a position which cannot be defended. But there are two equations, one passive and one active, when the underlying verb stem is both transitive and intransitive: It is changeable. It is unsinkable.

It can be changed. It cannot be sunk.

(or: It can change.) (or: It cannot sink.)

3.425 -me (negative status) S / FM: -me / not Gel-me-yecek. 'He (she, it) will not come.' Gel-me-di-m. 'I did not come.' Not corresponds to the negative particle degil in substantive predication: Ev. 'It is a house.', Ev degil. 'It is not a house.' 3.426 -yebll, -ye (abilitative mode) SI FM, MM: -yebll / can, be able to, may Gel-e6//-ir-im. 'I can (am able to, may) come.' When -yebll occurs after negative verb stems it denotes possibility only: Gel-me-je6/7-ir-im. 'I may (might) not come,'

88

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

The alternant -ye is used before the negative suffix -me to express the normal denotations given above: Gel-e-me-m. 'I cannot (am not able to, may not) come.' 3.5 INFLECTIONAL SUFFIXES

3.51 Nominal inflectional suffixes 3.511 -de (locative) I. Complete correspondence: (1) S / FM: -de / in, at, on, by, over (prepositions) 1. Tiirkiyeife 'in Turkey', kitapta 'in the book', Mart/a 'in March' 2. otelde 'at the hotel', (saat) besfe 'at five (o'clock)', tvde 'at home' 3. yolda 'on the way', masada 'on the table' 4. yammrfa 'by my side' 5. atesie 'over the fire' (2) 5 / MM: -de / upon ... -ing (after verbal nominal suffix -dik + possessive suffixes) gel-dig-im-de 'upon my coming (when I came)' (3) S / MM: -de / in the process of... -ing (after the infinitive suffix -mek) gel-mek-ie 'in the process of com ing (coming)' (4) S/P-.-de/auykuda 'asleep', sahiWe 'ashore', hayatfa 'alive' II. Partial correspondence: Certain substantives denoting location or direction + possessive suffixes + -de j near, over, etc. (prepositions) yan-m-da 'near, beside, by (by the side of)'; lizer-in-de 'over, on, above (on the upper part of)'; alt-in-da 'under (in the bottom part of)'; hakk-zw-da 'about, concerning (in respect of)'; kar$i-sin-da 'across, opposite (in the opposite of)'; orta-sin-da 'amid (in the midst of)', etraf-in-da 'around (in the sides of)', ote-sin-de 'beyond (in the yonder part of)', sira-sin-da 'during (/«the time of)\ husus-««-^a 'regarding (in the matter of)'. Some English phrasal prepositions are formed in the same pattern: on-un-de 'in front of (in front of)'. III. No corresponding overt form: (1) Single words: a) burarfa 'here (in this place)', oi&da 'there (in that place)', nertde 'where (in what place)' The English words here, there, and where also correspond to the dative of the above Turkish forms. (See 3.513)

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

89

b) E\de. 'He is home (at home)' (2) Syntactic constructions: a) u$te bir 'one third (one in three)', ii$te iki 'two thirds (two in three)' b) ay da bir 'once a month (one — in a month)', haftada bir 'once a week (one — in a week)' (Cf., ayda iki defa 'twice a month (two times in a month)') c) iki metre uzunlug-un-ifo 'two meters long (in the length of two meters)' d) Bende para var. 'I have money, (on me — money — existent)' (Cf., Benim param var. 'I have money, (my money — existent)') e) ricada bulunmak 'to make a request (to find oneself in requesting)' (3) Idiomatic expressions: gozde 'favorite (in the eye)' el de etmek 'to obtain (to make — in the hand)' giinifelik 'daily (a day's worth)' 3.512 -den (ablative) I. Complete correspondence: (1) SI FM, MM: -den / from, o f f , etc. (prepositions) a) In verb-head constructions: 1. from: Widen aldim. 'I received (it) from Ali.' 2. o f f : Masai/a« diistii. 'It fell off the table.' 3. by: Elimcfe« tuttu. 'He held (me) by my (the) hand.' 4. in: Basin dan vuruldu. 'He was shot in his (the) head.' 5. out of: Pencerede« bakti. 'He looked out of the window.' 6. because of: Sicakiaw terledi. 'He sweated because of the heat.' 7. of: A?likfarn oldii. 'He died o/hunger.' 8. about: Havacfer« konustuk. 'We talked about the weather.' 9. as: §akaa gikti. ~ Di§ari gikti. 'He went out.' (2) Syntactic constructions: a) Marking the indirect object: £ocugfl kitap verdim. 'I gave the boy a book, (to the boy — a book — I gave)' b) Marking the direct object: 1. Corresponding to single words in English: Odajtf girdi. 'He entered the room. (To the room — he entered)' 2. Corresponding to complex structures in English: (as agent of the causative verb) £ocuga kitap okuttum. 'I made (had) the boy read a book, (to the boy — a book — I made to read)' There are many Turkish verbs like gir '(to) enter' which require nominals with the dative suffix as their complements whereas the corresponding English verbs have a direct object: ba§la 'begin', bin 'mount', gik 'climb', dokun 'touch', vur 'hit', yardim et 'help', mani ol 'prevent', etc.8 (3) Reduplicative compounds: a) giinw giinwne 'on the very same day' b) ka?an kagana 'everybody fleeing' (4) Suffix clusters: (See '-cesine' 3.117 and '-yesiye' 3.256(3)b) 3.514 -yi (accusative) 1. Complete correspondence: S / FM: -yi / the 8

These Turkish verbs are said to govern the dative case. See C. F. Voegelin and M. E. Ellinghausen, "Turkish structure", JO AS, 63 (1943), 49.

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

93

Evi gordii. 'He saw the house.' Cf., Ev gordii. 'He saw (a) house(s).' (Also see 2.331) Subject and direct object are not distinguishable in Turkish in the absence of the accusative suffix: (Jocuk gordii. 'The boy saw (it).' or 'He saw (a) boy(s).' In English, subject and direct object are distinguished clearly by their syntactic position. Direct object is always marked by the accusative suffix in Turkish when an object complement is present. The latter is always unmarked: Adami robot yaptilar. 'They made the man a robot, {i.e., They transformed the man into a robot, (direct object + object complement))' The above English sentence is ambiguous since the nominals following the verb may represent either the sequence indirect object + direct object or the sequence direct object + object complement. The Turkish structure corresponding to the sequence indirect object + direct object includes a nominal with the dative suffix -ye followed by another nominal (direct object): Adama robot yaptilar. 'They made the man a robot, {i.e., They made (a) robot(s) for the man. (indirect object + direct object))' II. Partial correspondence: personal pronouns + -yi / object form of personal pronouns Biz-i gordii. 'He saw us.' ben-i me sen-i you (sing.), etc. (Also see 3.513 11(2)) III. No corresponding overt form: (1) In verb-head constructions: a) Nominals with possessive suffixes in Turkish are always followed by the accusative suffix -yi when they are direct object: Ev-im-iz-/ gordii. 'He saw our house.' Gel-dig-im-iz-i gordii. 'He saw that we were coming (are coming, came, have come, etc. 'non-future') (he saw — our coming)' But not *Ev-im-iz gordii. *Gel-dig-im-iz gordii. b) Demonstrative pronouns in Turkish are always followed by the accusative suffix -yi when they are direct object: Bun-« gordii. 'He saw this.' But not *Bu gordii. (Possible with bu as subject.) c) Person names in Turkish are always followed by the accusative suffix -yi when they are direct object:

94

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Ali-yi gordii. 'He saw Ali.' But not *Ali gordii. (Possible with Ali as subject.) d) Place names in Turkish are normally followed by the accusative suffix -yi when they are direct object: Istanbul-« gordii. 'He saw (has been to) Istanbul.' But not ^Istanbul gordii. (The starred form is a possible utterance when Istanbul represents not the city alone, but its cultural prestige as well. In that case the sentence means, 'He is well educated (trained, etc.)\) (2) In substantive-head constructions: ordu-yu ikmal 'supplying the army' ev-i tamir 'repairing the house' 9 3.515 -nirt, -im (genitive) (Alternant -im occurs after the personal pronouns ben 'I' and biz 'we') I. Complete correspondence: S / S: -nin / -s a) With substantives in the predicate position: Kitap Qocug-un. 'The book is the boy'j.' When the predicate in the Turkish sentence is expanded by certain modifiers, the English pattern must be changed: Kitap sokak-ta-ki socug-z/n. 'The book belongs to the boy (who is) on the street.' (But not T h e book is the boy (who is) on the street's.) b) With the verb ol '(to) be, become': Kitap ?ocug-MK oldu. 'The book became the boy's.' II. Partial correspondence: (1) personal pronouns + -nin, -im (in attributive position) / 1st possessive form of personal pronouns ben-im kitap 'my book' siz-in ev 'your (pi.) house' biz-im memleket 'our country' This usage is restricted to the personal pronouns ben, sen, biz, siz. Usually possessive suffixes follow the words that serve as head in the above construction. (See 3.516) (2) personal pronouns + -nin, -im (in predicate position) / 2nd possessive form of personal pronouns * The substantive-heads of these constructions are loanwords which form compound verbs with et '(to) make, do'. Therefore, it may be assumed that ikmal, tamir, etc., represent the whole compound verb or they function as verbal nouns in the structure of Turkish. This enables us to state that the accusative suffix -yi occurs only in verb-head constructions.

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

95

Kitap ben-im. 'The book is mine.' Kitap on-un. 'The book is his (hers).' (3) With the demonstrative suffix -ki: a) nominal + -nin + -ki j -ys Qocug-un-ki bu. 'The boy's is this (one).' Bu Qocug-un-ki. 'This (one) is the boy's.' b) personal pronouns + -nin, -im + -ki / 2nd possessive form of personal pronouns Ben-im-ki bu. 'Mine is this (one).' Bu ben-/m-A:i. 'This (one) is mine.' (4) personal or demonstrative pronouns + -nin, -im + postpositions / prepositions + object form of personal pronouns or demonstratives ben-im i?in 'for me' bun-un gibi 'like this' (5) In possessive constructions with possessive suffixes (See 3.516) 3.516 Possessive

suffixes

-im (1st person singular), -im-iz (1st person plural) 10 , -in (2nd person singular), -in-iz (2nd person plural), -sin (3rd person) I. Complete correspondence: (1) S / FM: -im, -in, etc. (possessive suffixes) / my, your, etc. (1st possessive form of personal pronouns) a) With simple nominals: kitab-zm 'my book', kitab-m 'your (sing.) book', kitab-z 'his (her, its) book', kitab-zm-zz 'our book', kitab-z«-zz 'your (pi.) book', kitap-/ar-z 'their book(s)' 1 1 The above forms are usually preceded by nominals (including personal and demonstrative pronouns) with the genitive suffix -nin, -im to form possessive constructions. Several ambiguities result when the first nominal of the possessive construction is omitted: 1. kitab-m 'your (sing.) book' or 'of the book' (genitive) 2. kitab-z 'his (her, its) book''the book' (accusative) 3. kitap-/arr-z 'their book(s)' 'his (her, its) books' 'the books' (accusative) b) With possessive compounds: ingilizce kitab-zm 'my English book' Ambiguity: Ingilizce kitab-i 'English book' or 'his English book'. In a small 10 -z'z is a pluralizer with limited distribution. It occurs only after the 1st and 2nd person possessive and post-predicate suffixes. 11 If the possessed item is one that can be owned ordinarily by more than one person, there is ambiguity: ev-ler-i 'their house' or 'their houses'.

96

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

number of compounds this ambiguity is resolved by using the 3rd person singular possessive suffix twice: yiiz-bas-z 'captain', yiiz-bas-;-« 'his captain'. (2) S / S: -im, -in, etc. (possessive suffixes) / -s diinya sergi-sz 'world's fair' kis giin-w 'winter's day' The first nominal of these compounds in Turkish is rarely in the plural: bugiin-wn Tiirkiye-ii) 'Turkey today (Turkey of today)' 3 . 5 2 Predicate 3 . 5 2 1 Personal

inflectional

suffixes

suffixes

I. Complete correspondence: SI

FM

(1) First person singular suffix -m, -yim, -yim /1 a) -m occurs 1. After tense suffixes -di and -se: Gel-di-m. '/came.' Gel-se-m ... ' I f / c o m e ...' 2. After the zero allomorph of the aorist participle suffix -ir\ Gel-me-0-m. ' / do not come. (I — (one who) does not come)' b) -yim occurs after the optative participle suffix -ye: G e l e - y i m . '(that) / may come' c) -yim occurs elsewhere: Geliyor-wm. 7 am coming. (I — (come who) is coming)' Hasta-^im. 7 am sick. (I — sick)' Ogretmen-im. 7 am a teacher. (I — teacher)' (2) First person plural suffix -k, -lim, -yiz / we a) -k occurs after tense suffixes -di and -se: Gel-di-fc. 'We came.'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

101

Gel-se-fc ... 'If we come ...' b) -lim occurs after the optative participle suffix -ye: Gel-e-lim. '(that) we may come' c) -yiz occurs elsewhere: Hasta-_yzz. ' We are sick, (we — sick)' Ogretmen-i'z. ' We are teachers, (we — teacher)' Geliyor-wz. ' We are coming, (we — (one who) is coming)' Second person singular suffix -n, -sin / you a) -n occurs after tense suffixes -di and -se: Gel-di-w. ' You came.' Gel-se-« ... 'If you come ...' b) -sin occurs elsewhere: Hasta-j/«. ' You are sick. (You — sick)' Ogretmen-i/H. ' You are a teacher, (you — teacher)' Geliyor-sun. ' You are coming, (you — (one who) is coming)' Gel-e-iw. '(that) you may come' c) Second person singular is not marked in the imperative: Gel. 'Come.' Second person plural suffix -n-iz, -sin-iz, -yin ~ yin-iz / you (See p. 95, footnote 10 for the pluralizer suffix -iz) a) -n-iz occurs after tense suffixes -di and -se: Gel-di-«-/z. 'You came.' Gel-se-w-/z ... 'If you come ...' b) -yin ~ -yin-iz occur after verb stems in the imperative: Gel-in. ~ Gel-w-iz. 'Come'. (Also see 2.221(e)) c) -sin-iz occurs elsewhere: Hasta-jm-jz. ' You are sick, (you — sick)' Ogretmen-i/«-/z. ' You are (a) teacher(s). (you — teacher)' Geliy0r-.su/2-MZ. ' You are coming, (you — (one who) is coming)' Gel-e-sin-iz. '(that) you may come' Third person singular suffix -sin, unmarked / he, she, it a) -sin occurs after the zero allomorph of the optative suffix -yd: Gel-0-i/n. '(that) he (she, it) may come' b) Third person singular is unmarked elsewhere: Gel-di. 'He (she, it) came.' Hasta. 'He (she, it) is sick, (he (she, it) — sick)' Geliyor. 'He (she, it) is coming, (he (she, it) (is one who) is coming)' gel-e '(that) he (she, it) may come' Note that gel-sin and gel-e have the same English correspondence: Kolay gel-i/n. Kolay gel-e. 'May it be easy, (easy — it may come)'. Third person plural: -sin + -ler, -ler (nominal plural suffix) / they Gel-di-/er. 'They came.'

102

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Hasta-Zar. 'They are sick (they — sick)' Ogretmen-ler. 'They are teachers, (they — teachers)' Geliyor-lar. 'They are coming, (they — (one who) is coming)' Gel-sin-ler. '(that) they may come' ('*Gel-e-ler.' does not occur.) The ambiguity between 'Ogretmen-/er.' (They are teachers.) and '6gretmen-/er' (teachers) is resolved by the use of plural subjects in which case the predicate does not have to be in the plural: On-lar ogretmen. 'They are teachers, (those — teachers)' II. Partial correspondence: (1) optative participle suffix -ye + -yim, -li'm, -sin / let + object form of personal pronouns Gel-e-yim. 'Let me come.' Gel-e-lim. 'Let us come.' Gel-jz'n. 'Let him {her, it) come.' (also see 3.256) (2) optative participle suffix -ye + -yim, -lim, -sin + interrogative postclitic mi / shall, may + subject form of personal pronouns Gel-e-yim mil'Shall I come?' or 'May I come?' Gel-e-lim mil'Shall we come?' or ' M a y we come?' Gel-sin mil'May he come?' Gel-sin-ler mil'May they come?' (also see 3.256) III. No corresponding overt form: The plural suffixes -iz and -ler are used honorifically or derisively when the referent is a singular person: (1) With the 1st person (always derisive): Mahv-ol-du-/c. 7 am ruined. (We became ruined.)' (instead of 'Mahv-ol-du-m.') (2) With the 2nd person (honorific or derisive): Nasil-sin-zz? 'How are youT (instead of 'Nasil-««?.) (3) With the 3rd person (honorific or derisive): Ah Bey gel-di-/er. 'Mr. Ali has come. (Mr. Ali have come.)' (instead of 'Ali Bey gel-di.') 3.522 -dir (predicate emphatic suffix) This suffix which occurs after substantives has no overt correspondence in English. It has two basic meanings determined by the semantic context, the grammatical environment, and the spoken or written styles: (1) Emphasis: a) Emphasizing the meaning of the predicate: Diinya yuvarlak-iw. 'The earth is round, (earth — round)' Cf., Diinya yuvarlak. 'The earth is round, (earth — round)'

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

103

Biz boyle-yiz-J/r. 'We are like this, (we — thus 'like this')' C f , Biz bòyle-yiz. 'We are like this, (we — thus 'like this')' Babam ihtiyar-dir. 'My father is old. (my father — old)' C f , Babam ihtiyar. 'My father is old. (my father — old)' Gel-mi§-/;>. 'He has come, (he — (one who) has come)' (only in the written language) The use of -dir denotes that the speaker has no doubt as to the definiteness of his statements. b) Emphasizing the grammatical function of the predicate: Beni bir korku-i/wr aldi. '(It is) a fear (that) possessed me.' Iki saat-i/r konusuyor. '(It is) two hours (that) he is talking.' (2) Supposition : Ev-de-dir. 'He must be home. I suppose (I think, probably, etc.) he is home.' Gor-mus-siin-iiz-dwr. 'You must have seen (it). I suppose you have seen (it).' Gel-mis-i/r. 'He must have come. I suppose he has come.' Gel-iyor-i/wr. 'He must be coming. I suppose he is coming.' Because of semantic restrictions the meanings of definiteness and supposition are not always expressable by -dir after participles : -iyor + -dir -yecék + -dir -mis + -dir -meli+ -dir

supposition supposition, definiteness supposition, definiteness definiteness

(-dir does not occur after the aorist and optative participle suffixes -ir and -yé.) 3.523

-di (past tense)

S / S,0,1, Pm, MM: -di I -ed, have (has) ...-en oyna '(to) play', oyna-di 'played, have (has) played' kes '(to) cut /kat/', kes-ti 'cut /kat/, have (has) cut /kat/' sok '(to) sting /stig/', sok-iw 'stung /stag/, have (has) stung /stag/' hiss-et '(to) feel /fiyl/', hiss-et-ti 'felt /felt/, have (has) felt /felt/' rastla '(to) meet /miyt/', rastla-iA 'met /met/, have (has) met /met/' if '(to) drink /drigk/', if-//' 'drank /draegk/, have (has) drunk /dragk/' yaz '(to) write /rayt/', yaz-di 'wrote /rowt/, have (has) written /ritin/' insa-et '(to) build /bild/', insa-et-// 'built /bilt/, have (has) built /bilt/' konus '(to) speak /spiyk/', konus-ta 'spoke /spowk/, have (has) spoken /spowkin/' bul '(to) find /faynd/', bul-i/w 'found /fawnd/, have (has) found /fawnd/' at '(to) throw /Grow/', at-fi 'threw /Gruw/, have (has) thrown /Grown/' giy '(to) wear /wehr/', giy-di 'wore /wohr/, have (has) worn /wohrn/' al '(to) take /teyk/', al-di 'took /tuk/, have (has) taken /teykin/' *i '(to) be /biy/% i-di 'was /waz/, were /war/, have (has) been /bin/'

104

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

Since Turkish does not have a perfect phase, -di is usually translated to correspond to the simple and perfect phases of the English past tense: Gel-di. 'He came.' or 'He has come.' On the other hand, Turkish has a presumptive participle contrasting with the past tense which denotes first-hand knowledge of past occurrences : Gel-mj'i. 'He came.' or 'He has come.' All these semantically partial correspondences with the common feature of past reference can be outlined as follows: Turkish perfect non-perfect presumptive definitive

English

VV-di

3.524 -se (conditional tense) This suffix denotes unreal conditions. It is in partial correspondence with various English constructions: (1) i f . . . should: Git-se-n goreceksin. 'If you (should) go, you will (would) see.' (implying 'but you do not go') Bir git-je-m. 'If I could only go.' (2) should, I wonder i f . . . should (before mi): Gel-se-m mi? 'Should I come?' or 'I wonder if I should come.' (3) whatever, wherever, whoever, etc. (in clauses with question words): Ne sA-sa begenir. 'Whatever he buys, he likes (it).' or 'Whatever he should buy, he would like (it).' Kimi gor-se konusur. 'Whoever he sees, he talks (with him).' (4) even i f . . . should (before coordinative conjunction de): Gel-se-m de goremiyecegim. 'Even if I (should) come, I will not be able to see (it).' (5) if anyone (anything) ... should (V-se + V-se): Gel-.se gel-se Ali gelir. 'If anyone should come, that would be Ali.' or 'If there is anyone to come, that will be Ali.' (Also see 3.612)

3.6 POSTCLITICS

Auxiliary postclitic verb *i-mek: (Forms of auxiliary postclitic verb *i-mek occur after all substantives. (See 2.221(h)) 3.611 -ydi, idi {past tense)

DIAFORMS: TURKISH AFFIXES AND CORRESPONDING ENGLISH STRUCTURES

105

(The variant idi occurs almost exclusively in the written language.) -ydi denotes definite past: (See 3.523) Hasta-jdi-m. 'I was sick.' Cocuk-iu-m. 'I was a child.' Gel-iyor-i/u-m. 'I was coming.' Gel-ir-