Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements : Socio-Economic Patterns From South India 1443811106, 9781443811101

Citation preview

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements: Socio-Economic Patterns from South India

By

Ramdas Rupavath

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements: Socio-Economic Patterns from South India, by Ramdas Rupavath This book first published 2009 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2009 by Ramdas Rupavath All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-1110-6, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1110-1

This work is dedicated to JYARAM RUPAVATH, SONY (FATHER AND MOTHER)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface ........................................................................................................ ix Chapter I ...................................................................................................... 1 Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements: A Framework of Analysis Chapter II................................................................................................... 11 Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation Chapter III ................................................................................................. 23 Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact Chapter IV ................................................................................................. 39 Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies Land Alienation and Political Movements in A.P. – A Back Ground Chapter V .................................................................................................. 67 Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh: A Profile of Adilabad and Khammam District Chapter VI ................................................................................................. 83 Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District: A Study of the Selected Areas Chapter VII................................................................................................ 99 Conclusion Bibliography............................................................................................ 111 Index........................................................................................................ 117

PREFACE

The study examines ‘The Pattern of Socio-Economic Development, Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movement in Adilabad and Khammam Districts in Andhra Pradesh’. It focuses upon the process of land alienation going on since the colonial period, the skewed pattern of socioeconomic development in the tribal area after independence and the resulting political movements in two districts in A.P. The review of literature shows that most studies on A.P. have focused upon the anthropological aspects of tribal life exploitation or upon the leadership, strategy and tactics of the Naxalite movements, while ignoring the basic underlying causes. This study hopes to fill this gap to establish and interlink age between the socio-economic condition of the tribal population in Khammam and Adilabad districts. The movements have been going on for a long time. The processes of land alienation due to the entry of non-tribal’s, commoditization of land, introduction of cash crops etc., which began under the feudal and oppressive Nizam state in Telangana and continued due to the policies of the colonial state has been examined in detail and provide a background to the post colonial situation. The study shows that after independence the land transfer regulation act and the various developmental programmes introduced into the tribal area have not been able to remedy the situation. A detailed survey of four taluks lying in Khammam and Adilabad districts reveals that landlessness, unemployment, poverty and increasing social alienation from hostility towards non-tribal’s is increasing in these regions. It is these factors that underlie the often violent political movement in the pre and post independence movement which have been described in detail. The study concludes that unless tribal lands and economy are protected in future, and a pattern of development better suited to their way of life is introduced, tribal oppression and movements arising from them in A.P. will continue. I deem it my privilege to express my heartfelt gratitude to my worthy supervisor Professor Sudhapai, Centre for Political Studies, Jawar lal Nehru University, New Delhi. Thanks to Professor I. Ramabrammam, Head of the Department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad. Thanks to Professor G. Haragopal, former Dean of The School of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad. Special thanks to Professor G.

x

Preface

Sudhrshanam, P. Easwariah, B. Chandra Shekar Rao, Dr. K.Y. Ratnam, Professor Jyotheermaya Sharama, G. Aloysius, G. Krishna Reddy, Professor M. Kodandaram, Osmania University, P. Esawarappa and Rama Krishnsreddy I am also indebted to my wife, D. Jayasri, and daughters, Saisrinidhi and Gathriram, and to my brothers and sisters, To many tribals and non-tribals inhabitants of study of villages. I am grateful to the Government of India and Tribal Welfare Ministry, and to the Director for Tribal Cultural Research and Training at the Institute of Hyderabad. The Government of Andhra Pradesh provided the fellowship for the completion of this research work.

CHAPTER I TRIBAL LAND ALIENATION AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS: A FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS

There have been many uprisings by the tribal population of Andhra Pradesh both in the colonial and postcolonial period. In more recent times, violent clashes between the tribal people and the police have become a major political phenomenon in the tribal belt stretching from the districts of Srikakulam, Adilabad to Khammam in Andhra Pradesh. The present study is an attempt to analyze the tribal movement in Adilabad and Khammam in its most recent phase. While many tribal revolts have taken place since colonial times in this area, the present movement is a wellorganized movement in which the large number of the tribal population has taken part for the first time. Hence, the study focuses on the underlying causes, nature as well as strategies of mobilization used by the leadership. A brief attempt has also been made to analyze the achievements of the movement. The existing literature on this movement — both journalistic and academic — describes it either as a naxalite or peasant movement. However, such characterization does not explain its underlying causes or its specific nature. The basic hypothesis underlying this study is that it is the very pattern of development adopted since independence which triggered these revolts. Government policies towards the tribal population have resulted in social alienation, backwardness, land alienation, exploitation and extreme poverty. Hence it is to the socio-economic factors that the causes of tribal movements are traced. Although political factors, such as mobilization by leftist political groups, left ideology and left organisation are undoubtedly important, those movements could not have succeeded in the absence of the socio-economic factors mentioned above. The study shows that the movement was directed both against the feudal landlords and contractors, i.e. non-tribals in the districts as well as the state.1 As Chapter five shows, in its violent phase, it even became, for a short period, an attempt to overthrow the existing system through armed

2

Chapter I

struggle. The movement did not succeed in bringing about any dramatic change in the existing political and economic conditions of the tribals. But as Ranga Rao has pointed out, “it bought about significant change sin the traditional distribution of power in Agrarian Relations2”.

Review of Literature Much work has been done on both the conditions of the tribal population and various tribal movements in A.P. and other parts of India. However, very few of them focussed on Adilabad and Khammam districts. Two types of writings can broadly be identified in the literature on the tribals of Andhra Pradesh. Some scholars like Van-Furer Haimendorf described the culture, life style and economic conditions of the Gonds, Koyas, Lambadis, Chenchus and other tribals in Andhra Pradesh3 in his pioneering anthropological work. His work shows exploitation of tribals by landlords and illegal occupation of large areas of their land by nontribals. In a case study of three villages in the tribal area of Warangal district, Janardhan Rao found large-scale manipulation of land by local feudal landlords, which the state government was unable to check4. A study of the politics of exploitation of the tribals leading to their poverty and backwardness has also been attempted5. Most of these anthropological works focus on loss of agricultural land and forest, which have traditionally provided livelihood to the tribal population. Other works social sciences have in contrast focused upon various tribal revolts since the colonial period. Some writers such as A.R. Desai have viewed tribal movements as part of the peasant struggles taking place during the colonial period against feudal oppression6. Raghavaiah identified at lease ‘eighty tribal revolts during the colonial period including the Rampa rebellion in East Godavari District (1778-1947) and other parts of Andhra Pradesh. He has pointed out armed insurgency in parts of India since independence. The movements in Naxalbari and Srikakulam7, he points out, helped to share the tribal movement in Adilabad in the 1970s. The movements after independence are directed against both non-tribals directly exploiting the tribals and against the existing power structure of the state. P. Sundaraiah identified the tribal movement started by the Koya tribe against the Razakars and non-tribals in Khammam during the period of the Telangana armed struggle8. A survey of tribal movements by Anthropological Survey of India towards the end of 1976 identified thirty six on going movements9 R.S. Singh has pointed out that an important

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

3

aspect of these movements is that they are expressed in secular terms and do not bear the messianic quality of their movement, nor charismatic leadership as important. He found that land alienation and loss of control over forest of what were two common factors underlying these movements. The Gonds of Adilabad, he points out initiated a movement in 1970 for their right to land. Hence the emergency of economic factors is important in the present context10. Studies by the Anthropology Society of Bombay, the Gujarat Research Society, Bharatiya Adimajati Sevak Sangh, New Delhi and its branch in Nellore and Tribal Cultural Research Training Institute Library in Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh have also traced the causes to socio-economic problems. R.N.Tripathy explains the agricultural problems of the tribal communities of NEFA’ and extensively covers the aspect of shifting cultivation in those territories. The study, through informative on the aspects covered, fails to highlight the agricultural problems in the tribal areas with an integrated perspective. Das Gupta11 explains the Naxalite movement of 1970 in detail and discusses its socio-economic goals and their attainment. He describes the socio-economic conditions of the Santal tribals of Naxalbari and Sawaras of Srikakulam that forced them to revolt against the exploitative social system that prevailed in these areas. This study also throws light on the emerging contradiction in tribal areas and between different tribal and non-tribal classes12. Sethu Madhava Rao explains how the Gonds of Adilabad have been appropriated from their resources especially from their cultivable lands. He also discusses the phase-wise transformation of tribal lands from ‘their community cultivation’ the chieftains system, to Mokasadar to Deshmukh system of land holdings and the ruination of Gonds life. B.D.Sharma13 in his writings elaborately deals with various aspects of tribal development. Both his administrative and academic pursuits provide an insight into various problems of tribal development. Ramaiah14 in a recent study on “Tribal Economy of Telangana” specifically deals with Warangal Koyas. The study furnished factual information related to tribal indebtedness and their family budget formation. The study also focuses upon the land problem. However, very little literature exists on Adilabad and Khammam districts, which make the present study worthwhile. Moreover very few works have tried to present a link between the pattern of development in post independence India, the resulting tribal land alienation and the tribal movements in recent years.

4

Chapter I

The concept of Alienation The problem of land alienation in tribal areas has not been adequately dealt with by researchers. It is not a mere structuralist – legalist problem, but a much more deeply connected phenomenon full of contradictions related to the existing socio-economic order. The separation of land from tribal communities can be understood in a more scientific substantive manner with the help of the theoretical formulation of the concept of alienation. As Satyadeva has pointed out, alienation is inherent in exploitative relations of production and its nature varies with that of exploitation. Hence also differ among societies based on slavery and serfdom15. The discussion on alienation is presented here in two parts. The first part looks at the process of land alienation in tribal areas, and the second, at the forms and effect of land alienation. In tribal communities, this can be given with land alienation concept. The land holding system, which is a network of human relationship pertaining to the control and use of the land, has everywhere been a major factor conditioning the socio-economic and political order of the day. Land being the major source of livelihood of the vast majority of the Indian peasantry, it assumes great importance in their lives. But in an economy dominated by private property relations, concentration of land in the hands of a few would be net result. This creates an artificial scarcity of land and a land hungry majority. Land at this stage becomes a commodity where it also becomes a source of exploitation, which necessarily results in perpetuation of many kinds of inequality among the people. The level of production and ownership over the means of production and the way in which the products are distributed among the different classes of society as a whole. Land concentration, particularly in the hands of few, results in structural inequalities, which would further engulf the land disparities. It is this context of the boarder spectrum of land disparities that exist in the Indian society16. The structural changes that have been on land occurring in the plains areas of India since the colonial period have invariably affected the neighbouring forest region where large masses of tribal communities reside. The process of land alienation has manifested itself mainly in largescale migration of tribal communities from fertile plain areas to the neighbouring forests. The structural changes occurring in the plain areas have been responsible for this shift and they have also affected the lives of tribals living in the forest. These changes introduced rapid capital penetration, irrigation facilities, railway and communication facilities, sale and purchase of lands and

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

5

creation of certain land systems like Zamindari, Ryotwari systems etc. These pre-independence changes were later on supplemented by the changes in the post independence period which led to the pauperization of the Indian peasantry, which in its turn, leading to numerous peasant struggles led by different political parties, individuals for different reasons at different times, which led the Indian state to adopt a policy of enactment of various land laws17 and land reforms In the period various developmental institutions came into existence in the form of credit network to counter the rural indebtedness and to reduce the role of moneylenders such as small farmers Development Agency18. These and other allied changes in the post-independence period should be taken as variables of a larger agrarian scene while viewing the tribal situation and land alienation question. The land question is not just the result of the existing situation. Its origin may be traced to the periods of deprivation of tribal lands or to periods of withdrawal of their rights to exploit forests19. It is being realized that the tribal has always had a craving for land. It is for land that in last few years Tribes has fought and had been killed20. His feeling for it is something more than that of mere possessiveness. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the more advanced groups forced the tribals either to retreat to the nearest jungles or to become landless labourers. As land is the only source of their livelihood and their other assets being extremely meager, tribals were deprived of their way of life21. This has become much more acute in the present stage of commodified marketised economy. The statistics related to the landholding pattern of the tribals are, however, not available, and in the absence of definite data it is difficult to present the exact nature of inequalities in land. This information gap was admitted by the National Commission on Backward Areas, which states that in the absence of land holding data for years, the occupational qualifications in the census can be used to get an idea of the status of land holdings and alienation of lands in the tribal areas22. According to 1961 census report, 29% of the scheduled tribal households have land holdings of less than 2.4 acres compared to 34.5 percent in the general population. The percent of S.Ts. having holdings between 2.5 to 4.9 acres was 25.6% or those having 10 acres or more were 20.8% compared to 22.8% and 21.2% households in the general population respectively. Thus, the inference that may be drawn from the data shows that a majority of the scheduled tribes have small sized landholdings. The data also shows a gradual deterioration of land ownership among the STs. According to census, there were 84.18 lakh cultivators and 48.32 lakh agricultural labourers amongst the scheduled tribe workers who constitute

6

Chapter I

about nine-tenths of the total working population23. And further it was observed that in the states having large tribal areas the all India pattern of continuing command over land on the one end and high incidence of landlessness on the other get reflected between different regions. However, in many regions with the development of communications and intermixing of population the situation has further deteriorated. In some of the advanced areas the members of the tribal families have been rendered completely landless and they may not possess even 5 to 10% of the total land area24. The migration of non-tribal communities and land acquisition by them has also led to the decrease of the tribal land holdings. This phenomenon was as dominant in the 1980’s as it was in the 1960s and prior to that. After the 1960s land alienation took a different turn, where it was accompanied by the much renewed industrial activity, which has established the contractual co-existence of industries. Thus, both the increasing industrial activity backed by the alien capital on one side and increasing disparities in the country side which has been progressively resulting in the impoverishment of small-middle class peasantry in the plains on the other forced the non-tribals to look for alternative lands. This alternative source was available in the forest lying in the tribal areas. This process therefore, resulted in the depeasantisation of the tribal communities in Andhra Pradesh in particular and India in general.

The major objectives of the study The focus of the study is on the causes and impact of land alienation, leading to political movements in the selected areas. It tries to probe the reasons for land evictions and resultant political movements in the tribal areas, which underlie the under-development pauperization of these communities. The major objective of the study is hence to portray the factors that have a crucial bearing on the process of land alienation in scheduled tribal areas. In addition an attempt has also been made to understand the impact of the implementation of the Transfer Regulations since the 1930 as an instrument to counter the rapid depeasantisation process occurring in the tribal communities of these areas.

Methodology The study is based on both primary and secondary data. The primary data has been collected by fieldwork conducted in four taluks in Khammam and Adilabad districts. These taluks were chosen on the basis

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

7

of purposive random sampling technique, based upon the following criteria: 1) The taluk should have predominantly tribal population 2) It should have been included in the scheduled area 3) It should also have a sizable number of non-tribals who possess more than fifty percent of the total land in the village 4) Intensity of the land problem in the village and identification of the cases of the illegal land transfer by the government 5) Intensity of Tribal Movement 6) Extensive rapport of the researcher with the study villages. In accordance with the above guidelines the taluks of Bhadrachalam, Ashwaraopet district of Khammam, Utnur, Lakshettipet of Adilabad district of Telangana in Andhra Pradesh has been chosen for this study. For the collection of the required data, different questionnaires were served to both the tribal and non-tribal peasants of the selected villages. The questionnaire comprises of several dimensions and factors related directly or indirectly to the problem of land alienation and Tribal movements. This information has been supplemented by conducting informal interviews and discussions with a cross section of society in the scheduled villages. Officials such as patels, teachers, revenue staff at the district headquarters and the agency area have also been interviewed on this subject. Informal meetings were also held with the village elders or tribal chiefs. Hence, an intensive monographic study of the selected areas was undertaken which has yielded insights into the problem, which sampling techniques alone cannot provide. Much of the data has been collected by the researcher after much persuasion of the tribal peasants, which required intensive interaction with them. The secondary data was collected from the reports from the office of the Commissioner for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes, the reports of various government departments and different political parties and from daily news papers, books and periodicals. The researcher has also visited libraries of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Teen Murthi Nehru Memorial Library and IIPA, New Delhi, Osmania University Library, Sundaraiah Grandhalaya Samstha, and Tribal Research and Cultural Centre, Hyderabad. Though the study is limited to an analysis of the problem of the four taluks an attempt has been made to observe social phenomenon both from its specific historical back ground, and to integrate it with the overall social system of which tribal societies are a part. The conclusions drawn are of relevance for tribal areas situated in other parts of India, which face similar problems.

8

Chapter I

Chapterisation I. The first chapter presents a framework of analysis. Besides providing a general introduction, it also includes review of the existing literature on tribal land alienation and political movements, objectives of the study, and methodology. II. Chapter two describes the policies of the colonial and postcolonial state and resulting land alienation in tribal areas in A.P. It provides a background to the third chapter. III.

In the third chapter, Alienation of Trbals and its impact.

IV. Colonial and post colonial state policies. Land alienation and poltical movements a background. V. Chapter four reports the results of the fieldwork undertaken in the four selected taluks. It reveals large-scale alienation of land and a fairly extensive political movement in this region. V. Conclusion: The conclusion both summarizes the major findings of the study and discusses the future path of development for the tribals of A.P.

Notes 1. K.Balagopal:Agrarian classes and conflicts, Perspective Peoples Publication, Hyderabad, 1988. 2. M.S.A. Rao (ed), Social Movements in India, Popular Press, 1984, p.525. 3. Van-Furer-Haimendorf: Tribes in India, the struggle for survival, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1982, p.117-178. 4. Janardhan Rao: Land Alienation in Tribal Areas, Kakatiya School of Public Administration Warangal, 1987, p.25-45. 5. Prakash Reddy: Politics of Tribal Exploitation (A study of Tribal unrest in Adilabad) ITDA, p.78. 6. A.R. Desai: Peasant Struggle in India, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1979, p.17. 7. V.Raghavaiah: Tribal Revolts in Andhra Pradesh, Adimajati Sevak Sangh, A.P. 1971, p.27-66. 8. P.Sundaraiah: Veera Telangana Viplava Poortam Guna Patalu, Praja Shakthi Publications, Calcutta, 1983, p.243. 9. K.S. Singh: Agrarian Dimension of Tribal Movement, in A.R.Desai (ed) Agrarian struggle in India after independence, New Delhi, 1986.

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

9

10. K.S.Singh (ed): Tribal Movements in India, Manhar Publications, New Delhi, 1982. 11. Das Gupta: Tribal History of Ancient India, Nava Bharat Publications, Calcutta, 1974. 12. Sethu Madhava Rao: Among the Gonds of Adilabad, Popular Book Department, Bombay, 1949. 13. Sharma B.D.: Tribal Development: Concept and Frame, Prachi Prakashan, New Delhi, 1978. 14. P.Ramaiah: “The Land Problem among the Tribals of Telangana Region: A micro study”, The Indian Journal of Social Work, July 1981, 126-127. 15. Satya Deva: “Alienation and Administration in Developing Countries’, July 1981, 126-127. 16. Satya Deva: “Alienation and Administration in Developing Countries’, Mainstream June 6, 1981, p.19. 17. Ibid: pp.262-263 18. Ibid: pp.262-263 19. K.Balagopal: “Agrarian Classes and Conflicts”, Perspective Peoples Publication, Hyderabad, 1986. 20. .Aruna Tara: 1983, CPI (ML), Hyderabad. (Telugu Journal). 21. Samantha Benerjee: In the wake of Naxalbari, Sourna Rekha, Calcutta, 1980, pp.32-33. 22. Economic and Political Weekly, “The Tribal Independence”, Aug.9, 1975 pp.1204-1214. 23. National Commission on Backward Areas of Development Vol, June 1981, pp.60-50. 24. Ibid: P.50.

CHAPTER II SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF TRIBALS AND RESULTING SOCIAL ALIENATION

Since Independence many development schemes and protective measures have been attempted by the central and state governments for the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh. However, the conditions of the majority of the tribals have deteriorated. While exploitation and backwardness are found in many communities and social groups in India, it has resulted in social alienation among tribes. The existence of a distinct culture and lifestyle make the problems of tribals different from those of other deprived groups in India. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to focus upon social alienation in Adilabad district, while specific economic problems such as land alienation have been dealt with in the next chapter.

Tribal Society and Culture The tribals of this area belong mainly to the Gond tribe. They form a socially dominant section among the rest who belong to tribes like the Bhil, Koya, Kolam, etc., and are much fewer in number. Their mother tongue is Gondi. Tribal life among the Gonds exhibits unique symbiosis of man and nature, their culture being an outcome of living with nature and learning from it. Traditionally Pujaris, also called ‘Kolams’, were a priestly class who performed rituals and were the medicine men and story tellers of the tribe. They enjoyed social prominence together with the tribal chiefs. Tribal spiritual life was rich with creative mythologies and religious stories. Each clan member even today possesses the house deities of the tribe though there is a village priest called the “Devari” and clan priest (Kalotra) and a village seer (Bhaktal). There is no discrimination among the Gonds on the basis of sex. Women traditionally had an important position within the family and society. The Gonds even today have their district folk dances and music. However, they celebrate the main “Hindu” festivals of Diwali, Dussehra etc.1

12

Chapter II

Since independence Gond society has been profoundly influenced by the twin process of ‘Sanskritization2 and modernization. Due to this the social and economic life of the Gonds has undergone change. For example, change has taken place in the position given to women and the rituals associated with marriage. Gond women traditionally were very independent and took part in both cultivation of land, setting of produce. Today, due to cultural contact women are secluded. While earlier marriages were simple affairs, today the custom of dowry has penetrated into tribal life forcing many into the hands of local moneylenders. Non tribal intrusion has created an unequal social fabrication and mentality.3 Non-tribals in order to sustain their economic exploitation and hegemony over the tribals have attempted to propagate the Hindu religion as superior to the tribal god who is described as ‘evil spirit’. The backwardness of tribes is described as an outcome of religious beliefs and practices. This has led to the breakdown of the social fabric and adoption of Hindu practices such as pilgrimages to Tirupati. Animist practices such as free worship have been replaced by temple workshop. The establishment of institutionalized religion has made temple surroundings place of commercial activity useful to the non-tribal trading classes. Haimendorf records that the ‘Khelaspur Jatara,’ a tribal festival has been replaced by a temple, which has been used as a platform by politicians during election campaigns. Temple offerings (amounting to Rs. 1911 in 1977) have attracted Hindu priests, and have treated disputes within the tribe.4 A court order however, returned the control of the temple to the tribal population. The Gonds still practice traditional method of agriculture. They are dependent upon the rains for irrigation. Jowar is the main crop cultivated, but is available for only three months in the year. Rest of the time they survive on forest produce. The dependence of tribals on nature has led to most of them living close to starvation. Of the 35 lakh tribals population only 6.6 percent are literate in Adilabad.5 Table 1 shows that very few tribals have managed to get even a few years of schooling. The first attempt to educate the Gonds was made in the 1940s by the Nizam’s government.6 Books were published in the language of the Gonds, however this did not have any impact. In the post independence period the government of Andhra Pradesh has not taken any keen interest in educating the tribals. The Gonds consider children a source of income and are reluctant to send them to school.7 In recent years due to increasing pressure on land and resulting protests the state government has tried to introduce schools and increase literacy and vocational training. In 1989, the Andhra Pradesh government introduced 451 tribal hostels and 12

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation

13

Graduate & above

Technical Certificates

Non-technical Diploma or

Intermediate

Total Tribals

Matriculation

Higher Secondary /

Table –2.1: EDUCATIONAL LEVELS OF THE SCHEDULED TRIBES IN ADILABAD DISTRICT, 1981

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

M

F

704

33

422

21

92

3

-

-

19

1

33

1

564

26

152

4

42

-

-

-

11

-

13

1

10

5

3

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

21

2

3

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

84

4

4

16

2

5

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1384

70

580

25

134

3

-

-

19

1

46

2

Gond Rajgonds, Naikpod Sugalis Lambardar Yerukal

Kolam Manana Varlu Konda doras Konda reddy Bhil Koya Yenadis Total

14

Chapter II

Residential schools. However, such facilities have been utilized only by the children of a few rich farmers and according to the Gondwana Sanrakshna Samiti, such schemes do not benefit the tribal population. The first attempt to educate Gonds was made in the 1940s by the Nizam’s government11 and are merely to fill the quota of education seats set aside to schedule tribes Most of the tribal students in the scheme were unable to pass the matriculation examination. Training for provision of skilled or semi skilled jobs would be far more beneficial. For example, after the violent incident in Allampali Taluk where 12 policemen were killed in a land mine explosion the Telugu Desam Government announced that 1000 teacher’s posts would be reserved for scheduled tribe candidates. However, very few of the trial population had the required certificates and qualifications.8 Thus lopsided development policies and schemes introduced by the Government have not been of much use and had some vested interests.

Changing Local Structures of Powers In the pre-independence period in Andhra Pradesh there were 37 tribal chiefs some of whom bore the title of ‘Raja’ ‘Mokashi’ or ‘Deshmukh’. They had political power within their jurisdiction and exercised varying degrees of feudal oppression. They were assisted by village headmen in solving tribal problems. In the 1940s these traditional structures of power were removed by the Nizam’s government in spite of resistance by the tribals.9 The Nizam’s government succeeded in abolishing the old system and replacing it by a village headman nominated by the village Panchayat who settled dispute and had judicial authority. Thus before independence itself the old tribal structure had begun to disintegrate. There was further erosion of local authority after independence with the passage of the Hyderabad Tribal Regulation Act in 1963.10 According to this the village headman came under the control of the district bureaucracy. In the new Panchayat System members are elected in each block, who in turn elected the Sarpanch. In some cases it is reported that non-tribals have been able to manipulate the system and become a sarpanch, a position that gives it holder considerable patronage and power. Sarpanch has the power to grant licenses for shops and collect some local taxes.11 They however have power to settle disputes. Some villages in the blocks have village headman who help the local tribal population to dig wells, plant trees etc. The erosion of local autonomy has had an impact on the social and economic life of the tribals. Under the traditional tribal structure outsiders

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation

15

had to gain permission from the village headman to reside in the area. Massive demographic increases after 1951 and the opening up of tribal areas due to the process of modernization and inclusion of tribal areas in States propelled non-tribals into tribal territory. In Adilabad this has led non-tribals from the coastal area establishing factories cement mills, paper factories shops etc. The labour in these factories also consists of nontribals; hence modernization has not provided employment to the local tribals. It has led to establishment of liquor shops or increased prostitution. Commercialisation has led to breakdown of the traditional systems of authority within the tribal system.12 Table –2.2: STRUCTURAL OF POWER AT THE GRAM TALUK AND DISTRICT, LEVELS ESTABLISHED IN 1983 BY TRIBAL LEADES Rai Centres Gram Sabha

Taluk level

District level

1. Napapal: Village headman

1. Sri Medial : the President

1. Zill mall: President

2. Sar Pathal : Additional village head man

2. Rai Medial : General Secretary

2. Bpa Mandal : Vi. President

3. Raipatal : Asst. Villay head man

3. Geeta Medial: Joint Sec.

3. Zilla Rai : Gen. Sec. Medial

4. Ghat Medial : Accountant

4. Khaajandhar: Accountant

4. Geeta Daralal: Maintaining the records. 5. Gatilal : Accountant 6. Devari: In charge of religious Rituals 7. Hawaldar : Messenger.

5. Raipatals: Advisors to sir medials.

16

Chapter II

In 1983 in order to help the tribals and grant them greater autonomy to manage their local affairs the Gondwana Sangrashna Samiti was established by educated tribal leaders.13 It is a village level council, which solves local problems and helps implement developmental schemes. The various tribal groups in the villages nominate a representative to the Council. It consists of 7 – 14 members. In addition to this tribal leaders have also established developmental or “Rai Centres” patterned on their traditional power structures. These have been set up at the Gram, Taluk, District levels. These help the tribals settle internal problems. Moreover any Government schemes to be taken up at village level must obtain the consent of concerned Gram Sabha / village council. Contractors are not allowed, nor the Patel or Patwari, in the village council or Rai Centres. The village Council can impose fines between Rs. 50 to Rs.500. (assault, theft, etc.). They are also managing tribal lands and controlling forest produce. The Samithi also introduced the grain procurement system. Each tribal agricultural family must donate 60 kgs of grains and Rs.50. Those who are not in a position to donate at one time can give in installments. The Integrated Tribal Development Scheme also contributes an equal quantity of grains and cash as government subsidy. They have set up grain banks, which provide advance loans for religious ceremonies and marriages at very low interest rates.14

Investment by the Government in Tribal Welfare Table 3 gives the per capita and total expenditure by the Government of Andhra Pradesh over various Plan periods. It is only from the fifth Plan period that there is a sharp rise in the amount invested. Under the Five Plan the Government has undertaken Schemes to construct pucca houses and cattle sheds. Integrated Tribal Development Schemes have also been formulated under the Tribal Development Agency.15 A Girijan Cooperative Corporation was set up under it. It was expected to purchase the timber collected by the tribals and thereby eliminate private timber contractors. Primary Societies affiliated to the cooperative were supposed to supply the daily requirements of the tribals, provide credit etc at proper rates. However the cooperative has been giving very low rates to tribals, for example Rs.5-8 per kg of gum while private contractors pay Rs.12 per kg. This led to tribals setting their produce to contractors rather than the cooperative.16 Nationalised banks have entered the area. A study shows that 61% debtors are landless holders. A quarter of the loans advanced by the

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation

17

official and government agencies which comes to 67% are used for consumption purposes. The Andhra Pradesh government introduced a drinking water scheme named Jeevandhara” to provide drinking water irrigation facilities.17 Under it Rs.15000 were given to each selected family in installments to dig wells on their own. According to the government 10,000 wells for agricultural purposes and 11,000 wells for drinking water have been dug. The Integrated Tribal Development agency had also started new loans to tribals for buying bullocks. However, many tribals have alleged that old and useless bullocks after a considerable period of delay were supplied.18 Medical facilities under the ITDA are also very poor. Table 2.3: PER CAPITAL EXPENDITURE AND TOTAL EXPENDITURE DURING PLAN PERIOD IN A.P. FOR SCHEDULE TRIBES Plan Period Per capita Total expenditure Expenditure in Rs. In Lakhs. (Rs.) I Plan 15.05 118.77 II Plan 18.89 250.25 III Plan 13.56 178.77 IV Plan 59.00 977.77 V Plan 266.00 4,879.85 VI Plan 750.47 13,598.00 VII Plan 1,639.16 30,026.00 Source: Statistical Abstracts of A.P. 1960 and 1983, Bureau of economics and Statistics. Government of Andhra Pradesh.

Many plans put forward by the government are not relevant to the needs of the tribal areas. Schemes like medium irrigation, small industry, commercial forestry etc which often constitute a sizeable portion of the Tribal sub-plan are often irrelevant or counter productive as far as the local tribal economy is concerned.19

Control over Forests There is a symbiotic relationship between tribals and the forest. It has been their home for a long time and provided them with many required resources. The forest conservation and regulation act was passed in 1920.20 These imposed rules on the tribals on collection of forest produce, and many of those were mainly restrictions. This led to conflicts between

18

Chapter II

the tribals and the government. The tribals required wood to build huts and for their ploughshare. In the post-Independence period, forest policy has led to hardship in tribal communities. On the one hand, these communities are not allowed to collect forest produce, but on the other hand large-scale deforestation has occurred because of various developmental projects and extension of cultivation by reclamation of land.21 Instead of the entire community being consulted about the extraction of forest produce, arrangements are often made between chiefs and contractors bypassing the community. As the forest department was interested mainly in the collection of revenue this alliance was encouraged, leading to destruction of forests. This has also led to increase in the wealth of Chiefs and their capacity for graft and duplicity.22 In the case of Adilabad, notwithstanding various lambadas and regulations to prevent deforestation, a large part of the forests have been, as reported by a fact-finding committee, continuously “de-reserved” by the Congress Government in 1980 to facilitate private trade. Of the 500,000 acres of forest land dereserved in the last years in the state, more than 150,000 acres are from Adilabad. The net result of this policy has been the progressive alienation of the forest from the tribals. Consequently, they have been reduced to the status of daily wage labourers at the mercy of private contractors and forest officials.23 Table 2.4 shows the plantation area in Andhra Pradesh in 1983-84.

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation

19

Table 2.4: PLANTATION AREA UPTO 1983-84 S.No. Species

Total areas (in hectares) Corporation

Teak Eucalyptus Bamboo Cashew Coffee Red Sander’s Sandal Wood Silver oak Babul Casurima Sissoo Burrara Piner Other Miscellaneous

Department 76,114 26,271 28,139 18,949 130 1,913 2,670 8,942 12,415 13,690 1,435 300 325 55,743

--20.522 10,138 16,511 2,438 -------------------

Source: A.P. Forests at a lance 1983-84 Chief Conservator of Forest A.P. Hyderabad.

20

Chapter II

Table 2.5: MAJOR WOOD BASED INDUSTRIES IN ANDHRA PRADESH S.No. Name of the Present installed Variety Approximate Company capacity in T/Yr. raw material commitment by the forest department in tonnes 1. A.P. Paper Paper 75,000 Bamboo 1,10,000 Mills Hardwood 75,000 Rajahmundry East Godavari 2. Sirpur paper Do 61,00 Bamboo 75,000 mills Kagaz Hardwood 45,000 Nagar Adilabad 3. Sree Rayalam Do 42,000 Bamboo 45,000 Kurnool Hardwood 45,000 4. Badhrachalam Do 50,000 Bamboo 60,000 Paper Boarder Hardwood 74,000 5. A.P. Rayons Rayon 27,000 Hardwood 75,000 Limited grade Eucalyptus 10,000 Yetura pulp nagaram Warangal 6. Novopars Particle 20,000 Hardwood 38,000 India Limited board patancheru (Ranga Reddy District) 7. Hyderabad Plywood 0.018 Teak 700 cm. Mts Plywood lakhs teaknon1,700 Limited sq.mts. teak Source: A.P. forests are Glarice 1983-84, Chief conservator of forests A.P. Hyderabad.

It shows that the government of Andhra Pradesh has been concentrated on growing mostly teak, eucalyptus and bamboo, which are needed by the paper industry and the big timer markets in urban areas. This shows growing commercialization of forest areas in the state. Table 5 gives the major wood industries in the state and the raw material supplied to them

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals and Resulting Social Alienation

21

by the forest department. Hence, it is not the tribals but the industrial class which is benefiting from the forests. The wood from the forests is largely deployed in urban areas and it is the contractors who are profiting from the same. Left activists have claimed that highly placed politicians and bureaucrats are also involved in elicit timber trade.24 The process of industrialization in tribal areas has also resulted in the pauperization of many tribals. Many tribals have lost property fewer workers after industries were set up ad land were acquired from them with minimal compensation. The construction of roads into the tribal areas has hastened this process. The forest guards also exploit the tribals in Adilabad demanding illegal taxes. Data collected during fieldwork shows that in Adilabad they demand Rs. 17 to 40 per plough in additional contribution in grain from each household . Atrocities against the tribal population in general have also increased in recent years. Table 6 below gives the atrocities reported against Scheduled Tribes between 1979 and 1983. Many more go unreported. Table 2.6: ATROCITIES REPORTED ON SCHEDULE TRIBES IN 1979-1983. No. of Cases Reported During Years State 1979 1980 1981 1983 1983 Andhra 13 14 29 31 33 Pradesh Atrocities in 1983 Murder Violence Rape Arson Others Total Andhra 1 8 9 1 14 33 Pradesh Source: Report of the Commission for Schedule Castes and Tribes, Sixth Report April 1983, Chap V: government of India, New Delhi, 1984.

hus we find that in spite of several protective measures, the economic conditions of the tribals has deteriorated and they are also experiencing social alienation, both of which constitute important causal factors in recent tribal movements. This has been due to extensive exploitation of the rich natural resources of their habitat. Decline of traditional activities without any viable alternative, and consequent marginalisation and exploitation of cheap labour. This has been accompanied by alienation of agricultural land, which is the subject of the next chapter.

22

Chapter II

Notes 1. Von furer – Haimendorf. (1977). The struggle for survival, Oxford University press Delhi. 1982. 2. M.N. Srinivas, Social change in Modern India. 3. Von furer-Haimendorf. N.I Ibid. 4. Ibid. p.117,178. 5. B.D., Sharma: Tribal Development concept and frame, Prachi prakashan New Delhi, 1978. 6. Von Turer-Haimendry N.1.p. 175. 7. Andhra Prabha (Telugu Daily Newspaper) 21 July, 1990. 8. The President of the bond wave. Savrakshan Samiti (GSS) – a local organization – supplied this information in an interview in Adilabad. 9. Von-Furer Haimendorf m.p.153. 10. Hyderabad Regulation Act 1963, p. 159, 163. 11. Ibid. 12. Field work in the area was done and member of the GSS were interceived. See chapter IV part II. 13. K. Balagopal, “Adilabad Girijan Portaloo” (Telugu) Srujana, 1981, p.7. 14. Report of the Commission for Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes sixth Report April 1983-March 1984. Government of India, New Delhi, 1984. 15. President of G.S.S. 16. E.P.W. Sept. 24, 1983 p.VII, A report. 17. President of G.S.S. 18. Balagopal, Agrarian Classes and Coughlicts P.71 and 74. 19. “A.P. Forest at A. Glance” Adilabad Birijan Porataloo” (Telugu) Srujana, 1981, p.7. 20. This has been reported by, among other (i) J. Breman, of Peasants, Migrants and Pampers: rural Labour Circulation in West Asia, Delhi, O.U.P. 1985. (ii) g. Shah, “Ethnicity and Politics: A Study of Scheduled Tribes In Gujarat” (Mins) Surat: Centre for Social Studies, 1978. 21. Ashok Mitra, “Tribal Habitat”, Frontier 9, 1977 p. 24-26. 22. Frontier, Vol. 13, 42, 1981, p. 6-11. 23. In an Interview with Varavara Rao, noted Left-leader and Intellectual on 1011-1991.

CHAPTER III ALIENATION OF THE TRIBALS AND ITS IMPACT

Together with forests, land constitutes a major source of livelihood to tribals in Adilabad and other districts of Andhra Pradesh. However, alienation of land from the hands of tribals to non-tribals is a major problem and factor underlying the poor economic conditions of the tribal population. Many studies on the tribal population of Andhra Pradesh have pointed this out.1 In this chapter an attempt has been made to understand land alienation from a historical perspective. This is because it has been an ongoing process since the colonial period when for the first time largescale disruption of tribal habitats due to the force of modernization took place. The study shows that this process has continued even after Independence, inspite of various efforts by the state government.

Colonial Period Prior to 1920 the tribals living in Adilabad district had little contact and faced no interference from non-tribals or outsiders. Their main occupation was “podu” or shifting cultivation, which they practiced even on the hills and dry lands and they were dependent on the rains for irrigation. The black soil of the area is very fertile and suitable for cotton cultivation. However, traditionally the tribals grew mainly bajra (Millets). Land was communally owned; but individually cultivated. In the 1920s large-scale changes took place due to the construction of major road from Madras to Delhi and opening the Songrani Mines in the eastern part of the district from Lakshettipet to Nirmal which passed through the tribal belt.2 These changes resulted in migration by non-tribals from the southern region to the northern, eastern part of Adilabad district mainly into Asifabad, Lakshettipet and Chennuru area. This intrusion led to the gradual change in the structure of landowning resulting in take-over of tribal lands. The migrants were mainly Brahmin Jagirdars (Landlords) and Komiti (non-Brahmin) money lenders or “Shaukars”. With a view to enhancing revenue of the Nizam’s government began to re-distribute the land under the patta system to the new comers.

24

Chapter III

“Podu” cultivation was also discouraged. The Nizam also introduced the “watan” system under which same land was granted to non-tribals in the service of the Nizam and a new system of revenue collection was also introduced. A local administrative structure consisting patels and patwaris was established in this area. Under this the patwaris collected the taxes, while the patel was responsible for maintaining law and order. These lower revenue officials were from upper caste communities and they became feudal landlords in the Adilabad area. Many came from the Marathi speaking area and were literate Brahmins who could keep land records. Land alienation also took place due to usury practiced by Velamas who had migrated to the Adilabad area. They managed to get the cleared lands of the in-debted tribals registered in their name. This process gradually forced the tribals to retreat into the interior forest-covered areas of the district.4 The Nizam government attempted to arrest the process of alienation of tribal lands by giving 15 acres of land to each tribal household.5 The Bellampalli and Binnodhari areas of the district were granted to tribals exclusively under this policy. However, this land also passed into the hands of non-tribals manipulation by the Patwaris and Patels who belonged to the same community. They registered these lands in the name of upper caste landlords under the Patta system. In this way well know landlords such as M. Madhava Rao, Muthyam Rao, and Purshottam Rao of Chennur who were often described as the kings of the area got control of hundred of acres of tribal land. While Madhava Rao gained control of 10,000 acres, Muthyam Rao controlled the entire area from Nerrocha in current Maharashtra to Lakshettipet in Adilabad. In this way large areas which were once tribal hamlets from Madhamarri to Kazipet and Hajipet came under the domination of outsiders who were mainly from the Brahmin and locally dominant Velma castes. Much of the Godavari valley originally cleared by tribals also came under them. The process of land alienation was hastened by the coming in of trader’s contractors locally called “Shaukaras”. Many of them were helped by function-areas of the Nizam government. These traders sold essentials such as chilies, salt, kerosene and cloth etc to tribals. By changing very high rates which the tribals could not afford and selling on credit they managed to take over lands from indebted tribals. The Shaukars also paid low rates for forest products such as gum, tamarind etc collected by tribals, which fetched much higher rates elsewhere.7 The lands were initially taken over under a rule by which non-tribals could pay the rent for tribal lands and migration into tribal areas were also given in

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

25

lease in the 1940s and 1950s. Most of these outsiders settled in outer lying taluks and villages where the population increased suddenly. Table 3.1 below shows the enhancement in population in Utnoor Taluk of Adilabad between 1921 and 1981. Table-3.1: UTNOOR-TALUK-POPULATION CHANGES 1921 TO 1981 Census Year 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981

Total No. of persons 24,989 28,048 31,396 34,404 55,099 93,823 91,924

Variation in Decadal Parentage. +5.66 +16.24 + 8.08 + 9.58 +60.13 +70.28 +112.45

Source: 1981 Census of Adilabad District, Hyderabad.

The new wave of migrants constituted mainly of forest traders, tribal development agency employees, contractors etc. The state government passed legislation prohibiting migration into tribal areas. However, the same government issued licenses for establishment of industries like paper and cement. It is also due to migration of tribals from rural to urban areas.

Post-Independence Period In the post Independence period tribal areas have also been affected by various land reform and regulated acts passed by the government of the newly formed state of Andhra Pradesh. While some of this legislation was to end landlordism some of it was directed to protect lands under tribal population. Due to the Telangana armed Struggle the government issued a tribal Land Regulation Act in 1959. According to it all the area under tribal population was identified and notified as a tribal area for the first time and protected. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, Regulation II was passed in 1963 in order to extend the 1959 legislation to all tribal areas now included within the state.8 The Act of 1959 was amended in 1971 in order to remove many loopholes in it. 9 Under the amendment no innumerable property-in particular land—could be transferred within the agency or without the permission of the government, even when such transfers were between persons belonging to a schedule tribe. The

26

Chapter III

property had to be surrendered to the government which was obliged to acquire it by paying a reasonable compensation defined in section 10 of the Andhra Pradesh ceiling on Agricultural Holdings Act-1961.10 The 1971 act also made the provision that tribals could mortgage their lands to a co-operative society, land mortgage bank or any other commercial/financial institution in the tribal area in order to get a loan. However, in case of default the mortgaged property could only be sold to person belonging to a schedule tribe or a tribal co-operative society. Thus the state government tried to both demarcate and protect tribal areas and prevent alienation of tribal loans. However studies show that due to many loopholes in the Act and corrupt government officials, alienation of land has been taking place. Land records are often not well maintained and often manipulated by Patwaris. Even forcible occupation of committees by non-tribals taken place.13 The problem of land alienation in fact is endemic in tribal regions. Various reasons have been given by the various commissions appreciated by the Central Government such as manipulation of records, ‘benami’ transfers, developmental projects like construction of dams, power plants etc., and loss of land through mortgage and encroachment. For example, National commission On Backward areas observed that, “the significant consequence of the unsatisfactory state of land records was that the trials were never legally recognised as owners of the land which they cultivated as they could simply occupy it till such time as the superior claim got enforced.”13 Similarly the Report of the study Team of the Union Home Ministry admitted that, in spite of protective measures to restore alienated land to tribals it is still reported to be taking place, the main reason being venami transactions.14 Andhra Pradesh was one of the few states where as we have seen a ban on the transfer of immovable property in Schedule areas to non-tribals was introduced.15 In fact in 1983, 4,174 cases of land alienation were recorded which involved a total area of 33,499 acres has come under the control of the Kolam.17 All this constitutes a violation of Act of 1948 and 1971. Table 3.2. Shows the contrasting density of population in village in outerlying villages near roads, and villages in the interior over a period of time.

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

27

Table-3.2: POPULATION DENSITY IN ROADSIDE AND INTERIOR VILLAGES IN ADILABAD Census Average Density Per 89 mile Roadside Interior Total 1951 128 32 47 1961 203 51 76 1971 310 94 129 Source: District Bazetteer, Adilabad, Census of Andhra Pradesh 1971

Many of those who have migrated have taken over agricultural land reducing the local tribals to agricultural labourers.

Commercialisation of Agriculture Commercialisation of agriculture, which has increased land values has also quickened the pace of land alienation. In order to pay rents and by essentials crops Tribals need to grow commercial crops, which can be sold in the market. However this requires higher investment than traditional food crops, which forces him to borrow at high rates from moneylenders. Very few are able to get credit from government agencies. This puts the trial into the clutches of professional money lenders and eventually leads to loss of land.18 The diagram below shows the relationship between introduction of cotton, a commercial crop and land alienation in Adilabad. Total ------------ Commercial Crops (Cotton) ------Money Lender --------- Land alienation Commercialisation of agriculture has also led to less cultivation of food crops as the table below shows in the case of Uttnoor Taluk.

Chapter III

28

Table 3.3: CROPS DOWN IN UTTNOOR TALUK, 1989 Crops. Cash Kharif area sown Damaged area Crops (hec) Cotton 3,04,633 1,27,989 Paddy 15,530 2,650 Jowar 84,764 43,000 Rulers 70,506 25,672 Crops Jowar Maize Pulses

Rabi are sown (hecs) 1,32,468 2,841 25,350

NA NA NA

Crop loss Rs. lakhs 538.45 -744.00 646.90 Total Area sown in Rabi 1989 80,842 2,133 14,740

Source: I TDA Project Office, Uttnoor

Due to the deteriorating conditions of tribals and rapid alienation of land, the state government has taken two kinds of steps since the fifth plan. (1) in states such as Andhra Pradesh which have a substantial tribal population a tribal sub-plan has been prepared. (2) Land has been distributed to scheduled tribes. The concept of the tribal sub-plan aims at tribal area development with particular focus and emphasis on the development of tribal population. The tribal sub plan in the 1980s had four main programmes (1) integrated tribal development project for tribal areas with 50 or more scheduled tribes population (2) modified Area development Approach for pockets with high Scheduled tribe population (3) projects for primitive tribal groups (4) the bifurcation cooperative corporation. Table 4 below gives the statewise plan outlays and funds earmarked for tribal sub-plan by states/union territories. Table 3.4: STATE UNION PLAN OUTLAYS EARMARKED FOR TRIBAL SUB PLAN Year Plan Outlays of Amount to TSP Percentage of state with TSP out of state Plan col. 3 to 2 1980-81 6500.00 487.32 7.65 1981-82 7402.19 589.46 7.96 1982-83 84.95.54 680.53 8.01 1983-84 9764.05 786.48 8.05 321612.78 2353.79 7.94

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

29

In the case of Andhra Pradesh, the central government has financed special programmes for the extremely primitive tribal groups live in Adilabad. The table below (No. 3.5) shows the amount given by the Central Government. Table 3.5: SPECIAL PROGRAMME FOR PRIMITIVE TRIBES BY CENTRAL GOVT (Rs. In Lakhs) 1 2 3 4 State No. of Amount Expenditure Primitive Released Andhra Tribes 48.60 Pradesh 12 52.52 Source: Report of Commission for Schedule Caste and Scheduled Tribes Sixth Report. April 1983 – March 1984. Chap. IV Government of India, New Delhi, 1984.

The state has also distributed land to many schedule tribe households. Table 6 below shows the total area distributed as well as the amount distributed among the Schedule tribe population. Table-3.6: LAND DISTRIBUTED BY STATE GOVERNMENT State

A.P.

Total Area estimated as surplus and declared surplus 10,14,050

Area taken possession 4,56,021

Total Area distributed to all sections of population 3,31,976

Source: Report of the Commission for Schedule Casts and Tribes sixth Report 1983-84.

According to the same report – 42,902 schedule tribe persons actually received the land, which was to be distributed. The allotted surplus land in Andhra Pradesh for tribals ranged from 0.2 to 0.5 % of the total allotted surplus lands for all catgories.20 However, due to corruption and poor implementation, very few of the tribals have actually benefited from such programmes. The conditions of the tribal population today continue to deteriorate in spite of many attempts by the government to improve their economic conditions and prevent alienation of land. Many recent studies show that indebtedness has enhanced, land, cattle and jewelry are mortgaged and lost leading to even greater poverty.21 The 1981 census shows that 21% of the

Chapter III

30

enabled land has now passed under cotton cultivation leaving less place for food grains. Tribals have to buy food grains at high cost from Shaukars as the table below shows. Table 3.7: COST OF ITEMS IN PEMBI AREA Item Rice Chillies Kerosene Jowar

Roped per Kg/litre Rs. 8 Rs. 80 Rs. 7 Rs. 3.7

Source: B.D. Sharma Tribal Development Concept and Frame, Panchi Prakashan, New Delhi, 1978.

Moneylenders today advance lands on occasions such as deaths, births, marriages etc., at high rates. If the tribals are unable to pay back, their land is leased to the Shaukar for an agreed period of time. As there are no written documents, the land is never returned.

A Sample Study As there are only a few studies which present the socio-economic conditions of the tribal population of Adilabad, a small sample study covering eight villages in the district was conducted. Data was difficult in this area and tribals were generally reluctant to provide information. Hence a general survey was possible. Above forty two households from amongst the village were visited and interviewed. The basis of selection of the villages was the nature of its population. All of them were predominantly tribal villages with very few non-tribals, though in the case of some, rapid intention of non-tribals is leading to change. In the alienation, debts, irrigation and other facilities such as medical, communication and educational facilities .The study also shows harassment by the police and local forest guards. Social condition, Table 8 shows that guards within the eight hamlets . The villages in the interior also have a higher proportion of tribals as against non-tribals. Similarly villages close to a road have a higher proportion of non-tribals who take part in trade commerce and provide services. Table 9 also shows the poor educational facilities available to the eight villages. Literacy levels are lower in villages in the interior where the population consists mainly of tribals. The quality of educational facilities is also very bad in these villages, which had led to many tribals withdrawing their children.

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

31

Agriculture and animal husbandry are the major occupations among the tribals. Table 10 presents the poor medical and transportation facilities available. Some medical facilities such as a midwife or nurse who visits every 15 days are available in villages close to roads. In the present Five Year Plan more funds have been allotted for construction of roads and many major roads have been constructed linking villages to major towns. However, this has helped contractors who transport timber, cotton etc by road rather than the tribal population. In recent years, the Government has also helped to dig bore wells in order to provide drinking water facilities. However many of them have not been repaired by the Mandal Office. Hence in the summer water has to be carried over long distances.

Land Alienation and Debts Most of the cultivable land, which was under the control of the tribals, has passed into the hands of non-tribals landlords-cum-moneylenders. There is in fact a close relationship between indebtedness and land alienation. The tribals borrow from the richer non-tribal farmers for consumption in order to invest in agriculture. However, very few have been able to return the loans and have lost land. Banks, which have appeared in nearly towns, refused to give land to the tribals as they could deposit nothing as security for the loan. Very few tribal families have been able to get loans from local banks. Table 11 shows that only 4-5 families in the sample have been able to get bank loans which carry an interest rate of 5%. Others borrow from moneylenders or shaukars at exorbitant rates ranging from 25% to 100%. Most tribal families have lost land by mortgaging it to a private moneylender. A class of feudal rich landlords whose main source of income is usury, rather than agriculture has come up. The tribals have become agricultural labourers on the lands they once owned. Shifting cultivation also is no longer allowed in this area. Irrigation in the area is from tanks, which are controlled by the feudal landlords. Many villages reported that they were not supplied water even though their fields were close to the tanks. While richer farmers have been able to set up tube-wells, the local district administration has not helped the tribals. Lack of assured water at the right time is one of the main causes of poor crops and crop failure among the tribals. Many projects are under construction in the area such as the Satnala, Chilimala projects; but they are near completion. The government has set up credit agencies and cooperatives in the area but the benefits of this are given to largely to the non-tribal section of the population.

Chapter III

32

Table 12 shows that the tribals in these villages also face harassment from the local police and forest guards. They do not allow them into the forest; but take away their crops and animals, destroy their houses and impose fines upon them on various pretexts. In one of the villages two persons died in police firing. The tribals alleged that the police and forest guards were suppressing their rights. Due to the existence of tribal movements in various districts of Andhra Pradesh, the police can arrest villages under the TADA. Thus the tribal population is facing exploitation from both the feudal landlords as well as the police. They have not been able to gain much help from the local district and tribal authorities either. The various governmental programs have not helped them. Their economic exploitation, loss of land and social alienation are described in chapter III and IV, which underline the violent movements analysed in the next chapter. Table-3.8: IRRIGATION FACILITIES IN THE HAMLETS Sl.No.

Hamlets

Total Houses

1 1

2 A

3 30

2

B

10

Irrigation facilities Total Drinking Wells Population Water interviewed facilities 4 5 6 5 No water in Summer 3

Tank’s Bore wells

No water in wells

Tanks

Cultivation

7 Small Stream

8 Depend on rain Traditional polurs

--

”

3

C

100

10

Wells so difficult

Under progress

--

“

4

D

25

5

Wells

--

--

“

5

E

50

6

“

--

--

6

F

38

3

Distance above ½ km

7

G

70

10

Bore wells

Wells

--

New techniques

8

H

30

3

--

--

--

Tradition sleprded on raine

--

Water supplying to bour of velow

-Tradition new technique

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

33

Table-3.9: TRIBAL GROUPS AND EDUCATION FACILITIES S. No.

Total hamlets

Total Houses

1 1

2 A

2

B

3

4 5

C

D E

Tribal & other groups

3 30

Total Population interviewed 4 5

5 Gonds

Educational facilities available 6 --

10

3

Kolam’s Gond’s

--

100

25 50

10

5 6

Naik pods lambadas Banjaras & velamas Gonds, Kolams

up to 5th class

up to 3rd class only one teacher

Gonds, Kolams lambadas

mid day meal up to 3rd class

6

F

38

3

Gonds

7

G

70

10

Gonds/SC velamas

8

H 8

30 353

30 45

Gonds --

--

--

Chapter III

34

Table-3.10: DETAILS FACILITIES

OF

S. No.

Hamlets

Total Houses

1 1

2 A

2

MEDICAL

TRANSPORTATION Medical facilities

Roads

3 30

Total Persons interviewed 4 5

5 No

6 Yes

B

10

3

--

½ km away

3

C

100

10

--

Yes

4

D

25

5

--

--

5

E

50

6

--

--

6

F

38

3

--

Progress

7

G

70

10

Doctors stay in towards

Yes

8

H

30

30

---

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

35

Table-3.11: XI DETAILS OF DEBT AND INTEREST RATES S. No.

Hamlets

Total Houses

1 1

2 A

3 30

Total Persons interviewed 4 5

Debt

Interest rates

5 Rs.200 to 300

6 Rs. 50% to 100%

2

B

10

3

“

425% to 50%

3

C

100

10

500 to 100

50% to 100%

4

D

25

5

--

--

5

E

50

6

Loan’s from the banks

--

6

F

38

3 Bank Loan’s to 4 to 5 farmer’s above 100 to 2000

Rs. 5%

7

G

70

10

8

H

30

30

50%

Private ---

Chapter III

36

Table-3.12: XI DETAILS OF DEBT AND INTEREST RATES S. No.

Hamlets 2 A

Total Houses 3 30

Total Persons interviewed 4 5

1 1 2

B

10

3

Debt Interest rates 5 Corrupt forest guards who took bribes Harassed

3

C

100

10 Two peoples died in police firing

4

D

25

5

5

E

50

6

Chicken, buried houses

6

F

38

3

--

7

G

70

10

police harassment Cases

Alienation of the Tribals and its Impact

37

Notes 1. A recent study B. Janardhan Rao, Land alienation in tribal area. Kakatiya School of Publications, 1987. 2. Von Furer Haimendorf. Tribes in India. The struggle for survival. 3. Ibid. 4. Haimendorf no. 1 p: 203, 204, 208. 5. Allam Rajaiah; Komaram Bheemu peace centre Publications Hyderabad 1983. 6. Von. Furer Haimendorf No. p. 208. 7. K. Balagopal. Agrarian Classes and conflicts perspective publication, Hyderabad, 1988, p.71. 8. B. Janardhan Rao “Land Alienation in Tribal Areas, Kakatiya School of Publication, 1987. 9. Tribal Land Regulation Acts 1971, Tribal Research Training Library Hyderabad. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Prakash Reddy, Politics of Tribal exploitation (A study of Tribal Unrest in Adilabad. ITDA Publication, p. 75. 13. Report on Development of Backward Areas National committee on the Development of Backward Area, 1981, New Delhi, Government of India, Planning commission. 14. Report of the working Group on tribal development during the sixth plan, 1980,p.23 to 54. 15. Haimendorf. Ibid. 16. Prakash Reddy. N. 12, p.51. 17. Andhra Prabha Telugu Daily 29th, 1990. 18. Prakash Reddy N. 12, p.42. 19. Report of Scheduled Caste/Tribe commission sixth report March 1983 to April 1984. 20. Ibid, p.43. 21. (1) K. Balagopal, N. 7, p.63. (2) G. Prakash Reddy, N.12, p.70. 22. V.N .V.K. Sastry “Between the Gond Rebellions” ITDA Publications, 1980, p.142.

CHAPTER IV COLONIAL AND POST-COLONIAL STATE POLICIES LAND ALIENATION AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN ANDHRA PRADESH – A BACK GROUND

Traditionally, the tribal people followed their customary law and there was no foreign power necessary them except the tribal chief. They are mostly peace-loving people and the existence of abundant natural resources did not necessitate any regulatory measures. This situation of state power into these areas Prior to that neither the tribals of Andhra Pradesh nor their lands were of interest to outsiders. This chapter provides an overview of the policies of the colonial or post-colonial State towards the tribals of Andhra Pradesh. It is divided into three parts. The first part analyses the penetration of colonial capital, the policies of the Nizam state which supported this and the resultant process of land alienation. The second part presents various attempts by the post-colonial state to return tribal land, rectify the wrongs of the past and to stop the process of alienation from proceeding further. The concluding part argues, from substantial evidence provided, that while some lands may have been returned, the state has not succeeded in stopping the process of land alienation which is destroying the tribal way of life. Today, the tribal areas are rich, whereas the tribals are poor and nearly 5 lakh tribal families living in scheduled villages of the state would have togethertoday been the proud owners of 18,48,209.30 acres average household land holding of 3.69 acres (approx); but today more than 48% of this land is cultivated by the non-tribals. In some districts like Khammam, Adilabad and Warangal more than 50% of the land in the scheduled village is held by the non-tribals1. The issue of land alienation in the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh, particularly in the Telangana region, has to be studied keeping in view the state policy. The character of the state policy from the colonial period reflects the non-tribal interests that operate within the socio-economic

40

Chapter IV

system. The legislative processes initiated by the colonial state in this regard had resulted in the attribution of judicial nature to lands. Explaining the overall effects of colonialism over the land structure, Bhawani Sen opines, “prior to the advent of the British in tothe soil2”. Sen Makes it clear that it is only after the British conquest of India that land had become a commodity, though there were a few exceptions. Land otherwise was inalienable and continued to be under the control of the original tiller. The conversion of land into a commodity was a late phenomenon in the tribal areas, as capital could not penetrate till the Britishers had forced an entry into these areas and found the land to be cultivated commonly by all the tribal inhabitants under the guidance of a community chief who was the nominal owner of the land. However, the casual relationship between the interests of capital penetration and the commodification of land must be understood in order to study land policy in the tribal areas. These interests, as analysed by R.S.Rao,3 may be brought under three main heads: extension of market connections, demand for raw material and strengthening of state power. It is in the background of these three types of capital, which penetrated into the Deccan tribal systems, that state policy towards the land problems was formulated. The tribal population in Telangana area was almost unexposed to the outside world during the Nizam’s in the early part of the 18th century4. The states activity, which was confined to the plains, where it could bring in a few changes, could not penetrate into the tribal territory because successive governments, including the early Nizams, did not interfere in the affairs of the tribals. As soon as the Britishers established their conquest over the circar districts of the Nizam’s territory, they started organizing the land survey and settlement operations in Andhra around the period 1800-505. By extending military support to the Nizam, the Britishers had their own intention of finding and exploiting raw materials, while searching for new markets and trade centers in this region. The operations for finding raw material reserves necessitated survey and settlement activity in these areas. This activity helped the Nizam to regulate the land ownership pattern and claim land revenues for his exchequer. In the process Nizam’s state offered large tracts of tribal areas to others on the lease in the second half of the 18th century. This resulted in the increase of the revenue to the Nizam, who was actually searching for alternative avenues of revenue to meet the additional expenditure for the maintenance of the British troops in his domain. Apart from this, by the end of 1820 he was in heavy debts, owning not only to heavy expenses incurred in the maintenance of the Hyderabad contingent of British Army,

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

41

but also due to the scandalous mismanagement of the state finances by his minister Chandulal. Meanwhile the head of Mesers Palmers and Company, eagerly offered him loans liberally until the amount became hopelessly large. To repay the huge debts that were accumulated in due course, the Nizam attempted to gain more land revenue and began leasing out some areas to the British colonial trade interests especially in the forest regions of Adilabad and Khammam where raw materials was abundantly available6. This process facilitated the penetration of colonial capital into the forest regions of Adilabad and Khammam districts. Hence the Telangana tribal areas underwent qualitative structural changes, and the Britishers further extended their operations in these areas in pursuit of raw materials. This was helped by the establishment of a railway line from Hyderabad to Palovancha for mining operations in 1844, which was extended to Vijayawada in 18997. By this the Britishers availed themselves of the facility for raw materials transportation while at the same time providing a link between Madras and Bombay, the two major colonial trade centers. This was made much easier with the opening up of the Chandrapur-Balharshah Railway line in 1929, which connected the Adilabad forest areas to the outside world8. All these efforts had been carried out with the active involvement of the colonial capital, which, in turn, served its purpose of linking the market centers of Delhi and central India to South India. These aspects of colonial capital, specially its “raw material bias,” have been described by Arun Bose . The introduction of forest conservancy operations in 1920s and 1930s made retention of land a problem for the tribals in general, and the Gonds in particular in the context of Adilabad9, and they began to feel the lack of permanent path rights. Meanwhile the consolidation of colonial interests in tribal areas also facilitated the Nizam state to get more revenue, strengthen its base, and promote a set of native non-tribal landed classes in these areas. A nexus was formed between this landed class, the Nizam state and the British as the opening up of these areas for exploitation benefited all the parties in different ways. The activities of the colonial as well as the native Nizam state introduced many important changes in Andhra Pradesh tribal areas. Large areas of tribal lands were brought under settled cultivation, infiltration of trading classes as well absentee land lords took place into these areas; efforts were made to search for raw materials by the colonial interests in collusion with the native state power which resulted in the establishment of the Singareni colleries ,10. There was remarkable growth of communication and transportation facilities through which the immigration of non-tribals and non-cultivating peasant classes increased. All these changes hastened the polarization and

42

Chapter IV

emergence of a clear-cut exploitative class consisting of absentee landlords and traders like Shaukars or Kamatees who brought in cultivating middle class peasantry from the plains. These sections of the population were accompanied by their non-tribal higher caste poor peasants and agricultural labourers. These conditions resulted in the colonization of properties and resources, a decline in the ratio of tribal land ownership and transformation of land into a commodity which led to the alienation of the original tillers. The most important feature of the life of the tribals which is clear from the account of their doings and the view of a number of writers in the colonial period is that they got into debt because of their simple nature and their ignorance of the laws regarding debt regulations. The classes which rent them money took full advantage of the situation. The rights of land transfer conferred by the British system of law and revenue made it possible for the tribals to be manoeuvred into selling their land to nontribals, land lords or money lenders traders, feudal lords or rich peasants depending upon the conditions and contradictions prevalent in those regions or villages. These groups liberally offered loans and insisted on security which brought the tribals into their fold; with no other alternative except to pledge a portion of the land thus allowing them to reap the benefit of it. But the money-lender was not satisfied with these arrangements and went to the extent of manipulating figures and when the tribals could not repay the amount, the land was taken over. Unable to repay debts the tribal population was forced to part with their lands. The grievances of the tribals did not end there as they were in many cases and forced to work in their own farms to pay back the remaining debt. This process led to bondage of their lives to the exploiters for generations. The whole process however did not involve money-lenders alone but also the state-created Deshmukhs who brought the cultivating peasant classes of the non-tribal communities into the tribal areas with the cooperation of the representative of revenue interests and legal interpreters like lawyers. In this whole network of exploitation, all these represent varied peasant, revenue, legal interests of the advanced communities, and the capital and state interests behind them are the core reasons for the large scale alienation of lands in the tribal areas.11 The Britishers undertook extensive land survey and settlement activity throughout the country. It was undertaken first in the coastal belt of Andhra Pradesh and later extended to the Nizams territory. Due to this, in the tribals areas of Telangana the exact boundaries of individual ownership of plots of agricultural land were left with no legal sanctions. As a result

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

43

of it, prior to the land survey and settlement, areas of tribal communities by and large remained almost unjuridical in their nature12. This proved to be a major disadvantage for the tribals. As a major part of his revenue policy, the Nizam in 1920s invited the plainsmen to settle in the tribal areas13. The far reaching implications of this revenue policy are many. It is very difficult to trace the actual date on which the immigration took place. The available information would indicate that the intensity of migration increased during the period 1920-60. Because of this unprecedented migration there was a sudden change in the tribal areas leading to almost chaotic conditions. The prevalence of “Sir Basta” (absence of any controlling authority over the structure) gave the vested interests the advanced community’s full control over the tribal lands. These communities who originally entered the tribal areas for the purpose of trade, excise and revenue, became very wealthy and brought vast tracts of land under their control. Apart from the suffering caused the tribals, by their ignorance of the laws the implementation of the various developmental activities undertaken by the government in these areas led to a large-scale depeasantisation process. Whenever tanks were constructed or renovated during the Nizam’s reign, non-tribals entered these areas as contractors and took over tribal lands, and some of the non-tribal labourers also settled as peasants, making tribal peasants as landless labourers14. In short, the activity of the Nizam government, in the fields of excise, forest and revenue which non-tribal population started entering in large numbers resulted in the land alienation of the tribal communities. Imposing heavy taxes on tribals and forcing them to retreat deep into the forest may be another reason. Many of the tribal peasants today admit that their fore fathers in the period 1920-4015, had to forcibly relinquish that land in utter disgust and because of inability to pay heavy taxes. This was started by many tribals to the researcher during his field trip. In the 1920-40s several non-tribal Deshmukhs and newly emerged Zamindars managed to occupy the lands evacuated by the tribals. The cultivation of these lands was carried out by the cultivating and service castes that were brought to these areas as share-croppers or tenants by the former classes. When the protective Tenancy Act (1952) was promulgated, all these nontribal tenants were either evicted by the landlords or asked to pay some amount in order to claim occupancy tenancy rights on the land. Thus, the lands that were under the ownership of tribals slowly passed in the hands of the non-tribal peasants, which after the 1950s passed into the lands of the Deshmukhs and Deshpandes. After the formulation of the state of Andhra Pradesh the landlords practically controlled the tribal lands depriving tribals of their ownership rights through fraudulent means and

44

Chapter IV

also driving out all non-tribals who had by then grabbed the lands from the tribals. Therefore the emergency of the civic society with its rules and regulations, courts and other paraphernalia led to the depeasantisation of the tribals16. Another method that contributed to the large-scale land alienation in these areas was the “Harras” activity by the Nizam-State which was prevalent during the period 1940-1950. Under this system, the State itself sold the land to cultivators or other interested persons. During 1940-46, especially in the Telangana region, non trbes ryots had to come to the Tahsildar to pay Zalsapatti in purchasing lands from the Government which had to pay “dinner tax, to the officials” in order to buy land they wanted to cultivate17. In short, land was sold to the highest bidder. This was within the purview of the law and resulted in inviting advancedtrading capital to these areas. The traders who bought the lands got the “firmaness” (legal right) from the Nizam, or his accomplice. The tribals at the first place did not know about these transactions and in cases where they did, they had no capital to purchase the lands in competition with the outsiders. In the process those lands, which were earlier, cultivated and possessed by the tribals also passed on to the non-tribals without their knowledge. Thus the clearing of the forest for the cultivational purposes was the only labour process that remained for the native tribals18. Methods like unaccountable denudation of forests on a massive scale under the supervision of the land-owning classes were also used, as every year large tracts of forestlands were cleared off and brought under cultivation. By this tribals were alienated from the forests by landlords. This further widened the gap between the tribal landless and landed gentry of the non-tribal communities, particularly where tribal labour was used to a great extend to clear off the forest area. These ‘fresh cultivable lands’ invariably went to the hands of the landlords. In certain areas care was taken by the landlords to avoid further legal complications19. Descheduling certain tribal areas invariably posed a threat to the very existence of the tribal life and they were left with no other alternative except to migrate from these areas. This took away their legal right on lands in the scheduled areas. This process was undertaken by the revenue officials at the local levels. Villages where tribals owned land were shown in the records either as deserted or as occupied by a majority of non-tribal cultivators. In short, during the survey of settlement operations, the revenue officials specially the Patwari, invariably manipulated the records in favour of the non-tribals. In all the cases, the records would show the presence of the non-tribals, and their ownership and possession of the lands,

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

45

in the period prior to the promulgation of the protective legislation in 1949. The tribals were shown in possession of only a meager amount of land20. Broadly speaking these are some of the methods used in the Telangana tribal areas due to which a large number of the tribals lost their lands. All these were applied prior to the promulgation of the land transfer regulations in Telangana as a result of which tribals could not assert their hereditary land rights. In fact, this is not a simple change that took place, but an outcome of the support by the then Nizam state and its apparatus and its attendant classes. Studies undertaken after the promulgation of protective legislation or legalisation in 1949 have revealed the gross violence of the protective laws and laid bare some of the new forms through which the land alienation in the tribal areas has continued. The first and foremost form of alienation of lands, has been the manipulation of land records. The unsatisfactory state of land records both in the initial stages of the survey and settlement operations and in the period following the regular settlement operations made this possible. It is observed by the National Commission on Backward Areas21 that “the significant consequences of the unsatisfactory state of land records was that the tribals were never legally recognised as owners of the lands which they cultivated as they could simply occupy it till such time as a superior claim got enforced.” The extent of the land ownership actually recorded in favour of the tribal cultivators in a settlement operation would depend largely on the sensitivity of the officers responsible for the operation, the strength of the outside interests and the consciousness amongst the community about the nature of their operations. The commission further mentions that in many areas, therefore, the dissonance between the official records and the field reality as a result of the settlement operations was a situation about which the tribals were ignorant. Varrien-Elwin22 anticipated the possible dangers of the lack of proper maintenance of the records and observed that “in most of the inaccessible and ex-zamindari areas, no proper records of rights had been prepared. Even after the passage of two decades since he made this observation efforts have not been made to avoid the tragedy. “This major drawback was that it was effectively been misused by the vested interests among the non-tribal communities. The second form of the land alienation is reported to have taken place due to benami transfers. The report of the study team of the Union Home Ministry (May 1975) pointed the large-scale transfers of ownership of the Adivasis land by illegal and benami transactions, collusive civil proceeding etc. It found that which in the name of the original owners they were reduced level of share-croppers or agricultur labourers. Even

46

Chapter IV

the working group on tribal development appointed by the Planning Commission was of the theiropinion that “inspite of the protective measures to restore land to tribals, it is still reported to be taking place. It appears that in most cases these are caused because of Benami transaction”. Thus the techniques might have changed but the process continues. Coupled to this is the inability of the tribals to maintain documents, which could prove their ownership. Their non-tribal counter parts on the other hand are well versed in this art, and are experts in falsifying the documents. The courts of judges’ reliance on the documents and their narrow and legal view of the situation helps the non-tribals invariably. This situation is not confined to any particular tribal regions but pervades throughout the country. In the case of the Jharkhand tribal region of Bihar, it is reported that even ‘defacto possessions’ were brought to the notice of the government, which continued to adopt an ostrich-like attitude to the question23. The third form of land alienation is related to the leasing or mortagaging of the land. For various needs, tribals raise loans from a trader, feudal lord and rich peasant, and invariably they have to give either gold or land as security as they do not have any other possessions. Many poor tribal peasants give their lands on lease to non-tribals and very rarely are those lands reassigned to them. Analyzing this, a researcher on tribal studies has commented” in the past few years, the non-tribal cultivators have adopted a novel method of retaining the land of the Reddis and Koyas for raising tobacco and chillies “on expiry of the lease, these nontribals enter into a fresh agreement” with the Reddis for-share-cropping on the condition that the entire cost of cultivation would be borne by them and the yield be distributed among themselves in the ratio of share to the non-tribal cultivator, and 1 share to the tribal land holders. Besides this, in the regions or villages where the commercialization of crops is taking place and assured irrigation is available, land happens to be of black cotton. Soil, the inevitable requirement is capital and this can only be supplied by non-tribals who take lands on lease. Taking land on lease is useful for the non-tribals who can then have a constant control over the lands without legally coming into possession of the lands. Encroachment is another mode of dispossessing the tribals of their lands, and this is adopted by the new entrants in all the places where there were no proper land records24. Bribing the local Patwari for manipulating the date of settlement of land dispute on record prior to the stipulated years, is another method. This anti-dating method had been used because the legislations that were enacted in all the states had put a specific year as a cut off year. According to these legislations, land sold or mortgaged

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

47

within that specified year are to be declared as illegal and restored to the tribals. To avoid this, anti-dating has become one of the powerful means by non-tribals to enable the courts to ascertain their claim. This is done with the annuisance of the patwari, a lower rank official in the revenue machinery, who rarely notes down all these operations seriously25. Marital alliance is another form used to circumvent the law, and it has emerged comparatively on a large scale in the alienation of lands from the tribals. Large areas of fertile land were purchased by non-tribals, and registered in the names of tribal women whom they kept (even falsely) as their mistresses. These marital alliances not only worked as a strong ground for economic purposes but also for the sustenance of political power by the non-tribal communities to usurp the reserved seats of authority at local levels. This method came into existence as many protective legislations allow intra-transfers of land within the tribal communities26. Fictitious adoption of non-tribals by the tribal families is also prevalent in few parts of Andhra Pradesh. According to Dhanam27 a tribal administrator, “acquisition of lands in the names of non-tribal boys who become tribals over might after the execution of the bogus adoption deeds in the name of a tribal is another important method used by the non-tribals to grab tribal lands28. The falsification of the records pertaining to the numerical strength of the tribal community does not end here. This has gone to the extent of descheduling or eliminating the villages from the scheduled areas and declaring or notifying certain villages as falling within the scheduled areas, and all this appears to have been done in perfunctory manner with the result that some of the tribal villages having sufficient tribal population have been listed outside the jurisdiction of the notified tribal area29. Instances are there where the landlords resorted to some other manipulations. Many big landowners produced false medical certificates to establish the incapacity of tribals to cultivate their lands and managed to get these lands on lease for fixed periods30. It is further observed that the exploiter would not hesitate even to employ goondas wherever the tribals assert their rights on their lands or make other legitimate demands. The non-tribals also do not hesitate to use their political influence and take the assistance of the state machinery31.

II.

Land Transfer Regulation Acts in Tribal Areas:

The Constitution of India enjoins upon the State to protect the scheduled tribes from all forms of exploitation and promote with special interest the economic and education interests of scheduled tribes. In

48

Chapter IV

exercise of powers conferred under para 5(2) of the Fifth Schedule in the Constitution of India32, the Government of Andhra Pradesh made the following regulations to protect the land of the tribals in scheduled areas. The firsttime land alienation regulation of 13471 in 1937 was enacted on an experimental basis by the Nizam government, to prevent land alienation in the two districts of Aurangabad and Osmanabad33. The two important clauses that were added are: 1) the act provides that a nonmember of a protected class is allowed to sell his land to member of his own class or group without the approval of the Talukdar unless he has retained in his permanent possession a piece of land having an assessment value of at least Rs.30/- per year. 2) the act restricts protection under the regulation only to these members of the protected classes who do not pay assessment of more than Rs.500/- annually to the government. All the excess land a person of a protected call possesses can be sold under the ordinary law as before. The holders of such estates will, so long as their holding is assessed at not less than Rs.500/- be grouped as the nonprotected class. This act was misused by the landed peasants34. The agency tracts and land transfer Act 1971 was enacted mainly to put an end to the various practices adopted by the money lenders in the agency areas of the coastal Andhra. These moneylenders entered the tribal areas mainly to exploit the tribals and gain control over the virgin resources of the forest area. To regulate their activities the ensuing Act imposed certain restrictions on them35. The significant features of this Act pertaining to the preservation of land alienation in the tribal areas was that, any transfer of immovable property, when it was made without the ‘previous consent’ obtained in writing of the Agency or any prescribed officers was made absolutely null and void unless it was made in favour of another hill tribes person (section 4 of the Act)36. However for all practical purposes people in the plains who settled in these areas were left free to continue their exploitation. This further encouraged immigration as the money lenders and merchants from the plains continued to migrate to the Agency Areas and settle there to carry on their business. It is also said that the right of the land holders to proceed with the eviction of the tribals under the Estate Land Act was not taken away by this Act. This resulted in the detection of only a few cases under this Act. Thus the Act was used more to enable the non-tribals to acquire lands in the tribal areas with the surreptitious consent and seal of the agency then to protect the tribals from the exploitation of the Regulation of 1917 was that it did not cover the tribes of the Telangana area under the Nizam’s rule .

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

49

These are some of the major loopholes in the Act, which helped the continuation and perpetuation of the land alienation process. While above act is in force in coastal Andhra region, a similar Act was enacted in Telangana during the end of the Nizam’s regime, with a view to tackle the Telangana Armed struggle. Thus the Hyderabad Tribal Areas Regulation of 1359 (Fasli) was promulgated in 194937. The Regulation 1 of 1959 passed in the post 2nd era repeated the “Agency tracts interests and land transfer Act, 1917 and provided protection to tribal land. This regulation was originally made applicable to the scheduled areas of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari and West Godavari districts and was latter extended to the Scheduled areas of Adilabad, Khammam, Warangal and Mahaboobnagar districts, by regulation 11 of 1963 to bring uniformity of the law through out the scheduled area of the State. The regulation-11 of 1963 repealed the Andhra Pradesh (Telangana areas) Tribal Areas Regulation 1959 F. The regulation of 1959 attempts to protect the land rights of tribals in the following manner38. (a) In the Scheduled Areas transfer of immovable property by a member of scheduled tribe to any body other than a member of scheduled tribe without permission in writing from the competent authority shall be null and void. (b) Where a transfer of immovable property is effected in favour of any member other than of a scheduled tribe, the Agent, Agency divisional officer or any other prescribed officer on application by any interested person or suo moto may restore the property to the transferor or his heir. (c) Rules were framed under section 8 of Regulation 1 of 1959. An interesting feature of this regulation is that if the transferors or their heirs are not willing to take back the property or when their whereabouts are not known, the officers concerned may assign or sell the property to any other member of the scheduled tribe or cooperation society of the tribals or otherwise dispose off the sum as if it were the property of the government. The above clause conferring powers on the special officers to dispose off the property of tribals in case the transferees there are not willing to take back the property itself is a lacuna in the Regulation. Further, when their where abouts are not known their property is deemed to be the property of the government. This also is another loophole in the Regulation. The need for a proof that he is not willing to take back his land, or to prove that he is alive, I shifted into the tribal himself, who, in most of the cases happens to be illiterate. Further, neither the prescribed officer nor the agent who generally belong to the non-tribal class, have evinced much interest in restoring the land back to the tribals. As a result

50

Chapter IV

of all this, the safe guards contemplated in the Regulation were frequently violated and transfers have taken place in spite of the Regulation. It also became an open secret that the Regulations could not prohibit transfers. However in most cases, the alienation process started with lease or mortgage of the land and culminated in the transfer of the ownership rights39. In some cases though the ownership is in the name of a tribal in the official records in reality the land would be holding by a non tribal. If so de facto the lands are cultivated by the non-tribals. In a few cases where the whereabouts of the tribals are not known the lands are also reported to have been transferred in accordance with the discretion of the competent authority. The discretion very rarely turned in favour of the tribals. Some of the cases were also settled against the tribals on the pretext that the tribals concerned did not possess any heir though the poor tribal had a number of children. Besides the legal loopholes mentioned above, several backdoor methods were used to transfer the land to the nontribals with the help of the lower rank revenue officials40. These backdoor methods included the methods like (1) effecting a transfer of property in the name of another tribal, who works for the non-tribal owner, which is more or less tantamount to benami transfer (2) marrying tribal women for the same of property, while, in practice, according to them status of a concubine and (3) forcibly cultivating their lands by denying pattas to them, though these were formerly declared as owners. The ever-growing and unsolved number of detected causes of land transfers both at the state and district levels evidently show the way the Act was implemented. As these lapses were found in the Regulation, it was amended in 1970, taking the hardships encountered under this Regulation into consideration41. The Amendment Act of 1970 came into force on 1-7-1971. It applies to all lands in the scheduled areas in respect of which no settlement had been effected. However, it does not include lands covered by the Mahals and Muthas abolition Regulation (Regulation 1 and 2 of 1969). It covers all the lands which originally comprised in the estates taken over under the Andhra Pradesh Estates (Abolition and conversion in Ryotwari) Act and which lie within the scheduled areas. There are ryotwari lands also in the agency areas other than those comprised in the estates or mahals or muttas. Such lands are also covered by this Regulation provided they have not already been settled.42. Under this Regulation, every ryot is entitled to a ryotwari patta with respect to all cultivable lands, which were property included in his tribal land holding. If the land is situated in an estate taken over by the government under the Estates Abolition Act, a person who would be entitled to ryotwari patta under that Act shall be given ryotwari patta. For

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

51

the lands not falling under this category, he is not entitled to a ryotwari patta if he is a non-tribal unless he has an occupation of the land for a continuous period of 8 years immediately before the commencement of this Regulation. The provisions of this Regulation have over the other Acts and Regulations43. The Regulation, however, states that the enforcement of the current regulation is not retrospective. Hence, manipulations have taken place where the non-tribals could connive, and the transactions pertaining to the transfer of lands have taken place with the supposed asset of the tribals. They have produced false certificates to retain their properties44. The nontribals have bribed the local officials liberally and got their land transfers antedated so that these illegal transfers were not attracted by the Regulation. This seems to be well planned to avoid any further litigations in future. In certain cases even the land was declared as “Bancharai” (uncultivable poromboke) so that it could be easily transferred to nontribals, through the connivance of the patwari who manipulated the village records in such a way that the tribal lands have been shown as waste lands or government lands. The implementation of the land transfer Regulation has been further hampered by the frequent filing of writ petitions in the court by the affected non-tribals. When eviction notices were served to them, many non-tribals filed petitions under Article 226 of the Constitution challenging the constitutional validity of the Regulation on the ground that section 3(1) of the Regulation was in violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed to them under Article 19 and 31 of constitution and that it violates the provision of the rule of law contained in Article 14 of the constitution45. Thus, in the light of these lapses, the government of Andhra Pradesh once again, in 1971, amended the Regulation of Andhra Pradesh Scheduled areas Land Transfer Regulation (Amendment) 1 of 1970 act Under the previous regulation 1 of 1970, the co-operative societies and mortgage banks face some practical difficulties in the tribal areas. The cooperative and mortgage banks in the scheduled areas had to stop all transactions as these land-mortgaged banks had already advanced money to their members who were mostly tribals. To remove the technical snag, the regulation 1 of 1971 has been enacted amending the section-3 of the Regulation 1 of 197046. It provided for mortgaging any immovable property situated in the Agency tracts to any cooperative society, including a land mortgage bank or to any commercial bank or other financial institution approved by the state Government, on the expressed conditions that in the event of default, the property should be sold only to the tribals or cooperative societies consisting wholly of the members belonging to

52

Chapter IV

scheduled tribes. Further, it prohibited lawyers from representing the non-tribals without the permission of the agent. But, if the Agent permits, the non-tribals can engage lawyers and represent their cases in the Agency courts. Though the Regulation appears to be very stringent in its formulation, in practice, it gives again a free hand to the non-tribals to put the tribals in legal and civil litigations, which involve a lot of expenditure, which they cannot afford47. The regulation denotes that to appear before the court a prior permission of the Agent is needed. The non-tribals could influence the Agent and could get his prior permission in many cases as the bureaucracy largely operates in favour of the non-tribal holders. Since the competent authority can transfer the land very often, the conditions under which the permission should be granted have not been specified, and they have been left to the discretion of the competent revenue authority, which often leads to manipulation and is detrimental to the interests of the tribals. All these exercises finally culminate in the declaration of a government order (G.O.Ms.No. 1290)48 of Andhra Pradesh, which declared and allowed the non-tribal land holdings in the tribal areas as justified, with certain limitations. In the period between 1971 and 1979, certain developments were noticed in the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh. The cleavage between the tribals and non-tribals had been widening day by day on the crucial land issue. A move initiated by the district Collector of Khammam in 1974 to evict the non-tribals holding lands in the scheduled areas was the immediate cause underlying the promulgation order by the Government. The government had issued this order on the basis of a resolution adopted by the Zilla Parishad, which pleaded for the exemption of non-tribal landless poor in occupation of lands in the scheduled areas up to 5 acres of wet land, or 10 acres of dry land should not be evicted for the present under the provisions of the Andhra Pradesh scheduled areas land transfer formulation, 1959 and the commissioner of land revenue and the agency collectors are directed to take action accordingly. The Government order Ms.No.129, both in its spirit and content, functions against the very interests of the tribals. The executive order also nullifies the provisions of many legislative Acts while creating an extra constitutional sphere of authority to affect the lives of tribals. The following few observations show the effects of the order and its “class” nature. For a long time, the non-tribal small peasants who own tribal lands were relatively less in number. The non-tribal landlords managed to subdivide their property into smallholdings and then sell the lands to some of the non-tribal small peasants over the years. This type of transfers led to proliferation of non-tribal peasants. By doing so, the

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

53

landlord uses the small non-tribal peasants as a pawn for his selfish methods. Escaping from the impounding danger of legislation, which may finally lead to his eviction from tribal lands . With the support of the provisions of the legal code, the landlords have also reasserted their rights over the tribal lands by purchasing the lands from the non-tribal small peasants. Another trend that is found is that rich peasants who settled over these tribal lands are carried out to see that the lands are subdivided into small holdings which would not cross the ceiling acreage fixed by the Government order. Taking advantage of the order, the land lord or the rich peasant is able to use nefarious methods like sub-division of this land, donating it to his relatives or bribing the tribal chieftains to see that their hold over land would be further confirmed to circumvent the regulations. Whenever the courts give favourable judgments to the tribals the land has to be restored back to the tribals by the non-tribal rich peasants. It was thwarted by adopting coercive measures like engaging hired goondas or sometimes with the connivance of the police threatens the tribals not to press for the land. As a result of this, the lands remained in the possession of the nontribals49. Another major consequence of the order is that it consciously and deliberately attempts to pit the non-tribal small peasant against the tribal small peasant, whereby the non-tribal rich peasant is left free despite his illegal occupation of the tribal lands. While earlier regulations, at least on the surface did not openly support the non-tribal peasants right over the lands, this order has explicitly revealed the power of the vested interests of its bias towards the non-tribal peasants ignoring the very essence of socio-economic justice, and created and encouraged enmity between the tribals and non-tribals. By this the ruling class can divert the attention of the tribals from real issues like exploitation by landlords to an issue like the alienation of land due to the presence of the non-tribal small peasants, thereby creating a contradiction among the poor peasantry50. Hence the continuous use of oppression and manipulation are the two forms adopted by the ruling classes that control the state power, which are largely semi-feudal in nature51. Another lacuna of the land Regulation Acts is the exclusion of Wattandari, Jagirdari, Makta, Kaul lands from the purview of all these Regulations. Specifically it may be noticed that due to financial insolvency the Nizam gave full freedom to the Jagirdars to introduce any kind of change in those areas that would help enhance the state revenue52.

54

Chapter IV

This had negative effect over the implementation of these Acts or regulation. Enforcement machinery has also been set up by successive governments. The Nizam government created a special agency for the implementation of the new policy of training teachers and establishing special schools for tribals in Telangana. This new department which was known as the social service department in 1943-44 was attached to the Revenue department and it was headed by the adviser for the tribes and backward classes. Many measures of tribal rehabilitation were adopted in these years in the tribal areas. In addition to the Agent (District Collector) and the agency Divisional Officers, the Deputy Collector (Tribal Welfare), Elwinpeta (in respect of Vizianagaram, and Srikakulam districts), special Deputy Collectors (Tribal Welfare) at Paderu (Visakhapatnam district), Ramachodavaram (East Godavari District), Kota Ramachandrapuram (West Godavari District), Bhadrachalam (Khammam district), Eturunagaram (Warangal district) and Utnoor (Adilabad district), project officers of all ITDAs also who are competent authority to declare against any person in possession of the property situated in scheduled areas, and restore it to the transferor or his heirs53. The special Deputy collectors (Tribal Welfare) assisted by his subordinate staff detect the cases of violation of land transfer Regulation and pass orders as deems fit after conducting enquiry as ordained by the Regulation54. In case he decides that the person in possession should be ejected, he passes a decree of ejectment and restores it to the transferor. An appeal against any decree or order passed under land Transfer Regulation by special Deputy Collector (Tribal Welfare) lies with the Agents (District Collectors). Revision of any decree or order passed by the Agent lies with the state Government. At the central level, a Joint Secretary of the Home Ministry heads a separate tribal and looks after the tribal affairs and co-ordinates the regulatory and developmental activities.

Implementation of land Transfer Regulation Performance appraisal As a result of effective implementation of the provisions of Land Transfer Regulation, a sizeable extent of land has been restored to tribals. The details of land restored under this Regulation till the end of June 1995 are listed on the next page.

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

55

Table- 4.1: LAND HOLDINGS BY NON-TRIBALS 1)

No. of non Tribal Occupation in Scheduled 5,750 acres Villages 2) Extent of land involved (under col.No.I) 2,455.23 acres 3) Cases in which enquires were initiated under 57,150—cases LTR. 4) Extent of land involved (under Col.No.3) 24,589.23 acres 5) No. of cases disposed off 48,234 – cases 6) Extent of land (under col.No.5) 2,17,574.24 acres 7) No. of cases disposed off in favour of non23,702 – cases tribals 8) Extent of land (under Col.No.7) 1,18,486.51 acres 9) No. of cases disposed in favour of tribals 24,532-10) Extent of land covered (under col.No.9) 99,087.73 acres 11) No. of cases in which land was restored to 20,233 tribals 12) Extent of land covered (under col.No.11) 68,520.98 acres 13) No. of cases pending disposed 2,100 14) Extent of land covered (under col.No.13) 7,653.43 acres Source: National Seminar on ‘Scheduled Tribes and Social Justice’ 29th & 30th July, 1995, Department of Tribal Welfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad.

The above data shows that 7,51,435.66 acres land is in possession of non-tribals in the scheduled areas of the state. It is significant that in 57,150 cases covering an extent of only 2,45,589.23 acres, there was prima facie evidence that provisions of Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation Act, 1959 have been violated and hence, proceedings were initiated under the Regulation. Till now 2,17,574.24 acres of land involved in 48,234 cases have been disposed off, out of which 23,692 cases covering an extent of 1,18,486.51 acres were disposed off in favour of non-tribals and the percentage of disposal in favour of non-tribals is 49.13%. It is significant that the number of cases disposed off in favour of tribals is 24,532 which is 50.86% of the total cases, disposed off by the competent authority, whereas the percentage of land ordered to be restored to the tribals as against the total land involved in litigation for which final orders have been issued is 45.54%. Out of 48,234 cases disposed off covering an extent of 2,17,574.24 acres, the land restored back to tribals is 99,087.73 which constitute 45.54%. It is significant that the largest number of cases i.e. 25,311 were registered in Khammam district alone which constitute nearly 50% of the total cases covering an extent of 76,584.59 cases were disposed off in favour of non-tribals and less than 33,000 acres were ordered in favour of tribals. It is a matter of serious

56

Chapter IV

concern that the most fertile alluvium lands stretching over thousand of hectares available all along the catchments area of Godavari river in the Khammam district, has attracted the non-tribals from all over the state, and the most prosperous and enterprising among the non tribals have settled down there and a major controversy in fact had erupted over the implementation of the land Transfer Regulations over some of these areas, resulting in transfer of officers who are known for their commitment and sincerity. In Warangal, West Godavari, and Adilabad districts the extent of land restored to tribals after favourable order ranges from 5% in W.Godavari to 46% in Adilabad district. In most of the cases, the issues are being litigated for several decades before a number of legal forums, and official lethargy banking on criminal negligence has also been responsible for this dismissal performance. However, the statistical data furnished above does not fully reflect the actual position on the ground. In reality several non-tribals are in occupation of land through various means like lease, tenancy, mortgage, sharecropping besides benami transactions, including transfer of land in the name of tribal women and tribal farm servants through psedo tribal certificates. Further several non-tribals are in occupation of lands even after decree of act is passed by the competent authority under the provisions of Andhra Pradesh scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation, 1959, either due to high handedness of the non-tribal or due to the protracted process of litigation. Besides these legal loopholes, the present administrative set up has been found to be weak in the implementation of the land transfer regulations due to dearth of staff. That this administrative machinery could not do much to alleviate the suffering of the tribals is very clear from the facts and figures, which speak of the performance of the administrative set-up. The statement of the cases registered from the time of inception (1955) of the office of the Special Deputy Collector (ITDA) in Khammam, Adilabad and Warangal Districts, gives us a clear picture about the number of cases registered and the number of cases disposed off. Out of a registered number of 92293.23 in Khammam and 42965.35 in Adilabad districts, covering an area of 92293.27, 42965.35 acres respectively, 9531 in Khammam and 3622 acres in Adilabad were disposed off in favour of tribals and the land was restored. It is very interesting to note that the number of cases pending at the end of June 1995 were 22 cases in Khammam district and 583 in Adilabad districts covering an area of 3483.55 acres. Thus, a number of cases that are likely to effect the landlords adversely are consciously kept as undecided.

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

57

It is also pertinent to observe that 12,949 cases covering an area of 43198.44 acres in Khammam and 16287.67 acres in Adilabad districts were decided against the tribals for the reasons that the transactions in favour of the non-tribals took place before 01-12-1963, the date from which the regulation had come into force. The date on which the transactions that actually took place were decided arbitrarily and the same date were taken into consideration in the course of the judicial proceedings. There is every reason to doubt that the transaction might have been antedated to circumvent the regulation. That is why, it is said that in every case several bogus and forced sale deeds were reported to be kept ready for production at the time of the hearing of the case. By manipulation through revenue stamps lifted from the Tahsil land records office and by bribing the lower rank of the revenue officials, documents can be transformed and changed. It is observed that some sort of expertise has been developed to prepare the sale of documents in such a way that they cannot be challenged at all. Another important trend which can be observed here is that whenever the office of the Special Deputy Collector decides a case he decides against the tribals and the cases were invariably suspended at this level itself. Even the Andhra Pradesh land transfer regulation fixing 1963 as the cut off year has not only done severe injustice to the tribals, but also permanently made them helpless in the restoration of lands which were shown as sold in earlier years to negate the very purpose for which the regulation was introduced. Thus a large of chunk of fertile lands was transferred to non-tribals without providing a chance of questioning them through the court of law. The tribals, in any way, are also not in a position to understand all the legal niceties and bear the medicinal expenses. Although in most of the cases the land is said to have been restored to the tribals, the facts are different. Some of the judgments remained on paper. The lands were restored to the tribals only in few cases and in such cases too it was possible because of the assertive capacity of the tribals involved in the case, who could fight for their rights, and not because of the “timely assistance” of the administrative machinery. In a few cases the non-tribals had already reached an informal agreement with the tribals. The officials who are in charge of these operations can be generally classified into two kinds: officials who are reluctant to go to the interior villages, which they hold, are Naxalite infected and pay visits only to the road side villages. These officials submit reports without covering all the facts concerned and it is a serious lapse on their part. The second type of officials is generally sincere, but face several obstacles in their functioning as they would either be ‘presurrised’ or cornered with non-cooperation

58

Chapter IV

within and outside the department. These officers also feel alienated in the bureaucratic set up, which is full of internal contradictions. Moreover, the office of the Special Deputy Collector at the district level usually gets a ‘step-motherly treatment’ from the Revenue Department in particular, and from the government in general. There are frequent transfers from this office, which hampers efficiency. It is observed that in a period of five years at least seven officers were shifted to other posts from the district. It is not a popular place among officers for there are very few who willingly come and help the tribals. As a result these responsibilities are often entrusted to senior officers of the District Collectorate, who cannot bestow much attention upon the job since they are saddled with other duties. Thus from the administrative side, the problem of restoration is merely part of renting administration. At the initial stages of enquiry, tribals are asked not to report or physically threatened not to seek the help of the special Deputy Collector of land Alienation. Due to this the bureaucracy works in tune with pressure and influence of the higher officers and takes up only the cases of non-tribal small farmers and ignores the larger interests of the tribals. Thus, though the setting up of the institution of special Deputy Collector is meant for the restoration of lands to the tribals, it is beset with many inherent limitations due to which it cannot function in the desired way unless the administrative set up is streamlined and geared up to squarely face the problem in a bold manner, where it has to hurt the interests of the non-tribals, rich peasants and the landlord class. This institution may not serve the purpose for which it is intended and restoration of land to the tribals would continue to be myth in reality.

Political Movements: Pre-Independence period There is a long history of tribal movements in Andhra Pradesh. They are related to encroachment upon land and the tribal way of life by “outsiders”. The tribals were always looked upon as rebellious and local rulers often had to use their superior military strength to question them. During the colonial period the tribes rebelled against both local Hindu rulers and the British colonial administration, wherever they felt their rights in the territories were being encroached upon. Four tribal armed revolts originated in the Eastern Ghats, the fourth one occurred among the Gonds of Adilabad and Koyas of Khammam district, which formed part of the Nizam’s territory. The first two revolts took place in the Rampa area of East Godavari District in 1802-03 and 1829. The first one, led by

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

59

Rambhoopathi is well known as the Rampa revolt. The third one led by Alluri Seetha Rama Raju in 1922-24 was also in the East Godavari district. The fourth one, in which we are interested was in 1940 by the Gonds of Adilabad under the leadership of a tribal leader named Komaram Bheemu55, the fifth in the Srikakulam district and left intellectuals in the Khammam district. The first two rebellions were due to disputes relating to succession to the Muttadari estates. These Muttadars were petty tribal chiefs who were appointed by the British East India company’s agents for keeping peace and collecting a very nominal land revenue from the tribal people more as a symbol of over all authority of the company’s Government, rather than as a source of revenue to the state. The muttadars used all questionable and violent methods to terrorise the poor Koya and Konda Reddi tenants and effect several illegal and unconscionable exactions from the helpless and hopeless tribal people.

The First Rebellion in (1879-80)56 The first rebellion in 1879 was in the Rampa countryside. It was a dynastic succession trouble in which the Hill reddis were only indirectly involved. However in 1766, the Nizam who ruled Rampa handed it over to the British East India Company. In the Northern Circars, which are coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh, though in Chodavaram taluk containing the Rama area, no regular collection of land revenue was enforced till the end of the 19th century. In addition to this, free drawing of toddy by the tribals was obstructed by the Mansabdar and several types of taxes unknown before they were levied. The first outbreak of the rebellion occurred in March 1879.

Second uprising of the Konda Reddis (1915-16)57 This insurrection was not a tribal struggle or a popular revolt like the Rampa rebellion, but was a successful and prolonged defiance of law and order by armed groups of malcontents and bandits who found shelter in the mountains and intimidated the hill people into giving them sporadic support. This revolt spread over the hill area of Visakhapatnam and East Godavari Agencies.

60

Chapter IV

Alluri Seetha Ram Raju 1922-2458 The third revolt of the Andhra Pradesh tribals against their Indian exploiters and against the armed forces of the British Government took place in 1922 and lasted till 192459. To observe that this movement had only sporadic support, is to close one’s eyes to the immense suffering endured for over two years continuously, by a hundred thousand forest folk at the hands of the vicious Malabar special police, noted for their unbridled redids were forced to entertain against the non-tribal moneylenders and their own Muttadars60. They fought against the forest officials on the wasteful cultivation of “podu” 2) forest rules and restrictions and 3) the highhanded misbehaviour of the exploitative thahsiladar of Gudem61. The revolt under Seetha Ram Raju’s leadership is similar to the previous revolts of sandals, Manda, Gonds and Bhills. In that all of them were provoked by genuine grievances against Government officials who were unimaginative and wooden62. All the three were major revolts in which thousands of tribals took part actively and staked there all for securing freedom from official interference and oppression. All the leaders were quite selfless and gave away every thing for the emancipation of the fellow tribes men63.

Gonds of Adilabad 1940’s64 The movement under Bheemu represents an attempt by the Gonds to protect their cultivable land from outsiders and corrupt forest officials of the Nizam Government in the Dhonora reserve forest area. By the 1940s, as we have seen in the previous chapters, the land lords, money lenders and traders had begun to migrate into the tribal area causing severe social dislocation of the tribal land holding structure. Bheemu a literate Gond leader, attempted to settle the problem of kolam and Gonds of the area in hilly village named Babjere. However, as they had no documents, the forest officials were given the task of evacuating from the area leading to armed conflict. Bheemu even went to Hyderabad and returned with documents of permission to settle in a nearby village. However this did not give the tribals possession of the cultivable land. The struggle against land alienation continued up to the mid 1940s when Bheem continued to petition the government. During the movement the local (feudal land lords) used the police and finally suppressed the movement with brutal force. Large number of the Gonds died in police firing.

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

61

Telangana armed struggle: 1946-5165 During this period the tribals were mobilized under the leadership of communist party around various issues in the Khammam districts. The struggles were against exploitative practices such as collection of illegal dues. The leadership in this area was for withdrawal of the armed struggle due to the death of leading comrades like Macchaveerraya, Ganga Varapu Srinivasa Rao, and the arrest of Machikanti Rama Krishna Rao and others. The remaining squads and cadre were forced to retreat to the forest areas. The attacks and raids by the government forces were so intense that in one village, within months, there were 160 raids. One squad was repeatedly attacked by the police and military 12 times with in a day. In these raids and later up to the end of 1951, 31 whole time workers of the party were caught including four zonal committee members and five central organizers were shot dead. As a result the party had to reorganize its whole organisation. It was able to organize the whole of the forest area, palvancha, and East Illendu and the whole of Madira taluq, to another 200 villages. During June, December, 1949 twenty thousand agricultural labourers participated in these struggles and got their wages doubled. In the later days, the party and the squads extended beyond river Godavari, to the Bhadrachalam area, a part of old Seetha Ram Rajus Koyas revolt area. The Government adopted the big plan of evacuating the koya trial people to the outskirts of the forests. In the Banjara village of Soyam Gangulu, a small hamlet of 10-15 huts, between 15-20 people were shot dead. In the Allampalli camp, in Palvancha, 45 were shot in one day. Aerial reconnaissance was resorted to and bombs were also dropped two or three times. The party in parts of Khammam and Illendu Taluks extended itself to the forest areas. People in the forest areas of these taluks were far away from the towns and with no communication facilities; they depended upon rising of cattle and shifting agricultural as well as forest produce. They were exploited by the landlords of the plains and the village authorities (Patels and patwaris), who collected much more than the land revenue payable to the Government. They secured pattas on these lands for themselves, keeping the tribals as temporary occupants, and because forced labour was the order of the day, even the small amounts they earned by hard labour did not reach them. Forest officials exploited the labour of these people for official and personal work: but did not allow them to collect a few pieces of firewood for cooking purposes or such materials required for construction of small

62

Chapter IV

huts without paying heavy bribes. They always maintained that the land under the cultivation of the tribals came within the reserved forest areas. The traditional leaders were dictators who took bribes from contractors and sent labourers under their control on fewer wage. The party faced great difficulty in organizing and educating the people. All the inhabitants, with great difficulty, were gathered at a place in each village and they were totally ignorant about the party and its ideas. Village squads were constituted with all able bodied men and women and many tribal youths joined the party either as squad members or organizers. Large number of koyas joined the village squads. Tribals living in Palvancha and Illendu taluks organized themselves into Area committee. They moved into action on a mass scale and enjoyed many victories. The movement also grew among the Chenchu people in the Nallamalai forests in the Krishna river forest area and the Gond tribals in Adilabad. Distribution of landlords lands, cattle and paddy was undertaken by the people on a large scale. From 1946 to 1970’s Adilabad did not witness any large-scale tribal movement though resistance against exploitation continued. Large scale tribal movements led by communist groups took place in the Warangal, Khammam and Karimnagar districts of Andhra Pradesh. In these movements also land that was taken away from the tribals was the focus of the movement. The communists in some areas were successful in distributing some land to the tribals while this movement did not spread to the Adilabad and it provided the Gonds an example to emulate.

Revolt of 1968-7066 The uprising of the Andhra Pradesh Agency tribes is popularly known as the Naxalite revolt and is mostly confined to parts of Srikakulam, the Agency district on the northern border with Orissa, mostly inhabitant by the Jatapu and Savara tribal people. These tribal people revolted under the leadership of the Naxalites. The agitation derived its name from Naxalbari – a remote place in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal where it was conceived and given shape by Charu Mazumdar and Kan Sanyal. Srikakulam’s four tribal taluks bore a special advantage, which evidently induced the Naxalites to choose Srikakulam as the main centre of their operations. The special feature of the movement is that it is entirely led by nontribal recruits who are professional doctors and Engineers and other intelligentsia from medical and other colleges, unlike previous revolts of Andhra Pradesh except the communist led peasant revolt of ‘Nalgonda’ more than a two decade ago. While the previous rebellions were based on

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

63

Marxist philosophy , the Srikakulam rising has been throughout organised, controlled and fully financed by the Marxist, Leninist extreme section of the left communists, who claim that Mao’s line of thought and action is truly the only correct Marxist pattern that ought to be followed. The Srikakulam branch is a limb of an All India organisation – the chief architects of which are Kanu Sanyal, a thirty four year old Naxalite of Siruguri of Darjeeling district and Charu Mazumdar of the same district, who directed the branches wherever they exist, particularly in Kerala, where one Kunnikkal Narayanan and his wife and daughter Miss Ajitha, well known for their daring attack of Pulpally and Tellicherry wireless and police station, took the lead, in Srikakulam where an ordinary, but extremely popular Elementary school teacher Kondabaridi alias Vempatapur Satyam and Adibatla Kailasam assisted by a few other eminent local leader, directed the operation and in West Bengal where the Central leaders themselves took the wheel. The Andhra Pradesh Naxalite movement has by the middle of 1970 reached a period of lull, resulting in voluntary and action involved surrenders. Some of the Chief leaders have either been shot dead in encounters or arrested and kept behind bars. However the three member panel which toured the Srikakulam area extensively charged the armed police with murdering captured Naxalites in cold blood and demanded that the state government should put an end to the alleged atrocities. The panel also complained that 21 tribal villages were set on fire and many tribal hamlets looted. The basic grievances of the Srikakulam tribes are, to a large extent, the same as elsewhere, namely loss of land, voluntarily and involuntarily alienated to plains, money lenders, landlords, and other middle men, the indebtedness, usurious rates of interest, law delays in the courts and attachments of debtors properties. Thus many moneylenders have built up big fortunes in money lending for over a centuries in the tribal areas and have purchased thousands of acres of fertile land from the innocent, simple tribal people. Moneylenders and landed proprietors who got involved in the alienation and high ups in escaping evict proceedings were few and far between. The forest policies also cause these revolts. The achievements of the Andhra Pradesh Naxalites were not negligible. On other hand they speak of their immense organizing capacity, excellent strategy and unique forethought in choosing the terrain for their operations on the hilly and thickly wooded state bordered between Andhra Pradesh and Orissa, so that they could easily dodge their captors by fanning out as the liked. The Naxalites operated in an area of

64

Chapter IV

nearly 500 sq. miles of not easily accessible wild country, the jungle footpath of which are known only to the tribals themselves. Thus it is due to the existing discontent over land alienation in these districts that the left movement has infiltrated taking advantage of simmering discontent caused by the nefarious activities of non-tribal merchants, money lenders and agriculturists who occupied fertile tracts of tribal lands through illegal and reprehensive means of money lending and business and consequent reduction of the real tribal owner to the position of farm labourer. In accordance with the provisions of the constitution, several welfare legislations such as Andhra Pradesh scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation 1969 and 1 of 1970 Acts have been enacted in order to protect the rights of tribal on land from the exploitation of money lenders. Besides these, the state government passed several acts and Regulations exclusively to safeguard the interests of STs of the state. Even after the enactment of all these protective legislations, neither land alienation nor the activities of private moneylenders could be effectively curbed due to cunning maneuverability (no word like this) of the provisions of the Acts by the moneylenders. However, lack of proper land survey and settlement, no systematic land administration which was obviously intended for the promotion of various class interests, passing of regulations mutually contradictory in nature, limited and land equate personnel, unsympathetic and anti-tribal bias of the officials, negative role of the revenue officials, judicial delays and cumbersome and complicated procedures are a few of the legal and administrative lacunae. Hence the legal methods have to act in accordance with this inheritance of fraud and such as bound to be unhelpful to those for whom they are intended. Due to this the end product of this situation is the formation of a psychological chasm between tribal and non-tribal. Extending of the forest boundaries up to the village and restricting the operations of podu cultivation without providing immediately alternative livelihood led to the frustration of the tribals.

Notes 1. ITDA Office, Bhadrachalam, 1995. 2. Bhawani Sen: The Evolution of Agrarian Relations in India, people’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1962, p.132. 3. R.S.Ra. “Political Economy of Tribal Development” A paper submitted to the National Seminar held in April, 1982 at Warangal. 4. P.V.esh “National Seminar on Scheduled Tribes and Social Justice” 29th and 30th July, 1995. 5. Andhra Prabha (Telugu Daily), 28th August, 1990.

Colonial and Post-Colonial State Policies

65

6. C.V.F. Haimendorf: “The Gonds of A.P.” Vikas Publications, 1977, p.543. 7. The Census of 1891, Nizam Dominions, HEH, Nizam – Govt, Hyderabad-p.6. 8. Ibid. 9. Andhra Prabha. Telugu Daily, 28th August 1990. 10. CVF. Haimendorf, Tribal Populations of Hyderabad Yesterday and Today and 1941 Census, HEH Govt, Nizam. 11. Ragavaiah “Tribal Revolts” Andhra Rashtra Adimajati Sevak Sangh, Nellore A. 1971. 12. Balagopal: Agrarian Classes and Conflicts, Perspective Publication, Hyderabad, 1988. 13. V.M.V.K. Sastry: Between the Gond Rebellions, ITDA, Utnoor, Adilabad, 1989, 270. 14. Bhushanam: Adavai Antukonnadi, Konda Gaali “Two Telugu Novels”. 15. Haimendorf: The Gonds of A.P., Vikas, New Delhi, 1976, p.545. 16. Amalendu Guha, “The Ideology of Survey and Settlement”, Economic and Political Weekly, Oct, 1982, p.1651. 17. Sethu Madhava Rao, Gonds of Adilabad, Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1962. 18. CVF.Haimendorf, Notes on Hill Reddis in the Samsthan of Palvancha, Khammam District, HEH Govt, Hyderabad,1943, pp.5-6. 19. Andhra Prabha: (Telugu Daily) August 28th, 1990. 20. National Commission on Backward Areas Development, June 1981, Op.Cit.P.50. 21. Ibid. p.49. 22. Varrier Elwin, New Deal for Tribal India, Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, 1983, p.49. 23. Bihar’s Tortured Tribes, A Correspondent, Sunday, July 20, 1980, p.43. 24. Jaya Prakash Rao, Konda Reddis in Transition in Tribes of India Struggle Survival, CVF, Haimendorf (ed.), Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1982, p.275. 25. Ibid. 26. CVF.Haimendorf, Tribes of India, Op. Cit., p.236. 27. B.Dhanam, Land Alienation in A.P. Tribal Areas. In Land Alienation and Restoration in Tribal Communities in India, S.N.Dubey, Ratna Murdia, (eds), Himalaya Publishing House, Bombay, p.54. 28. “Another Massacre of Tribals”, Economic and Political Weekly, May 2, 1981, No.18, p.796. 29. S.N. Debey and Ratna Murdia, Land Alienation and Restoration in Tribal Communities in India, Himalaya Publishing House, Bombay, 1977, p.16. 30. Ibid. Op.Cit. p.11. 31. Organisation for the protection of Democratic Rights (on Srikakulam Movement, A.Report to the Nation, A.P. p.37. 32. The A.P. (Scheduled Areas) Land Transfer Regulation of 1959 and the Regulation 11 of 1963. 33. S.N. Dubey and Ratna Murdia, Op.Cit., pp.20-21. 34. Ibid, p.12. 35. Ratna Murdia “Land Settlement and Land Alienation among SCs and STs”, Economic and Political Weekly, Aug, 1975, pp.1204-1213.

66

Chapter IV

36. Govt. of India Act 1970. 37. Govt. of India Order No.129. 38. The Hindu, Hyderabad Staff Reporter, Sept. 2, 1981. 39. Ibid. p.8. 40. C.V.F. Haimendorf, Op.Cit. p.65. 41. The Government Order 1981. 42. District Gazetteers of Khammam, 1981. 43. ITDA Bhadrachalam, 10-12-1995. 44. ITDA Utnoor, 8-11-1995. 45. The Progress Report of the Special Deputy Collector of Tribal Welfare of the District from 1980-90. 46. It is reported in several studies that the revenue officials have generally colluded with the landed interests in the matter of land records manipulation. 47. The G.O.Ms.No.129 of 1979. 48. V. Raghavaiah, Tribal Revolts, Andhra Rashtra Adima Jati Sevak Sangh, A.P. 1971, p.40. 49. P. Sundaraiah: Veera Telangana Viplava Poratam – Guna Patalu, Communist of India Marxist (CPI (M) Praja Sakthi Publications, 1973, p.243. 50. V. Raghavaiah, Ibid, p.41. 51. Ibid 50. V. Raghavaiah, Op. Cit., p.41. 51. Ibid. 52. C.V. Furer-Haimendorf, “Tribes of India” Oxford University. 53. V. Raghavaiah, Ibid. 54. Ibid. 55. Allam Rajaiah, Komaram Bheemu, Peace Centre Publications, Hyderabad, 1983. 56. P. Sundaraiah, Op.Cit., p.243. 57. Ibid, p.309. 58. Ibid, p.310. 59. Ibid, p.312. 60. Ibid, p.315. 61. Ibid, p.316. 62. Ibid, p.318. 63. Ibid, p.320. 64. A.R. Desai, Peasant Struggle in India, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1979. 65. Shanta Sinha, Maoist in A.P. an Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis Studies, CPS/SSS, J.N.U., 1976, p. 66. Ibid.

CHAPTER V SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF TRIBALS IN ANDHRA PRADESH: A PROFILE OF ADILABAD AND KHAMMAM DISTRICT

This chapter presents the socio-economic conditions of tribals in A.P. and a profile of the two selected districts of Adilabad and Khammam. It provides a background to the in-depth study of land alienation in four taluks in these districts in the next chapter. Since Independence many development schemes and protective measure have been attempted by the Central State Government for the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh. However, this chapter shows that the conditions of majority of the tribals have deteriorated. While exploitation and backwardness are found in many communities and social groups in India, among tribes it has resulted in social alienation. The existence of a distinct culture and life style makes the problems of tribals different from those of other deprived groups in India. Andhra Pradesh is one of the large states occupying fourth place in the Indian Union covering an area of 1,06,286 sq. miles. The tribal agency part of the state roughly covers 29,683 sq. km1. Khammam district has the highest tribal population in Andhra Pradesh. The district lies between 160 45’ and 180 35’ North latitudes and between 79047’ and 800 47’ east longitudes2. It is bound on the north by the states of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, on the south by Krishna district, on the east by the East Godavari and West Godavari Districts and on the west by Nalgonda and Warangal districts. The district extends over an area of 16,027 sq.km and has a population of 221,5809 of which the tribal population is 5,58,9583. According to the 1991 census the district has 12 taluks namely 1) Nugur 2) Bhadrachalam 3) Bhoorgampadu 4) Mangooru 5) Sudimala 6) Yellandu 7) Kothagudem 8) Aswaraopet 9) Sathupally 10) Madira 11) Khammam 12) Thirumapalem. Important rivers which flow through this district are the Godavari, the Sabari, the Kinnerasani, the Munner, the Palen, the Akher and Wyra. The predominant soils are black cotton and sandry loam.

68

Chapter V

Besides the above, 48.7% of the district is covered by forests in which there are two logging divisions, one teak plantation division and a school of forestry at Yellandu imparting training in forestry to the foresters and forest guards drawn from the entire state. Timber, firewood and bamboo are the main items marketed. In fact the district is self sufficient in wood for the numerous industries located in the district such as Singareni collieries, Bhadrachalam paper mills, Ferro alloys and Tobacco barns. Surplus forest produce of this district is being sent to the less forested zones of neighbouring districts. The district is one of the main centers for production of beedi leaves. The minor forest produce is allowed to be collected by the Girijan Co-operative Corporation for the welfare of tribals. The production of forest productes has increased annually over the previous decade as shown in the following table (Table 5.1). Table -5.1: INCREASE IN FOREST PRODUCTES DURING 1978-19 TO 1979-80 Productions Sl. Activity No. 1978-79 1979-80 1 Production of Timber 4,367 cums 27,412 cums 2 Production of firewood 31,685 cums 1,69,948 cums 3 Production of bamboo 50 tons 8,284 tons 4 Production of bamboos by -14,938 tons Bhadrachalam Paper Board Ltd. 5 Production of Beedi 72,075 Bags 4,83,605 Bags Leaves 6 Revenue from sale of Rs.70,86,374 Rs.3,04,00; 990 forest produce 7 Total teak plantation in the 8,771 Hcts 14,884 Hcts year 8 Total bamboo plantation 2,354 Hcts 5,586 Hcts raised up to 9 Total Eucalyptus 8,77 Hcts 1,875 Hcts plantation raised up to 10 Industrial Plantation of N.A. 14,140 Hcts A.P. Forest Development Corporation Source: 1991 Census of Khammam district.

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

69

Minerals and Mining Khammam is potentially a very rich district, having good mineral resources. The coalfields at Kothagudem, Yellandu and Bhoorgam Padu are of national importance. The important minerals besides coal are iron ore, graphite, copper, marble, mica, limestone and calcite. Table 5.2: POPULATION OF SCHEDULTED TRIBES IN THE TOWNS (1991 CENSUS)

Town

Total Population

Total ST Population

Bhadrachalam Khammam Kothagudem Madhira Mothugudem Polwancha Yellandu

21,354 98,757 94,894 11,404 4,569 39,116 27,292

892 2,879 5,207 277 374 5,709 1,487

Percentage of ST Population to Total population 4.18 2.92 5.49 2.43 8.19 14.60 5.45

Source: 1991 Census, Vol.2, A.P.District Gazetteers, Khammam, 1991.

Table 5.3: PERCENTAGE OF SCHEDULED TRIBES POPULATION TO TOTAL POPULATION IN THE VILLAGE Percentage of ST No. of villages in Percentage of villages Population to Total each in the District Population Nil 107 9.72 5 or less 179 16.76 6-15 86 7.81 16-25 84 7.63 26-35 64 5.81 36-50 75 6.81 51 and above 506 45.96 Source: 1991 Census, Khammam District Gazetteer.

Chapter V

70

Adilabad: Adilabad is the second largest district in Andhra Pradesh and looks like a tiger seated on a hill looking back towards the Bastar area. A little less than half is covered by forest. The district is bound by the Karimnagar and Nizamabad districts of Andhra Pradesh on the South and North and the Chanda and Nanded districts of Maharashtra on the east and west respectively. The district Gazettes of Adilabad (date) mentions that the Penganga river lies in the north, the Wardha in the North-east, the Pranahita in the east and the Godavari in the South of the district. Most of the rivers in and around Adilabad are tributaries of the Godavari and this river exercises great influence on the social and cultural life of the tribals. The predominant soils are black cotton and sandy loams4. According to the 1991 census, the total population is 3 lakhs 49 thousand. There are 409’ ‘Scheduled’ villages out of a total 1609 villages. Table 5.4 shows the total and the tribal populations since independence in Andhra Pradesh. Table 5.4: TOTAL AND TRIBAL POPULATION IN ANDHRA PRADESH % of total Total Percentage Tribal Year % wise Tribal Population wise Population Population 1951 312.60 -17.70 -2.46 1961 359.83 15.15 13.24 71.45 3.70 1971 435.03 20.90 16.58 25.23 3.80 1981 535.50 23.60 31.76 91.51 5.90 Source: Statistical Abstract of A.P. 1960 and 1983. Bureau of Economics and Statistics, Hyderabad.

Table 5.6: DECADE VARIATION IN POPULATION 1921-1991 State/ Districts A.P. Adilabad Khammam

192131 +12.99 +15.31 +72.14

193141 +12.75 +8.12 --

194151 +14.02 +9.95 --

195161 +15.65 +21.35 --

196171 +10.90 +27.65 +12.17

197181 +23.10 +27.22 +14.72

198191 +23.10 +26.00 +22.00

Table 5.6 gives the decades of variation in the population of Andhra Pradesh and Adilabad and Khammam District. This table shows sharp increase in the population of Adilabad and Khammam after independence. This is partly due to migration of tribal and non-tribal population from the

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

71

neighbouring districts of Andhra Pradesh as well as Maharashtra. Table shows the various taluks of Adilabad and Khammam district. Only in six taluks out of 11 the scheduled tribes outnumber the non tribals. However, study of the various census of Andhra Pradesh since independence shows that many more taluks earlier had a higher ratio of tribal to non-tribal population. Increase in communication and social facilities such as roads had led to large scale migration by non-tribals. This has resulted in land alienation, cutting of forests and social oppression of the tribal population. Table 5.7: RATIO OF SCHEDULED TRIBES TO GENERAL POPULATION IN ALL TALUKS OF ADILABAD S.No. Name of Taluk General Scheduled Tribe Population 1. Adilabad 999 1030 2. Utnoor 975 998 3. Wankadi 964 964 4. Asifabad 953 961 5. Sirpur 970 969 6. Chinnur 968 955 7. Lakshetti Pet 944 947 8 Boalts 1022 1029 9. Khanapur 985 942 10. Nirmal 1022 1000 11. Mudhok 1004 947 Source: Census of Andhra Pradesh series 2.

Mineral and Mining Coal is found extensively in Asifabad, Tandur, Kanara and North Godavari fields, of these Tandur, Kanara and north Godavari are being developed. Tandur collieries are on the Kazipet Balshasha line of the central railway in Adilabad district. The reserves of these collieries are of the order of 100 miles up to 1000 feet depth and 200 miles up to 2,000 feet depth. The lime stone deposits are found in northwest of Mandhirial and Asifabad. (Join with the previous para?)

Tribal Society and Culture in the Two Districts The tribals of A.P. belong mainly to the Gond, Koya, Chenchu, Konda Reddys and Lambada Tribes. They form a socially dominant section

72

Chapter V

among the rest who belong to the Bhil, Koya, Kolam etc. tribes and are much fewer in number. Their mother tongue is Gondi or lambada. Tribal life exhibits a unique symbiosis of man and nature, their culture being an outcome of living with nature and learning from it. Traditionally some tribes formed a priestly class who performed rituals and were the medicine men and storytellers of the tribe. They enjoyed social prominence together with the tribal chiefs. Tribal spiritual life was rich with creative mythologies and religious stories. Each class member even today possesses the house duties of the tribe through the village priest called the ‘Devari’ and class priest (Kalotra) and a village seer (Bhaktal). There is discrimination among the tribes on the basis of gender. Women traditionally had an important position within the family and society. The Gonds even today have their distinct folk dances and music. However, they celebrate the main “Hindu” festivals of Holi, Diwali, Dussehra, Sankranthi and Ugadi etc. Since independence tribal society has been profoundly influenced by the twin process of Sanskritisation and modernization 6. Due to this the social and economic life of the Gonds has undergone change. For example, change has taken place in the position given to women and the rituals associated with marriage. Gond and Lambada women traditionally were very independent and took part in both cultivation of land, setting of produce etc. Today, due to cultural contact women are secluded. While earlier marriages were simple affairs, today the custom of dowry has penetrated into tribal life forcing many into the hands of local moneylenders. Non-tribal intrusion has created an unequal social fabrication and mentality7. Non-tribals in order to sustain their economic exploitation and hegemony over the tribals have attempted to propagate the Hindu religion as superior to the tribal Gods who are described as “evil spirits”. The backwardness of the tribals is described as an outcome of religious beliefs and practices. This has led to breakdown of the social fabric and adoption of Hindu practices such as pilgrimages to Tirupati, and animist practices such as free worship has been replaced by temple worship. The establishment of institutionalized religion has made temple surroundings a place of commercial activity useful to the non-tribal trading classes. Haimendorf records that the “Khelaspur Jatara” a tribal festival has been replaced by a temple, which has been used as a platform by politicians during election campaigns. Temple offerings amount to Rs.1911 in 1977 have attracted Hindu priests, and have created disputes within the tribe8. A court order however, returned the control of the temple to the tribal population.

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

73

The tribals in this area still practice the traditional method of agriculture and are dependent upon the rains for crop irrigation. Jowar is the main crop cultivated, but as rainfall is limited to only three months in the year, the rest of the time they have to survive on forest produce. The dependence of tribal on nature has led most of them living close to starvation.

Changing Structures of Power in Tribal Areas In the pre-independence period in A.P. there were 37 tribals chiefs some of whom bore the title of “Raja Mokashi” or “Deshmukh”. They had political power within their jurisdiction and exercised varying degree of feudal oppression. They were assisted by village headman in solving tribal problems. In the 1940s these traditional structures of power were removed by the Nizam government, in spite of resistance by the tribals9. The Nizam’s government succeeded in abolishing the old systems and replacing it by a village Panchayat who settled dispute and had judicial authority. Thus before independence itself the old tribal structure had begun to disintegrate. There was further erosion of local authority after independence with the passage of the Hyderabad Tribal Regulation Act in 1963.10Under this, the village headmen came under the control of the district bureaucracy. According to the new Panchayat system, members are elected, who in turn elect the Sarpanch. In some cases it is reported that non-tribals have been able to manipulate the system and hold the post of Sarpanch, which gives the holder considerable patronage and power. The Sarpanch has the power to grant licenses for shops and collect some local taxes11. They however have power to settle disputes. Some villages in the blocks have village headman who help the local tribal population to dig-wells, plant trees etc. The erosion of local autonomy has had an impact on the traditional tribal structure. Earlier outsiders had to gain permission from the village headman to reside in the area. Due to massive demographic increase after 1951, the opening up of tribal areas due to the process of modernization and inclusion of tribal areas in the state, non-tribals entered into tribal territory. In Adilabad and Khammam this has led to non-tribals from the coastal area establishing factories, cement mills, paper factories, shops etc. The labour in these factories also consists of non-tribals, hence modernization has not provided employment to the local tribals. The intrusion of non-tribals has led to establishment of liquor shops or increased commercialisation which has led to the break down of the traditional systems of authority within the tribal systems12.

74

Chapter V

Investment in tribal welfare Table (8) gives the per capita and total expenditure by the Government of AP. over the various plan periods. It is only from the firth plan onwards that there is a sharp rise in the amount invested. Under the fifth plan the Government has undertaken schemes to construct pucca houses and cattle sheds. Integrated tribal development schemes have also been formulated under the tribal development agency13. A Girijan Corporation was set up under it. It was expected to purchase the timber collected by the tribals and thereby eliminate private timber contractors. Primary societies affiliated to the cooperative were supposed to supply at proper rates the daily requirements of the tribals, provide credit etc. However, the cooperatives have been paying very low rates to tribals for forest products. For example, Rs.5-8 per kg. for gum while private contractors pay Rs.12 per kg. This has led to tribals selling their produce to contractors rather than the cooperatives14. Nationalised banks have entered the area. A study shows that 61 percent of debtors are landholders. A quarter of the loans advanced by the official and government agencies 67% tribals are used for consumption purposes . The A.P. Government introduced a drinking water scheme named “Jeevanadhara” to provide drinking water and irrigation facilities15. Under it Rs.15000 were given to each selected family in installments to dig wells on their own. According to government 10,000 wells for agricultural purposes and 11,000 wells for drinking water have been dug. The integrated tribal development agency has also started new loans to tribals for buying bullocks etc. The government paid half of the cost of the bullocks. However, many tribals have alleged that old and useless bullocks were supplied after a considerable period of delay16. Medical facilities under the ITDA are also very poor.

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

75

Table-5.8: PER CAPITA EXPENDITURE AND TOTAL EXPENDITURE DURING PLAN PERIOD IN A.P. FOR SCHEDULED TRIBES Per capita expenditure Total expenditure Plan Period (in Rs.) (Rs. in lakhs) I plan 15.05 118.77 II plan 18.89 250.25 III plan 13.56 178.77 IV plan 59.00 977.77 V plan 266.00 4,879.85 VI plan 750.47 13,598.00 VII plan 1,639.16 30,026.00 Source: Statistical Abstracts of A.P. 1960 and 1983, Bureau of Economics and Statistics, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad.

Many schemes put forward by the government are not relevant to the needs of the tribal areas. Schemes like medium irrigation, small industry, commercial foresting etc which often constitute a sizeable portion of the tribal sub plan are often irrelevant or counter productive as far as the local tribal economy is concerned17. It is the non-tribals who have prospered from such schemes.

Control over forests There is a symbiotic relationship between tribals and the forest. It has been their home for a long time and provided them with many required resources. The forest conservation and regulation act passed in 192018 imposed restrictions on tribal collection of forest produce, which led to conflicts between the tribals and the government. The tribals required wood in order to built huts and for their ploughshare. In the post-independence period, forest policy has created hardship within tribal communities. On the one hand these communities are not allowed to collect forest produce, and on the other hand large-scale deforestation has occurred because of various developmental projects and extension of cultivation by reclamation of land19. Instead of the entire community being consulted about the extraction of forest produce, arrangements have often been made between chiefs and contractors by passing the community. As the forest department is interested mainly in the collection of revenue, this alliance was encouraged, leading to destruction of forests. This has also led to increase in wealth of chiefs and their capacity for graft and duplicity20.

76

Chapter V

In the case of Adilabad, notwithstanding various lambadas and regulations to prevent deforestation, a large part of the forests have been, as reported by a Fact Finding Committee, continuously “de reserved’ by congress Governments in the 1980’s to facilitate private trade. More than 150,000 acres are from Adilabad. The net result of this policy has been the progressive alienation of the forest from the tribals. Consequently, they have been reduced to the status of daily wage labourers at the mercy of private contractors and forest officials21. Table 5.9: FOREST PLANTATION AREA IN A.P. DURING 1983-84. Total areas (in hectors) S.No. Species 1. Department 2. Corporation Teak 76,114 20,522 Eucalyptus 26,271 10,138 Bamboo 28,139 16,511 Cashew 18,949 2,438 Coffee 130 --Red Sandals 1,913 --Sandal Wood 2,670 --Silver Oak 8,942 --Babul 12,415 --Casurima 13,690 --Sissoo 1,435 --Burrara 300 --Pinner 325 --Other Miscellaneous 55,743 --Sources: A.P. forests at a Glance 1983-84, chie4f conserver of forest Government of A.P., Hyderabad, (year of pub)

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

77

Table 5.10: MAJOR WOOD BASED INDUSTRIES IN ANDHRA PRADESH Approximate Present raw material SL. Name of the installed Variety committee the capacity in No. Company of department T/Yr. tones 1 A.P. paper Paper Bamboo 1,10,000 Millas, 75,000 Hardwood 75,00 Rajahmundry, East Godavari 2. Sirpur paper Paper Bamboo 75,000 Mills, Kagaz 61,000 Hardwood 45,000 Nagar, Adilabad 3. Sree Rayal Paper Bamboo 45,000 Seema, Kurnool 42,000 Hardwood 45,000 4. Bhadrachalam Paper Bamboo 60,00 Paper Board, 50,000 Hardwood Ltd, Kothagudem 5. A.P. Rayons Royon Hardwood 75,000 Limited, Yeturu Grade pulp Eucalyptus 75,000 Nagaram, 27,000 Warangal 6. Novopass India Particle Hardwood 38,000 Limited board Patancheru, 20,000 Ranga Reddy District 7. Hyderabad Plywood Teak Non700c Plywood 0.018 sq. teak 1,70 Limited Mts Source: A.P. Forests at a glance 1983-84, chief conservator of forests A.P. Hyderabad.

The government of A.P. has concentrated on growing mostly teak, eucalyptus and bamboo, which are needed by the paper industry and the big timer markets in urban areas, resulting in growing commercialization of forest area in the state. Table (5.10) gives the major wood industries in the state, and the raw material supplied to them by the forest department. Hence, it is not the tribals but the industrial class, which is benefiting from

Chapter V

78

the forests. The wood from the forests is largely deployed in urban areas and it is contractors who are profiting from the same. Left activists have claimed that highly placed politicians and beareaucrats are also involved in the illicit timber trade22. The process of industrialization had also resulted in the pauperization of tribals. Many tribals have become property less workers after industries were set up on land acquired from them with minimum compensation. The construction of roads into the tribal areas has hastened this process. The forest guards also exploit the tribals in these areas demanding illegal taxes. Data collected during fieldwork shows that in Adilabad and Khammam they demand Rs.17 to 40 per plough in addition to contribution in grain from each household. Atrocities against the tribal population in general have also increased in recent years. Table (11) below gives the atrocities reported against scheduled tribes between 1979 and 1983. Many more go unreported. Table-5.11: ATROCITIES REPORTED ON ST’S IN 1979-1983 STATE NUMBER OF CASES REPORTED DURING YEARS A.P. 1979 1980 1981 1983 13 14 29 31 Atrocities in 1983 A.P.

Murder 1

Violence 8

Rape 9

Arson 1

Others 14

Total 33

Sources: Report of Commission SC/ST’s, Sixth Report April 1983, March 1984. Chapter V Government of India, New Delhi, 1984.

I.

Post-Independence Pattern of Development and its Impact

The policies adopted by the central and State Governments in India towards the tribal population have passed through a number of phases. The first time that the Congress party took formal note of the tribals was in 1946, on the eve of Independence. In the early phase of tribal planning the major dilemma faced by the government was the need to strike a balance between the tribals’ need for economic development and the continuation of their precious lands. Following the advice of Verrier Elwin Nehru formulated five principles which attempted to strike a balance between the “isolationist” and “assimilationist” policies, i.e. between doing too little

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

79

and doing too much. These principles were 1) tribal rights to land and forest should be respected 2) tribals should be encouraged to maintain their own traditional arts and culture. 3) An attempt should be made to train a team from among the tribals for administration and development. Too many outsiders should not be introduced. 4). over administration and multiplicity of schemes should be avoided 5) results were to be judged not in terms of statistics but quality of human character evolved23. However, given the framework of macro planning, very little of tribal culture could be protected, nor could special attentions be given to their needs. Hence two problems for the congress in the early years were the interrelated issues of tribal progress and tribal integration. Thus, the policy towards tribal communicates, in Andhra Pradesh and else, largely followed the safeguards and special provisions given in the constitution such as reservation of seats in the legislature, land transfer regulation and the services. Some schemes were started to help tribals set up cottage industries, provide educational facilities, irrigation etc. The attitudes of congress run state governments like Andhra Pradesh also were ambivalent. Though many initially followed the rules set up by the schedule areas and scheduled tribes commission set up by the Government of India in 1960 which attempted to preserve tribal culture and identify, this position was gradually abandoned. By the 1960s, under pressure of governing such a large country the congress notion of tribal development and economic development became synonymous24. It is also important to note that the various state governments also never allocated a substantial budget for tribal welfare and development. Table (5.12) shows that it was only in the 5th Plan that there was an increase in the amount allocated to tribal development.

80

Chapter V

Table 5.12: OUTLAYS FOR DEVELOPMENT IN FIVE-YEAR PLANS TOTAL PLAN TRIBAL PERCENTAGE PLAN PERIOD DEVELOPMENT OUTLAY I Plan 1952- 1,960 19 0.89 56 II Plan 1956- 4,672 41 0.87 61 III Plan 8,577 51 0.60 1961-66 Annual 6,756 35 0.52 1966-69 IV Plan 16,160 84 0.52 1969-74 V Plan 34,322 1,182 3.01 Source: Statistical Dairy of India, Bureau of Economics and Statistics, New Delhi, 1990’s.

Table 5.13: TRIBAL WELFARE BUDGET 1994-95 Scheme 1993-94 R.E. Non-Plan 7548.38 7711.32 Plan normal 1287.03 1288.22 IPAD 1056.81 1684.00 RIADP CSS 480.57 ---Special Central 1407.99 1700.00 Assistance Other CSS 255.39 1127.83 Upgradation of 250.00 250.00 Tribal Action Plan Cyclone 25.00 ---Reconstruct plan Total Plan 47762.79 6050.05 Source: Tribal Research & Cultural Centre, Hyderabad.

1995-96 R.E. 8232.72 2839.23 1700.00 430.00 2500.00 1135.76 250.00 ---8854.99

Socio-Economic Conditions of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh

Table 5.14: PROJECT OUTLAYS AND FUNDING Finance APTDP % APTDP Project Outlay 1681.007 100 1855.064 IFAB 475.643 44 985.039 Co-Financier, 162.151 15 198.992 Netherlands Govt. NABARD ---GCC 216.202 20 -Beneficiaries 64.860 6 139.30

81

% 100 53.1 10.7 --7.5

By the 1960s the reigning model of development perceived tribal development as a problem of sartorial development and injection of critical inputs. Tribals would also share the general development-taking place in the country. Whenever programmes were made by the Central government the state Government often took recourse to set up a commission for suggesting changes. Beginning with the commission in 1961 under U N Dhebar, a number of them have been appointed. During the 1971 parliamentary election Mrs. Gandhi used the Slogan of “Garibi hatao” and congress economic policy took a turn towards the left. Hence in 1972 the planning commission prepared detailed guidelines for tribal development based on the concept of “Area Development” focusing on development of tribal communities. Tribal “blocks” “growth centers” and integrated tribal backward, peripheral areas and the growth centers often emerged as focal points of exploitation of the tribals in Andhra Pradesh.25 The political dimensions of tribal development hence became important in the 1970s to political leaders for distribution of spoils (?) to elite groups or consolidation of vote banks. In the 1980s tough nomenclatures may have changed, the basic rationale has remained the same, the input-output model imposed from above, though care has been taken not to break down the structure fully. However as chapter V shows, demands from within the tribal community and violent tribal uprisings may force the government in Andhra Pradesh and other states to rethink tribal policy. The pattern of development imposed by the Indian state since Independence has led to the inter-related consequences: poor socioeconomic conditions, land alienation and resentment and movements against non-tribals. All these are misable in the districts under study. In spite of several protective measures, the economic conditions of the tribals have deteriorated and they are also experiencing social alienation, both of

82

Chapter V

which constitute important casual factors in recent tribal movements. This has been due to extensive exploitation of the rich natural resources of their habitat, decline of traditional activities without any viable alternative, and consequent marginalisation and exploitation of cheap labour accompanied by alienation of agricultural land.

Notes 1. A.P. District Gazettes, 1991.p. 2. Khammam District Gazettes, 1991.p. 3. Ibid p. 23-25. 4. A.P. District Gazetteers, Adilabad, 1981. 5. Von Furer Haimendorf (1977): Tribes of India: The struggle for survival Oxford University press, Delhi, 1982. 6. M.N. Srinivas Social change in Modern India, California press Los Angles, 1966. 7. Von-Furer Haimendorf Ibid op. cit., p. 8. Ibid p.117, 178. 9. Hyderabad Regulation Act 1963,0. 159, 163. 10. Ibid. 11. Report of the commission for SC/STs Sixth Report April 1983, March 1984, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1984. 12. K. Bala Gopal “Adilabad Girijana Portaloo” Telugu, Srujana, 1981, p.7. 13. EPW, Sept. 24, 1983 p.VIII, A. Report. 14. President of Girijana Sangarashana Samiti. 15. Bala Gopal, Agrarian Classes and conflict “perspective peoples publication, Hyderabad, 1988. p.71 and 74. 16. A.P. Forest at a Glance “Adilabad Girijan portaloo (Telugu) Srujana, 1971, p.7. 17. This has been reported by, among other. 1. J. Burman of peasants, Migrants and pampers, Rural labour circulation in West Asia, Delhi, OUP, 1985. 2. Gi. Shah “Ethnicity and politics” A study STs in Gujarat mines Surat Centre for Social Studies, 1978. 18. Ashok Mitra “Tribal Habitat” Frontier 9, 1977, p.24-26. 19. Verrior Eliwin “Issues in tribal policy making in Ramesh Thaper (ed) tribe, and Religion in India, McMillan, New Delhi, 1977. 20. Ibid. 21. R.K. Bose: “Congress and the Tribal Communities in India” in R.Roy and Richard Session (ed) Diversity and Daminance in Indian Politics Vol.2, Sage, New Delhi, 1990. 22. Khammam ‘census’ 1981. 23. ITDA – Bhadrachalam, 1995. 24. A.P. District Gazetteers Adilabad, 1981. 25. P. K. Bose, Ibid.

CHAPTER VI LAND ALIENATION AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN ADILABAD AND KHAMMAM DISTRICT: A STUDY OF THE SELECTED AREAS

Keeping in mind the socio-economic conditions of tribals and the process of land alienation in the districts of Adilabad and Khammam described earlier, this chapter presents the findings of the fieldwork undertaken in selected taluks in these districts. Four taluks and within them a number of villages were selected for an intensive study. The field study attempted to draw attention, by means of interviews and general interaction with the respondents, to the ongoing process of land alienation from the tribal to the non-tribal community and resulting discontent leading to political movements. In order to show this, number of indicators was employed: pattern of migration, landholdings, caste structure, indebtedness, agricultural practices etc. These reveal the structural changes taking place over a period of time within the economy of these taluks. Part II of the chapter describes the disaffection among the tribals due to the land alienation and resulting political movements. In brief, the two are closely interrelated. The four taluks selected for study are Bhadrachalam, Aswaraopet, in Khammam district and Uttnoor and Lakshettipet in Adilabad district. In these taluks tribals are found in large numbers: Koyas in the first two and Gonds in the last two. However, in both non-tribal landowners, in many cases backward caste rich peasant families are dominant and control all activities, and play a central role in the village power structure. The tribal village in the four taluks, unlike in other parts of AP, are small isolated hamlets, with very little population, many of which lie deep in the interior, and are inaccessible due to the terrain and the Naxalite activities.1 Hence, the number of villages selected in the sample, as table 6.1 shows varied from taluks to taluk, depending on feasibility of fieldwork.

84

Chapter VI

Table 6.1: TOTAL NO.OF VILLAGES UNDER DIFFERENT TALUQS SELECTED FOR FIELD WORK Taluqs Total Villages Khammam District Bhadrachalam 40 Ashwaraopet 125 Adilabad District Lakshettipet 80 Utnoor 108 Total 353 A number of respondents were selected for interview in each village, but due to their suspicion of outsiders and difficulty in contacting tribal villagers, the number could not be kept constant, and varied from village to village. As a result the data collected is largely from in-depth discussion/interaction with villagers after gaining their confidence. This method had to be adopted due to ignorance of the tribal villagers and suspicion of outsiders. Table 6.2 presents the caste/tribal composition of the taluks. Both tribal and non-tribal respondents were included among the respondents in order to compare the position of both in terms of landownership. In the villages, individuals and not households were interviewed. Among the non-tribals, Kamma, Reddy, Raju and Kammari castes were selected, as they predominate in this region. Table 6.2: SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE SELECTED TALUKS Koys, Blacksmith, Raju, Lambada Bhadrachalam Ashwaraopet Konda Reddi, Lambadi, Koyas, Kamma, Lakshettipet Reddi Utnoor Gonds, Kolan, Lambada Gonds, Kolan, Naik, Velore An analysis of the land ownership pattern of the tribal and non-tribal respondents reveals the existence of three social categories. The first are the non-tribal big landowners who have occupied over a period of time, the best lands of the tribals and who use the latter as agricultural labourers, in many cases without payment. Below them are the smaller non-tribal landowners, backward caste peasants largely, who migrated in search of land to this area. Their plots are smaller and they use family labour supplemented in some seasons with casual agricultural labourers mainly from among the tribals. The number of tribals owning land is not large, the large majority in the areas being landless labourers. An analysis of the occupational structure of the tribal and non-tribal respondents in the

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 85

selected villages shows that most to them work on their own lands as family labour, or work as landless agricultural labourers. While the former is true of the non-tribals the latter is largely true of the tribals, as they own little land. Non-agricultural labourers are few in number due to lack of such employment in the villages. Most of those who perform nonagricultural labour have migrated to the areas where large industries based upon raw materials from these remote villages have been set up.

Migratory Patterns and Land Alienation In the process of land alienation in the tribal areas of AP, two kinds of changes are seen, distinct from land alienation in non-tribal areas of AP and the country as a whole. They have been taking place over a long period of time, and an analysis of these is necessary to understand the ongoing political movements of these regions. These are migration by “outsiders” who have taken over the most fertile and cultivable lands, and as a corollary constant shifting of the tribal villagers into the interior forests in search of arable land, and their eventual proletarianisation.1 Many of the older tribal respondents were able to describe the shifting occupational pattern of their community over a couple of generations. Most tribal families two to three generations ago cultivated their own lands and also reared cattle. Loss of land about one or two generation ago to outsiders led them to leave their native villages and clear the interior forests for cultivation. When most of the arable lands cleared by them passed into the hands of advanced non-tribal peasants, they were reduced to agricultural labourers by big landlords who have taken over the lands cultivated by tribals over a very long period. Cutting of forests by contractors and introduction of timber and agro-industries has also increased pressure on land. The lack of agricultural employment is now making it necessary for landless tribals to migrate in search of work to the newly developing industries. During interviews respondents in each of the taluks, most of whom are today landless revealed that their families had shifted from place to place in search of land over the last few generations. While the large majority had been living in their present villages for about 40-80 years, some hand resided there for only 10-40 years. Hence the area reveals a pattern of gradual concentration of land in the hands of non-tribal migrants resulting in the dispossession of tribal lands over at least three generations. The occupiers, who belonged in every case to non-tribals, have consolidated their ownership taking advantage of the ignorance of the tribals of legal ownership.

86

Chapter VI

Most of the entries by outsiders into these four taluks have been from the villages of East Godavari and Krishna districts. The migration took place at different times depending upon the interference of the state through its revenue, excise, and military operations and the prevalent demand for raw materials. Elderly respondents were of the opinion that the period of massive migration to these villages began about 50-60 years ago when these lands began to be in demand, and still continues , and due to increasing pressure upon land, and lack of government action will perhaps increase in future. However, most of the fertile lands have already passed under the control of the non-tribal and land resources exhausted leaving little scope for take-over for agriculture. An analysis of the pattern of migration from verbal accounts revealed that different caste/class groups arrived in search of livelihood at various periods of time, thereby gradually introducing structural changes in the economy and society, disrupting older patterns. The availability of land and cheap labour tempted feudal landlords and cultivating castes, who, as seen in the previous chapter, were encouraged by the Nizam’s state to takeover lands in order to raise revenue2. They were soon followed by the “Komatti” traders and businessmen when their activities were required. A number of lower caste families migrated along with their landlords or contractors to provide “vetti” or forced unpaid agricultural labour, or manual work for the revenue and forest officials. Smaller cultivating caste peasants, who owned small plots of 3-5 acres in their native villages, were also attracted by the availability of land in the post-independence period, as the state did not enforce regulations relating to tribal lands. Thus the following changes have occurred in the taluks under study: 1) large-scale land transfers from the hands of the tribals to non-tribals; 2) a gradual increase in the number of landless tribals over generations in spite of the clearing of fresh forest lands 3) the time-span involved in the transformation of the tribal peasants to landless workers varied from village to village depending upon the entrance of advanced communities 4) even in cases where tribals own land, break-up of the tribal and joint landowning system into nuclear families due to changes in the social structure has led to fragmentation of tribal lands. The actual loss of land occurred in various ways. Many of the tribal owners were driven out of their lands by the more powerful non-tribals. This was not difficult, as most of the former had no knowledge of the legal rights of the lands they occupied, and the latter with the connivance of the local bureaucracy could easily acquire legal possession, thereby reducing the tribals to landless labourers on the lands they earlier tilled. Poverty, indebtedness and surrendering of land mortgaged against debt or interest

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 87

accrued on debts is a second and continuing reason in these villages. Tribal respondents pointed out that they often incur great expenses due to illness in the family, acute drought or bad harvests, as a result of which they fall into the hands of money-lenders, who by falsifying records and charging exorbitant interest forced the tribals to sell their lands to them. The non-tribal landowners offer loans to the tribals and then gradually take-over the land. Many of the loans are “food” loans, i.e. to buy food and not to invest in agriculture. Hence the loans do not provide them with resources which can be used in the long term to improve their economic status but merely to subsist. The main source of loan is relatives, komattis (traders) moneylenders and commission agents. A few tribal landowners have taken loans from government schemes and commercial banks, but this is rare. The interest rates range between 2% to 3% per month, which is roughly 24 to 30% per annum, being highest in Ashwaraopet and lowest in Bhadrachalam and Utnoor. There were some cases in which 5% per month had also been charged 4. However mortgaging of land is the main method by which big landowners have been able to acquire large tracts over a period of time, followed by money lending. Most of the tribal respondents stated that they at present owed about Rs. 500-1000, except in a few cases where it was Rs. 5000. The non-tribal peasants in contrast stated that they had been able to get loans from the commercial banks and cooperative societies for investment in agriculture, which yielded profits enabling some to repay the loans though the number of defaulters was high5. Some of the non-tribal middle caste peasants claimed that they had bought land from the tribals, but they constituted a minority, while the vast majority had managed to take-over the lands. Due to these changes the tribals now own most of the waste and infertile lands while the non-tribals own the best and most valuable lands. The land Transfer Regulation was enacted by the government of AP mainly to protect the interest of the tribals and prevent transfers to nontribals. Under it, as explained earlier, non-tribals cannot own land in the scheduled areas, and all transfers after 1963 were to be declared illegal and attempts made to restore the land. Most tribal respondents questioned were ignorant of these provisions, and had not been able to obtain protection from the local bureaucracy, which favours the bigger landowners. A small section of the tribal respondents, who were better informed about the regulations, had received notices regarding restoration of their land from the tahsildar and the Special Deputy Collector who had subsequently visited the area. However the number of those who had actually been able to regain possession of ancestral lands was very small.

88

Chapter VI

Discussions with villagers showed that the Act where applied, due to pressure on the local bureaucracy from the state government, had been used against small peasants owning less than five acres. These peasants are not able to protect their property interests. The larger landowners and rich peasants have not been affected, most of them being exempted on various technical pretexts, which shows the partisan attitude of the Special Deputy collector for tribal Welfare and other local officials who are responsible for land restoration activity in these areas6. The dominant non-tribal landowners can effectively mobilize political and economic power to retain possession of lands they are not entitled to. Thus the administrative machinery established by the postcolonial state for land restoration has failed and this has caused great dissatisfaction and underlies the political movements in these regions. At most it has served as a way of containing discontent as it has helped a few, but on the whole it has served to strengthen the unequal land relations that have emerged in the tribal areas7. This has engendered a feeling of insecurity among the tribals and created enmity between the tribal population and the bigger non-tribal landowners. A study of the methods of cultivation used reveals the differential economic status between the tribal and non-tribal peasants. The nontribals own the best and most fertile lands. They also have irrigational facilities. They posses filter points, bore wells and pump sets, while tribal landowners in most cases do not have access to tanks and do not possess pump sets or bore-wells. The absence of assured irrigation resources to majority of the tribals and the smaller non-tribal peasants has led to very poor yields. The bigger landowner in contrast raises two commercial crops and gains high profits from their irrigated lands. Irrigation facilities provided by the government are in most cases denied to the tribals. For example, tank irrigation is available only to richer sections of the nontribal landowning community who control the lands close to the canals. Almost all tribal peasants own land at the end of the canal where irrigation is uncertain. The only method by which the tribals can actually obtain government help meant for them is through the “pyraveekas” or middlemen, who contact local officials. However even the few facilities gained in this manner are given to very few families. Various schemes of the government to help the tribals improve their agriculture have not reached them. A study of investment in agriculture and the total income gained further highlights the increasing gap between the tribal and non-tribal communities. Field study indicates that the poorest tribal families invested less than Rs.500 annually, while the rest on an average spent about

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 89

Rs.1000. In contrast the non-tribal peasants of all categories reported spending between Rs.2000- 10,000 and above annually. The difference in consumption patterns is also similar. A familiar method, by which the tribals are becoming dependent upon the bigger farmers, is the purchase of fertilizers by the tribals at the time of sowing. This is recovered at the harvesting time leaving the tribals with little surplus. Failure to pay in time leads to high interest rates which would have to be paid the next year or the tribals are expected to perform agricultural labour in the fields of the bigger landowners. In many cases the tribals buy grain at high prices during the lean season and sell their harvest when prices are low, thereby incurring a double loss. The richer non-tribal landowners thus can afford cows, tools and implements, pump sets, etc. The tribals in contrast live in thatched houses and have very few possessions. The deterioration in the lifestyle of the tribals has occurred during the last two decades when their lands began to be occupied. The non-tribal big landowners in this region have diversified and invested their profits into running transport buses, agro-industry and act as commission agents or set up small businesses. They also earn through money lending at high rates. Tribals can only do unpaid labour and have no other outlet to earn. This increasing gap between the tribals and non-tribals underlies the political movements in these areas8. As we have seen, the process of development in the post-independence period in AP has brought about extensive exploitation of natural resources of tribal areas and decline of traditional means of livelihood without any alternative, leading to use of cheap labour by big landlords and continuing land alienation. This has provided a fertile ground for mobilizing the tribals against both the non-tribals and the Indian State. As a result extremist political movements have been active in the tribal districts in the post-independence period. Two common factors are seen in all of them: land alienation leading to high levels of discontent and mobilization of the tribals by various factions of the CPI(ML) organisation. The first areas to be affected were the Warangal, Karimnagar and Khammam districts. The movement did not initially spread to Adilabad; but it provided an example for the Gonds to emulate. The general nature of the tribal problem in the areas where the movement is active is similar to that of the Srikakulam area9: Penetration of plainsmen, moneylenders, commercialization of the tribal economy, loss of land and forced labour by tribals, lack of government help etc. However, while the former movement has been studied, not much is known about the latter. In the areas under study, the movement has some characteristics, which are distinct, arising partly from the terrain and partly

90

Chapter VI

from the nature of the organisation10. These specific characteristics, and the movements in the areas studied are described below: The areas in which the movement began and has been very active in the 1970s and 80s – Illendu, Bhadrachalam, Nugur, and Kothagudem taluks of Khammam, Monthena of Karimnagar and Yellavaram and Rampa taluks of East Godavari district are hilly and forested areas. Here in the parts the forests are much thicker than in Srikakulam and this has allowed the CPI (ML) to organize successfully in this region and hide from the police. Secondly, in the forested regions of Khammam, Bhadrachalam and East Godavari, there has been greater and large-scale commercialization of the economy11. The former area is rich and abundant in forest produce like bamboo, beedi leaf and teakwood which are very valuable. The value of bamboo was Rs.1,74,746 and beedi Rs.6,98,777 (during 1967-68) in Bhadrachalam alone12. The net sown area in the latter and the tribal blocks of Khammam district is double that of Bhadragiri and Sitampet tribal blocks of Srikakulam district. This has intensified various forms of exploitation such as vetti and increased confrontations between tribals, timber merchants and forest contractors over issues such as wages. Thirdly, the Naxalite leaders of A.P. in contrast to their counterparts in West Bengal, proposed in the 1960s, a different line of action. T. Nagi Reddy, C. Pulla Reddy and D.V. Rao, who were members of the CPI (M) secretariat in A.P. and the central committee of the party were instrumental in formulating this line. They put forward a theory of protracted struggle, which would take into consideration the level of people’s consciousness and difference in terrain. In March 1968, these leaders formed a coordination committee of the communist revolutionaries within the CPI (M), and on 30th June following the Burdwan meet of the party formed the Andhra Pradesh Revolutionary Communist Committee (APRCC) as an independent and autonomous organisation13. Following this they issued a circular calling for a movement in the Telangana and Rayalaseema coastal areas. The party succeeded in launching a mass movement in the Telangana region in the forest zones contiguous to the Khammam, Karimnagar, Warangal and Godavari areas. The movement under the guidance of the AprCC (?) has been through two phases: an early preparatory and later more widespread and violent phase in which people’s participation was higher14.

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 91

Preparatory Phase the 1960s On 1st July 1968, the party branch of the Khammam area formed a district coordination committee, under whose guidance all future movements were to take place15. This committee successfully mobilized the tribals in the Bhoorgam padu, Yellandu and Palvancha taluks16. The leaders mobilized the tribals by holding meeting in the villages, distributing party literature and telling them of the “glorious” Telangana armed struggle. During the 1970s the party concentrated its efforts on setting up organizational units and branches and activating them and establishing contracts with the tribal people. Struggles were organized which were for the most part legal and open in nature around the economic demands of the people, combined with some propaganda regarding their party line of armed struggle17. The aim was to move gradually from agitations to partial, and finally to armed struggle, using the guerilla method. The mountainous and forested areas were selected as they have poor transport and communication facilities and they provide remote and economically self-sufficient strongholds with the help of the local people, making it difficult for the police forces to capture and crush the guerilla forces. In this manner guerilla bases were created which could hold out in spite of a prolonged blockade from outside. The APRCC claimed by the late 1960s to be active in most of the tribal districts of AP and to have established a guerilla base in the forest areas of Warangal, Khammam, Karimnagar and East Godavari districts, contiguous to the Godavari river, which separates it from Madhya Pradesh . In this region the movement had the support of the tribals. The CPI (ML) claimed that its activities had spread to an area of 1,200 miles in a period of three years. The organisation published a booklet in 1972 “Amara Veerulu” which in a review of their activities held that it had 200 party members, arms and many members who had given up their lives for the cause of the tribals. This led the government of A.P. to declare the Narsampet and Mulugu taluks in Warangal and Illendu taluk in Khammam district to be a disturbed area. An important factor which enabled the Naxalite leaders to mobilize the tribals is the historical legacy of the Telangana peasant upsurge in this region between 1946 and 1951 led by the communist revolutionaries. This has created a sharp contradiction between the rich landowners and the poor landless tribal peasants in these districts. After the Telangana Armed struggle a number of left activities including some well known leaders such as M. Venkateswara Rao, G.V. Srinivasa Rao, took refuge in the forest areas of Adilabad and Khammam districts and began to live with the

92

Chapter VI

tribals, learning their language and educating them18. They formed the Rythu Coolie Sangham, which led to a violent upsurge of attacks on landowners and moneylenders in the 1970s leading to the government declaring it a disturbed area19. Then movement spread into Pipaldhari and Dinnera of Adilabad and adjoining areas of Khammam district. Here the tribals attacked forest guards, merchants and landlords and destroyed standing crops. Large number of bonded labourers, beedi workers and agricultural workers took part in the movement. The Sangham adopted a method of political mobilization, which appealed to the tribal population. Plays and cultural performances in the tribal languages were used to depict the feudal oppression of landlords and moneylenders who were shown as responsible for the poor conditions of the tribals. The “Jana Natya Mandali,” a troupe, toured the villages and spread their message20. Songs which pointed out that the forests and lands belonged to the tribes were used to bring people into the movement. They responded by providing shelter and food for the activits21. Due to the police presence in the area meetings were held at night. Police brutality, land alienation and lack of justice from the government led to increasing number of tribals joining the Sangham as an alternative which could give them protection and improve their lives21.

The Second Phase, People’s Movement A second and more violent phase of the movement began with the famous Indravelly incident in 1980, when police opened fire on a large gathering of tribals who were demanding prevention of land alienation in future and return of tribal lands23. In this phase the movement had two characteristics: people’s participation and increased use of violence. A combination of legal and underground methods was used by the tribals during the 1980s24. Under the guidance of the Sangham, “praja” or people’s courts were set up in the early 1980s, consisting of tribals and non-tribals, which heard cases relating to land disputes and administered justice to the former25. Often land belonging to the rich landlords was confiscated and given to tribals. The praja courts in some cases gave severe punishments such as chopping of hands and feet. They also made representations to the government and were in some cases successful in getting written documents, which transferred land to tribals and poor non-tribals. Many land disputes pending before the ordinary courts in AP were thus solved expeditiously. This forced the state government to pass an Act under which land cannot be transferred from tribals to non-tribals. The courts

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 93

also moved the courts regarding “dowry” and harassment of women26. In a few cases the police also attended the people’s court. In 1983 nearly 4,714 cases of land alienation were referred covering 33,499 acres27. In 1995 the number of cases pending disposal in Khammam and Adilabad were 22 and 585 respectively28. However the courts did not succeed in breaking the power of local landlords who dominated all the local institutions – the courts, police stations and local bureaucracy. The landlords also retained the power to exploit the tribals through the local traditional Panchayat, which they continued to control. A second aspect of the movement was the use of violence by students and party workers who joined the movement. Under their guidance the tribals refused to pay land revenue and demanded better agricultural wages in various parts of Asifabad and Bhadrachalam taluks. The first conference of the Girijan Ryothu Coolie Sangham was held at Indravelli on 18th April 1981. The police attempted to prevent the gathering and 13 persons were killed and the government declared the districts a disturbed area29. The tribals began to clear forests in the Bodh and Ashwaraopet taluks, which they pointed, were earlier cultivated by tribals who raided the houses of rich landlords and confiscated their valuables which were handed over to the police30. A conference was organized, attended by nearly 3000 people31, against government policies and attempts were made to gain control over land for which the tribals held “pattas” but which were under the control of the landlords. In March 1984 tribals occupied 300 acres of land demanding proper compensation of land alloted to the irrigation project on the Sathnala river, but were granted a very low rate of compensation. Violence against forest guards and occupation of forest area continued through this period often leading to armed conflicts. In 1985, a second tribal conference was organised at Indravelly on Martyr’s day. Initially the TDP government had granted permission but later imposed curfew, arrested important Sangham leaders, and all bus routes and roads were closed32. The conference was held but on much smaller scale than originally planned. In the late 1980s, famine and heavy loss of life particularly in Adilabad, aggravated the situation. There was mass migration from the tribal areas to the Krishna, Prakasam, East Godavari, Karimnagar and Nizamabad districts seeking employment33. Unable to gain employment in the urban areas, there were reports of death due to starvation with worsening of the law and order situation in Utnoor, Wankadi, and Bhadrachalam taluks. During the famine there were raids by tribals on the houses, shops and granaries of the Shaukars (merchants) in many areas

94

Chapter VI

and in Akhanapur taluk more than 200 girijans participated in an armed struggle34.

Government Response to the Movement The government of A.P. has responded differently at different points of time, depending also on the party in power. The Congress government tried on the one hand to pacify the tribals, while at the same time using force to suppress the movement. It attempted to distribute the land granted to the tribals, but the non-tribals managed to get a stay order from the high court. It also announced many social welfare facilities under the tribal sub-plan of the Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA), and redistributed surplus land to the scheduled tribes; but few of these measures actually reached the tribals35. The police and forest guards tried to suppress the movement in a brutal fashion. The passage of TADA helped. The activists allege that they burnt many hamlets and killed tribals36. Payment of wages to tribals working in local industries was suspended when the workers went on strike demanding higher wages. The violent phase of the movement was sought to be suppressed by the TDP government during its second term in the 1980s37. P. Raju, the President of the Girijan Sangham in the 1980s and other left activists were arrested under the National Security Act (NSA), after they decided at a meeting at Chennur Taluk in 1984 to organise against contractors supplying tendu leaves and forest officials, who prevented the tribals from entering the forests. A police camp was set up in August 1983 in Adilabad and Khammam districts and there was firing upon tribal demonstrators demanding higher wages38. In many places the police collaborated with the contractors and landlords in harassing the tribals, destroying their houses and belongings, i.e., a landlord-police-contractor they combine came into being. The government also deployed five companies of CRPF or special police forces who conducted massive raids in the district arresting hundreds of activists39. In a raid on the village 160 tribals were arrested40. Many were killed on the spot in what the police records described as police encounters41. The deteriorating law and order situation and brutal suppression of the movement by the TDP regime was one of the reasons for its electoral defeat (AK). The new congress government under Chenna Reddy on assuming office announced that it would encourage the tribals to participate in the democratic process and end police suppression. However, according to reports more than 7000 were arrested under the TADA, and over 15,000 police forces were used consisting of 7,000 special police forces and 7000

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 95

constables and Sub Inspectors from the Central and State police forces42. The movement slowed down in the early 1990s, but it is far from over. The Girijan Sangham is still in existence and unless steps are taken to meet the real and perceived grievances of the tribals such movements are bound to continue. Thus we see that alienation of tribal lands has been responsible for creating acute discontent and a violent and sustained movement among the tribals in AP, which is not yet over. The struggle around land has in fact been a continuous problem in the Adilabad and Khammam districts. The Telangana armed struggle in the late 1940s and early 50s, had its impact upon these areas. The land problem remained grave even after it was over, and the government made some effort to appease the tribal landless. As they had no leadership to continue the struggle on their own, there was a lull in the activity of the tribals up to the end of the 1960s. The Naxalite movement beginning in 1969, with the avowed aim of seizing state power through an agrarian struggle rallied the tribals. By this movement they were able to gain control over 3, 00,000 acres of land in the five tribal districts of A.P., and most of their debts were scaled down. Thus the Naxalite movement brought some relief to the tribals even though it could not solve their basic problems. These movements have increased political consciousness among the tribals, making them aware about the injustices done to them. They have organized around the issue of land alienation and wages paid for agricultural labour. The CPI (ML) and Sangham have been successful in raising their wages from Rs.4/- to Rs.6/- for men and from Rs.2.50 to 4.50 for women. Similarly the wages for tendu leaf collection was raised from 6 paise per 100 leaves to 11 paise for 100 leaves, i.e. almost double the amount. Thus the movement has been successful in ameliorating the conditions of the tribals.

Notes 1. Von. Furer Haimendorf. Tribes in India. P.203, 204, 208. 2. Allam Rajaiah “Kamaram Bheemu” Peace Centre Publications, Hyderabad, 1983. 3. K.Bala Goapal. Agrarian Classes and Conflicts”. Perspectives Publication, Hyderabad, 1988, p.71. 4. Prakash Reddy, Politics of Tribal Exploitation (A Study of Tribal Unrest in Adilabad), Integrated Tribal Development Agency Publication p.75. 5. Gazetteers of A.P. 1981. 6. Integrated Tribal Development Agency (Office): Bhadrachalam.

96

Chapter VI

7. A.P.District Gazetteers, Adilabad. 1981. Committee Report on Srikakulam Movement Organisation for the Protection of Democratic Right, A.P. 1977. p.37. 8. The nature of the petty trade entrance and its reflections over the backward areas in an exclusive process that starts with the extension trade and side-by-side money lending and gradual taking over the lands. 9. Fact finding committee report on Srikakulam movement. 10. Janasakti, April, 1969, Janasakti is the APRCC’s Party organ, A weekly which represents view of T.Nagi Reddy’s group. 11. Govt. Order No. 910 dated November 7, 1969. 12. Statistical Hand Book, Khammam District op. cit. “Value of Forest Products”, Table 8.2. p.88. 13. Ibid, Chapter III. P.112. 14. Party letter No.1, Op. Cit. 15. Document W2, op. cit, Minutes of Gurrevela Area Committee Meeting, 8, 12, 1969. 16. Amara Veerulu etc. op. cit, pp. 107-109. 17. Ibid, p. 137. 18. “Kranthi” Telugu Fortnightly, Published by the A.P. State Committee, CPI (ML), Hyderabad, 1st April, 1985. 19. Ibid, 1st Jan, 1983. 20. Ibid, 19th Jan, 1990. 21. Srujana, Telugu Monthly Journal, Hyderabad, 1979. 22. Civil Liberties Report, on 1986. 23. “Udayam” (Telugu News Paper), Hyderabad, 20th April 1990. 24. Ibid. 25. 5, August 1990 ‘Times of India, New Delhi’. 26. Andhra Prabha, Telugu News Paper, 3, April 1990. 27. Prakash Reddy, Politics of Tribal Exploitation “A Study of Tribal Unrest in Adilabad ITDA”, 1988: p.78. 28. National Seminar on ST and Social Justice 29th and 30th July 1995. 29. “Kranthi” 6th June 1978, p.19, 16th August 1981. p.2 and May 1983. 30. A.P. Civil Liberties Committee, 1st April, 1984. 31. K.Bala Gopal, “Agrarian Classes and Conflicts and Perspective Peoples Publications” 1988, p.71. 32. “Drought and TADA” in Adilabad ‘EPW Report 25th November 1983’. 33. “Kranthi” (PWG. Journal) 1st November 1981. Published by Andhra Pradesh State Committee, CPI (ML) Hyderabad. 34. Ibid. 35. “Kranthi” 14th February 1987. 36. Ibid, October 1983. 37. Ibid, 15th July 1984. 38. Ibid, January 1986. 39. EPW, July 1986, “A Report on Adilabad” 40. Ryoth Coolie Sangham “Radical Youth League” Adilabad 19th Jan 1990. 41. “Udayam” Telugu News Paper, March 1990, Hyderabad.

Land Alienation and Political Movements in Adilabad and Khammam District 97 42. Reported in “Andhra Prabha” Telugu News Paper 2nd April 1990 and Kranthi, 1st June 1978. (1) The fieldwork in this difficult region was possible due to the assistance given by Prof.Balagopal.

CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION

In the study, an attempt was made to understand the socio-economic conditions and land alienation of the tribal population of Adilabad and Khammam districts which led them to revolt against all outside forces i.e. non-tribals and the Indian state. A study of the resulting political movement of this area in the 1970’s and 1980’s has also been attempted. The study is based on the major hypothesis that it is the poor socioeconomic conditions of the tribal and resulting dissatisfaction, which cause recent revolts. Thus social and economic forces are important though the significant of political factors such as ideology and mobilization are not denied. Tribal problems need to be under stood in their proper perspective. While there are large numbers of social groups in India, which are deprived and very poor, the problems faced by tribals are somewhat different. Prior to the colonial period the tribes in Andhra Pradesh faced very little interference in their cultural and economic life. The economy of the tribal habitat created a specific pattern of life. Shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering of forest produce were their main source of livelihood. Culturally, their religion and social customs were also different from the rest of the Hindu population. Beginning from the 1920s the tribals of these districts felt the impact of the forces of modernization which colonialism brought in as roads were built, mines dug in tribal areas and traders brought in products from the outside economy. Modernisation both in the colonial and even more sharply in the postcolonial period had a three-fold impact. 1. The tribal population could not be a part of the process of modernization being illiterate and unskilled and hence left behind. 2. They faced exploitation by outsiders who wish to appropriate their natural resources. This two-fold process as we have seen in Chapter II and III began during the period of the Government of Nizam of Hyderabad and continues even today. Hence, what is being argued is that the casual factors of tribal movements lie in the

100

Chapter VII

very pattern of development as it has unfolded in the present century. 3. This has led to political movements in A.P. which arise out of dissatisfaction with the process of development and land alienation. In the post-independence period both the central and state governments have undoubtedly attempted to improve the conditions of the tribal population. Nehru under the influence of Verrier Elwin Haimendorf devised a strategy whereby the tribal population could experience economic progress and yet not face large-scale cultural disruption and dislocation. This proved to be a very difficult line to follow and was abandoned in 1960’s. Since then the main policy towards the tribal population in Andhra Pradesh, are special area schemes under special Agencies such as the Integrated Tribal Development Agency, and the provisions of a sub plan. The government has also attempted to both distribute cultivable land to the tribals, and prevent land alienation in tribal areas, as this study has shown that the government has not succeeded on all these counts. Both the policies devised as well as their poor implementation have reduced their usefulness and alienation of fertile land and forests. Disruption of the tribal pattern of life especially the agricultural economy and exploitation by outsiders has caused social alienation, which rendered them open to mobilization of land and forest and it is a historical process beginning from the colonial period when the area was part of the Nizam’s dominion. The introduction of private property disrupted the earlier system. Very early a feudal lord land money lender, traders/ Shahukar nexus arose which was instrumental in grabbing indebtedness to the money lender and the existence of corrupt partners were the main factors underlying transfer of land from tribal to non-tribal lands, in spite of attempts by Nizam to halt the land alienation process .the tribal land occupied by the non-trbals. This factor was the immediate course of the movement in the 1940’s in Adilabad, Khammam and Rampa. In the post independence period the setting up of wood based industries such as paper, timber and furniture manufacture has allowed this process to continue. Many Land Regulation Acts passed by the A.P. State Government could not arrest the process. Moreover, while on the one hand the state government has banned falling of forests yet on the other hand it has granted licenses to large number of wood based industries in and around Adilabad and Khammam. Large portions of the tribal population have been reduced to agricultural and industrial labourers on land they once owned. The link between loss of land and the tribal movement is clearly seen by the fact that the main target of the 1980’s

Conclusion

101

movement was reacquisition of lands which they believed were earlier under their control. The coming in of commercial cash crops since the 1960s such as cotton has increased cash values and made it attractive to landlords. Indebted tribals are often forced to cultivate cash crops in order to pay rents or repay loans. Less space is hence devoted to food grains, which are often bought in the market at very high rates. The four selected Taluks have a different background. In Bhadrachalam, the landlord still controls a major portion of the land and exercises direct control over all official and non-official institutions of the village. Also, he does not keep the non-tribal small peasants away from his exploitative network, but treats them on par with their tribal counter parts in the over all process of appropriation. Ashwaraopet Taluk presents a slightly different picture in its land relations, and other aspects related to the socio-economic aspects of the Taluk. While in Bhadrachalam Taluk, it was the forward caste Raju and Khammam landlords whose domination and hold has been unchallenged in the village over the years. In Ashwaraopet, Kamma and Kapu caste landlords and rich peasants are now dominating the village social structure. The process of immigration of non-tribal trading class also continues. Unlike the other two taluks in Utnoor and Lakshettipet, the landlords have taken over a big chunk of the fertile lands available in the village and control all other sources of power. They continue to enjoy the legal support needed to reap the benefits from the lands under their control. They have successfully managed to create disunity among the Gonds and the Lambada tribals pitting one section against the other. The tribal petty landholders think that, it is due to the Lambada petty landholders that they lost their lands. Each community considers the other as its enemy. Significantly, in the whole process, the landlord could become the arbitrator to settle the dispute between these two communities as each community approaches him individually to favour them. Trends indicate that the tribals in the recent years even started believing in him as the champion of their cause. The historical truth however remains that it is the land lord family that had originally initiated the process of appropriation of land, and later it was the same family that invited the other non-tribal small peasants to come over to this village and settle down in the area. In many cases, he himself could sell a portion of his own land to them. These taluks have fertile black cotton soil, in which high yielding varieties of crops could be raised. The cotton grown in this village is of a very good quality. Thus the tribals in the process of commercialization of agriculture have been reduced to the level of mere wage earners without

102

Chapter VII

having any productive assets to their credit. The problems have been further accentuated due to the negative policies adopted by the state. The adoption of cheap lease terms, advancement of agricultural investment and fertilizers and increase in the production of market connection has had a negative affect on the lives of the tribals. All these processes together certainly led to the transformation of the many tribal households into landless poor and small peasant households. However, the post-independent state had been following almost the same policy as the erstwhile colonial state. While it could bring in a few changes suitable to its constitutional needs, it has taken care to see that these chances did not come in the way of the exploiting class. In the name of protecting the interests of tribals, stringent laws were enacted by the colonial and post-colonial government under popular pressure; but here were always loopholes in these legislations leaving room for the well to do non-tribals to continue the historical process of exploiting the tribals. The non-tribals were encouraged to enter into these areas mainly to satisfy the increased revenue demands of the state. The traders and the cultivating non-tribal peasantry therefore entered these areas only to fulfill the demands of the state, and their entry had deprived the tribals of their land. This is evident from the evolution and implementation of the land transfer regulations in the tribals’ areas of Andhra Pradesh. They not only show administrative loopholes and internal legal contradictions but also have a clear bias towards the vested interests of the different exploiting classes. Lack of proper land survey and settlement, unsystematic land administration, passing of regulations mutually contradictory in nature, limited and inadequate personnel in the concerned administrative organisations, unsympathetic and anti tribal bias of the officials, judicial delays and complicated procedures are a few of the legal and administrative loopholes. The system of regulation with many policy loopholes inevitably suffers from the fact of inability to handle the situation. They may be because these legal, administrative structures had been moulded to become an instrument in the hands of the exploiting classes. The major scheme that emerges from the study based on the land records of the land relations covering a period of eighty years 1900-1980 indicates that the problem of the land alienation is not an accidental one, but has arisen because of a concerted effort of the antagonistic class interests that are operating in these areas. It is significant to observe from the land records pertaining to the last 90 years that there was a clear-cut transfer of land from the hands of tribals to non-tribals over the years. The records also show a trend of land concentration in the hands of a few.

Conclusion

103

Migration of non-tribals from plain areas has changed the structure of land relations. The efforts made by the official machinery to prevent land alienation did not benefit the tribals and they could not gain much out of their efforts. The failure of the administrative machinery to mitigate the problems of land alienation resulted in the origin of middlemen in the villages. This also ultimately resulted in the dependence of the tribal and non-tribal small peasants over the articulate and affluent landlord classes to resolve the contradictions. Hence the administrative machinery became a “helping hand” to the landed gentry to continue their control over the tribal as well as non-tribal communities, and strengthened the existing unequal land relations. Further, examination of a few economic variables such as irrigation, credit, etc., indicate the role played by the government from time to time, to neutralize the antagonistic contradictions existing in the tribal areas. In Chapter IV the tribal movements in the 1970’s have been described. Apart from the description in documents of the CPI (ML), very little is known about the movement which the Government has projected as a ‘Law and Order’ or a Naxalite movement to be suppressed. The movement arises from the real and ‘perceived’ grievances of the tribal population since independence. The forces of modernization have created political consciousness among the tribal population, which feels it has not received its due share. Such movements are characteristic of societies, which faced oppression of their traditional order, but have not been able to establish a new order. It is necessary to briefly analyse here whether the movement has succeeded in its aims and what impact it has on the lives of the tribal population of Adilabad. The tribals have managed to get back some lands, which they believed, belonged to them earlier. They occupied over 3,00,000 acres of land in the whole area of five districts of Andhra Pradesh1. Much of this has remained with them them2. Earlier the government had granted surplus land, which the tribals had not been able to take over due to Court stay order, and use of force by local landlords. The tribals under the Sangham also occupied lands belonging to big feudal landlords such as Madhava Rao in Adilabad3. In some cases, however, the police intervened and the lands were returned to non-tribal owners. The CPI (ML) has noted the amount of land the tribal population has been able to acquire4. The Sangham also organized strikes against tendu leaf contractors, landlords and contractors for wage increase. In many cases they were very successful. In Lakshettipet5, Illendu and Bhadrachalam6, tendu leaf

104

Chapter VII

contractors had to pay higher wages. Tribal labourers who were employed to plant trees also were paid Rs.1 per day more wages due to refusal to work for land owners. In the name of protecting the interests of the tribals stringent minimum wage laws were always loopholes in these legislations. The tribals were paid Rs.13000/- and 3 bags of johar per annum instead of Rs.600/- and 2 bags of johar as in the past. Many bonded labourers were freed by the Sangham and the wages of casual agricultural labourers went up from Rs.200/- to Rs.400/- in the tribal area. Contractors have begun to pay better rates to the tribals for tendu leaf, cotton, wood and other forest produce than in past due to the presence of the Sangham. The rates are decided by the government in advance. However, the Sangham has not been able to get the rates they wanted and so were only partially successful. Exploitation by landlords, moneylenders and the police has also decreased due to the movement. The movement has created awareness of their rights among the tribal population. Political consciousness has increased and the movement has created self-confidence among the tribals in this area. The tribal groups want to retain their customs and traditions and their relative prestige while desiring to improve their status. All these issues involve competition, conflict and power struggle not only between decision makers, administrators and interested groups, but also between members of the different tribal groups. Tribal groups may develop a fear of less of their identity, led to conflict with other groups . The intensity of interaction and the nature of integration or conflict will break the isolation. The introduction of a network of communication on a large scale and welfare institutions like A.P. Scheduled Tribe Cooperative Finance and Development Corporation have resulted in rapid monetisation of the economic transactions and supplanting of the traditional barter system of the tribes. This switch over to monetary economy has resulted in multiplication of wants without a corresponding increase in means to satisfy them. Further the introduction of community development programme in the plain areas improved socio-economic conditions there. The tribal societies however, could not reap the full benefits of the programmes and catch up with the fast progressing plains people because of their traditional economic and cultural drawbacks. The age-old differences in the social and economic life the tribals and non-tribals could not be wiped out. Even after the implementation of multiple developmental programmes, the tribal could not escape the gap and catch up with the plains people, as their pace of progress is not fast enough. The introduction of numerous development

Conclusion

105

programmes and their haphazard implementation confused the ignorant tribal, necessitating radical reorientation of tribal development programme to suit the needs of the tribals. Immediate framing of rules and the effective implementation of various protective legislations through specially fabricated machinery should be given top priority in dealing with land alienation debt proof and other forms of tribal exploitation. The cooperative institutions have a specific role in providing the much needed credit facilities to tribals. As poverty breeds contempt and contempt leads to unrest, special programmes should be evolved for the advancement of relatively backward groups in order to alleviate the social and economic inequalities existing between one tribe and the other. Education is a sin-qua-non for rapid integration. The stereotyped education system should be remodeled so as to shift the stress from literary based education to production-based education. Special attention should be paid to teaching tribal lore and at the same time inculcating a spirit of nationalism by incorporating appropriate lessons stressing national unity and the vital role of the tribals in preserving the integrity of country through dance, and songs. The key to gauge the feelings and needs of the tribals lies in evolving enlightened leadership which should be nurtured so as to provide the progressive type of leadership, for effective implementation of development programmes. Hence under present economic stringency selective approach should be preferred to bring the tribal economy to take off stage. The existing hiatus between tribals and non-tribals must be bridged to achieve integration. The modus operandi for this Herculean task is fruitful exploitation of the natural resources to the advantage of local tribals. Linking every nook and corner of the tribal areas through a network of communication facilities dispelling ethno concentration of non-tribal communities and by initiating a process of cultural exchange between the tribal and non tribals are much needed. The introduction of communication and transportation was expected to produce advantage to the tribal people. However, they produced a world in which a few plains people are exploiting large part of tribal resources and depriving them of the local resources they once enjoyed . Similarly, modernization is threatening the cohesion of tribal communities. There have been many tribal uprisings from a wide variety of vantage points. From class-based struggles against hegemonies for new assertions of peripheral and forcibly displaced communities, transport destruction of their environment and natural resources, tribal uprising for safeguarding their life styles, strident defense of cultures, regional identities and nationalities, they constitute a broad range of popular awakening, protests

106

Chapter VII

and social basis of democracy from the early liberal defense of incremental diffusion of institutional spaces to the more radical assertion of civil liberties and democratic rights. Most of these struggles and demands are directed against the state, which is under attack from both global and parochial pressures. As the state increasingly losing its earlier autonomy from dominant interests, it is proving both incapable of responding to various demands and movements and unwilling to expand its social base and is led to assume confrontational postures. Challenges to the state one on the increase and one use a cover for oppressive and repressing measures perpetrated by police, para military armed forces and the landlords The Indian state and society has imposed changes upon the tribals in the name of development, and in turn accused local people of causing problems, such as degradation and resource depletion. National legislations tend to act as instruments of denial of the rightful entitlement of the tribal landholders. The Land Regulation Act process did cost the tribal groups heavily. It has no doubt guaranteed the individual tribals’ claims over the land; but did not specifically uphold the community ownership of the land by the tribes. The administration and management of land by the colonial and post-colonial state confirms the inferior status of indigenous lands, compared to that of guaranteed rights of occupancy lease-hold titles. The take over forests and interior territories reduced the tribal from their original position of landowners to landless laboures. In short, the sanctioning and application of national laws indiscriminately to the tribal territories has in a way given a blanket status to the once( owned tribal lands as of the states property albeit without taking the tribals transitional specifics into account. Thus from pre-independence to post the independence period, a new legal system and its administrative machinery has been introduced in all the tribal territories which has led a tremendous social impact on the tribes. The crisis over the land resources has begun to take shape through this legal system and its application resulting in severest economic cultural violence which acted as the casual factor that made the tribes revolt against the oppressive order set in their respective tribal regions all over India. Various ongoing tribal movements confirm this reality. The commercialization of the forest and of the tribal women as a resource has serious implications. The political movement has effectively checked these practices. On a few occasions, the CPI (ML) Peoples War Group held Praja Courts that delivered justice to the tribal victims. Those responsible for exploiting tribal women were asked either to marry the

Conclusion

107

victim or to provide her maintenance for life. This party also campaigned vigorously against all kinds of humiliation and ill treatment. However, the state response to the tribal movements during the present period has been clearly repressive, and represents subversion of constitutionality. Arrests and illegal confinement of thousands of tribal people seem to have been the dominant reality pursued by the law enforcing agencies in the specific context of tribal India. Repressive measures include massive destruction of tribal houses and property, pouring kerosene on grain, demolition and burning of huts and houses all carried out by enforcing agencies. The state repression of the tribal movement and resistance paints a picture of an obnoxious mode of exploitation reinforced by the state and the dominant classes. At the same time the process also indicates an intense urge of the tribal communities in India, to assert and organise themselves on par with the other millions of the oppressed. The tribals were able to express resistance and sporadic retaliation which is a testimony to their courage and is an apt characterization of the development system practiced by the state in spite of its apparent objectives of welfare, constitutionality and so called socialism. The resistance offered by the various movements and other tribal forces here had an impact on the state and dominant classes. It has resulted in certain modification of the position of the tribals, while the state with all its repressive machinery was compelled to adopt transitory liberal strategies of welfarism. Tribes on the other hand organised their efforts relentlessly to fight the injustice affecting their life patterns and demand the constitutionally and as well as socially valid recognition of them identity and existence. Hence, what is needed is a democratic theory that accepts the great diversity of human situations yet provides coherent to them through an active political process, opens up new and creative spaces within the framework of civil society, and at the same time restructures the state for realizing these ends. The following observations may help to implement the tribal land regulation Acts and development schemes effectively. 1. Property right should be restored in the tribal areas. 2. A.1 fo 70 land regulation Act should be implemented strictly. 3. Right to cancel settlement pattas by collectors is given in scheduled areas.

108

Chapter VII

4. Complete survey of scheduled lands is done on war footing and land records are computerized and preserved at district headquarters and state capital. 5. Special Panchayats will be created in the tribal region. 6. Caste Certificate should be issued by the Special Deputy Collector. 7. Self Rule in the tribal areas. 8. Decentralization of economic and political fields. 9. Separate Residential Schools and Colleges for the tribals. 10. Stereotyped programme have introduced without taking into consideration the felt needs of the people. 11. Introduction of too many programmes resulted in diffusion of effort. 12. The programmes are devoid of tribal bias due to lack of knowledge of tribal beliefs and customs. 13. Failure of leadership to provide the necessary guidance due to absence of enlightened leadership who are well versed in the intricacies of statutory provisions and administrative procedures. 14. Introduction of sophisticated institutions like Girijan Mahila Mandali and Tribal Youth Club failed to appeal to the mind of ignorant tribal women and youth. 15. ‘Matter of fact’ approach of the official functionary and consequent indifference to convince the tribal of the benefits of the innovations. 16. Chronic ignorance and proverbial apathy of the tribal to adopt innovations. 17. A national level body should undertake preliminary survey for carving out tribal regions and evolving suitable plans for each region. 18. Special machinery and finance may be provided in addition to the development machinery and finances challenged through the community and Tribal Development Programmes of respective districts. 19. Immediate framing of rules and the effective implementation of various protective legislations through specially fabricated machinery should be given top priority in dealing with land alienation cases and cases of violation of Money Lender Regulation Act in order to curb the activities of money lenders. 20. All potential irrigation sources must be harnessed on a war footing and improved agricultural practices; suitable strains of

Conclusion

109

seeds, cattle breed and implements should be evolved and differed through perseverance and persuasion. 21. The recent unrest in the tribal belt of Northern Telangana districts of Andhra Pradesh is a sign of the malady plank giving the minds of tribals. It is not enough to recognise and suppress the symptoms; radical treatment is imperative to cure the root cause of the disease by proper diagnosis and correct prescription. 22. Education is an important safeguard for the tribals. Inadequate provision for education is not only incongruous in any scheme of things but goes against the grain of basic social values. Education has central place amongst the safeguards provided for the weaker sections in the constitution. It should be the first charge on the outlays earmarked for the development of Scheduled Tribes. 23. Pass marks should reduced from 35% to 25% in each subject at the ‘SSC’ and ‘Intermediate’ for tribal students.

Notes 1. A report on Godavari Loya (valley) Girijana Rytanga Poratacharitra, CPI(ML), A.P. Sep. 1977, p.8,48. 2. “Kranthi” (Telugu Fortnightly), published by A.P. State Committee CPI (ML) Hyderabad, June, 1988, and 15 Sep. 1983. 3. Ibid 15 July 1984. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid 1, July, 1981. 6. “Praja Shakti” Telugu Newspaper 4-5-1986. 7. Ibid 1st June 1988. 8. Ibid.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Census and Gazetters and Reports 1. Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers, Adilabad, 1981. 2. Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers, Khammam, 1981. 3. Census of India, 1981, India General Population Table Statement p.9. 4. Census of India, 1981, Series of Andhra Pradesh 5. Census of India, 1981, A Portrait of Population of A.P. 6. Census of India, 1991, Series-2, Andhra Pradesh Part X-A Town Directory 7. Ibid: N.5 Series-2, Andhra Pradesh Part – x-A, Town Directory. 8. Census of India 1991, Series 1, Andhra Pradesh Part III A & B (iv) General Economic Tables B-21 and B-22. 9. Ibid, No.7; Series-2 10. Government of India Report of the working group on Development of Scheduled Tribes during Seventh Five Year Plan, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, 1984. 11. Government of India, report of the Committee on Forestry Programmes for Alleviation of Poverty. New Delhi, 1984. 12. Report of Scheduled Caste/ Tribe Commission, Sixth Report, March 1983 to April 1984. 13. Report on Development of Backward Areas, National Committee on the Development of Backward Areas. Government of India, Planning Commission, New Delhi, 1981. 14. Report on the working group on Tribal Development during the sixth plan, 1980. 15. P.V.Ramesh, Seminar on “Scheduled Tribes and Social Justice” 29th and 30th July, 1995. Department of Tribal Welfare, Government of A.P., Hyderabad, 1995. 16. B.Janardhan Rao, Andhra Pradesh Girijana Pranthaloo Bhoomi Samasya (in Telugu). 17. B.Janardhan Rao, Andhra Pradesh Girijana Pranthaloo Adavi Samasya (in Telugu). 18. National Seminar on ‘ST’s and Social Justice, July, 1995, D.P.V.Ramesh JAS Director; Department of Tribal Welfare, Govt. of A.P., Hyderabad.

112

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

Books Bardhan A.P.: Tribal Problem in India Communist Party Publication, Ajoy Bhawan, New Delhi, 1973 Benarjee, Sumantha: In the Wake of Naxalbari Subarna Rekha Publications, Calcutta, 1978. Bhowmik, Sharit: Class Formation in the Plantation System Peoples Publishing House, New Delhi, 1981. Balagopal, K.: Agrarian Classes and Conflicts Perspective, Peoples Publication, 1988. Bose, N.K.: Tribal Life in India, National Book Trust, New Delhi – 1974. Chatopadaya Kamaberi: Tribalism in India, Vikas Publishing House Private Limited, New Delhi. Chandra Bipen: Freedom Struggle: Amales Tripati Den Barun. A National Book Trust Publication, New Delhi, 1972. Gupta, Rasit (ed): Planning for Tribal Development, Ankur Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977. Das Gupta: Tribal History of Ancient India, Nava Bharat Publications, Calcutta, 1974. Desai, A.R.: Rural Sociology, Popular Prakasham, Bombay, 1969. Desai, A.R.: Pleasant Struggles in India, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1979. Dube, S.C.: Land Alienation and Restoration in Tribal Communities in India Himalaya Publishing House, Bombay, 1977. Gupta, Ranjit (ed): Planning for Tribal Development, Ankur Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977. Habib, Irfan: The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1955-1707), Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1963. Haimendorf, Furer: Anthropology in the Development Process. C.V.Mathur Harimohan (ed), Vikas Publications, New Delhi, 1977. Haimendorf, Furer, C.V.: (Advisor to the HEM the Nizam’s Government for Tribes and B.C. Classes): A Tour Diary on the Aboriginal Problem un Mulug and Narsampet Taluks (AP), Warangal District (3rd April to 12th April 1946). Haimendorf, C.V.F.: Tribes in India, The Struggle for Survival, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1982. Janardhan Rao, B.: Tribal Land Alienation in A.P. Kakatiya School of Public Administration in India, Warangal, 1987. Lenin, V.I.: The Land Question and the for Freedom, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965.

Bibliography

113

Majumdar, D.N.: Affairs of a Tribe: A Study in Tribal Dynamics, Universal Publications, Lucknow, 1950. Mamoria, C.B.: Tribal Demography in India, Kitab Mahal, Allagabad, 1945. Mao Se Tung: Selected Works of Mao Se Tung Vol.1 and VI Foreign Language Press, Peking, 1977. Mishra G.K.: Tribal Development in India, Conceptual Contradictions, IIPA, New Delhi, 1982. Myrdal, Gunner: “Asian Drama” an Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations, The Penguin Press, London, 1972. Nagi Reddy, T.: “India Mortgaged” Tarimala Nagireddy Memorial Trust Anantha Puram, A.P. 1978. Nag, D.S.: Tribal Economy, Bharatiya Adima Jati Sevak Sangh, Delhi, 1978. Narayan Reddy Ravi: Heroic Telangana Reminiscences Experiences Communist Party of India (CPI), Publications, New Delhi, 1973. National Institute of Community Development, Hyderabad: Tribal Development Planning India, Integrating Tribal Development Planning; Proceedings of a seminar held at NICD, Hyderabad, 1975. Patnaik, N.: Tribes and Their Development, NicD, Hyderabad, 1972. Prakash Reddy: Political or Tribal Land Alienation, Hyderabad, 1974. Pratab, D.R.: Tribes of Andhra Pradesh World Telugu Conference Office, Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad, 1975. Raghava Rao, D.V.: Marketing of Produce and Indelstedness among Tribals: A Report on a study of Chintapally Block, Visakhapatnam District, Waltair, Andhra University, 1973. Raghava Rao, Koka: The Law Relating to Scheduled Areas in A.P. Venkateswara Printers, Hyderabad, 1977. Raghavaiah (V) (ed): Tribes of India Vol.1; Bharatiya Adima Jati Sevak Sangh, Dr.Ambedkar Marg, Jandevalar, New Delhi, 1975. Raghamaiah, V.: Tribal Revolts Andhra Rashtra Adima Jati Sevak Sangh (AP) 1971. Rajaiah Allam: Kamaram Bheem (Telugu) Ramesh Thaper (ed): Tribe Caste and Religion in India, Macmillan Company of India Limited, 1977. Radical Students Union of Andhra Pradesh: The National Question in India, Seminar Papers, Hyderabad, 1982. Sethu Madhava Rao: Among the Gonds of Adilabad: Popular Book Department, Bombay, 1949. Sastry, V.N.V.K.: Political Economy of India. A Study of Land Reforms Policy in Andhra Pradesh Light and Light Seminar on Perspective of

114

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

Tribal development in A.P., Publishers, New Delhi, 1st December, 1990. Sinha, Shanta: Maoists in Andhra Pradesh, An Unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, August, 1976. Sundaraiah, P.: Telangana Peoples Struggle and its Lessons, Communist Party of India, Marxist, Calcutta, 1973. Sundaraiah, P.: The Land Question. All India Kishan Saloha, New Delhi, 1976. The Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute: The Koyas of A.P. TCRST, Hyderabad, A.P. 1966. Vidyarthi, L.P.: Tribal Development and its Administration, Concept Publishing House, New Delhi, 1981. Varavara Rao, P.: Telangana Vimochana Udyamam, Telugu Navala, Srujana Publications, 1983, Hanamkonda. Ajit, K. Singh: Tribal Development in India, 1984. K.P.Singh: Tribal Development in India, 1988. Basu, Ashok Rasar: Tribal Development Programmes and Administration in India 1985. P.Ramaiah: Tribal Economy of India (A.P.) P.Ramaiah: Tribal Conflicts and Forest Management Gupta, Rajit: Tribal World and its Transformation, 1980. Bastar (Abhivriddhi and Prajaswamyam): PUCL, Madhya Pradesh, July, 1989 Kranthi Prachuranalu. Rajaiah Alim, Sahu: Komaram Bheemu. A portrayal of the life of tribal legend and leader of the Gonds of Adilabad of Andhra Pradesh, Peace Book Centre Publications, Hyderabad, 1983. Mohanty Monoranjan: Revolutionary Violence, A Study of the Maoist Movement in India. Gham Sham Shah, L.P.Singh: Protests Movement in Indian States.

Telugu Books Subha Rao, C.V.: “Ragulukone Rakshashi Boggu” (Burning Coal) An Introduction of Political Economy of North East India, Yerga Publications, Hyderabad. Coal Belt Kathalu: A Collection of Short Stories, Ambaii Publications, Godavari Khani. Munmunduk sagu: Kranthi Prachuranalu Poolatlu Chottu Muduthunna 1985, Prabuthva Neerabandakonda.

Bibliography

115

Adilabad-Karimnagar Ryothangam: Srujana Publication Udyamaloo, Anuvlu Baseena, 1981. Amaralu Venpati Satyam: “Srikakulam Girijan Udyaman Sankshipta Charitra” (A Brief Note on Srikakulam Girijan Movement”, Socialist Publications, Vijayawada) Bhushnam: Advi Antukundi, Suryapet, Vijayawada 2, 1973. Mohit Sen: “Naxalites Naxalism” EPW, Annual Number, 1970. 1.E.P.W.: March, 30, 1974 Frontier: July 4, 1970 Sunday: Aug, 7, 1983 Tribal in A.P. Satyanarayana Singh: Frontier: CPI (ML) May 1, 1970. Indian Maoism: Frontier, May 29, 1971. Mainstream: Vol. XIX. No.30 May 29, 1971. Mainstream: May 9, 1981. Frontline: Aug 5-18, 1989 Indravelly Memorial: 1st December 1985 (APCLC) APCLC: 14-12-1984. Swechcha: March to April 1990. Report of APCLS: Fact Finding Committee Concerning the Death of Pallen Kanakaiah in an Encounter. Report on Peoples Rights: 18-09-1990 APCLC: 1985. Illustrated Weekly: March 25, 1990. Frontline: 12-26, 1990 and Aug. 05-08-22, 9-1991. Vanguard: May 1992. Vimochana: Feb 15, 1980. A Note on Tribal Struggles in Madhya Pradesh. Times of India: April 4th, 1990. Times of India: December 15th, 1991. Times of India: 25th November 1990. Hindustan Times: 20-01-1990. Hindustan Times: 19-01-1990. News Times: 14-11-1988. Daily News Paper: 15-11-1988, 16-11-1988. The Hindu: 16-06-1995, 15-Aug-1995. Andhra Pradesh: May 1, 1990. Deccan Chronicle: April 12, 1990. Andhra Jyothi (Telugu Daily): May 3, 1981. Andhra Prabha: Adilabad Girijanulu Bhoomi Poratam from 9 Feb (1990 to 10, Feb 1990) and 13 Feb, 1990. Andhra Prabha: 12-08-1990 Andhra Prabha: 28-08-1990.

116

Tribal Land Alienation and Political Movements

Indian Express: “Neglected Tribal Village” July 28, 1981. The Hindu: Justice, Peoples Court Style, January 29, 1981. Indian Express: Forest-Bill is Anti Peoples Act, April 16, 1982. Indian Express: “Police and Gonda Break Total” April 27, 1981. Indian Express: A.P. Blamed for neglect of Tribal, Oct, 14, 1981. Indian Express: Tribals May Light Back Civilization, Jan 6, 1982. EPW: Keeping the Tribals Backward, Vol.V. No.47, Nov 21, 1973. EPW: Organising the Adivasis, Vol. IX, No.6, 7, & *, Annual, 1974. EPW: Material Base of Santhal Movement, Vol.X No.11, March 17, 1975. EPW: Terroriring Adivasis, Aug 25, 1973. Indian Express: “Neglected Tribal Village” July 25, 1981. The Hindu: Peoples Court Style, Jan, 29, 1981. The Hindu: They Come Out of their Shell, June 5, 1983. Economic Times: Tribals Lands Grabbed, July 5, 1974. India Today: Storm Signals. May 31, 1982. Andhra Jyothi: Assurance to Gonds: CVS of A.P. May 3, 1981. Indian Express: Smugglens Reign Over Officials, June 26, 1983. The Hindu: “A Beauty Spot”. A Tribes Domain Feb 3, 1980. The Hindu: Slave Trading in Adivasis, Bihar Alerts Other States, Sep 5, 1980. Eenadu (Telugu Daily) Migration: Girijans Struggle for Survival, July 28, 1981. The Hindu: Tribal Hunger for forest land, Sept. 21, 1981. Eenadu: “A Note on the Timber Labour”, Jan 23, 1983. Indian Express: Trouble Brewing in Koya Land, May 5, 1983. Bapujee, M.: Girijan Movement in A.P. Porarita (Telugu Journal of Social Science) Jan, March, 1976. Benerjee, Tarun: Girijan Movement in A.P. Prasarita (Telugu Journal of Social Sciences) Jan, March, 1976. Benerjee, Tarun: Girijan Movement in Srikakulam 1967-1970, Society, July-September 1980. Beteille, Andra: “On the Concept of Tribal” International Social Science Journal. Vol.32, No.4, 1980. Chari, Ananta, T.: “Tribal Society”, Seminar Vol.252, Aug, 1980.

INDEX

Andhra Pradesh, 1, 3, 19, 37 Adilabad 1, 78 Agents 45 Agency 45 Allure seetharamaraju 60 Article 44 Aswaraopet 79 Babjere 63 Backwardness 2 Badrachalam 65 Balharshash 23 Bombay 23 Britishers 21 Bureaucracy 58 Change 2 Chandulal 22 Chandrapur 23 Chodavaram taluk 61 Charu majumdar 68 Capital 21 Culture 87 Dargeeling 68 Domain 22 Deputy collector 50 Eturnagaram 50 Exploitation 24 Forests 93 Gonds 24 Godavari 54

Government 46 Hyderabad 40, 93 Illendu Immovable 45 Implementation 51 Justice 49 Jagirdari 49 Khammam 50 Kanusanyal 68 Kaul 49 Kolam 63 Koys 65 Komaram bheem 60 Kota ramachandra puram 50 Konda reddis 61 Land alienation 58 Land regulation acts 49 Legal loopholes 55 Macchaverria 64 Makta 49 Malabar 62 Military 64 Muttadari estate 60 Naxalite 57 Podu 62 Siriguri 68 Srikakulam 67 Telengana64 Uttnoor 109