Transforming Glasgow: Beyond the Post-Industrial City 9781447349785

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TRANSFORMING GLASGOW Beyond the Post-industrial City Edited by Keith Kintrea and Rebecca Madgin

First published in Great Britain in 2020 by Policy Press North America office: University of Bristol Policy Press 1-9 Old Park Hill c/o The University of Chicago Press Bristol 1427 East 60th Street BS2 8BB Chicago, IL 60637, USA UK t: +1 773 702 7700 t: +44 (0)117 954 5940 f: +1 773-702-9756 [email protected] [email protected] www.policypress.co.uk www.press.uchicago.edu © Policy Press 2020 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested 978-1-4473-4977-8 hardback 978-1-4473-4980-8 ePub 978-1-4473-4978-5 ePDF The right of Keith Kintrea and Rebecca Madgin to be identified as editors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved: no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of Policy Press. The statements and opinions contained within this publication are solely those of the editors and contributors and not of the University of Bristol or Policy Press. The University of Bristol and Policy Press disclaim responsibility for any injury to persons or property resulting from any material published in this publication. Policy Press works to counter discrimination on grounds of gender, race, disability, age and sexuality. Cover design by Liron Gilenberg Printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Policy Press uses environmentally responsible print partners

Contents List of maps, tables, figures and boxes v Notes on contributors vii Acknowledgements xiii Foreword by Professor Sir Anton Muscatelli xv Introduction: transforming post-industrial Glasgow – moving beyond the epic and the toxic Keith Kintrea and Rebecca Madgin PART I 1 The policy discourses that shaped the ‘transformation’ of Glasgow in the later 20th century: ‘overspill’, ‘redeployment’ and the ‘culture of enterprise’ Chik Collins and Ian Levitt

1

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2

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree Stuart Patrick, Gordon Kennedy and David MacLeod

39

3

The new political economy of city-regionalism: renewed steps in Glasgow David Waite

61

4

Stopped in its tracks? Transport’s contribution to Glasgow’s development Iain Docherty

81

PART II 5 Living in the urban renaissance? Opportunity and challenge for 21st-century Glasgow Mark Livingston and Julie Clark

101

6

A sick city in a sick country David Baruffati, Mhairi Mackenzie, David Walsh and Bruce Whyte

121

7

Dynamic housing transformations: following the money Douglas Robertson

139

8

‘New’ migrations transforming the city: East European settlement in Glasgow Rebecca Kay and Paulina Trevena

159

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Transforming Glasgow

9

Changing places and evolving activism: communities in post-industrial Glasgow Steve Rolfe, Claire Bynner and Annette Hastings

PART III 10 What once was old is new again: placemaking and transformational regeneration in Glasgow James T. White

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201

11

A place for urban conservation? The changing values of Glasgow’s built heritage Rebecca Madgin

221

12

Revisiting the creative city: culture and regeneration in post-industrial Glasgow Venda Louise Pollock

239

13

Our ‘Dear Green Place’: Glasgow’s transformation from industrial powerhouse to sustainable city Larissa A. Naylor, Ellie Murtagh and Hugh Kippen

257

Conclusion: beyond the post-industrial – narratives of time and place Rebecca Madgin and Keith Kintrea

279

Index

295

iv

List of maps, tables, figures and boxes Maps 1 2

Glasgow City Glasgow Central Area

xix xx

Tables 2.1 2.2

Employment levels by local authority Employment in key growth sectors, Glasgow City, 2011–2015 3.1 Comparisons across Scottish cities – TTWA areas 3.2 List of City Deal Infrastructure Projects 5.1 Percentage of families with children by tenure in Glasgow 7.1 Tenure change in Glasgow and Scotland, 1975–2015 11.1 List of perceived benefits

42 47 67 72 112 147 223

Figures 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 3.1 4.1 4.2 5.1

Resident employment in Glasgow and the Clyde Valley city 41 region, 1995–2012 Total employment Glasgow and the Clyde Valley city region, 43 1991–2012 Relative concentration of sectoral employment, Glasgow 45 City, 2014 Inbound tourism, 2004–2013 50 Business stock – number of registered enterprises 52 Comparative skill levels 54 Vacant and derelict land, Glasgow 57 Population (resident) within the Glasgow city-region 66 (City Deal area); local authorities, change from 2000 How policy perspectives change cities 92 Potential metro at Queen Elizabeth University Hospital 94 as envisaged by Glasgow Connectivity Commission Glasgow with travel to work area and local authority 103 boundaries

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Transforming Glasgow

5.2 5.3 10.1

10.2 10.3 10.4 11.1 11.2 12.1 13.1

Percentage private rented households in Glasgow City Council, 2011 (Census) Share of poor by deciles of distance and density, 2004 What once was old is new again. Contemporary tenements and Victorian tenements on the Pollokshaws Road, Glasgow, in the shadow of a modernist high-rise tower The Crown Street Regeneration Project Contemporary tenements in the Laurieston TRA Contemporary tenements in the Pollokshaws TRA The Merchant City brand Send Back the Money Calum Stirling, The Wanderer, 2003, Gorbals, Glasgow Sustainability-related policies and activities occurring at city, city-region, national and international scales

111

Outline of case study areas

184

113 203

205 211 212 227 230 243 264

Box 9.1

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Notes on contributors David Baruffati is a PhD candidate in Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow. His doctoral research focuses on health inequalities among men in Glasgow. Drawing on ethnographic research undertaken in two socioeconomically contrasting areas of the city, it uses the sociological theories of Pierre Bourdieu to examine how social class and gender intersect to shape the ‘lived experience’ of these men in ways pertinent to health, and health inequalities. He has previously completed an MSc in Public Policy & Management and an MRes in Urban Studies. Claire Bynner is a Research Fellow at the School of Social and Political Studies, University of Glasgow. She combines research expertise on neighbourhoods, migration and community cohesion with a professional background in the field of community participation and governance. For her PhD Claire examined social contact and trust in a super-diverse neighbourhood. Claire leads the research and evaluation team for Children’s Neighbourhoods Scotland, a placebased approach to reducing child poverty. She serves as an academic expert on local and national advisory boards. Julie Clark is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Social Policy at the University of the West of Scotland and an Associate Director of the Scottish Graduate School for Social Science. Her field of interest is the relationship between policy, health and wellbeing, with particular reference to regeneration and the built environment. Recent publications include Urban Regeneration: Geographies of Renewal and Creative Change, as well as Urban Renewal, Community and Participation: Theory, Policy and Practice. Chik Collins is Rector of the University of the Faroe Islands (since September 2019), having spent the previous 25 years at the University of the West of Scotland, where he was appointed Professor of Applied Social Science in 2015. Having worked previously on language and social change and on urban policy, over the past decade Chik has collaborated with others, including Ian Levitt, to provide an explanation for the phenomenon of ‘excess mortality’ in Scotland, and particularly in Glasgow. Iain Docherty is Dean of the Institute for Advanced Studies at University of Stirling. Iain’s research focuses on the intersection of

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Transforming Glasgow

public policy, institutional change and urban competitiveness. In 2015 he was appointed by the ESRC and Innovate UK as one of five Thought Leaders working to integrate scientific innovation and social science research and is currently a Co-Investigator within the Productivity Insights Network. Iain is an advisor to the Swedish National Transport Laboratory, and a member of both the National Infrastructure Commission for Scotland and the Scottish Ministers’ Governance Board overseeing the revised National Transport Strategy. Annette Hastings is Professor of Urban Studies in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Glasgow. Annette’s research and teaching focuses on the drivers of urban inequality and approaches to tackling this, with a particular focus on the role of public services. Prior to joining the University in 1994, Annette worked in housing management practice for social housing organisations in Glasgow. Rebecca Kay is Professor of Russian Gender Studies at the School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow. She has written extensively on issues of migration, social security and care in Russia and Scotland. She is a member of the Scottish Government’s expert advisory group on migration and population. Recent publications include: ‘(In)security, family and settlement: migration decisions amongst Central and East European families in Scotland’, Central and Eastern European Migration Review, 7(1), 2018; ‘Migrants’ experiences of material and emotional security in rural Scotland: implications for longer-term settlement’, Journal of Rural Studies, 52, 2017. Gordon Kennedy is currently an economic development advisor to Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, , amongst other bodies. He has worked in various professional economic development roles in the Glasgow City region over a period of over 30 years, including senior roles in the Scottish Development Agency and as Deputy Chief Executive of Scottish Enterprise Glasgow and has been directly involved in many of the economic strategies for the city over that period. Keith Kintrea is Professor of Urban Studies and Housing and Deputy Director of the GCRF Centre for Sustainable, Healthy and Learning Cities and Neighbourhoods at the University of Glasgow. His research focusses on the effects of living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods on people’s lives, and on policy that has neighbourhood-level impacts.

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Notes on contributors

Recently he has been working on spatial aspects of educational disadvantage in Scotland and on neighbourhood differentiation in developing country cities. Keith and is an elected member of the management committee at Govanhill Housing Association, and Chair of the Govanhill Community Development Trust. Hugh Kippen is a Researcher at the University of Glasgow. He co-wrote the Integrated Green Grey Infrastructure Report: costed and tested innovations in innovative habitat creation (urban, coastal, estuarine, and historic building preservation). Other research includes the multifunctionality of urban spaces – how green, blue, open and under-used spaces can address chronic and acute urban issues and the impact of coastal climate change on vulnerable groups. Ian Levitt is Emeritus Professor at the University of Central Lancashire and Honorary Professor at the University of the West of Scotland, and he has written widely on 19th- and 20th-century Scottish social and economic history. His recent research includes a British Academy sponsored project ‘The Treasury and Public Expenditure in Scotland, 1885–1979’ (2014), and ongoing collaboration with Chik Collins on the relation between late 20th-century Scottish public policy and ‘excess mortality’ in Glasgow. Mark Livingston is a social scientist with over 19 years of experience. His research is focused on neighbourhoods and neighbourhood poverty. Mark is part of the Urban Big Data Centre and leads on the Housing and Neighbourhood research in the centre. His recent research has focused on the impact of changes in the private rented sector and the suburbanisation of poverty. Mhairi Mackenzie is Professor of Public Policy in Urban Studies, School of Social & Political Sciences at the University of Glasgow. Her work focuses on understanding health inequalities, in particular, different explanations for how health and inequalities are determined as revealed in the discourses of policymakers, practitioners and various publics. Her work is published in policy journals such as Journal of Social Policy and in social health journals including Sociology of Health & Illness and Social Science and Medicine. David MacLeod is a Partner at the strategic communications business Dram Communications and has over 10 years’ experience working in

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Transforming Glasgow

communications and project management. He studied economics at the University of Strathclyde. Rebecca Madgin is Professor of Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow. Her published work focuses on the relationship between urban conservation and urban redevelopment in the late 20th and 21st centuries. More specifically, Rebecca’s work concentrates on the emotional values of the historic environment and the ways in which this is considered within urban and heritage management strategies. Rebecca’s work has been published in a range of Urban History, Heritage and Urban Studies journals. Ellie Murtagh is a PhD student at the University of Strathclyde, Ellie is exploring climate adaptation decision making, with a case study on Glasgow. In addition, she works as a climate resilience project coordinator at Sniffer, a Scottish charity focused on resilience and adaptation to climate change. Research interests include climate adaptation planning, Bayesian Belief Networks and place-based adaptation. Larissa A. Naylor is Reader in Physical and Environmental Geography at the University of Glasgow. She has reviewed for the coastal chapter of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and is currently on Adaptation Scotland’s Advisory Network. She in an expert in coastal adaptation to climate change and in assessing coastal climate change risks (www.dynamiccoast.com). She has growing expertise in urban greening and urban adaptation to climate change, including analysis of policies to better support adaptation implementation. Stuart Patrick is Chief Executive of Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, having previously held senior roles with Scotland’s primary economic development agency, Scottish Enterprise. He qualified as a Chartered Accountant in 1988 and has degrees from the Universities of Glasgow and Strathclyde. He is the Chair of the Wise Group, a member of the Glasgow Economic Leadership Board and a director of Clyde Gateway and the Glasgow Science Centre. He was awarded a CBE in 2019 for services to business and the Glasgow economy. Venda Louise Pollock is Professor of Public Art at Newcastle University where she is also Dean of Culture and Creative Arts. She researches the relationship between art and urban change, with

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Notes on contributors

a particular interest in public art practices, and also memory and narrative in heritage practices. She has published mainly on issues of public and urban regeneration and is developing a monograph on public art and the post-industrial city. Douglas Robertson is a social researcher specialising in housing policy evaluation. For 30 years he taught both housing and sociology at the University of Stirling. His research has embraced a variety of housing practices, most recently private tenancy laws and their regulation, private flatted property management and maintenance systems, public policy, social theory and its links to place, belonging and identity, European social housing, as well as Scottish housing and planning history. He retains a long-standing interest in tenements and the challenge of ensuring their proper management and maintenance. Steve Rolfe is a Research Fellow in the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Stirling. His research focuses on the impacts of policy and practice in the fields of housing, neighbourhoods and communities. Before his research career, Steve worked in a variety of community engagement and policy roles in local government. Paulina Trevena is affiliated with the University of Glasgow where she has worked as a researcher on the SSAMIS project. Paulina is a linguist and sociologist who specialises in international migration focusing on Polish and Central-East European migration to the UK. Her research interests centre on the lived experiences of migrants, particularly issues related to social networks, labour market positioning, social and occupational mobility, internal mobility, education, and wellbeing. She has published extensively in the field of international migration. David Waite is a Research Associate with Policy Scotland and Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow. David’s research focuses on the processes underpinning and the governance of second-tier city-region economies. Prior to his appointment at Glasgow, David worked as a post-doctoral researcher at Cardiff University on city-regional issues with colleagues in the School of Geography and Planning. David’s doctoral research was undertaken at the University of St Andrews. David Walsh is a Public Health Programme Manager at the Glasgow Centre for Population Health (GCPH) in Glasgow, Scotland, where he has been in post since December 2006. He is also an Honorary Senior

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Transforming Glasgow

Lecturer at the University of Glasgow. Within GCPH, he is responsible for leading a number of different research programmes, with health inequalities and their determinants a key focus of the work. He has over 25 years’ experience of health and public health research within different national and local organisations in Scotland. James T. White is a Senior Lecturer in Urban Design at the University of Glasgow and a Chartered Town Planner. James’ research focuses on the governance of urban design. He is particularly interested in the delivery of new places through the planning system and the impact that high-rise buildings have on placemaking. James has published a range of work that examines design and planning in both the UK and Canada. Bruce Whyte is a Public Health Programme Manager at the Glasgow Centre for Population Health. His main areas of work include: developing and managing the Glasgow Indicators project and the Understanding Glasgow website, and leading a programme of research on active travel. Previously, he has undertaken comparative studies of health in Glasgow’s neighbourhoods and of Scotland’s mortality profile within Europe, and managed a programme of breastfeeding research.

xii

Acknowledgements The city of Glasgow fascinates and intrigues – its rise, fall and reinvention, its history and modernity, its reputation as ‘Red Clydeside’ and its powerful architecture all give the city a myth and a legend that goes beyond academia. Transforming Glasgow was born out of a Level 1 undergraduate course entitled ‘Understanding Glasgow’, which uses the city to bring to life the urban impacts of public policy. In contributing to the course, we realised that, although there are numerous sources on Glasgow, there was no sustained account of the city’s 21st-century transformation. We would like to thank the numerous students who have taken ‘Understanding Glasgow’ as well as students on other courses that have endured our enthusiasm for the city. Our thanks go also to our colleagues involved in delivering ‘Understanding Glasgow’ lectures and seminars and making the course a success, especially Annette Hastings who helped to devise it. We also want to especially recognise our colleagues’ role in helping us, as editors, to sharpen the material in order to provide a set of coherent thematic chapters. The book is, deliberately, very much a home grown product. We have put together a range of invited contributions, mainly from authors who were or are currently based in the Glasgow city region. While a few of the chapters have their origins in teaching material, others draw upon funded research projects or long-term scholarship. It has been a great pleasure to debate the city with the contributors of Transforming Glasgow. Individually and collectively, they have provided both intellectual inspiration and scholarly rigour to the enterprise, and ensured that the book is truly a cross-disciplinary project. We thank them all for their patience, generosity, expertise and indefatigability. We extend our thanks to Laura MacDonald for producing superb maps and in a short time frame. Thanks also go to the several anonymous reviewers whose constructive comments on both the proposal and the final manuscript have made it a much better book. Throughout the project we were conscious of the seminal works about Glasgow that were produced during the period when it navigated the transition from an industrial to a post-industrial city. Most notable are Sydney Checkland’s The Upas Tree, Michael Keating’s The City that Refused to Die and Michael Pacione’s Glasgow: The SocioSpatial Development of the City. That they remain relevant today is a testimony to their rigour and original contribution and we hope we have done this tradition of Glasgow scholarship justice with our own

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Transforming Glasgow

offering. Academic work is always an iterative process and therefore a collaborative effort, so we are also grateful to all the authors referenced in the book who have provided nuanced understandings of both Glasgow and of the elusive concept of the ‘post-industrial’. Finally, we would like to very firmly acknowledge colleagues in Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow. They unfailing provide intellectual inspiration and genuine collegial camaraderie in a supportive and stimulating environment and for that we say thank you.

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Foreword Professor Sir Anton Muscatelli It is tempting when discussing our city to focus on Glasgow’s rich and vibrant history – but in many respects I think this misses the key point in the story. That is of a city that has consistently reinvented itself and – unlike some other cities – has never allowed its identity to remain fixed in previous centuries, or to become a stale relic of the past. From our roots as a small religious community founded by St Mungo, and becoming a centre for European learning and philosophy on the foundation of the university in 1451, to our role as a great industrial power as the second city of the British Empire and amid the radicalism of Red Clydeside, Glasgow has never been content to be just one thing. This fluid identity has only increased as immigration from Ireland, Italy, India, Pakistan, China, Poland and so many other countries has given our city new leases of life economically, socially and culturally at various points in the 19th and 20th centuries. And all this has shaped the Glasgow we know today – a vibrant, multicultural city with many strengths, incredible opportunities, but of course many challenges. While we are, then, shaped by our past we also have the power to continue to shape our future. A future that will see the city faced with some pressing questions that will determine the next iteration of the Glasgow story. The overarching question appears to be can we once again reinvent ourselves to succeed economically in the coming decades and centuries, to be pioneers in new and emerging industries and to again be global leaders in finding the solutions to collective, global problems – while avoiding the contradictions of poverty and exploitation which too often underpinned our past success. Ours is a city which perhaps more than any other of our size, shaped the Industrial Revolution, along with all of the great positive and negative forces that it unleashed. Can we again marshal our collective economic and social resources to be at the vanguard of the coming green industrial revolution? Can innovative solutions from researchers and industry help repair some of the damage to our planet unleashed in centuries past – all while bringing environmentally friendly jobs and investment to Glasgow?

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Our city grew in status and wealth thanks to its position in the British Empire, opening up new trade routes and opportunities for international partnership, which many of our citizens used for good throughout the world. But we can never ignore that a not insubstantial part of the city’s growth is attributable to the reprehensible role of some Glaswegians in the transatlantic slave trade. Can we again take our place at the forefront of international industry and innovation, forging productive connections across the world, while acting as a force for good, morality and progressive values internationally – accepting that while we can’t change the actions of the past, we can go some way to changing their consequences? And regardless of the wealth which has accrued to the city in previous generations, Glasgow has always had the unenvied reputation as a city of poverty and inequality and today remains a place of particular economic contrast, shaped both the failings of the past and the varying progress of communities today. There is the by now the almost totemic example of the Argyll railway line – where every stop travelled from Jordanhill in the West to Bridgeton in the East, sees a 1.7 year drop in life expectancy for men, and 1.2 years for women. Can we now ensure that our future success is built on a truly inclusive growth – seeing each of our communities and citizens sharing the benefits of the city’s achievements, and creating an environment in which all Glaswegians are empowered to make the most of their skills and meet their ambitions? I firmly believe that meeting each of these challenges is within Glasgow’s grasp. In 1960, Senator John F. Kennedy told the American people that ‘we can have faith in the future, only if we have faith in ourselves’. Faith in ourselves is something we Glaswegians have never lacked – the city’s current boast that ‘People Make Glasgow’ is more than just a marketing slogan; for me it gets to the very heart of our key strength. While these challenges will take imagination, collaboration and determination, these are characteristics that Glasgow has always possessed. Glasgow once before led the industrial world, but for too long we have stood in the shadows of our great industrial past. It is now time to reimagine this legacy for the 21st century. The remnants of our industrial heritage have too often loomed over the city, literally and figuratively, as taunting reminders of present-day failures and problems associated with deindustrialisation. These remnants of our heritage should not be a mere monument to the past but an inspiration for the future. We should no longer look backwards to past glories but must instead take the industrial

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Foreword

legacy of which we are all proud and use this as the springboard to create our own legacy of innovation, invention and inclusivity for the 21st century, ensuring that the next chapter of Glasgow’s story is one that works for all citizens. This book is an important contribution to the debate on how we make this happen – and from areas as varied as housing, regeneration and migration, I am proud to see University of Glasgow colleagues at the forefront of discussions on how our city can meet its full potential. This gets to the heart of our vision for the university’s place in Glasgow’s public life. For more than 500 years, our university and our city have enjoyed a symbiotic relationship – this history shows us that when the university thrives, the city thrives, and vice versa. And I am delighted to see the many voices within this book playing their part in ensuring this relationship continues to flourish.

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Map 1: Glasgow City

Map 2: Glasgow central area

Introduction: transforming post‑industrial Glasgow – moving beyond the epic and the toxic Keith Kintrea and Rebecca Madgin Artistic, brash, chic, dynamic, exuberant – it’s difficult to describe Glasgow of the 21st century. Think Manhattan with a Scottish accent, brimming with fine architecture and the best fashion shopping and restaurants outside London. Stunning, state of the art exhibition, conference, concert and science centres now dominate the River Clyde. Glasgow does not follow fashion, she creates her own. (Devlin, 2010)

The uncertain reinvention of a city The post-industrial transformation of the city of Glasgow is the subject of this book. If a conventional narrative, like Devlin (2010), is to be believed, then the city has gone from a powerful industrial city in the 19th century to a globally competitive city during the 21st century, via a bruising period of deindustrialisation and depopulation. Journalists and guidebook writers praise the city’s reinvention. Forty years ago it was not like that. Writing the conclusion to his history of Glasgow, David Daiches (1977) could only reflect upon the squalor of the city, its violence and its destructive ‘comprehensive redevelopment’. In doing so, he replayed the idea of Glasgow as the UK’s most impoverished and dangerous city, but he was at a loss to know where Glasgow was going next, characterising it as poised between a demolished past and an uncertain future (Daiches, 1977). Within a few years, an answer was emerging. Michael Keating’s The City that Refused to Die (1988) was a landmark in the transition to a different Glasgow. It documents a range of public policy experiments that established Glasgow as a pioneer of post-industrial regeneration. These included the nascent shift from social policy as welfare to social policy aligned with economic development, and the rise of public– private partnerships in the redevelopment of the built environment. Keating also examined the ‘Glasgow’s Miles Better’ campaign, an early example of ‘place marketing’, and the appearance of ‘event-based

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Transforming Glasgow

regeneration’, as Glasgow became host to the UK Garden Festival on the derelict riverside. With these policy shifts also came important physical symbols of Glasgow’s new status, all leveraged with public money. These included the Merchant City ‘cultural quarter’, the Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre (SECC) built on land reclaimed from a disused shipping dock and the opening of the Burrell Collection, a museum whose architecture won awards. What was more, the inner-city demolition programme had been halted and the architectural and the social value of Glasgow’s remaining tenement housing had been rediscovered for a new age. The transition that Keating captured is still visible in Glasgow in ways that reflect the 1980s origin of regeneration. The former industrial and mercantile riverside has been redeveloped, there are more new museums, and central Glasgow has become a residential area for a new generation. There is an International Financial Services District and a host of new hotels: Glasgow is now an established stop on the international conference circuit and a major tourist destination. There are countless new bars, eating places and arts venues. The land on which the Garden Festival took place is threaded by bicycle routes and a riverside walkway and hosts a crop of media headquarters. ‘Creative Clyde’ continues on the other riverbank, where the once-isolated SECC has become the Scottish Event Campus, with two additional ‘iconic’ event venues. Nearby, Finnieston, a survivor tenemental neighbourhood, has been tagged by The Times as ‘the hippest place in Britain’ (Whately, 2016). Many quantifiable socio-economic indicators also show that Glasgow has changed, with a growing population as migration flows have been reversed, much greater labour market participation, home ownership levels close to the national average, and crime, unemployment and neighbourhood disadvantage all falling faster than other parts of Scotland. However, behind this story of Glasgow’s regeneration, there are contradictions and insecurities. There is a powerful sense that the reinvented Glasgow has found it impossible to shake off some of the social problems of the past, whose objective measurement contradicts the popular imagery. A leading example is that health in Glasgow remains the worst, or very nearly the worst, among cities in comparable countries. Although health has improved, Glasgow still lags behind (Baruffati et al, Chapter 6, this volume). A similar story can be told about educational attainment, with Glasgow city school leavers still among the least well qualified in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2018). A new set of urban problems has emerged in post-industrial Glasgow that also contradict the story of successful reinvention. Working class

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Introduction

housing in Glasgow was notorious throughout the 20th century, both for the conditions in the overcrowded tenements and then for poor quality flats and the appalling neighbourhood conditions that emerged in many of the public sector-built estates (Grieve, 1986). Significant spending on housing renewal from the 1970s, including distinctive support for housing association as vehicles for the ownership and management of rented housing, made very successful inroads into both sets of problems. However, the recent re-emergence of the private rented sector, especially the exploitation of vulnerable tenants in particular market niches, represents a challenge to the success story. Contradiction also lies in socio-spatial shifts. While central areas are lauded as evidence of the success of urban living, poverty has been relocated away from the city centre and become more concentrated in outlying areas (Bailey and Minton, 2018). Glasgow’s post-industrial insecurities also lie significantly with its economy. For all the accounts of the city’s successful transition, Glasgow cannot be regarded as an economic powerhouse, except locally within Scotland. Its manufacturing sector is now very small and, with some important exceptions, many of its service employees perform routine, back office functions. The city’s economy is underpinned by a large public sector, especially in health and education. Glasgow’s economic position is also significantly subsumed within the UK space economy, where regional centres all suffer from the dominance of London as Europe’s pre-eminent global city. And it seems likely that the UK soon will be outside the European Union, resulting in a new economic downturn. All this means that the story of Glasgow’s regeneration is often trenchantly contested. A recurrent critique is that public policy in Glasgow has become fully neoliberal and that its aims have been subsumed to serve business, not people, therefore post-industrial Glasgow has brought little or no benefit to the majority of Glaswegians. This line of argument runs from the Workers’ City activism of the 1980s (McLay, 1988) all the way through to recent academic papers that make claims for state-led gentrification (for example, Paton, McCall and Mooney, 2017). The success of Glasgow is also challenged because it seems to fall short in taking on some urban problems compared with some of its European competitor cities. For example, its fixed transport infrastructure was built mainly in the 19th century, except for motorway construction, and Glasgow has done little so far to tame the private car. The record of public policy’s attention to environmental sustainability is also less than fully convincing. Glasgow’s relatively weak urban governance is also an insecurity. From the 1940s onwards, the Scottish Office sought to diminish

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Transforming Glasgow

Glasgow and disperse population to new towns. Through the 20th century, Glasgow city became ever more under-bounded as its suburbs grew, but all the significant extensions were settled before 1945. More recently, there has been a marked reluctance to commit to a strong urban policy. In the early 2000s a government initiative to establish an urban policy agenda for Scotland fizzled out with the publication of a ‘state of the cities’ report (Scottish Executive, 2003). A later government started the Scottish Cities Alliance, intended as a way for Scotland’s cities to combine forces to compete for mobile capital (Scottish Government, 2011), but this had negligible impact. In 2014, just before the referendum on Scottish independence, the UK government extended a ‘City Deal’ to the Glasgow city region, essentially an economic development-related investment package agreed between different levels of government (Waite et al, 2018). However, unlike equivalent deals in England, Glasgow’s did not come with any agreement to change the governance of the city.

Transforming Glasgow Transforming Glasgow sets out to provide the first sustained account of Glasgow during the 21st century and to consider these narratives, tensions and insecurities. Two aims drive the book. First, to critically examine the elements involved in Glasgow’s urban transformation across the social, economic, cultural and environmental spheres. Second, to place this transformation within a broader analytical framework in order to ask whether Glasgow’s experiences can help to understand whether cities such as Glasgow are moving beyond their post-industrial characterisation. To achieve these aims, the book contains 13 core chapters that cover some of the main themes of postindustrial transformation, in three sections, which are introduced at the end of this chapter. The three parts of the book allow the final chapter to engage with the question of what post-industrialism means in the context of 21st-century cities. In particular, it assesses whether ‘post-industrial’ is still a useful concept in a city like Glasgow and considers to what extent the challenges facing Glasgow today still have their origins in deindustrialisation. Thus the book both presents fresh empirical knowledge of the city of Glasgow and uses Glasgow to question whether the city is moving beyond post-industrialism as well as considering how post-industrialism may be defined, classified, and analysed. This introductory chapter engages with both of the book’s aims by providing an historical context to act as an introduction to the kinds

4

Introduction

of opportunities and challenges faced by Glasgow in the 21st century. It also introduces the key ideas that have underpinned work on postindustrial cities to provide a starting point from which to read the core thematic chapters.

The epic and the toxic history of Glasgow As a choice location to explore the state of post-industrial cities today, Glasgow stands out. At the end of the industrial period, all older urban centres in the UK experienced falling employment and shrinking population, including London, which quickly recovered. But the Clydeside conurbation, with Glasgow at its centre, was identified by urban economists as having experienced ‘more acute economic and environmental problems’ (Lever and Moore, 1986, p 1) than any other city in the UK or Europe. Male unemployment increased from 13 per cent to 23 per cent in the decade to 1981, to a total of almost 50,000 (McGregor and Mather, 1986). The city’s population had topped out at around 1.1 million in the 1920s, when the temporary boom caused by the First World War came to an end. It remained stagnant through the years of the depression and war until the 1950s but between then and the 1980s Glasgow lost almost 40  per cent of its people, and shrinkage continued through to 2000 (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, 2018). Most large UK cities lost population at this time, but only Liverpool’s loss was equal to Glasgow’s. Glasgow had real elements of the epic, in the sense of the spectacular, monumental, heroic, and legendary, that made it stand out from other, perhaps blander, cities. But, more infamously, it had many elements of the toxic, in the sense of a potential to cause harm or damage over the long term, which have proven very difficult to overcome. What is more, epic and toxic elements were often combined in one domain. Such contradictions stemmed both from the scale and impact of its market-led industrialisation and urbanisation, and its vigorous but often flawed public policy responses to the social and environmental conditions that were created in the industrial city. They were also reflected in its spectacular post-industrial decline and ruination. Any discussion of the epic and toxic elements of Glasgow must start with the speed and character of its growth in a short period in the late 19th century, and its sheer historic scale. It grew very quickly to become known as ‘the second city of the empire’ by the early years of the 20th century, and was a dominant force in several manufacturing sectors, notably heavy engineering, including railway locomotives, and especially shipbuilding. Before the First World War, half of the

5

Transforming Glasgow

world’s ships (by tonnage) were built on Clydeside and, even in the middle of the 20th century, almost a quarter of the jobs in Glasgow were found directly in shipbuilding, engineering and allied sectors (Glasgow Corporation, 1953). The epic scale of Glasgow’s engineering sector, made up of a clutch of large firms, made for substantial risks. Reaching for a suitable metaphor, Checkland (1976) characterised it as The Upas Tree (a kind of tree under which no other plants can grow) that crowded out possibilities for another kind of economy to emerge. The risks of industrial concentration were already apparent in the 1930s. Shipbuilding capacity had been reduced by a third as demand collapsed, and major firms were merging and creating integrated operations with coal and steel. In consequence, unemployment reached in some parts of Glasgow reached 60 per cent (Foster and Woolfson, 1986, p 88). Especially since there was then no welfare state, this crisis produced desperate social conditions in the city. Although there was something of a recovery during the Second World War, by the 1960s the collapse of the engineering sector became apparent, as key firms building railway locomotives and producing iron and steel failed, and most shipbuilding firms were unprofitable (Checkland, 1976). So, although de-industrialisation is often seen predominately as late 20th-century phenomenon, the weakness of Glasgow’s economy showed at an earlier point and was evident for many years in higher unemployment and lower wages as well as disinvestment. The architectural and morphological development of industrial Glasgow was also very distinctive and gave rise to a characteristic townscape and to a set of deeply divided urban neighbourhoods. A combination of a land tenure system with multiple parties with a profit interest, a Scottish urban tradition of flatted (apartment) building, supported by workable legal provisions for common ownership, led to the majority of industrial-era housing to be constructed as tenement flats. These were (and are) three- and four-storey buildings that contain up to 16 dwellings with a shared access stairs and back courts (Worsdall, 1989). A wide spectrum of social classes lived in tenements of differing qualities, except for the very rich who enjoyed detached villas and grand terraces, especially in the West End and parts of the Southside. Tenements occupied by working class families dominated Glasgow, more so than even other Scottish cities, so that by the middle of the 20th century they still made up half of all the housing units. They were epic in vertical and horizontal scale and created a dramatic townscape, but the living conditions they provided epitomised the squalor of Glasgow. Working class tenements were notoriously crowded. Brennan’s analysis of Govan, the principal shipbuilding district, showed that in

6

Introduction

1951, 68 per cent had only one or two rooms, 45 per cent had neither bath nor toilet (Brennan, 1959, pp 93–4). Given that whole districts were given over to tenements, the crowding contributed to urban densities in Glasgow that were by far the highest among British cities. Central Glasgow’s density in 1951 was 400 persons per acre, whereas Manchester’s was less than 80 and Birmingham’s under 50 (Gibb, 1983). The municipal response to the tenements in the 20th century also had tragically heroic elements, especially in the scale and singlemindedness of the public housing development programmes. Rent regulation from the time of the First World War effectively put an end to the era of unmediated building for private renting. When the construction of homes for sale to salaried home-owning pioneers emerged in the 1920s, it took place mainly in suburban locations beyond the city boundary (Glendinning and Watters, 1999), thus contributing further to socio-spatial division. Council housing building got under way from 1919, initially for a privileged group. Then official concern with overcrowding and poor housing conditions in the 1930s led to slum clearance schemes and replacement council housing for former slum dwellers in quite different parts of the city, so that new geography of social division was created (Damer, 2018). For thirty years after 1945, 90 per cent of all new housing in the city was built by the council for public renting. Much of the new housing was planned as replacement for tenement flats in the older parts of the city. ‘Slum clearance’ became a universal policy across the UK but Glasgow’s approach was typically epic in scale and ambition. By 1959, 29 ‘comprehensive redevelopment areas’ were declared, with 97,000 houses to be replaced (Pacione, 1995). High rise housing was quite slow to take off but by the mid-1970s one household in eight in council housing lived in a multi-storey flat (Reoch, 1975). The epic reconstruction of Glasgow reached its apogee around 1980 when two thirds of all the housing in Glasgow was in the public sector (Maclennan and Gibb, 1988), a proportion that exceeded every other local authority area in Britain, except Monklands district (now in North Lanarkshire) and Tower Hamlets in London. In the 1970s, it was still possible for the Glasgow city authority to boast about its housing programme (Reoch, 1975). But the reality was that it had contributed in a new way to a divided city, with a few high-demand areas but many others that were highly stigmatised and unpopular. It did not help that many neighbourhoods were unattractively built and badly served by shops, transport and other services. Having borrowed heavily to build, there was little money to maintain or improve the estates properly as they aged, and Glasgow

7

Transforming Glasgow

City Council also proved to be an incompetent and disliked landlord (Clapham and Kintrea, 2000). By the 1970s, council house demand was collapsing, especially for the least attractive areas, and low demand persisted well into the 21st century. Glasgow’s ‘peripheral estates’ of Drumchapel, Easterhouse, Castlemilk and Pollok, which made up 60 per cent of Glasgow’s post war housing, were suffering from a toxic combination of factors that turned them into the city’s biggest set of social and environmental problems Many of the council tenants were themselves victims of industrial decline, especially workingage families, and social problems escalated along with widespread worklessness. The areas worst affected by unemployment were mostly within the peripheral estates while suburbs beyond the city boundary were least affected (McGregor and Mather, 1986). Of those who maintained a place in the labour market, many either left council housing for home ownership, or joined the exodus from Glasgow. Glasgow’s townscape at the end of the 20th  century was also significantly shaped by road construction, which had familiarly epic dimensions. The infamous Bruce report on Glasgow (Bruce, 1945) and then the Abercrombie report on planning in the Clyde Valley (Abercombie and Matthew, 1949) moved the city council towards planning to accommodate the private car. Large parts of a planned urban motorway network had been built by the 1970s, although the Strathclyde Regional Council Structure Plan of 1980 cancelled much of the remaining programme (Glasgow Motorway Archive, 2019). The legacy for Glasgow at the end of the industrial era was a motorway system, claimed to be the largest in the UK, sitting alongside a public transport system whose fixed infrastructure had little investment for 100 years. What was more, the aborted parts of the highway plan had blighted large parts of the inner city with condemned buildings and empty sites. By 1980, the impact of economic decline, ‘comprehensive redevelopment’ and planning blight from the motorway programme, was a city centre that was almost completely surrounded by empty sites. A catalogue of Glasgow’s demolished architecture was aptly titled The City that Disappeared (Worsdall, 1981) while contemporary photographs document half-demolished neighbourhoods, derelict buildings, rubble and rubbish (for example, Depardon, 2015). Glasgow entered the 21st  century with over 900  sites officially recognised as vacant or derelict, representing 13 per cent of the city’s acreage (Scottish Executive, 2002), the highest percentage in Scotland. Glasgow’s built environment at the end of the 20th century presented a spectacle that combined the worst of the 19th century with the worst

8

Introduction

of the 20th, interspersed with unwanted empty space. However, its toxicity also lay with a range of social conditions that had become internationally notorious, particularly poor health, drunkenness and alcohol abuse, and gangs and violent crime. Deprivation – in the sense of a lack of well-being – in Glasgow was longstanding. However, historians at the time of de-industrialisation, such as Checkland (1976) and Daiches (1977), argued that its extent and effects were exacerbated as the city declined. When new statistical measures of deprivation were developed in the 1970s, Glasgow emerged officially as the most deprived city in Britain (Holtermann, 1975). The data drove Checkland to comment: ‘Glasgow appears to be not simply marginally different from other British cities, but worse to a melancholy degree, much greater than would be suggested by employment or income differentials … the degree of deprivation in the city is striking’ (1976, p 87). On health, historical accounts report that, right across the 20th century, under different kind of medical and public health regimes and despite some improvements to environmental conditions, Glasgow compared very unfavourably with other British cities. Whether measured by infant mortality or the extent to which Glaswegians experienced early death through heart disease, bronchitis and cancer, Glasgow was at the bottom of the list (Maver, 2000). All accounts of Glasgow’s social history discuss the prevalence of alcohol abuse, with a heavy drinking culture set alongside attempts by temperance and religious movements to curtail drinking. Maver (2000), whose general history of Glasgow contains 25 pages which discuss drink or drinking, argues that the ‘hard drinking’ culture only began to retreat after reforms to the licensing laws began in 1976. Glasgow was also infamous for gang fighting. Street gangs arose first in Glasgow in the late 19th and early 20th century; they were ‘more numerous, more entrenched and harder to police than anywhere else in Britain’ (Davies, 2013, p 2), in other words they were a familiar combination of the epic and the toxic. Gangs were attributed to particular Glaswegian factors, including crowded homes and high-density streets, to religious sectarianism, and to very high levels of unemployment. Glasgow’s reputation for was also fostered by newspaper coverage, as well as through the huge popularity of the novel No Mean City (McArthur and Kingsley Long, 1935). Two writers on Glasgow gangs more than 40 years apart, Patrick (1973) and Fraser (2015), both connected youth gang activity to the limited spatial autonomy of young people in Glasgow’s housing estates, exacerbated by lack of economic opportunity. Youth violence associated with gangs

9

Transforming Glasgow

contributed to Glasgow’s rate of non-sexual violent crime in the 2000s being more than two and a half times higher than the Scottish average and two thirds higher than that of any other Scottish local authority (Scottish Government, 2008, table 7). These environmental and socio-economic extremities of Glasgow’s history could be augmented with further epic/toxic examples. They could certainly include social divisions within Glasgow’s school system, with extreme clustering of pupils by socio-economic background and attainment (Pacione, 1997). On a different canvas, a more comprehensive catalogue would include an account of Glasgow local politics, with long periods of single party dominance. Glasgow’s street culture, and its humour could also be counted on the epic scale, alongside the well-known incomprehensibility of the Glasgow accent. Glasgow, then had a number of entrenched issues and severe challenges as the city entered into its post-industrial phase.

The theory of post-industrial cities Looking beyond Glasgow, ‘post-industrial’ is most often used to refer to a set of cities whose former, overwhelmingly dominant economic rationale was as manufacturing centres. So, post-industrial references something that no longer exists, or which is no longer dominant. The emergence of the use of post-industrial in the 1970s and 1980s marked a very important series of changes that swept away the old assumptions about city economies. Its use can be traced back to The Post-Industrial Society (Touraine, 1974) and to Daniel Bell’s consolidated work The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (Bell, 1974). Post-industrial society was defined by one key element: a change in the mode of production from manufacturing, typically based on the spatial coincidence of natural resources, labour and capital and their localised exploitation, to a service economy. Touraine and Bell considered the shift to be as significant as the transition from agrarian society to industrialism, but much more precipitous. In the 1980s, post-industrial was taken up in the urban studies literature and applied to analyses of the physical and social outcomes in cities that were a product of contemporary economic and labour market change. By the 1990s, it was being used routinely by politicians and in the media. Savitch (1988) applied Bell’s ideas in the context of urban politics and planning, identifying three key implications. First, he noted that a post-industrial society operated on fundamentally new principles: its economic success depended on the exploitation and dissemination of information and on the development of new information

10

Introduction

technologies. Second, the most essential employees were no longer the predominately male, ‘blue collar’ workers who made things but those whose labour dealt with knowledge, whether managerial, developmental, or regulatory. So, accompanying the shift in production was a recalibration of economic and occupational structures to favour a knowledge-based, professional and technical class. Bell (1974) maintained that post-industrialism meant ‘a game between persons’, whether as service providers and recipients, or performers and their audience. Third, Savitch showed that post-industrial cities experienced the transformation of their built environment and urban space. Instead of factories and warehouses, and proximate working-class residential districts, the knowledge economy required modern office space, and places of cultural production, often in new locations, and it led to new competition for urban housing, with traditional working classes often losing out. Shaw (2001) comments that none of this was wholly new but it was their expansion, specialisation and rising share of services in the urban economy that was critical. To some extent, ‘post-industrial’ simply describes a certain type of city with a particular kind of history. Glasgow at the turn of the 21st century certainly closely fitted the bill. However, many of the changes in cities described as post-industrial can be considered products of wider processes that have caused to the global economy to become increasingly integrated, which has impacted on all developedcountry cities to some extent. Globalisation created the ‘global cities’ that now command the world economy, famously identified by Sassen (1991) as New York, London and Tokyo, but it also impacted on cities that occupied much more lowly rungs of the world economic order. Savitch (1988) was among the first to recognise that cities in the post-industrial age were becoming more competitive with each other as, in a world of mobile capital, they needed to engage in strategies to promote themselves. It was no longer enough to rely the local availability of natural resources and labour and on geographical access to markets. Competitiveness thereafter developed further to become an officially sanctioned, mainstream objective for cities all over the world (for example, UN Habitat, 2013). Whatever their economic base or recent economic trajectory, cities have been forced to compete with each other for the growth of their indigenous firms, for visitors, tourists and consumer spending and for government support but especially for ‘foreign direct investment’ in tradable sectors. The rise of competition also meant that urban policy and social policy within cities became significantly subsumed within wider efforts to improve economic competitiveness. The industrial cities,

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Transforming Glasgow

together with most of their built environment, initially emerged mainly through the market, albeit with a gradually expanding role for public regulation. In the 20th century, city governments responded to social and environmental pressures with alternative, parallel publicsector provision, systems of social welfare, exemplified by Glasgow’s epic-but-toxic housing programme. While municipal government’s involvement in welfare and social housing was functional for mid20th century capitalism (Harloe, 1995), as industrial cities declined, the ability of governments to use their old public sector-led models to respond to new urban problems was cast into doubt, as well as being undermined by the breakdown of political consensus around the welfare state. Savitch (1988) showed there was a new kind of urban politics in emerging post-industrial cities, which was forced to become more collaborative across interest groups, with the private sector playing a large role, tendencies which were documented in Glasgow by Keating (1988). As globalisation and de-industrialisation took hold, the emerging era was also associated with new inequalities. In deindustrialising cities, the immediate contrast was between the laid-off industrial workers and those in service occupations and in the public sector. Between 1952 and 1991, for example, Glasgow lost 71 per cent of its manufacturing jobs while services employment (from a low base) increased by 56 per cent (MacInnes, 1995). Industrial workers were often pushed quickly from quite well-paid and apparently secure jobs to worklessness, as their skills were no longer needed. Deindustrialisation also undermined the power of organised labour, further weakening the position of remaining workers. Deindustrialisation also had gender implications. Most of the industrial jobs lost were traditionally held by men whereas the growing share of services in the economy was accompanied by rising participation rates among women, even in Glasgow where service growth was quite modest (McGregor and Mather, 1986). The longer-term labour-market effects of globalisation on cities also included new classes of low-income workers, including an expanded service class of international migrants. In what became known as the ‘hour glass’ labour market (Holmes and Mayhew, 2014), blue collar and lower white collar jobs in the middle of the labour market thinned out, while jobs at the top and the bottom grew, with many of the jobs at the bottom being taken by migrants. The labour market that we now have in cities like Glasgow is characterised by much lower levels of unemployment than in the immediate post-industrial era but also by a polarisation between well-paid managerial and professional jobs and by a service class of insecurely employed low-paid workers.

12

Introduction

There were also important spatial dimensions. The fastest rises in unemployment following de-industrialisation were found among people in working class areas, where worklessness doubled or tripled. At the turn of the millennium, Turok and Edge (1999) were still able to chart ‘the jobs gap’ in British cities between areas with excess unemployment and areas of high labour demand. Evidence also began to mount that unemployment was associated with a wide range of other social problems, including ill health, crime, addictions and family breakdown, with consequential effects on the neighbourhoods within cities that were most affected (Brand, 2015). William Julius Wilson’s famous account of post-industrial inner cities When Work Disappears (Wilson, 1996) documented the recursive effects of unemployment, based on research in the United States. However, it was all very recognisable in post-industrial Scotland (Atkinson and Kintrea, 2001). The post-industrial city also meant a change in culture. The identity of industrial cities was largely tied to manual work and the domination of urban space by industry. However, large regional cities like Glasgow did also have longstanding elements of elite cultural offerings and a clutch of concert halls, galleries and museums in the more favoured parts of the city. Nevertheless, in an era of competitive cities, the governments of post-industrial cities were faced with the prospect of their city’s image being shaped by vacant land and derelict premises, and social problems exacerbated by unemployment. Therefore, reimagining and reimaging the city became a priority task of urban policy. Hence the liabilities of old industrial sites and buildings were reinvented as assets, derelict waterfronts were repurposed, and investment was lured on the back of changes to cultural meaning. This is symbolised by a global catalogue of ‘iconic’ new buildings, often associated with renowned ‘starchitects’, used to accommodate the production and consumption of arts and culture, as well as playing key roles in the reimaging of the city. In this, Glasgow is certainly prominent, with its clutch of post-1980s cultural venues that have come to symbolise the new Glasgow. Post-industrial cities also continue to compete for the right to host one-off cultural events, such as the European City of Culture, or UNESCO branded festivals, as well as periodic multi-national sports competitions. However, almost wherever it has been promoted, culture-led regeneration has faced a backlash from those who see it as exclusive and divisive, in favour of outsiders or newcomers rather than indigenous working-class citizens, and who are unconvinced about trickle-down economics and ‘legacy’. The development of cities in recent decades corresponds well to the early predictive writings on post-industrialism. Many of the policy

13

Transforming Glasgow

themes in cities like Glasgow today still have evident connection to the critical period of shift that was identified in the 1980s. But the idea of the post-industrial as applied to cities is now sometimes reduced to a series of tropes providing a taken-for-granted backdrop to almost any topic in cities that share a certain kind of history. For example, a recent book with ‘post-industrial’ on its cover presents many aspects of cities in the USA and Europe without considering either the value of the concept or what its components might be (see Carter, 2016). The important question for the present book is what comes after the post-industrial city and whether the term still remains relevant.

This book The remainder of this book comprises 13 substantive chapters that dissect particular fields and themes, commissioned from a range of active researchers. Part I comprises four chapters that are relevant to thinking about Glasgow’s political economy. Chapter 1, by Chik Collins and Ian Levitt, provides a challenge to the usual narratives of industrial decline by showing that public policy played a key role in deprioritising Glasgow for economic development. They argue that there was an active policy of degeneration that the more recent attempts to improve the city’s economy have struggled to overturn. Patrick, Kennedy and MacLeod in Chapter 2, however, take a much more positive view of Glasgow’s post-industrial economy by documenting how public sector leverage in partnerships with the private sector has been important in reshaping Glasgow’s economy. David Waite’s Chapter 3 examines the political economy of the emergence of city-regionalism and considers how this trend is emerging in Glasgow while Iain Docherty’s contribution (Chapter 4) examines transport in Glasgow. Part  II comprises a series of chapters that look at how the transformation of Glasgow has affected people and their lives in the city. Mark Livingston and Julie Clark (Chapter 5) provide evidence about the extent to which Glasgow conforms to the vision of post-industrial urban living envisaged by promulgators of the ‘urban renaissance’. David Baruffati and his co-contributors in Chapter  6 provide the strongest evidence that some of the impacts of industrial Glasgow and its de-industrialisation have continued well into the post-industrial era by charting how and why the health of people in Glasgow lags behind most comparable cities. Douglas Robertson’s focus in Chapter 7 is on Glasgow’s post-industrial housing narrative. He argues that the new narrative is not only subject more to influences from outwith the city and is more complex than its forerunners but provides a new set of

14

Introduction

risks. Rebecca Kay and Paulina Trevena’s Chapter 8 examines the experience of recent East European migrants to Glasgow. Contrary to tropes about migrant knowledge workers, they find that is the availability of low skilled jobs and affordable housing in more deprived neighbourhoods that makes Glasgow a functional destination. The final chapter in Part II (Chapter 9) is by Steve Rolfe, Claire Bynner and Annette Hastings. They find that in a changing city, there is a significant continuity of communities being able to assert their own interests, but there remains a real risk that participation will become more skewed towards more advantaged neighbourhoods. The book’s third section considers mainly how Glasgow’s built and natural environment has been transformed since the post-industrial shift. James White (Chapter 10) provides a detailed documentation of the emergence of new residential neighbourhoods that are replacing demolished public housing estates. Chapter 11, by Rebecca Madgin, provides insight into the important role of Glasgow’s historic environment in managing the transition to a post-industrial city, as it has been repurposed as an asset that can lever positive social and economic change. Venda Pollock in Chapter 12 looks at how culture has contributed to transforming Glasgow. She argues that Glasgow shows that understanding the real power of culture to remake cities requires a better understanding of locally specific cultural practices. The subject of the final empirical contribution is environmental sustainability policy in Glasgow, particularly with regard to its green spaces (Chapter 13 by Larissa A. Naylor and colleagues). The chapter has parallels with Chapter 4 in that it argues that Glasgow’s transition to a successful (sustainable) post-industrial city faces challenges arising from politics and governance. Together they help to answer the question: how do we understand Glasgow now and, in particular, is it still accurate to tie back Glasgow’s characterisation primarily to its industrial legacy? Is there any sense yet that Glasgow is moving beyond its now longstanding status as a postindustrial city and if so, how do we characterise this? We take up these themes again in the Conclusion. References Abercrombie, P. and Matthew, R. (1949) The Clyde Valley Regional Plan, 1946: A Report Prepared for the Clyde Valley Regional Planning Committee, Edinburgh: HMSO. Atkinson, R. and Kintrea, K. (2001) ‘Disentangling area effects: evidence from deprived and non-deprived neighbourhoods’, Urban Studies, 38(12): 2277–98.

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Glendinning, M. and Watters, D. (eds) (1999) Home Builders: Mactaggart & Mickel and the Scottish Housebuilding Industry, Edinburgh: RCAHMS. Grieve, R. (1986) Inquiry into Housing in Glasgow, Glasgow: City of Glasgow District Council. Harloe, M. (1995) The People’s Home? Social Rented Housing in Europe & America, Oxford: Blackwell. Holmes, C. and Mayhew, K. (2014) ‘The Winners and Losers in the “Hourglass” Labour Market’, in Mann, A., Stanley, J. and Archer, L. (eds) Understanding Employer Engagement in Education, London: Routledge, pp 92–113. Holtermann, S. (1975) ‘Areas of urban deprivation in Great Britain: an analysis of 1971 census data’, Social Trends, 6: 33–47. Keating, M. (1988) The City that Refused to Die: Glasgow: The Politics of Urban Regeneration, Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. Lever, W. and Moore, C. (1986) ‘The Changing Structure of Business and Employment in the Conurbation’, in Lever, W. and Moore, C. (eds) The City in Transition: Policies and Agencies for the Economic Regeneration of Clydeside, Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp 1–21. MacInnes, J. (1995) ‘The deindustrialisation of Glasgow’, Scottish Affairs, 11(1): 73–95. Maclennan, D. and Gibb, A. (1988) Glasgow: No Mean City to Miles Better, Glasgow: Centre for Housing Research, University of Glasgow. Maver, I. (2000) Glasgow, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. McArthur, A. and Kingsley Long, H. (1935) No Mean City: A Story of the Glasgow Slums, London: Longmans. McGregor, A. and Mather, F. (1986) ‘Developments in Glasgow’s Labour Market’, in Lever, W. and Moore, C. (eds) The City in Transition: Policies and Agendas for the Economic Regeneration of Clydeside, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 22–43. McLay, F. (1988) ‘Introduction’, in F. McLay (ed) Workers’ City: The Real Glasgow Stands Up, Glasgow: Clydeside Press, pp 1–4. Pacione, M. (1995) Glasgow: The Socio-Spatial Development of the City, Chichester: Wiley. Pacione, M. (1997) ‘The geography of educational disadvantage in Glasgow’, Applied Geography, 17(3): 169–92. Paton, K., McCall, V. and Mooney, G. (2017) ‘Place revisited: class, stigma and urban restructuring in the case of Glasgow’s Commonwealth Games’, The Sociological Review, 65(4): 578–94. Patrick, J. (1973) A Glasgow Gang Observed, London: Eyre Methuen. Reoch, E. (1975) Farewell to the Single-End: A History of Glasgow’s Corporation Housing 1866–1975, Glasgow: City of Glasgow District Council.

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Sassen, S. (1991) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Savitch, H. (1988) Post-Industrial Cities: Politics and Planning in New York, Paris and London, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Scottish Executive (2002) Scottish Vacant and Derelict Land Survey, 2002, Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Executive (2003) Review of Scotland’s Cities: The Analysis, Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Government (2008) Recorded Crime in Scotland 2007/08. Available at: https://www.webarchive.org.uk/wayback/archive/ 20170401192250/http://www.gov.scot/Publications/2008/09/ 29155946/0 (accessed 23 November 2018). Scottish Government (2011) Scotland’s Cities: Delivering for Scotland, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2018) Attainment and Leavers Destinations Data 2016/17, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Shaw, D. (2001) ‘The Post-Industrial City’, in R. Paddison (ed) The Handbook of Urban Studies, London: Sage, pp 284–95. Touraine, A. (1974) The Post-Industrial Society: Tomorrow’s Social History: Classes, Conflicts and Culture in the Programmed Society, London: Wildwood House. Turok, I. and Edge, N. (1999) The Jobs Gap in Britain’s Cities: Employment Loss and Labour Market Consequences, Bristol: Policy Press. UN Habitat (2013) The Competitiveness of Cities, Nairobi: UN Habitat. Waite, D., Maclennan, D., Roy, G. and McNulty, D. (2018) ‘The emergence and evolution of city deals in Scotland’, Fraser of Allander Economic Commentary, 42(4): 75–90. Wilson, W.J. (1996) When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor, New York: Knopf. Whately, L. (2016) ‘Twenty hippest places to live in Britain’, The Times, 14  March. Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/20hippest-places-to-live-in-britain-5dsjccxkrt8 (accessed 21 November 2018). Worsdall F. (1981) The City that Disappeared: Glasgow’s Demolished Architecture, Glasgow: Richard Drew. Worsdall, F. (1989) The Glasgow Tenement: A Way of Life: A Social, Historical and Architectural Study, Glasgow: Richard Drew.

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PART I The chapters that make up Part I are principally focused on economic themes, or rather we should say themes of political economy. A recurrent idea throughout the book – and in this Part – is that public policy and politics across many different domains have been and remain vital to transforming Glasgow, even in an era where every city is exposed to the exigencies of global capital flows. Although Glasgow’s deindustrialisation in the 20th  century is attributable to the loss of the competitiveness of its narrowly founded economic base, this was occurring at a time when there was active public management of the Scottish space economy. Collins and Levitt in Chapter 1 show how successive rounds of Scottish economic and spatial development policy favoured locations other than Glasgow, and actively contributed to its economic collapse. This outcome was consistent with the contemporary notion that a chief task of planning was to sweep away the toxic 19th-century industrial city, with new town and small town locations favoured as growth centres instead. In the 1980s, with the emergence of a more positive approach to cities, public policy set out to work to stimulate new kinds of investment and to speed the growth of a service-based urban knowledge economy, as predicted by the theorists of post-industrialism. Chapter  2, by Patrick, Kennedy and MacLeod, explains how this worked in Glasgow. It shows that the transition to a post-industrial economy has, to a considerable extent, been successfully delivered, even if there still are doubts about the long-term security of Glasgow’s economy, and the extent to which the city’s economy brings benefits to all groups and to all parts of the city. Chapters 3 and 4 consider some contemporary challenges of urban policy. Both wrestle with the idea that Glasgow’s possibility to move on to a new phase of development with associated economic (and social) benefits ‘beyond the post-industrial city’ rests on the capacity for adaptation within contemporary structures and processes of government. In Chapter 3 David Waite examines the rise of cityregionalism, essentially the establishment of forms of urban governance that recognise that functional urban economic geography extends beyond tightly bounded cities into the economic areas beyond. He charts its uncertain rise in Glasgow and the difficulties of further developing regional governance within Scotland’s distinctive political landscape. Iain Docherty in Chapter  4 is centrally concerned about how a transport system can be developed for Glasgow that

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Transforming Glasgow

is competitive with the best European regional cities, and therefore move the city beyond the deficient transport legacy of industrial-era Glasgow. He similarly concludes that the governance of transport in Scotland needs to be remade for major progress to be made. This part of the book, then, charts some of the legacies of industrialism, considers the adequacy of the response, and starts to look at what it will take to move beyond the post-industrial city.

20

1

The policy discourses that shaped the ‘transformation’ of Glasgow in the later 20th century: ‘overspill’, ‘redeployment’ and the ‘culture of enterprise’ Chik Collins and Ian Levitt

Introduction Discussion of the ‘transformation’ of the first-generation industrial cities of Europe and North America is tightly linked to understandings of their ‘industrial decline’. Commonly, this latter process is presented in terms of the declining ‘competitiveness’ of these cities as the post-1970 liberalisation of international trade, and improving communications, changed the global economic order. With ‘traditional’ industries collapsing, the challenge was for cities to make the ‘transition’ to ‘postindustrialism’, in which the service sector – and particularly, retail, leisure, tourism and the arts and culture – would assume a much larger role (see Tallon, 2013). Crucially, for the purposes of this chapter, this ‘transition’ is commonly seen as one which was fundamentally induced by the force of economic circumstances, rather than being chosen, or driven, by governments. This chapter provides important context for the rest of this book by showing how significantly Glasgow’s trajectory from industrialism to post-industrial city differed from this ‘standard’ view. It draws on extensive research in government archives, originally conducted to inform a larger project seeking to account for Glasgow’s ‘excess mortality’ (Walsh et al, 2017). The research covered the retained official records of both the Scottish Office and the Cabinet Office of the UK Government, for the period from 1945 until the early 1990s.1 The evidence from these records shows that Glasgow’s industrial decline and the associated policy responses in pursuit of post-industrial ‘transformation’ were driven, not by the impersonal operation of

21

Transforming Glasgow

economic processes associated with ‘globalisation’, but rather by the sustained application of a highly discriminatory policy agenda within Scotland. Glasgow’s industrial decline was in fact actively embraced and accelerated by Scottish policy makers from the early 1960s, as part of a wider regional economic policy agenda seeking ‘development and growth’ in other parts of Scotland. This policy agenda was to be largely sustained for decades and was to have seriously adverse consequences for the city and its citizens. The subsequent embrace by Glasgow’s civic leaders of a post-industrial trajectory reflected their attempt to work within the parameters of acceptability set by the much more powerful policy makers in Edinburgh. Ultimately, it is proposed that an appreciation of all of this is essential to any consideration of the range of policy responses which would be appropriate in supporting the city and its citizens in the future. Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s trajectory The research indicates how three main policy discourses shaped the ‘transformation’ of Glasgow. First, between 1945 and 1960 there was a regional policy discourse of ‘overspill’ of population and industry to proximal settlements to assist Glasgow with its problems of overcrowding, health and economic development, and to achieve new industrial development in the vicinity of the city. Second, between 1960 and 1979 there emerged a new discourse, espousing ‘redeployment’ of Glasgow’s skilled labour to more distant New Towns and other ‘growth areas’, which were heavily prioritised for inward industrial investment. Here, Glasgow and its staple industries were designated as ‘declining’ and its labour was to be made available for ‘redeployment’ to the designated ‘growth areas’ in pursuit of the wider ‘modernisation’ of Scotland. Crucially, we will show that policy makers soon became aware of the highly damaging effects of such ‘redeployment’ on Glasgow. Nonetheless, the policy was maintained, with the city receiving only partial mitigation – including, from the mid-1970s, measures badged as ‘regeneration’. Finally, following the General Election of 1979, a neo-liberal discourse came to the fore. Notwithstanding changes to UK regional policy, in Scotland spatial priorities for industrial inward investment remained unaltered and so population movement from Glasgow to the ‘growth areas’ continued. This provided the context for the emergence in Glasgow of an early and peculiarly Scottish variant of neo-liberal city regeneration. The later 1980s and early 1990s saw this extended, through a Scottish Office-led ‘regeneration’ agenda promoting a ‘culture of enterprise’ and ‘personal responsibility’. This

22

Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

legitimated the continuing bias in favour of ‘growth areas’ and against any comprehensive efforts to address Glasgow’s well-documented problems. Thus, the issues facing the city entering the new Millennium were not the result of a spontaneous decline or transition to a postindustrial economy, but of a proactive policy agenda, enforced with some ruthlessness over a number of decades.

The ‘overspill’ discourse In 1945, Glasgow had the highest density of slums in the UK. An aggressive housing programme was seen by all parties as essential. Yet, expansion of city boundaries to create space was problematic – contiguous areas had objected to pre-war boundary expansion, and there were difficulties with mining subsidence elsewhere (Levitt, 1997). The report of the Clyde Valley Regional Planning Advisory Committee (see Smith and Wannop, 1985) sought to address the city’s problems of housing and health, in tandem with the need for new economic development, through the creation of four proximal new towns (at East Kilbride, Cumbernauld, Bishopton and Houston) to receive Glasgow’s ‘overspill’ of population and industry. These settlements lay beyond the green belt and contiguous settlements, and would accommodate some 250,000 of Glasgow’s 1.1 million inhabitants, together with a significant proportion of its existing businesses; they would also, it was believed, attract inward investors, to diversify the economy of the wider region away from heavy industries (notably shipbuilding and associated enterprises) and the ‘well established’ associated ‘image of the area as militant “Red Clydeside”’ (Firn, 1986, p 107). Post-war austerity, opposition from city government – Glasgow Corporation – and the election of a new UK government in 1951, ill-disposed to regional policy, made for limited implementation of this plan (Keating, 1988; Parsons, 1988). Only East Kilbride was designated as a New Town (in 1947). By 1955, however, growing pressure to address Glasgow’s intense problems led to an agreement between Glasgow Corporation and the Conservative Secretary of State for Scotland, James Stuart, to designate Glasgow’s second new town – Cumbernauld.2 A vigorous programme for ‘overspill’ of population and industry to the new towns, and later also to other approved locations throughout Scotland, ensued (Levitt, 1997). The overcrowded central areas of the city were to be subject to a major comprehensive redevelopment plan aimed at removing up to twothirds of their population, with firms offered compensation on the closure of their premises.

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Transforming Glasgow

Glasgow Corporation engaged in a heavy publicity programme to promote the scheme (NRS, ED48/1530, minutes, 12 June 1958, 17  September 1959 and 20  April 1966). Under the government’s ‘Industrial Selection Scheme’, applicants were invited to register their skills and trade union membership, which, with their housing application, the Corporation sent to the Ministry of Labour for onward transmission to the ‘overspill’ areas. ‘Overspill’ authorities (new town development corporations and elected local authorities) retained the right to accept or reject applicants. Industry and commerce, it was anticipated, would also relocate, with UK Board of Trade assistance (Corporation of Glasgow, 1959). Thus, the first policy discourse framed solutions to Glasgow’s problems in terms of ‘overspill’. The apparent focus was on assisting Glasgow, albeit somewhat paradoxically, for ‘helping’ would also, necessarily, mean ‘hurting’ Glasgow, through loss of population, which would inevitably be selective, and also industry. This paradox intensified as the target destinations for ‘overspill’ were widened, in the later 1950s, to include settlements across the length and breadth of Scotland – this being seen as necessary to create space for improved conditions and new development, and to promote growth elsewhere.

The ’redeployment’ discourse The second policy discourse saw ‘overspill’ mutate into ‘redeployment’. The overt focus shifted from dealing with the problems of Glasgow in a regionalised context, to the pursuit of ‘development and growth’ to serve the larger goal of ‘modernising Scotland’ away from Glasgow. The change occurred at a time of increasing concern at UK level about problems of regional economic development, and consequent unemployment. In Scotland there was also considerable concern about the loss of skilled labour through emigration. The Treasury’s preferred solution was neo-classical – wage levels should fall to attract inward investment (Levitt, 2014). However, the planning elite in Scotland, their memory of the harshness of the inter-war years still very much alive (D. McCrone, 1994), seized upon the then UK Government’s review of regional policy. This favoured growth and development in areas with suitable potential within regions, as opposed to assistance to areas of unemployment and decline within them, or large-scale migration between regions. For the Scottish Office, this was an opportunity to pursue inward investment as the basis for ‘modernisation’, via its own long-preferred variant of regional economic planning (G. McCrone, 1969).

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Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

Believing that the indigenous family dynasties who controlled the west of Scotland’s heavy industries were unwilling or unable to diversify and change, the Scottish Office focused its modernisation vision principally on inward investment from US and English firms in lighter industries, especially electronics and consumer durables (Foster, 2003). The perspective was formally set out in the Scottish Council (Development and Industry) Inquiry into the Scottish Economy (Toothill, 1961), which proposed a radical attempt to overcome Scotland’s structural dependence on ‘declining’ heavy and extractive industries through establishing ‘growth points’, including further new towns, to which inward investors in newer industries could be attracted. There, those investors would be able to absorb Scotland’s unemployed ‘labour surplus’, and in so doing raise its lagging productivity and rate of growth – thereby also easing recurring problems in the macromanagement of the wider UK economy. Official confirmation of this plan came in the 1963 White Paper, Central Scotland: A Plan for Development and Growth (Scottish Development Department, 1963). The plan was presented as an ‘assumed normative’ (Parr, 1999) – a self-evident solution to a pressing problem requiring concerted implementation. In this respect, the ensuing formal designation of Glasgow and its industries as ‘declining’ was more than descriptive – it was a policy imperative. Henceforth, the de facto policy of the Board of Trade was not to operate the UK’s Distribution of Industry policy in Glasgow’s favour. By that time Livingston, much closer to Edinburgh than to Glasgow, had been designated as Glasgow’s third new town (1961) – the Board of Trade providing the crunch argument that inward investors preferred ‘to recruit Glaswegians outside the Clyde Valley than in it’ (NRS SEP15/369, letter, 3 February 1961). Soon after, Glenrothes New Town in distant Fife, previously designated for Fife coalminers, also became a destination for Glasgow’s ‘redeployed’ labour. In 1965, Irvine in Ayrshire became the fifth Scottish new town.

The implications of the redeployment discourse for Glasgow The Scottish Office closely monitored the implementation of redeployment and soon identified a misplaced assumption about the movement of firms. The majority of smaller employers, located in low-cost premises and heavily dependent on local business, had taken the compensation and closed, rather than relocating. Consequently, as early as 1963, responding to ministerial scepticism about the wisdom

25

Transforming Glasgow

of the continuation of ‘overspill’, Scottish Office officials placed a heightened emphasis on the requirement for external inward investment into the ‘growth areas’ (NRS, SEP4/1974, minutes, 7 and 17 June, 11 July and 1 August 1963), By 1966 it was apparent to officials that, ‘even with its reduced population Glasgow, on present progress, is likely to have too little and not too much industry’ (NRS SEP4/1974, Note, Regional Development Division, 25 August 1966). Earlier, Scottish Office officials had discussed more general feasibility challenges. The hitherto envisaged scale of overspill from Glasgow (200,000–250,000) was by then seen as ‘not enough’. A continuing ‘marked deterioration in the Glasgow environment’ was noted and the envisaged rehousing developments within the city were, warned planning consultants, likely to be ‘self-defeating’ – creating ‘potential slums of the future’. The consequent revised scale of ‘redeployment’ (perhaps as many as 400,000 people) was seen as necessary to stem emigration of labour and hence help to secure the basis for Scottish economic growth. At the same time, such redeployment would likely occupy the space within the wider region that would be required for the desired economic growth to take place. All of this posed ‘a serious and urgent challenge’ to ‘planning and housing policy’ – though not, paradoxical as it may have been, one not seen to require much further reflection. Rather, the problem was seen to be ‘so urgent and on such a scale that speed was essential in dealing with it’. In all events, it had become apparent that development was more likely to be sited in the east of Scotland, than in the west (NRS SEP10/278, minutes, 24 May 1965). Shortly thereafter, it became apparent that redeployment was ‘creaming off’ Glasgow’s ‘best tenants’ (see Collins and Levitt, 2016, pp 299–300). This was confirmed by a later review; for every skilled worker moving into the Glasgow area, three were leaving (Forbes, Lamont and Robertson, 1979). Those remaining were to experience a city affected by a major clearance and redevelopment programme compounded by major motorway construction and road improvement schemes (linked to the wider ‘modernisation’ agenda beyond Glasgow). Faced with an urgent need to rehouse its retained population, but with a declining tax base, lower priority for central government support, and also having to pay towards the costs of ‘overspill’ to other settlements (under the terms of the overspill agreements), Glasgow Corporation built ‘outwards’ and ‘upwards’ – in extensive peripheral estates and high-rise and systems-built housing developments. These were precisely the developments government officials had been advised would prove ‘self-defeating’. Moreover, with the urgency of

26

Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

the rehousing issue and inadequate resources, the new developments badly lacked social amenities, which left families and communities isolated and alienated in their new homes, many of which soon revealed major defects of condition and repair (Keating, 1988). By contrast development in the prioritised ‘growth areas’ saw ongoing concern for the provision of good amenities and balanced economic and social development (G. McCrone, 1991). It was also understood that the wholesale movement of Glasgow’s population was breaking up families and communities with ‘disturbing’ implications, as a city MP put it, not least for community leadership (Hansard, 31 January 1968, cc 1334–5). Nonetheless, throughout the 1960s Scottish Office ministers pushed ahead with ‘redeployment’, representing it as essential, both for the city (creating space for housing, recreation and traffic movement, as well as for new economic development), and also, even more urgently, for the wider ‘modernisation’ of Scotland (for example, see Scottish Development Department Annual Reports, Cmnd. 2948, 1965, pp 15–16, Cmnd. 3209, 1966, pp 17–19, Cmnd. 4313, 1969, pp 17–19). Continuing deliberation within the Scottish Office on the impact on Glasgow of this continuing policy has been detailed elsewhere (for sources see Collins and Levitt, 2016). The Conservative Government elected in 1970 sought to accelerate redeployment, while also providing for ‘a programme of general environmental improvement’ assisted by an additional £1 million grant for a period of five years to make some impact on the city’s ‘squalor’. In 1971, clear signs of an intensifying social and economic ‘Glasgow Crisis’, resulting directly from the redeployment policy, were identified. The official view was that ‘probably no other city can display quite such depressing prospects’. Yet with limited ‘room for manoeuvre’ all that could be offered was an ‘extension of social needs aid’. Economic growth outside of Glasgow remained the priority, and that meant the continued movement of population to growth areas. The Scottish Office maintained this position for the rest of the decade. Arguments for shifting spatial investment priorities towards Glasgow were rejected as sacrificing the best opportunities for industrial success for Scotland as a whole. In 1975, analysis of 1971 Census data revealed to government officials that deprivation in Glasgow had become ‘relatively very much more serious in Clydeside than anywhere else in Great Britain’. It was understood that this was directly linked to ‘redeployment’, but the concern in official circles was to ensure that presentation of the findings was ‘reconcilable with the good repute of those with past responsibility’. Thereafter, arguments which connected

27

Transforming Glasgow

Glasgow’s extreme deprivation to regional policy met with the view that appropriate remedies were to be found at the smaller urban scale. Where the connection could not reasonably be denied, it was to be presented to the public as ‘a social version of a familiar medical problem, namely that cures sometimes have unwanted side effects’. In due course, the major ‘Comprehensive Urban Renewal Exercise’ (CURE) initiated in Glasgow in the mid-1970s – the Glasgow Eastern Area Renewal Project – aimed to mitigate these side effects, rather than to address their causes. The Project was led by the newly created government agency, the Scottish Development Agency. At the same time, reorganisation of local government in Scotland introduced a two-tier system of Regional Councils and District Councils. Glasgow Corporation was abolished and replaced by Glasgow District Council, with the much larger Strathclyde Regional Council (covering almost half of Scotland’s population) assuming responsibility for the majority of powers and functions previously held at city level (housing being the principal exception). The established new towns and other growth areas continued to be seen by government and its Agency as the priority areas of economic opportunity. Finally, towards the end of the 1970s, a new Labour Secretary of State for Scotland, Bruce Millan, also a Glasgow MP, sought to halt new town development and encourage the economic regeneration of the City. Officials advised him that any deviation from the prevailing policy would ‘endanger the social balance or the economic prospects of the whole region’. While ‘possible changes in current social policies’ could be considered, their success would require an unusually high degree of intervention by the Scottish Office in the running of the City. For the Under Secretary for Housing in the Scottish Office (and Chair of its Urban Policy Group), contemplating ‘The Future of Glasgow’, these recommendations meant abandoning ‘the remote likelihood of adopting and implementing the policies required to save Glasgow’; ultimately, however, Millan was obliged to accept them.

Post-1979: defending ‘redeployment’ and the neo-liberal policy turn In the summer of 1979, the UK faced a government agenda that included forcing of the pace of deindustrialisation (through monetary policy), with a consequent steep increase in unemployment, and sharply reducing financial support for local authority housing. These policies were potentially damaging for cities, and Glasgow was particularly vulnerable (Collins and McCartney, 2011).

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Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

Glasgow’s vulnerability was a product of the Scottish Office policies of the preceding decades. Already heavily degraded industries collapsed ‘with astonishing swiftness’ (Devine, 1999, pp 592–3). The mass of poor quality council housing in low-amenity estates was to be further deprived of the resources needed even to ameliorate intensifying problems (Keating and Mitchell, 1987). Policy makers were fully aware of these issues, and indeed of further, related ‘vulnerabilities’ likely to affect the City – its acute deprivation, its unbalanced population structure, its reduced supply of skilled labour, and the damaged fabric of communities (Collins and Levitt, 2016). Entering the 1980s, however, the prospects for Scotland outside of Glasgow were seen in the Scottish Office to be rather better than two decades previously. Development and growth had been achieved and redeployment had proven, it was believed, to have been justified (NRS SEP4/5222, minute, 1 May 1981; SEP4/4604, Scotland and Her Economy, Briefing Note  1, November 1986). Glasgow was understood to be a ‘blight’ on the landscape which required attention. However, the official view remained that remedies could not cut across the still-prevailing investment priorities. This was particularly true in light of at least two considerations. First, monetary policy was affecting, not just the older industries, but also some of the inward investment ‘success stories’ of the preceding years (Devine, 1999; Firn, 1986) (NRS SEP4/3487, minutes of Economic Policy Group, 1981– 1982). Second, the new government was also, like the Conservative Government of 1951–1955, publicly hostile to regional policy in a way that might prove problematic for the future of the Scottish Office’s regional economic planning paradigm (Parsons, 1988). There was also a more local challenge, Glasgow District Council seeking to secure inward investment through its own efforts (NRS SEP4/3487, Economic Policy Group, 10 February 1981), and it was met with a prompt legislative response, prohibiting activities seen to run counter to Scotland-wide objectives.3 At the same time, the primary importance of new towns for the creation of employment and economic growth was restated, as was the need fully to support their growth and development as demographically balanced, high amenity communities. This would include continuing to receive population from Glasgow, albeit on an ‘informal’, rather than centrally planned basis. An attempt by Strathclyde Regional Council to partially reverse this population flow with a concept of ‘inspill’ (as opposed to ‘overspill’) was ‘absolutely [and successfully] opposed’ by officials in both the Scottish Office and the SDA (NRS DD6/3389, SDD Planning Division 2, minute, 25 February 1983).

29

Transforming Glasgow

Nonetheless, by 1984, a new Housing Plan produced by Glasgow District Council was able to highlight some housing and environmental – though not economic – improvements in the inner city areas, arising from the ameliorative initiatives that had been supported in the previous decade (NRS DD12/3146, ‘Glasgow District Plan: First Impressions’, 27 November 1984). These included the rehabilitation of older inner city tenement housing through central government funding to smaller ‘community based’ housing associations (Keating, 1988). The Plan similarly highlighted renewal in the city centre, via SDA-led retail, leisure, tourism and private residential developments. These combined developments provided much of the basis for the famous ‘Glasgow’s Miles Better’ public relations campaign, launched by Glasgow District Council in 1982 – an early example in the UK of ‘city boosterism’ changing the image of declining cities. At the same time, however, the Plan highlighted the troubling deterioration in the circumstances of the city’s peripheral estates. It sought central government support – outlining both a ‘minimum strategy’ and a ‘maximum strategy’. The former strategy was assessed as both ‘relevant and realistic’ within the Scottish Office, but also as requiring three times the resources available for the city – which was assessed as ‘quite unrealistic’ (NRS DD12/4081, SDD letter, 20 August 1986, and SDD Planning Division minute on Glasgow District Plan, 28 October 1985). This scenario of ‘lesser eligibility’ for government resources, intensifying deprivation and ‘city boosterism’ provided the context for the emergence within Glasgow in the early to mid-1980s, with much direction and encouragement from the Scottish Development Agency, of a peculiarly Scottish variant of neo-liberal regeneration. It combined public subsidy for private property and service sector developments in the city centre with limited and weakening social amelioration for the retained population in the other parts of the city – via ‘trickle-down’ economics. This is not how the development was understood by many at the time (though see Boyle, 1989, 1993; Keating, 1988). The city leadership saw itself as – and indeed was – battling to ‘save’ the city from a neo-liberal central government in Westminster, and from Scottish Office planners, unsympathetic to the city for decades. The city leaders were, in Keating’s (1988) terms, ‘refusing to allow the city to die’. However, denied the opportunity for a more rounded programme of economic development (including support for both indigenous industry and inward investment), the city leaders, heavily prompted by the SDA and Scottish Office, pursued an inevitably limited policy which tended to create lower-paid and lower-skilled work in the city centre’s developing service sector and

30

Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

other existing and emerging tourist attractions. The Council sought to connect these developments to the welfare of city residents, including those in remote peripheral estates. Unfortunately, these estates were linked to the city centre by expensive public transport services. For many such residents, the available opportunities were unsuitable, given their previous work experience – or indeed their history of what was later to be called ‘social exclusion’. Nonetheless, for the City leaders, this development was substantial and important, and was improving the city in tangible ways, while they continued to hope for a change in government at UK level, and perhaps also a change in the prevailing policy paradigm for Scotland. What city leaders were at no time seriously prepared to contemplate was any attempt to mobilise the people of the city politically to challenge the policies which prescribed their ‘lesser eligibility’ – along the lines of what happened, to varying degrees, in other UK authorities in the early to mid-1980s, most notably in Liverpool (Carmichael, 1995). The conception of the city centre development in 1980s Glasgow, and its relation to the wider welfare of Glaswegians, can be seen as a form of specifically neo-liberal urban policy – albeit one somewhat distinct from the Thatcherite version prevailing south of the border in that period. Indeed, it was seen in this way by the Scottish Office at the time. In 1985, ministers supported the announcement of Glasgow Action, which was ‘a group of local business leaders … established to carry forward the Agency’s [SDA’s] programme of action’ for the city centre. The advice to ministers was that this was ‘wholly in tune’ with the recognisably neo-liberal ‘objective of maximising the private sector contribution to urban renewal and local economic development’ (NRS DD12/4081, ‘SDA Initiative for Glasgow City Centre: Establishment of Glasgow Action’, 3 May 1985). It was also acknowledged that the actual private sector financial contribution to Glasgow Action was negligible – the resources were provided by the SDA. In practice, however, maintaining the appearance of private sector leadership would minimise the scope for the politicisation of the development. In this way, Glasgow provided a key context for the incubation of a model of regeneration for a later stage in the development of neoliberalism (Robson, 1989).

From dependency to ‘enterprise’ and ‘personal responsibility’ As indicated above, the earlier 1980s saw a robust defence of the policy of ‘redeployment’ in Scotland, maintaining the priority of the ‘growth areas’, but also a distinct shift towards a neo-liberal urban paradigm

31

Transforming Glasgow

for Glasgow. In the later 1980s these two were to be more specifically connected via a substantially new policy discourse. Here, Glaswegians were to be encouraged to develop the virtues of ‘enterprise’ and personal responsibility’, in place of their what was portrayed as their existing ‘dependency’ on the state (Kemp, 1993). These virtues were seen to have been at the root the success of the new towns in the preceding decades. This view is well encapsulated in the Secretary of State for Scotland’s preface to a 1988 Green Paper entitled The Scottish New Towns: Maintaining the Momentum (Industry Department for Scotland, 1988). The image presented by the new towns – of young, active and caring communities with a high level of skills and commitment to self-improvement – fits very well with the increasingly competitive international market in attracting investment and jobs. Residents in the Scottish new towns have  … developed a spirit of corporate enterprise. The Government wishes to help that spirit flourish and point the way to other Scottish towns. The view was that government policy could promote the required cultural transition in Scotland’s less ‘successful’ areas – including in Glasgow. Policies were to include the reform of local taxation (the poll tax), transfer of housing from local authorities to other ownership, together with more private housebuilding, and supply-side measures in training and education for work. Progress was to be stimulated through the creation of multi-agency initiatives in designated areas, where dormant ‘opportunities’ could be linked to local ‘needs’, local participation and ‘self-help’ activated, and ‘community enterprise’ fostered – thus achieving a demonstration effect. In due course, this became the framework for the Scottish ‘partnership’ approach to the regeneration of deprived housing estates in the later 1980s, under the New Life for Urban Scotland programme (G. McCrone, 1991). The altered discourse added a further element of moral evaluation to legitimate and reinforce a well-established policy bias. The new towns, on this view, had merited their priority status, embracing modernisation, including its crucial cultural and behavioural aspects, thus allowing them to deliver on investment, jobs and growth for the Scottish economy (NRS SEP4/4605, Draft for Under Secretary’s Speech to East Kilbride Development Corporation industrialists’ dinner, 9 October 1987). All of this was seen as proving their clear and continuing eligibility for government support. Glasgow, and its many

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Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

deprived areas, were seen just as clearly as less eligible. While their needs were real and substantial, their community attitudes were seen to reflect a ‘dependency culture’. As one Scottish official noted, this meant that in the absence of the often-elusive co-ordinated strategy for action between relevant agencies, ‘a great deal of time, effort and money’ could, in such areas, be ‘spent with little prospect of real or lasting success’ (NRS DD12/4051, ‘Greater Easterhouse: Draft Strategy Document’, 4 March 1992). Glaswegians were thus challenged to change. Policies in housing, economic development and training, local taxation and urban regeneration would seek to guide the city (and indeed Scotland more widely) towards ‘individual responsibility’, ‘self-help’ and ‘enterprise’ (Kemp, 1993). In this context, the city could have a Garden Festival (1988), and ultimately even become the European City of Culture (1990). However, addressing Glasgow’s intense social and economic problems would not be allowed to take priority over what was seen as investing successfully, outside of Glasgow, for the future of Scotland as a whole. Indeed, by 1992 the Scottish Office acknowledged the impossibility of achieving regeneration on any significant scale in Glasgow’s poorest areas within the prevailing policy and resource framework. In this context, as one official put it, any form of phased investment (such as in parts of Easterhouse) would necessarily mean that ‘some parts of the City’ would ‘suffer in the short-term’ (NRS DD12/4051, ‘Glasgow: Easterhouse’, 6 Jul. 1992).

Discussion and conclusion: beyond the simplistic view of ‘the post-industrial city’ Towards the end of the 20th century, the promotional ‘boosterism’ around Glasgow – important as it may have been in changing the view of the city – could too easily obscure persistent problems. As Turok and Bailey (2004) were later to observe, the later 1980s and early 1990s, when ‘boosterism’ was at its height, were the years of Glasgow’s worst relative economic performance in UK terms. Even in the apparently somewhat better circumstances of the late 1990s, the City was still losing population at a higher rate than most other UK cities, and its other most striking features included its high ‘worklessness’ and mortality rates, and its lagging education outcomes. Yet, even as Turok and Bailey were writing (in the early noughties), inward investors in electronics and computing were leaving Scotland. Indigenous supply companies closed as they left. This provided the context in which the spatial priorities for economic investment in

33

Transforming Glasgow

Scotland were, between 2003 and 2006, finally altered. The ‘Cities Agenda’, embraced earlier in England, but hitherto received rather coolly in Scotland, was suddenly taken up – as the ‘new conventional wisdom’ (Turok, 2007). Cities were now to be seen, as a matter of principle, as the ‘drivers of economic growth’, albeit of a decidedly ‘post-industrial’ form. Glasgow and the River Clyde duly became the key focus for a much revamped Scottish regeneration policy launched fully in early 2006, linked strongly to a revised economic policy promoting the growth of indigenous companies of scale and a broader agenda for ‘public sector reform’ (Collins, 2006). Premised on the view that economic ‘boom and bust’ was a thing of the past, this agenda was pursued with some zeal by the Labour-Liberal Democrat Coalition governing the still-recently devolved institutions of national government in Scotland in the period 2003–2007. However, the liberalising and privatising implications of the wider agenda of which this was part met with some distaste from voters, who returned a minority Scottish National Party (SNP) administration to the Scottish Parliament in 2007. Thereafter, within months, customer queues were forming outside of a prominent British building society (Northern Rock), and before the following year was out, in the wake of the full-blown banking crisis of 2008, Scotland’s dominant private financial institutions (Royal Bank of Scotland and Bank of Scotland) were effectively owned by British taxpayers. At that point, notwithstanding the new SNP government’s commitment to the regeneration agenda it had inherited from its predecessor in 2007, much of what was called ‘regeneration’ in Glasgow was shuddering to a halt. Thus, Glasgow found itself in the midst of the ‘great recession’. The city now had some kind of a status in Scottish economic policy, but at a time when the wider economic circumstances could hardly have been more problematic. By that time the city had secured the Commonwealth Games for 2014. It had a developing Urban Regeneration Company focused on the East End of the city, the Clyde Gateway, which would seek to connect to the Games, as well as to the Clyde Waterfront development in the central city. Its city centre more generally had become one of the most significant retail destinations in the UK. Policy makers would seek to make use of these – and other – assets to bring about a new kind of regeneration in the city. As they did so, however, they were seeking to overcome the legacy of a prior degeneration, which was a well-understood outcome of a highly proactive and sustained policy agenda. This would have been a very difficult legacy to overcome in the most propitious of

34

Policy discourses shaping Glasgow’s ‘transformation’

circumstances, and it was, after 2008, to be tackled in circumstances which were very far from propitious – the conditions of recession and intensifying austerity. Finally, our account raises the question of how the City and its economy might have developed within a different policy framework. Such a framework might have sought to preserve and develop key areas of competitive advantage which were, in the post-war decades, still present in Glasgow’s – and the wider region’s – established industries (Foster, 2003), while, at the same time, allowing (and supporting) the city to take some share of the inward investment that was being secured for the country. Were such to have been the policy framework for the City, then the emerging embrace of leisure, retail, culture, etc. could have been a supplement and a complement to industrial development, rather than an alternative and substitute for it – again allowing for greater ‘balance’. On this basis, it is highly likely that inequality in the city would be less extreme than has proven to be the case, for the actual pattern of economic development which was to transpire exacerbated inequality (Glasgow Economic Leadership, 2016). Indeed, such policies would highly probably have been better for the longer-term development of the Scottish economy as a whole, given the aforementioned and widely discussed problems which were to transpire with the durability of the ‘branch plant economy’ (Firn, 1986; Foster, 2003). Similarly, alternative policies for housing development were espoused – challenging both overspill and also the grand schemes for clearance and redevelopment within the city (see, for example, Brennan, 1957). Indeed, a commonly held view is that Glasgow ‘got the worst of both [these] worlds’ (Keating, 1988, p 22). Were Glasgow to have been more of an economic priority, moreover, then wider social investment in the city would also have been more of a priority. In keeping with the times in which they were conceived, however, plans were wholesale and extreme. Thus, across the decades, Glasgow can be seen to have been ‘trapped’ by an evolving set of policy discourses, which, impacting on an already deeply troubled city, precipitated quite sudden and extreme economic, social and cultural dislocations; these, as Polanyi (Kirby, 2006) might have seen it, in turn posed profound challenges to the coherence and sustainability of many citizens’ everyday lives – resulting in pronounced social problems (not least the city’s ‘excess mortality’). Glasgow was not the only city in the UK which faced the challenges of ‘decline’ and ‘transformation’ across these decades. However, it is clear that the particularities of the Scottish context – with a powerful Scottish Office, strongly committed to ‘growth points’ beyond Glasgow, and

35

Transforming Glasgow

able to resource and implement its policies in ways not matched in, say, north-west England, over the long term – prescribed a particularly unbalanced pattern of development over an extended period, with distinctive, and troubling, outcomes (Foster, 2003; Parsons, 1988; Timpson, 2018). These are outcomes which are all the worse for having resulted, not simply from the impersonal operation of global economic processes, but, as this chapter has shown, from the sustained – and generally quite ruthless – application of a deeply entrenched, discriminatory policy within Scotland. Appreciating this is essential in understanding how Glasgow has come to be the city it is today, and also for considering the range of policy responses which would be appropriate in supporting the city and its citizens in the future. Currently the evidence is that it is not sufficiently appreciated – either in Glasgow itself, or in Edinburgh. Notes 1

2

3

The Scottish Office was a department of the United Kingdom Government from 1885 until 1999, exercising a wide range of government functions in relation to Scotland under the control of the Secretary of State for Scotland, who sat in the Cabinet of the UK Government. Following the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, most of its work was transferred to the newly established Scottish Executive (now officially the Scottish Government). The Scottish Secretary controlled the public-sector housing ‘starts’ programme and would not permit the previously proposed high-density schemes within the city. Section 7 of the Local Government and Planning (Scotland) Act 1982.

References Boyle, R. (1989) ‘Partnership in practice: an assessment of public– private collaboration in regeneration – a case study of Glasgow action’, Local Government Studies, 15(2): 17–28. Boyle, R. (1993) ‘Changing partners: the experience of urban economic policy in west central Scotland, 1980–90’, Urban Studies, 30(2): 309–23. Brennan, T. (1957) ‘Gorbals: A Study in Redevelopment’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 4(2): 114–26. Carmichael, P. (1995) Central–Local Government Relations in the 1980s: Glasgow and Liverpool Compared, Aldershot: Avebury. Collins, C. (2006) ‘“The Scottish executive is open for business”: The new regeneration statement, the Royal Bank of Scotland and the community voices network’, Variant, 26: 10–13.

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Collins, C. and Levitt, I. (2016) ‘The “modernisation” of Scotland and its impact on Glasgow, 1955–1979: “unwanted side effects” and vulnerabilities’, Scottish Affairs, 25(3): 294–316. Collins, C. and McCartney, G. (2011) ‘The Impact of neoliberal “political attack” on health: the case of the “Scottish effect”’, International Journal of Health Services, 41(3): 501–23. Corporation of Glasgow (1959) Industry on the Move, Glasgow: Corporation of Glasgow. Devine, T. (1999) The Scottish Nation: 1700–2000, London: Penguin. Firn, J.R. (1986) ‘Industry’, in Smith, R. and Wannop, U. (eds) Strategic Planning in Action: The Impact of the Clyde Valley Regional Plan, 1946–1982, Aldershot: Gower, pp 100–38. Forbes, J., Lamont, D. and Robertson, I. (1979) Intra-Urban Migration in Greater Glasgow, Edinburgh: Scottish Development Department. Foster, J. (2003) ‘The Economic Restructuring of the West of Scotland 1945–2000: Some Lessons from a Historical Perspective’, in G. Blazyca (ed) Restructuring Regional and Local Economies: Towards a Comparative Study of Scotland and Upper Silesia, Aldershot: Ashgate. Glasgow Economic Leadership (2016) Glasgow Economic Strategy, 2016– 2023. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/article/20421/ Economic-Strategy (accessed 15 September 2019). Industry Department for Scotland (1988) The Scottish New Towns: Maintaining the Momentum, Edinburgh: Industry Department for Scotland. Keating, M. (1988) The City that Refused to Die. Glasgow: The Politics of Urban Regeneration, Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. Keating, M. and Mitchell, J. (1987) ‘Glasgow’s Neglected Periphery: The Easterhouse and Drumchapel Initiatives’, in D. McCrone (ed) Scottish Government Yearbook 1987, Edinburgh: Unit for the Study of Government in Scotland, University of Edinburgh, pp 203–18. Kemp, A. (1993) The Hollow Drum, Edinburgh: Mainstream. Kirby, P. (2006) ‘Theorising globalisation’s social impact: proposing the concept of vulnerability’, Review of International Political Economy, 13(4): 632–55. Levitt, I. (1997) ‘New towns, new Scotland, new ideology, 1937–57’, The Scottish Historical Review, 76, 2(202): 222–38. Levitt, I. (2014) Treasury Control and Public Expenditure in Scotland, 1885–1979, Oxford: Oxford University Press. McCrone, D. (1994) ‘Towards a Principled Elite: Scottish Elites in the Twentieth Century’, in Dickson, A. and Treble, J.H. (eds) People and Society in Scotland, vol. 3: 1914–1990, Edinburgh: John Donald.

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McCrone, G. (1969) Regional Policy in Britain, London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. McCrone, G. (1991) ‘Urban renewal: the Scottish experience’, Urban Studies, 28(6): 919–38. Parr, J.B. (1999) ‘Growth-pole strategies in regional economic planning: a retrospective view: part 1. origins and advocacy’, Urban Studies, 36(7): 1195–1215. Parsons, D.W. (1988) The Political Economy of British Regional Policy, London: Routledge. Robson, B. (1989) Those Inner Cities: Reconciling the Economic and Social Aims of Urban Policy, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Scottish Development Department (1963) Central Scotland: A Programme for Development and Growth (Cmnd. 2188), Edinburgh: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Smith, R. and Wannop, U. (eds) (1985) Strategic Planning in Action: The impact of the Clyde Valley Regional Plan, 1946–1982, Aldershot: Gower. Tallon, A. (2013) Urban Regeneration in the UK, London: Routledge. Timpson, K. (2018) ‘Regional and urban policy, vulnerability and capacity: using archival sources and a comparison with Liverpool to contribute to the explanation of Glasgow’s “excess mortality”’, Ph.D. thesis, University of the West of Scotland, Paisley. Toothill, J.N. (1961) Report on the Scottish Economy 1960–1961: Report of a Committee Appointed by the Scottish Council (Development and Industry) under the Chairmanship of J.N. Toothill Esq., CBE, Edinburgh: Scottish Council (Development and Industry). Turok, I. (2007) ‘Urban Policy in Scotland: New Conventional Wisdom, Old Problems?’, in Keating, M. (ed) Scottish Social Democracy: Progressive Ideas for Public Policy, Brussels: PIE Peter Lang. Turok, I. and Bailey, N. (2004) ‘Glasgow’s Recent Trajectory: Partial Recovery and its Consequences’, in Newlands, D., Danson, M.and McCarthy, J. (eds) Divided Scotland? The Nature, Causes and Consequences of Economic Disparities within Scotland, Aldershot: Ashgate, pp 35–59. Walsh, D., McCartney, G., Collins, C., Taulbut, M. and Batty, G.D. (2017) ‘History, politics and vulnerability: explaining excess mortality in Scotland and Glasgow’, Public Health, 151: 1–12.

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2

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree Stuart Patrick, Gordon Kennedy and David MacLeod

The upas tree Glasgow is a city of economic scale, the economic heart of a region representing over a third of Scotland’s economic output with over £40  billion gross value added and a third of its employment and population (Oxford Economics, 2014, p  7). It remains the fourth largest city in the UK behind London, Birmingham and Manchester (Centre for Cities, 2018, p 37) despite lower immigration levels and is amongst the top 40 largest urban centres in Europe. In a powerful image Sydney Checkland captured the City of Glasgow’s post-war predicament: under the shade of the Javan upas tree no other plant can grow. At the start of the 20th century the dominant role of heavy engineering – in the building of ships and locomotives –was Glasgow’s economic upas tree. It was a position we would now talk of as a heavily concentrated industry cluster. In Checkland’s analysis, so concentrated was Glasgow’s engineering cluster that, unlike other UK cities, no other, more modern, industries could find room to grow. There was no space for the city economy to diversify (Checkland, 1976). In the mid-1970s the outlook was indisputably grim; ‘creeping obsolescence’ as Checkland expressed it (Checkland, 1976, p 47). Over the following two decades, the oftentimes dramatic de-industrialisation of cities all across Northern Europe and the United States proved that dismal outlook broadly accurate. Glasgow’s engineering cluster collapsed, unable to handle changing demands in its markets or to compete with lower labour costs in the emerging economies of SouthEast Asia. The situation in Glasgow’s core city was exacerbated by policies aimed at tackling long-established social problems through slum clearance, the development of new towns and the relocation of business. All added to the de-industrialisation of the city. The challenge for national policy makers at the time was to cater for the ‘constructive contraction’ (Checkland, 1976, p 97) of Scotland’s largest city. Would

39

Transforming Glasgow

Glasgow be left on an inevitable track of managed decline or could a new economy emerge from the wreckage? This chapter suggests that the economic prospects for Glasgow in the 21st century are much brighter, that the city is already well along the road to recovery and that diversification of the economic base was possible after all. Whilst there have been helpful global market trends that have been well outside any local control – especially in the renaissance of core cities – there has recently been a more successful effort on the part of both national and local policy to secure that recovery. Much of that effort has focused on building a more diverse economic structure alongside more ‘traditional’ approaches to inward investment, physical infrastructure, skills and generic business growth. Throughout this chapter we will track the story of both Checkland’s core city, measured by the boundaries of Glasgow City Council, and the wider city region. Decline affected both and so has the recovery.

Fastest employment growth of Scotland’s cities By the beginning of the 21st century the signs were already more positive. By 2002 the story of Glasgow’s improving fortunes was being told in the Scottish Executive’s Review of Scottish Cities. It noted with perhaps some surprise that Glasgow had the fastest growth in employment of any of Scotland’s cities and in the city core the total number of workplace jobs had grown from 332,100 to 366,400 between 1995 and 2001(Scottish Executive, 2002). Across the wider Glasgow city region those early signs turned into a healthy recovery continuing right up until the financial crisis in 2007/2008 (Figure 2.1). Glasgow was reporting one of the fastest growths in the stock of private sector jobs of any large UK city. By 2007 the total employment for the region had reached a peak at 824,000. It was almost possible to suggest that the job losses sustained since the early 1970s had been recouped. The recession following the 2007/2008 global financial crisis took its toll with serious job losses in the construction, financial services, wholesale and retail industries. Austerity-driven public sector budget cuts also led to losses in public administration and in education. The city region jobs total fell to under 800,000. But those losses, whilst damaging, have not been enough to unravel the progress the city has made. By 2016 the Annual Population Survey was reporting 863,700 jobs across the region although provisional figures for 2017 reported a dip of 8,000 which officials have recognised as a warning against complacency. Table 2.1 shows that residents of the core city

40

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree Figure 2.1: Resident employment in Glasgow and the Clyde valley city region, 1995–2012 Resident employment

72

840

70

820 800

68

780

66

760

64

740

62

720 700

58

680

19

9 19 5 9 19 6 9 19 7 9 19 8 9 20 9 0 20 0 0 20 1 0 20 2 0 20 3 0 20 4 0 20 5 0 20 6 0 20 7 08 20 0 20 9 1 20 0 1 20 1 12

60

Resident employment (000s)

Resident employment rate (%)

Resident employment rate

Source: Oxford Economics, 2014, p 16

have benefited most in absolute job numbers from the surge in employment demand although improvements in employment rates are significant in authorities adjacent to the core city. In 2015 the city region was reporting an employment rate of 71 per cent just below the Scottish and UK rates of 73 per cent and 74 per cent respectively. The unemployment rate was 6.7 per cent against a Scottish rate of 5.9 per cent and a UK rate of 5.4 per cent (Glasgow City Region, 2016). By 2012 the benefits of recovery had not been equally shared across the region (Figure 2.2). Whilst Glasgow City and the two Lanarkshire local authorities had all seen net growth Inverclyde, Renfrewshire and West Dunbartonshire were still in decline benefiting little initially from the rising significance of service sector industry. However by 2016 the Business Register and Employment Survey was showing growth in every authority. In November 2017 Skills Development Scotland reported Glasgow showing the fastest growth in employment of any region of Scotland between 2008 and 2016 reflecting strong UK employment trends, a worldwide renaissance of the inner city and as shown later a sustained policy focus on the city centre. Nor are the new jobs dominated by low quality so-called ‘gig economy’ opportunities; quite the opposite as it is jobs with the higher skill levels amongst managers, professionals and higher technical occupations that have provided most of the new demand (Fraser of Allander Institute, 2018).

41

Table 2.1: Employment levels by local authority 2010 49,700 41,500 249,600 37,600 152,400 78,800 149,500 40,100 799,200

Source: Scottish Government, 2018a, Table 1.1

2011 49,600 42,500 260,000 35,700 153,500 77,700 150,600 40,800 810,400

2012 49,200 41,800 242,600 34,100 156,600 82,500 156,100 39,800 802,700

2013 51,600 43,000 255,300 36,100 157,500 82,400 150,900 38,400 815,200

2014 48,500 44,300 263,600 36,400 159,400 83,600 153,100 39,500 828,400

2015 50,000 43,200 280,800 34,300 160,600 84,900 158,500 40,400 852,700

2016 50,300 45,800 283,800 35,200 169,200 85,000 153,100 41,300 863,700

2017 50,100 44,500 281,300 36,000 162,800 86,100 153,300 41,400 855,500

Transforming Glasgow

42

Local Authority Area East Dunbartonshire East Renfrewshire Glasgow City Inverclyde North Lanarkshire Renfrewshire South Lanarkshire West Dunbartonshire Glasgow City Region

Figure 2.2: Total employment Glasgow and the Clyde Valley city region, 1991–2012 135

East Dunbartonshire East Renfrewshire Glasgow City Inverclyde North Lanarkshire Renfrewshire

115

South Lanarkshire West Dunbartonshire

105

95

85

75 91 992 993 994 995 996 997 998 999 000 001 002 003 004 005 006 007 008 009 010 011 012 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

19

Source: Oxford Economics, 2014, p 27

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

43

Total employment (1991 = 100)

125

Transforming Glasgow

Within the core city too, one of the legacies of structural change has been the unequal sharing of the benefits of economic recovery. Many neighbourhoods still struggle with very high rates of deprivation and economic inactivity and many have stubbornly and consistently remained within the most deprived areas in Scotland as shown in the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation. This is especially true in the older former industrial districts of the inner city and in the city’s ring of post-war peripheral estates where the mismatch between skills demand and supply may be at its most acute. Nevertheless, against expectations of many who perhaps shared Checkland’s assessment of a city that must he said be ‘taken into wardship, a deficit city to an extent greater than most’ (Checkland, 1976, p 99), Glasgow’s economy has recovered. How has that been achieved? A glance at the most recent economic strategy plans published by Glasgow City Council (2016) and by the Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership (2017) shows that like many older industrial cities industry ‘diversification’ has been and continues to be a guiding principle. Life sciences, financial services, energy, tourism and creative industries are all mentioned as important growth sectors for the future. Nor has engineering been neglected despite forecasts of its continued decline, at least in terms of employment demand. This demonstrates – as outlined in the Introduction – that post-industrial does not mean complete de-industrialisation but rather a major shift in the sectoral balance. For the core city the picture is broadly similar showing just how far the city itself has left behind its previous dependency on manufacturing (Figure  2.3). Indeed today manufacturing, while still important, sits behind only agriculture as the sector with the largest under-representation. The city is now much more reliant on financial services and insurance, business services and information and communication. Recent reports from Tech Nation (Tech Nation, 2017, 2018) would tend to reinforce that picture. Glasgow appears as one of the top ten centres in the UK for employment in the digital technology industries with close to 34,000 jobs. Glasgow’s industry turns out to be very slightly bigger than Edinburgh’s whose digital sector has to date perhaps been better known.

Recovering a sectoral balance As Glasgow’s economy has recovered, its sectoral balance has clearly shifted from manufacturing to the service sector reflecting a general movement across the UK. Checkland had recognised this trend back in

44

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree Figure 2.3: Relative concentration of sectoral employment, Glasgow City, 2014 Scotland more dependent

Glasgow City more dependent Agriculture, forestry and fishing Manufacturing Construction Mining and quarrying Transportation and storage Public administration and defence Wholesale and retail trade Arts, entertainment and recreation Accommodation and food service activities

Education Electricity, gas and steam Water supply; sewerage, waste management Other service activities Human health and social work activities Professional, scientific and technical activities Real estate activities Information and communication Financial and insurance activities Administrative and support service activities

–7

–5

–3

–1

1

3

5

7

Percentage point difference with Scotland Source: Oxford Economics, 2015, p 21

1976 stating that ‘it may be that the future of a city like Glasgow will lie more in providing commercial premises and service jobs’ (Checkland, 1976, p 99). The extent to which that shift was deliberately managed is open to debate but that shift has undoubtedly been a significant policy focus over decades. Both the economic development institutions and the leadership of Glasgow have long recognised the need to diversify its economic base. Some reticence did exist at the level of city government where national sectoral strategies (Scottish Enterprise, Scottish Government) were perceived as not always beneficial to the city’s needs. Because of its history there has also been a reluctance to allow Glasgow to become defined by any particular new growth sector in the way that perhaps Aberdeen is with energy or Edinburgh is with financial services. Glasgow has been much less straightforward to categorise. There has also been some local suspicion that focusing on more technical sectors like life sciences or ‘enabling technologies’ like sensors and photonics would not necessarily match the skills of the local labour pool or

45

Transforming Glasgow

simply might not generate enough new jobs to merit heavy public resources. Given these concerns, the approach to economic development in Glasgow has not ignored sectoral initiatives. Tourism, especially related to major conferences and events, financial services, and creative industries have all featured in local plans over the last three decades. At a national level in 1993 Scottish Enterprise undertook a ‘cluster analysis’ with the consultancy arm of one of the theory’s leading proponents, Michael Porter. This developed into a strong sectoral emphasis in national strategy – an emphasis that has largely remained. The link between sectoral clusters and local geography was, however, never strongly drawn as the argument was made that clusters could only realistically work at a Scottish level. So in Glasgow whilst there was a sustained focus on sectors and several locally created and popular specialist support vehicles like the Call and Contact Centre Association, the Glasgow Film Office or Services to Software they were not well integrated into national sector strategies. In the 2000’s more prominent sectoral initiatives were developed and which did link to national approaches. In 2001 The International Financial Services District was established as a public private project to redevelop the Broomielaw district of the city centre mainly designed to attract inward investment from banks, insurance companies and other financial firms. Pacific Quay also emerged as a physical location aimed at the digital media industry. The relocation of BBC Scotland’s headquarters, supported by the construction of a new bridge across the Clyde, was intended to be its primary catalyst. Both of these initiatives were reflected in the local economic strategy (Glasgow City Council, 2006), and both had the backing of the national agencies. Certainly the focus on financial services had its greatest impact on the core city and especially in the city centre. Since 2008 the local strategy became much more consciously sectoral following the recommendations of the Glasgow Economic Commission (Glasgow Economic Commission, 2011). This Commission was a small independent team of senior figures from the public sector, higher education and major businesses appointed by the then Leader of the Council, Gordon Matheson, with strong support from Glasgow Chamber of Commerce. It was simply asked to consider how Glasgow ought to respond to the economic slump following the 2007/2008 financial crisis. The recommendations chose six sectors where the evidence showed strong prospects for global market growth and where Glasgow had academic or commercial assets upon which it could build. To financial

46

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

services, tourism and life sciences were now added low carbon industries and the higher and further education industries. Engineering manufacturing and design also returned to the list not least since so many significant private companies remained in operation in the city, albeit with much smaller local workforces than in the past. The city was not entirely ‘post-industrial’. Sector action plans were developed to be championed by a newly formed Glasgow Economic Leadership board which in turn was to act as the provider of strategic advice to the city’s political leadership. Five years after the publication of the Commission’s recommendations, progress was reviewed. The analysis (Table 2.2) showed that five of the industries had collectively grown by 5.7 per cent compared to a core city average of 2.2  per cent. They now represented some 30 per cent of core city jobs with tourism having by far the largest jobs increase. Financial services perhaps unsurprisingly was the one laggard. The State of the English Cities report in 2006 suggested that the ideal city model featured a number of specialised sectors coexisting within an overall economy that is sectorally diverse (Simmie et al, 2006). This reflects the approach increasingly taken in Glasgow. More recently Glasgow’s leadership, like other cities in the UK and abroad, has also begun championing a collection of more narrowly specialised sectors including precision medicine, quantum engineering and advanced manufacturing. In each case academic centres of excellence have been set up in the city and funded as part of wider national strategies. Examples include the Stratified Medicine Scotland Innovation Centre at the Queen Elizabeth University Hospital in the Govan district, the Advanced Forming Research Centre (AFRC) at the University of Strathclyde’s facilities next to Glasgow Airport or the Quantum Imaging Centre based at the University of Glasgow’s main campus in the West End of Glasgow. Table 2.2: Employment in key growth sectors, Glasgow City, 2011–2015 Employment (000s) Financial and business services Life sciences Tourism and events Low carbon industries Engineering, design and manufacturing Total key sectors

2011 55.0 1.1 24.2 17.0 26.6 124.0

Source: Oxford Economics, 2015, p 36

47

% of total 2013 13.1 51.6 0.3 1.9 5.8 29.4 4.1 16.6 6.4 25.3 29.6 124.8

% of total 2015 12.4 52.0 0.5 1.9 7.1 31.8 4.0 18.4 6.1 27.0 30.1 131.1

% of total 12.2 0.4 7.4 4.3 6.3 30.6

Transforming Glasgow

The Glasgow City Region City Deal (see Chapter 3) does not have an explicitly sectoral focus – instead being heavily focused on general infrastructure. However, included in its £1.13 billion budget is funding for a Centre of Imaging Excellence, again at the Queen Elizabeth Hospital. Also the Tontine project in the Merchant City provides supported workspace for technology driven new business. Some further City Deal funds may be used in support of a further development in the city’s sectoral thinking – the creation of innovation districts. Innovation districts are growing as an economic development tool in cities in the United States and in Europe (e.g. Pittsburgh, Barcelona) to exploit a trend for advanced technology industries moving directly into inner city districts close to important anchor institutions like universities or research centres. Both the University of Strathclyde and the University of Glasgow are now championing proposals for districts broadly drawn around their own campus expansions with both intending to attract private sector investment in research and in new technology development particularly in those specialised sectors like precision medicine and photonics which are closely tied to Klaus Schwab’s notion of a fourth industrial revolution (Schwab, 2016). Next to Glasgow Airport the Scottish Government has announced the location for a new National Manufacturing Institute for Scotland (NMIS) alongside the existing AFRC. Renfrewshire Council’s proposals for an innovation park next to Glasgow Airport will contribute to the plans for NMIS. A fundamental part of the National Manufacturing Action Plan (Scottish Government, 2016), NMIS is a recognition that the engineering base has been allowed to contract too far and that a growing engineering industry, at the very least in output if not yet in employment, must remain a component of a diversified economy – counter to some earlier national policy approaches.

Tourism One sector does deserve a special mention in the Glasgow context. From the study – The potential of Glasgow City Centre (McKinsey, 1985) – tourism has had a much more deliberate local strategy of support focused largely on events and business tourism. Glasgow’s record on major events goes back to the Glasgow Garden Festival (1988) and the European Capital of Culture (1990), the City of Visual Arts in 1996 and The City of Architecture and Design in 1999. In many cases these events prompted investment in new city assets including the Glasgow Royal Concert Hall (1990), Gallery of Modern Art (1996) and the Lighthouse Centre for Architecture and

48

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

Design (1999). Other UK cities such as Liverpool have since adopted similar events-based approaches. But the momentum on events was not sustained in the 2000s until in 2007 Glasgow bid for and won the right to stage the Commonwealth Games in 2014. The focus on culture as a source for major events moved to sport. The Emirates arena and cycling velodrome was built in the East End along with an Athletes Village (cf East Manchester after the 2006 Commonwealth Games). The SSE Hydro arena opened alongside the Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre now forming the Scottish Events Campus. One officially planned legacy from the Games was for growth in tourism. Glasgow’s tourism performance was certainly faltering in the lead up to the Games (Figure 2.4) with other major UK locations overtaking the city in the number of inbound visitor trips. The Games provided Glasgow with a legacy of sporting venues that now allows the city to make regular winning bids major sports events. Examples include the World Gymnastics Championships (2015), the World Badminton Championships (2017) and the co-hosting with Berlin of the inaugural multi-sport European Championships (2018). The investment in sports facilities also continued a track record of investment that Glasgow has made in its wider tourism facilities notably with the opening of the Royal Concert Hall (1990), the ‘Armadillo’ auditorium at the Scottish Events Campus (2000), the refurbishment of the Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum (2006) and the opening of the Riverside Transport Museum (2011). The Scottish Events Campus is planning to build on the success of the Hydro arena, now the second busiest live entertainment arena in the world after the O2 arena in London (Pollstar, 2017), with proposals to invest £150 million in upgrading the main exhibition facilities. The Scottish Events Campus hopes to achieve similar growth in the business conference and exhibitions market – a market in which many cities globally now compete. That market has been a primary driver for Glasgow’s business tourism growth which in turn has provided the base demand for Glasgow’s hotel growth over the last two decades. The city has also put its money behind marketing and promotion tools. By far the most successful has been the Glasgow City Marketing Bureau with a dedicated team for attracting major conference business, a team for attracting major events and a steady record of building brand image for the city, notably with the launch of Glasgow: Scotland with style in 2004 and the crowd-sourced People Make Glasgow brand in 2013. At a strategic level a ten-year Tourism Strategy was launched by the City Council in 2007 in partnership with national and local agencies

49

Transforming Glasgow Figure 2.4: Inbound tourism, 2004–2013 Glasgow

Manchester

Birmingham

Liverpool

Inbound trips trend

Number of trips (000s)

1,200 1,000 800 600 400 200 0 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Inbound trips trend 35,000

Number of trips (000s)

30,000 25,000 20,000 England 15,000 Scotland 10,000 5,000 0 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Source: Blue Sail, 2015, p 5

followed up with a fresh plan in 2017. The most recent plan sets a target of 1 million additional visitors by 2023 aiming to take annual numbers from 2 million to 3 million and growing annual spend from £482 million to £771 million. It’s also worth noting where those current tourists go in the City Region. Almost 1.8 million of the 2.2 million annual trips to the City Region in 2014 to 2016 were to the core city, 80 per cent of the total. Again the central city is benefiting most (Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership, 2019).

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Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

Alongside growth in employment there are other practical signs that these strategies have had an effect. The occupancy rates for hotels have generally been showing annual averages over 80 per cent since 2013 which compares with averages nearer 65 per cent twenty years before even with the addition of several thousand new beds to the hotel stock. New hotels at the SEC and in the city centre are continuing the trend. Equally the passenger numbers at Glasgow Airport have been on a steady climb since the aftermath of the 2007/2008 financial crisis from some 6.5 million to almost 10 million in 2017. So the search for a diverse sectoral economic base has had its successes, in tourism and, prior to the financial crisis, in finance and business services. The emergence of stronger sectors founded on science and technology remains unfinished business. Along with a sectoral approach though, like most cities, Glasgow has also pursued broader economic development approaches to grow the business base – many but not all linked to the aim for a more sectorally diverse economy.

Growing the business base Growing the output and employment performance of any economy can only really come from the success of existing companies, a growth in the net number of new businesses or in the attraction of inward investment. In each case the skills of the workforce and the provision of effective business infrastructure/property have an influence. We will now look at Glasgow’s record in each of these. Business births and existing companies For some critics over time the emphasis in Scottish economic development policy on inward investment attraction in contrast to support for the local business base has been too strong. Partly as a response Scottish Enterprise launched a Business Birth Rate enquiry in 1993 to close the gap between the Scottish birth rate and that for the rest of the UK. Scottish Enterprise devoted around £20 million per annum to fund various initiatives to widen the entrepreneurial base, improve access to funding and encourage high growth new starts often in key sectors. Its local enterprise companies such as Glasgow Development Agency delivered personal enterprise roadshows attracting thousands, provided a business start-up support service, business shops, an export support initiative and services targeted at high growth starts.

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Transforming Glasgow

A review in 2002 narrowed the strategy to provide distinct services for high volume new starts and for those with higher growth potential. Today that separation remains largely in place. Business Gateway covers the high-volume market and is provided through the local authorities whilst Scottish Enterprise, through its key account management process, supports companies thought to have strong growth prospects especially in priority sectors. There is little doubt that the business birth rate has improved. Scotland’s business base has grown by over 12 per cent over the past seven years. Glasgow’s core city base has grown even faster, up by 25 per cent and reaching close to 20,000 (Figure 2.5). Initiatives such as Entrepreneurial Scotland continue alongside newer developments such as the emergence in Glasgow of the social enterprise Entrepreneurial Spark or the wave of co-working spaces supporting young companies such as the Tontine, the Whisky Bond and the Rookie Oven mostly outside of the ‘public’ economic development bodies. Perhaps one issue is the perception that not enough fast growth companies are emerging that become companies of real scale. There has been no ‘unicorn’ company like the Edinburgh based travel search site company Skyscanner. That may be one test of the success of the universities’ innovation districts. Figure 2.5: Business stock – number of registered enterprises Glasgow

Scotland

Number of registered enterprises (2010 = 100)

120

110

100

90

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

Source: Scottish Government, 2018b

Inward investment Scotland has traditionally been a successful location for inward investment. Its share of a UK market for inward investment projects,

52

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

which in turn is the strongest in Europe, has always been ahead of the 8 per cent benchmark that one might set purely on population shares. Looking at the average employment for each of the projects secured is not always as encouraging. For each project secured in 2015, an average of 45 jobs was created with 119 projects attracting 5,385 posts. In 2016 that average fell to 24 jobs bringing a total of 2,868. On that measure Scotland came in sixth amongst the UK regions. Glasgow and Edinburgh are both top ten UK locations for inward investment. Glasgow attracted 28 projects in 2016, one more than Edinburgh. Both however are well behind Manchester (47) and Birmingham (36). Glasgow did attract the biggest four projects in Scotland with most of the jobs coming in insurance and in software. Inward investment has, for some time, played a strong role in the diversification of the wider city region economy. Until the early 1990s the priority was for using greenfield sites around the New Towns or areas supported by Enterprise Zone status in Lanarkshire or in Clydebank. Electronics and healthcare were important target industries. Large sites like Eurocentral and Strathclyde Business Park benefited from the then preference for inward investing companies to develop outside the core city. The focus shifted in the mid-1990s initially with a move to service sector inward investment exploiting the location of new call centres and shared service centres away from more expensive locations like London. Glasgow’s core city had not previously benefited directly from inward investment and so responded vigorously through a joint local initiative of the City Council and GDA, the Business Location Service. That service in turn established initiatives such as the Call Centre Association and commissioned studies to clarify the offer Glasgow could make. Today the City Council continues that effort through its in-house Invest Glasgow team. The International Financial Services District was launched in 2001 with stated goals of attracting 15,000 new jobs and encouraging the development of 2 million square feet of contemporary office space. Since its launch over 15,500 new jobs have arrived with familiar names like JP Morgan, esure, Morgan Stanley, Barclays and BNP Paribas all setting up or expanding their operations in Glasgow. Over 3 million square feet of Grade  A office space has been developed. Banking headquarters – with the exception now of Clydesdale Bank – have traditionally been in Edinburgh. But Glasgow’s financial services industry is now of similar scale to Edinburgh’s with some distinctive features, notably in the insurance industry which on its own reports some 10,500 posts in the city and in financial technologies. Perhaps

53

Transforming Glasgow

the most dramatic success for the IFSD was announced in 2018 with the decision by Barclays to locate one of three global hubs for its technology and operations teams in the Tradeston district of the city centre bringing up to 2,500 new jobs.

Most skilled large city in the UK outside London Building any city region economy needs one essential element; a strong workforce with relevant skills. A skilled workforce attracts inward investors, supports entrepreneurialism and helps companies become more productive and innovative. The Centre for Cities produces an annual report comparing the economic performance of 64 cities across the UK. Glasgow and Edinburgh repeatedly do well in the measure for high-level skills. Of the top ten largest cities in the UK, Glasgow is always second only to London for the percentage of its workforce with qualifications at or above degree level (Figure 2.6). In its most recent report Glasgow city region had a workforce, 47 per cent of whom were degree level qualified or above compared to Manchester on 36 per cent, Birmingham on 28 per cent and Liverpool on 32 per cent (Centre for Cities, 2018). That is a reflection of Glasgow’s scale as the third largest centre for higher and further education in the UK – behind London and Manchester – with 82,000 university students and 110,000 college students. Glasgow along with Edinburgh also appears to be more Figure 2.6: Comparative skill levels

Percentage of population NVQ4+

50

38

25

13

0 Glasgow

Manchester

Source: Centre for Cities, 2018

54

Liverpool

Birmingham

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

resistant to losing graduates to London than other UK cities such as Manchester or Liverpool (HECSU, 2015). The most recent regional skills report from Skills Development Scotland (University of Glasgow, 2016) does make it clear that Glasgow has some skills challenges to tackle. Whilst unemployment dropped from 10.1 per cent to 6.7 per cent over the five years to 2015, the proportion of the population claiming out of work benefits remained comparatively high at 14.3 per cent against Scottish (11.3 per cent) and UK averages (9.5 per cent). Alongside that – and perhaps related – the percentage of the workforce with no qualifications was also high. Glasgow city region has 11.4 per cent in that position against Scotland (9 per cent) and the UK (8.8 per cent). In the Centre for Cities comparison whilst Glasgow comes near the top for high level skills it is very near the bottom for the numbers in the workforce with no qualifications. That led the Centre to declare Glasgow as the most unequal labour market in the country (Centre for Cities, 2018). Beneath the headline figures for employment growth there are also concerns that the nature of labour demand is not providing the quality of opportunity that encourages personal investment in skills. The City Council has put the promotion of the Scottish Living Wage at the heart of its labour market policies and is embedding the emergence of what it believes to be increased levels of in-work poverty at the heart of its new Community Plan. In the mid-1990s to the 2000s skills measures which supplemented the mainstream work of schools, colleges and universities were mainly targeted at reducing unemployment and tackling social exclusion, as in the Skillseekers programme, the Training and Employment Grants scheme and Modern Apprenticeships. Whilst these were national there was scope for local variation and Glasgow Works was particularly well known as a large-scale intermediate labour market scheme. Well known too were the network of neighbourhood Local Development Companies such as the Govan Initiative and Drumchapel Opportunities aiming closely to link economic development and areas of multiple deprivation (although these were integrated into a more centralised body in 2008). Since 2008 Glasgow City Council, in particular, has set aside significant sums of money to help local residents get jobs often using European funds. The Glasgow Guarantee programme providing funding support to employers taking on the unemployed remains a significant part of the City Council’s activity to this day. Glasgow Chamber of Commerce also established its Glasgow Employer Board

55

Transforming Glasgow

which in turn took on responsibility for delivering the Scottish Government’s ‘Delivering the Young Workforce’ initiative in the city with a special emphasis on making the connection between schools and employers as robust as possible. Tackling the chronic challenges of unemployment has been one of the city regions top priorities throughout the early years of this century. It remains important in the Glasgow City Region Economic Strategy (Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership, 2017) which contains a commitment ‘to create the most effective skills system’ amongst reasonable comparators in both the UK and Europe and includes initiatives to harmonise the local authorities Guarantee programmes and to reduce the numbers of workers with no qualifications by half (Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership, 2017). The City Deal itself is funding a number of employment related initiatives across the Region. But it is also clear that both the regional and the city economic strategies are moving on. As unemployment reduces, the emphasis is shifting towards improving productivity as a primary means of protecting the gains Glasgow has made in creating a diverse business base.

Physical regeneration The most visible consequence of the ‘creeping obsolescence’ that Checkland described has been widespread decay in Glasgow’s urban fabric. Wide swathes of industrial land were left vacant and derelict as old manufacturing businesses closed down. But even here there has been progress (Figure 2.7). In the core city the shift from manufacturing to services increased the significance of the City Centre as the base for new jobs especially in the financial and business services sector. Generally private funding has provided the office space needed although the public sector has been fundamentally important, through the use of its planning powers, in setting out the strategic direction for the private sector to follow and in helping to market the opportunities both to investors and to end users. The IFSD is a particularly good example of that collaboration in action. The cycle for investment comes around every 5 years or so and Glasgow has often been successful in encouraging speculative office development ahead of the rest of the UK market. The City Centre has also benefited from investment in the public realm. Buchanan Street has been a particular success providing Glasgow with a shopping street with one of the highest footfalls in the UK and helping Glasgow to be the UK’s second most important retail

56

Figure 2.7: Vacant and derelict land, Glasgow 1,700

Hectares

57

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

1,275

850

425

0

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Source: Scottish Government, 2018c

Transforming Glasgow

centre after London. This attention to the quality of the public realm is being maintained as the City Deal is funding over £100 million of improvements across the City Centre. The ‘City Centre Strategy’ (Glasgow City Council, 2014) identifies several localised city centre districts for development starting with the Sauchiehall St Business Improvement District, a district that has suffered from two major fires and the impact of online retailing. Beyond the city centre, there has been a sustained programme of recovering derelict and vacant land for both housing and industry use since the 1980s. Without public sector intervention much of the land would remain undeveloped due to heavy industrial contamination. Perhaps the most challenging incidence of contaminated land is in the formerly industrial East End of the city. The Clyde Gateway urban regeneration company was set up in 2008 with a remit to bring 20,000 jobs into an area that is shared between Glasgow City and South Lanarkshire Councils. The sheer scale of the investment needed for notoriously difficult sites demands a very long term commitment from the public sector funding partners. The impact on the East End of the Commonwealth Games and the extension of the M74 is promising and the public sector commitment is beginning to lead to the anticipated private sector investment especially in housing. Another priority in Glasgow has been the Clyde Waterfront with milestone investments in bringing the banks of the Clyde into productive use including the opening of the Riverside Museum, the IFSD, Pacific Quay, the Scottish Events Campus expansion and the Glasgow Harbour project. The Clyde Waterfront has interesting links to the sectoral approach laid out above – quite differently from Clyde Gateway – with IFSD, Pacific Quay and SEC Campus all major sectoral projects in financial services, digital media/creative industries and tourism respectively. There remains though a strong view in the business community that the Clyde Waterfront is also unfinished business with several projects including Glasgow Harbour having slowed down following the 2007/2008 financial crisis. City Deal funding is also being used to support further development of the Clyde Waterfront with a new bridge across the Clyde connecting Partick and Govan in support of the University of Glasgow’s innovation district. This indicates a new phase in the role that physical development is likely to play in attracting investment in the new industries in engineering and life sciences where Glasgow has research strengths.

58

Escaping the shadow of the upas tree

Conclusions Taking a look back over twenty years of Glasgow’s economic story is a broadly positive experience. An economy in apparently inexorable decline has recovered. Whilst other UK cities have demonstrated economic regeneration, it can be argued that Glasgow’s recovery has been built through a sustained effort to diversify both the city and the city region’s economy. In that it has been successful; Glasgow is no longer over-dependent on any one sector. There is much further to go in developing specialised sectoral strengths that represent truly national or international clusters of successful business but the elements are there and the specialisms are emerging. Employment is growing and so too is the company base. Unemployment is reducing and the skills shortages of a successful economy are beginning to appear. Checkland had seen Glasgow as the most dramatic case amongst UK provincial cities of the abandonment for both living and working of the traditional city core. For employment at least, that abandonment has been reversed. Throughout those twenty years Glasgow’s public authorities, in their various guises, have been proactive and sustained in supporting a growing economy. From Glasgow Action in 1985, one of the first private public partnerships in the UK, to the Glasgow Economic Commission in 2010 and the sector-focused Glasgow Economic Leadership Board arising from it and again more recently in regional structures around the City Deal, the institutional infrastructure and leadership models to drive change have continued to evolve. The common features have been strong public–private partnerships increasingly including academia, political leadership committed to economic development and a focus on diversifying the economy. That difficult and extensive social challenges remain as the fallout from the collapse of the engineering cluster is undeniable and those challenges are at their most intense in towns like Inverclyde or in some of the core cities older inner districts and more recent peripheral estates. But it remains the case that without a thriving business community and the growing economy that it delivers, solving those social challenges would be all but impossible. Glasgow is no longer a city needing policies of ‘constructive contraction’ as Checkland had accepted as necessary 40 years ago. It is growing because it is economically robust. Arguably it has escaped from the shadow of the Upas tree.

59

Transforming Glasgow

References Blue Sail (2015) Glasgow’s Tourism Positioning. Centre for Cities (2018) Cities Outlook 2018. Checkland, S.G. (1976) The Upas Tree: Glasgow 1875–1975: A Study in Growth and Contraction, Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press. Fraser of Allander Institute, 2018, Understanding the skills opportunity. Glasgow City Council (2006) A Step Change for Glasgow. Glasgow City Council (2014) Glasgow City Centre Strategy 2014– 2019. Glasgow City Council (2016) Glasgow Economic Strategy 2016–2023. Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership (2017) Glasgow City Region Economic Strategy 2017–2035. Glasgow City Region Regional Partnership (2019) Glasgow City Region – Regional Strategic Assessment. Glasgow Economic Commission (2011) Final Report and Recommendations. HECSU (2015) Loyals, Stayers, Returners and Incomers: Graduate migration patterns. McKinsey and Co. (1985) The Potential of Glasgow City Centre. Oxford Economics (2014) Economic outlook and scenarios for the Glasgow and Clyde Valley Region 2013–2038. Oxford Economics (2015) An Economic Analysis of Glasgow. Pollstar (2017) Pollstar’s Global Arenas. Schwab, K. (2016) The Fourth Industrial Revolution, London: Penguin. Scottish Executive (2002) Review of Scotland’s cities – the analysis. Scottish Government (2016) Manufacturing Action Plan – A Manufacturing Future for Scotland. Scottish Government (2018a) Annual Population Survey 2017. Scottish Government (2018b) Businesses in Scotland. Scottish Government (2018c) Scottish Vacant and Derelict Land Survey 2017. Simmie, J. et al (2006) State of the English Cities Report. Tech Nation (2017) Tech Nation Report 2016. Tech Nation (2018) The Nation Report 2017. University of Glasgow (2016) Glasgow City Region Skills Investment Plan.

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3

The new political economy of city-regionalism: renewed steps in Glasgow David Waite1

Introduction City-regions are regarded as functional spaces and systems that reflect either a physical built up area or, more typically, boundaries delineated by connections between households and firms (Coombes, 2014; Parr, 2005; 2008). For Rodríguez-Pose (2008, p 1026) ‘interaction between an urban core and its semi-urban and rural hinterland is the essence of the city-region’. From Scott’s (2019, p 555) ‘conspectus’ on cityregions, it is suggested that ‘city-regions are cities like any other and there can be no clear line of division that separates them from the rest of urban reality as a whole’. This takes the perspective that city-regions, on the one hand, reflect the clustering of economic activities brought about by ‘gravitational forces’, and, on the other hand, are spread extensively across geographic space with each city-region exhibiting idiosyncratic characteristics. Alternatively, Scott (2019, p 555) points to the ‘size, spatial extent, multipolarity, functional heterogeneity, political influence, innovative capacities, and global interconnectivity’ of cityregions as deserving of special focus as urban spatial arrangements. Storper (2014) in turn speaks of the challenges of governing cityregions given the presence of two dimensions: the ‘urban land nexus’ and ‘principal-agent’ tensions. These reflect, in reduced terms, the spatial organisation of urban socio-economic systems and the evolving, and ultimately incremental policy ‘tinkering’ that emerges in response to change in such systems. Moreover, political contestation is riven through city-regionalism (Jonas and Ward, 2007; Harding, 2007). Indeed, politics, as expressed as the art of the achievable, may contort the shape of city-regional initiatives in somewhat unintuitive ways (Tomaney, 2018). Such general, conceptual perspectives warrant reflection in the Glasgow context where – as this chapter will sketch

61

Transforming Glasgow

out – local politics, economic history, core-periphery dynamics and administrative capacities – alongside national policy settings that may seek to balance cross-regional growth and disparities – will fundamentally shape how the city-region agenda will unfold. The UK is experiencing a shift to city-regionalism (as a sub-national governance response). This is led by developments in England – notably eye-catching arrangements in Greater Manchester (Harding, Harloe and Rees, 2010) – however, city-region arrangements are also emerging in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2011, 2016). Cityregionalism in Glasgow reflects an embryonic process (Pike, 2017), though at stake, given deal-making approaches to policymaking, are claims to be made for future funding and policy levers. Cityregionalism, reflecting an incremental rather than clearly steered UK-wide process, is intimately bound to localism and devolution agendas (HM  Government, 2011). In these agendas, city-region leaders are seen to require greater capacities to shape local development trajectories, despite empirical literatures suggesting uneasy connections between devolution and growth (Pike et al, 2012; Rodríguez-Pose and Ezcurra, 2011), and varied impacts between devolution and crossregional disparities (Ezcurra and Rodríguez-Pose, 2013). In the context of a devolved Scotland, the policy levers for driving and maintaining a city-regional agenda now require negotiations between local authorities themselves, and between localities and the Scottish and UK Governments. Within this tripartite structure, moreover, a complex and evolving political backcloth exists for cityregionalism in Glasgow locally, with political change taking place (notably exemplified by the SNP now leading Glasgow City Council). This chapter points to the City Deal as being a trigger for a revived city-region agenda in Scotland, and Glasgow has set the precedent for other Scottish cities to follow. Continuing to shape the dealmaking context, however, are fiscal constraints being confronted by local authorities along with an urban focus privileged in sub-national development policy. Numerous precedents for city-regionalism can be pointed to on Clydeside, as it will be shown that earlier policy and governance arrangements involved wider geographies beyond existing local authority areas. This chapter aims to set out the political economy of the recent shift to city-regionalism. In evidencing this shift, this chapter presents cityregionalism as a nascent project that will succeed or founder depending on the negotiation of various political agendas and policy trade-offs. More particularly, negotiations will run across dimensions of party politics, tri-lateral governance processes, and the politics engendered

62

The new political economy of city-regionalism

by asymmetric devolution. The chapter charts an incremental cityregional agenda which is contingent on treading a fine line between, one, the diffuse and sometimes conflicting political interests of higher orders of government; and, two, local political differences. Whilst dealbased policy reflects the prime motivating force for city-regionalism at present, the chapter looks forward to suggest how city-regionalism in Glasgow may evolve beyond such arrangements. In framing the challenges to be overcome and the opportunities linked to cityregionalism, the chapter offers a Glasgow perspective to broader urban governance literatures that draw attention to the primacy of growth agendas and entrepreneurial politics (Jonas and Ward, 2007); tensions with national policy settings (Deas, 2014); requirements for policy coordination (Cox, 2010); and issues pertaining to policy decentralisation (Pike et al, 2012; Rodríguez-Pose and Ezcurra, 2011). This chapter draws on sources from the grey literature, including policy statements and papers from the city-region cabinet, policy and strategy papers produced by local authorities within the city-region, plus critical commentaries from policy scrutiny bodies. Policy positions set out by the UK and Scottish Governments, in providing a space for a city-region agenda to emerge, will also be discussed. Whilst other sources give a brief historical basis to the economic systems and politics that underpin city-regionalism, the focus of this chapter is firmly on the present. The chapter proceeds in section 2 to define and contextualise city-regionalism in the Glasgow context; section 3 situates Glasgow’s city-regionalist thrust within wider framings for spatial and urban policy in Scotland; section 4 sets out the issue of city-regionalism emerging in the context of deal-making (and the horizontal and vertical politics this engenders); finally, section  5 gives reflections on what the infant city-regional agenda in Glasgow offers in terms of reflections on core themes noted in the wider cityregionalism literature.

Defining and contextualising the Glasgow city-region City-regionalism as a label in policymaking has quickly run ahead of settling on a firm definition of what such areas, as particular spatial forms, include and exclude. Rodríguez-Pose (2008, p 1027) remarked, for example, that definitions of the city-region ‘vary widely and include a host of different factors’. Parr and Coombes have endeavoured, nevertheless, to explicate a firm technical and conceptual basis. For Parr (2005) the city-region can be broken down to a ‘C’ and an ‘S’ zone. The C zone reflects a continuous built up area hosting important

63

Transforming Glasgow

service functions and a central transport point, while the S  zone reflects the hinterland that is closely or exclusively tied to the C zone and which consists of both an urban and rural share.2 Coombes’ (2014) work similarly highlights the functional dependencies at play within a city-region, and whilst suggesting that commuting will reflect a key flow, he points to other flows such as migration as being relevant. For the Glasgow city-region, definitions and statistical representations differ: • The Glasgow city-region City Deal geography is the widest area, encompassing eight local authority areas – Glasgow City, East Dunbartonshire, East Renfrewshire, Renfrewshire, North Lanarkshire, South Lanarkshire, West Dunbartonshire and Inverclyde. This is the same geography as Clydeplan (2017) (the strategic development planning authority). • The Glasgow TTWA area, as defined by the ONS (2015), is a smaller area than the deal area, including the full local administrative areas of Glasgow City, East Dunbartonshire, East Renfrewshire and Renfrewshire, plus small parts of North Lanarkshire, South Lanarkshire and West Dunbartonshire (the towns of Hamilton, Motherwell and Dumbarton fall outwith the TTWA area). • The Centre for Cities factsheet on Glasgow gives the narrowest conception of the city-region, including only Glasgow City, East Dunbartonshire, East Renfrewshire and Renfrewshire.3 Commuting data gives a sense of city-region connections. Of the 431,600 people working in Glasgow City, 48 per cent live outwith Glasgow City. Decomposing this further, the following statistics show the percentages of residents in a neighbouring authority who are employed in Glasgow City: East Renfrewshire (52  per cent); East Dunbartonshire (51 per cent); Renfrewshire (30 per cent); West Dunbartonshire (31 per cent); South Lanarkshire (30 per cent); North Lanarkshire (22 per cent)4 (Scottish Government, 2017). In summary, of the resident population in East Renfrewshire and East Dunbartonshire in employment, most work in Glasgow City. Pacione (2009, p 147), recalling boundary issues raised by the Wheatley Commission in the late 1960s, notes the rise of suburbs in the north and south, and the questions this raises about the sufficiency of the city’s defined area: ‘Successive governments have resisted the city’s claims for an extension of its boundaries to match the functional region and have upheld the rights of surrounding suburbs to remain outside the administrative jurisdiction of the city.’ Though writing before the recent uptick in

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The new political economy of city-regionalism

city-regional interests, Pacione (2009, p 147) considered it ‘unlikely’ that ‘boundaries to coincide with the physical and functional extent of the conurbation’ would emerge in the short-term. Against the commuting patterns noted, wage profiles are also striking for some areas.5 For example, in East Dunbartonshire (in 2017) earnings by place of residence are £633, compared with earnings by place of work of £503. Showing greater residence/work disparities, the figures for East Renfrewshire are £685 and £455 respectively. With more than 50 per cent of employed residents undertaking work in Glasgow City, this suggests that commuting to Glasgow City permits higher wages to be earned and perhaps salubrious lifestyles in the suburbs to be maintained. Pacione (2009, p 147) points out the politics of such urban functionality, recalling the claim that ‘suburban residents use the city’s facilities as “free-riders” who do not pay for their upkeep’ at the same time as the ‘core city’ experiences ‘financial difficulties’ (also see Pacione, 2001, p 11). The residence/work differentials in other local authority areas, such as South Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire, are less marked. The aforementioned narrative on commuting and differential wages builds a basic picture of the heterogeneity of the city-region. Such variation is also apparent in population data; indeed, the following figure shows the within city-region population growth trends stemming back to 2000, distinguished by local authority area. This shows, that population decline remains the dominant trend for certain localities within the city-region (where population remains below the level in 2000), and, most obviously, Inverclyde. For Glasgow City, where a declining population was still apparent until 2005/2006, strong relative growth since that point can be pointed to. North Lanarkshire, South Lanarkshire and East Renfrewshire show growth slightly below the trend for Scotland (at the top of the chart). The data in Figure 3.1 gives a general insight into the nature of the economic development challenge that city-regionalism is looking to respond to. In this regard, city-regionalism in Glasgow is confronted with a growth system that is highly variable across the metropolitan area. To put the Glasgow city-region in a wider Scottish context, Table 3.1 sets out, at a TTWA geography, changing demographics across the city-regions, and – through a series of key metrics – gives a broad sketch of the nature of each metropolitan economy. Somewhat running at odds with the ‘engines of growth’ narrative (HM  Government, 2011), Table  3.1, when coupled with wider assessments of the Glasgow city-region economy in the UK context

65

Figure 3.1: Population (resident) within the Glasgow city-region (City Deal area); local authorities, change from 2000 1.08 1.06

Inverclyde East Dunbartonshire

1.04

Glasgow City 66

1

Renfrewshire East Renfrewhshire

0.98

North Lanarkshire 0.96

South Lanarkshire Scotland

0.94 0.92 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Source: NOMIS; ONS mid-year population estimates

Transforming Glasgow

West Dunbartonshire 1.02

The new political economy of city-regionalism Table 3.1: Comparisons across Scottish cities – TTWA areas

Population (2014)

Glasgow Edinburgh Aberdeen Dundee Scotland 1,169,659 671,149 403,379 220,155

Population (mean annual growth 2004–2014)

 0.4%

 1.0%

 1.2%

 0.5%

0.5%

Gross median weekly pay for all employee jobs

£442.1

£456.2

£455.1

£421.7

£434.1

Working age employment rate (April 2016–March 2017)

70.9%

73.7%

76.2%

69.3%

73.4%

Unemployment rate, age 16+ (April 2016–March 2017)

 4.7%

 3.4%

 5.6%

 4.6%

4.5%

Qualifications of working age residents (with degree)

31.1%

43.0%

33.8%

27.8%

28.1%

Working age residents with no qualifications

11.7%

 4.0%

 6.7%

10.1%

9.4%

Expenditure on R&D performed within businesses in Scotland, 2015

14.1%

27.5%

15.0%

 4.9%

Patents approved per 100,000 of population, 2015

1.9

4.2

9.9

5.5

2.9

Source: Scottish Government, ‘City-regions – Summary Data’, August 2017

(Tyler et al, 2017, pp 431–2) – which points to lagging performance (or ‘falling behind’) – suggests Glasgow reflects more of an economic handbrake than it does a powerhouse (also see Pike, 2017, p 12). The city-region is large within the Scottish economy, and thus important in terms of size alone, but there appears limited evidence to suggest that it is significantly reaping big city advantages (or other factors, likely linked to the area’s post-industrial transition, are suppressing or outweighing benefits from agglomeration, for example). This section has set out the systems that underpin the city-region, and the comparative performance of the city-region economy. Despite the data showing stark challenges in terms of economic performance, the supposed potential for economic growth has underpinned revived narratives about the importance of city-regions. Balancing the evident aspiration with economic realities, will present a challenge for policymakers if city-regionalism is to be embedded and sustained (especially if future policy funding is predicated on performance metrics to some degree). It is to the strategic and policy settings that support the city-region agenda that the chapter now turns.

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City-regions within Scottish policy City-regions have waxed and waned in Scotland as a policy interest. The new political economy of city-regionalism has emerged with the introduction of the SNP as the dominant party in Holyrood. However, a series of other policies, going back a number of decades, can be considered city-regional (or sometimes regional) in nature, even if not denoted as such expressly. Reflecting institutional responses to Glasgow and its hinterland and wider regional surroundings, Strathclyde regional council – which functioned from 1975 to 1996 – stretched further than existing cityregion definitions, to include Ayrshire and parts of Argyll and Bute (reaching ‘far beyond the built-up limits of its central conurbation’ (Wannop, 1995, p  127)). Meanwhile, Strathclyde Partnership for Transport (SPT) – which evolved from predecessor bodies – continues under its transport policy remit to retain a broader operating space (covering 12 local authorities in the west of Scotland). Harrison and Growe’s (2014) remarks about city-regionalism layering over old, inherited institutional arrangements, appears relevant here. Sketching planning and institutional arrangements going back further, one may point to a city-regional orientation in the ‘overspill’ processes noted by Farmer and Smith (1975), which saw the rise of new towns and consequent reductions in the population of Glasgow city. Meanwhile, reflecting the Scottish Office’s disquiet with urban renewal attempts in the 1960s – and as an attempt to support physical and economic renewal through comprehensive planning (Wannop, 1986) – the West Central Scotland Plan was set out. The plan, described by Hall (1975) as ‘the regional plan to end all regional plans’, sought, notably, an economic development agency for Strathclyde (which the Scottish Development Agency eventually resembled in terms of functions, albeit established for a broader geography) (Wannop, 1995). As Wannop (1986, p 207) remarked, in summary, there have been ‘evolving ideas of the Clydeside region’ in terms of ‘planning and administration’. Looking forward a few decades, city-region policymaking now sits at the intersection of a tripartite politics where negotiations link local authorities with the Scottish and UK governments. City Deals, and wider devolution deals, reflect the core of the UK Government’s approach, and we detail the Glasgow city-region deal below. At the same time, a series of policy positions underpin the Scottish Government’s urban policy stance, and this preceded deal-making by a few years. Notably here, the Scottish Government’s Agenda for Cities

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(2016, p 8) sets out the following vision: ‘A Scotland where our cities and their regions power Scotland’s economy for the benefit of all ‘. In an earlier iteration of the Agenda for Cities, the Scottish Government (2011, p 7) presented city-regions as fulcrums of resilience in the face of ‘unprecedented economic challenges’. The Scottish Government developed the Scottish Cities Alliance to help support the cities agenda, which, underpinned by a membership of seven cities,6 appears to focus on boosting inward investment (Scottish Government, 2015, p 67; 2016, p 9). Alongside the ‘Agenda for Cities’ a raft of other strategies touch on or have implications for urban and city-region policy. Notably, perhaps, the 3rd National Planning Framework (NPF) – which gives a view on the Scottish settlement structure – notes that ‘cities are the main driver of our economy’ (Scottish Government, 2014, p 6). The framework goes onto position city-regions – for which the Scottish Government includes Perth, Stirling, and Inverness – as key spatial arenas for policymaking: ‘Scotland’s seven distinctive cities, together with their surrounding regions, will continue to be a focus for investment in the coming years’ (Scottish Government, 2014, p 6). Underpinning the NPF is Clydeplan, which reflects the strategic development planning response at the Glasgow ‘city-region’ level (Clydeplan, 2017). Despite such narrative support for city-regions in various Scottish Government statements, a number of questions may be posed about the direction of travel of the urban agenda. First, there is contestation concerning the levers localities in Scotland have to shape urban policy. Indeed, the document ‘Empowering Scotland’s Cities’ (EY, 2016), reflects a call to arms to give localities further responsibilities to shape local economic development. As in Wales, the politics of decentralisation – and empowering localities – in a context where sizeable urban areas exist within small nations, presents a different politics compared to England (where a substantial gulf between city administrations and the UK Government remains). Second, one might question how the privileged city-region agenda aligns with other policies for sub-national economic development in Scotland. Whilst City Deals are agreed or under negotiation for all seven cities designated by the Scottish Government, growth deal arrangements for places such as Ayrshire seem to have experienced, at various points, periods of stalling.7 Nevertheless, with arrangements in the Scottish Borders taking form8 and with an Ayrshire growth deal having receiving renewed commitment,9 a perspective will soon become apparent on how metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas fare in attracting funds and policy tools. Third, further consideration is needed

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regarding the fit between Scottish Government policy positions and a deal-making approach to sub-national policy, which, by nature is ad hoc and piecemeal. Whilst the Scottish Government (2016, p 16) claim strategic alignment, others suggest aspects of City Deals consist of locally ‘opportunistic’ projects and initiatives (EY, 2016, p 47). A recent report by the Fraser of Allander Institute (2018, p 4) – pointing to the ‘cluttering’ of the economic development landscape in Scotland – captures the fragmented context for urban policy at present. Inserting within the panoply of strategies in Scotland, City Deals have been the driving force behind city-region activities since 2014, and have been the animating force for a rejuvenated city-regional process on the Clyde.

City-regionalism through deal-making Since 2011, City Deals have been the principal drivers behind emerging city-region approaches across the UK. Stemming back to a localist ethos pursued by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition in Westminster, City Deals are predicated on asymmetric decentralisation, with those places exhibiting sufficient governance capacity able to make the first moves (Cox et al, 2014). Designing sub-national policy to support functional urban areas has been regarded as core to deal-making, thus giving support to the emergence of cityregions. The idea here, is that local administrative boundaries underbound – for places like Glasgow and Manchester – the functioning of the labour market and the wider economy, and policies and investments need to be made responsive to such functionality. The progress of administrative structures following city-region geographies varies across the UK, with Manchester at the vanguard (Harding et al, 2010), and with Combined Authorities emerging in England with mayoral figureheads (the first mayoral elections for combined authorities were held in England in May 2017). In some instances, however, critics point to the willingness to cut a deal trumping the coherent demarcation of administrative areas (Tomaney, 2018). Core policy logics underpin the roll out of City Deals. First, cities are seen to be potential or actual growth engines within the UK economy (Deas, 2014), even if, for a number of cities, evidence suggests this is an ambitious claim at present (Tyler et al, 2017). Though deals have spread to predominantly rural areas in the English context (through growth deals), and with Growth Deals proposed for parts of Wales and Scotland, city-regions have nevertheless been the first to benefit from funding and policy packages. Second, local leaders are seen to

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have the experience and insight to best determine which interventions will most effectively spur and support economic growth. The latter point is fundamentally a localist principle, however, commentators have argued that such claims need to be put in the context of an already heavily centralised state system in the UK, and recognition of the modest discretionary capacities delivered through City Deals (O’Brien and Pike, 2018). City Deals started in England, with the English Core Cities forging agreements in 2012. A second wave of deals were agreed in 2013 and 2014, including Southampton, Preston, Hull and Sunderland. Wave 3, which is ongoing, can be regarded as the Scottish and Welsh wave (with the potential for Belfast, Northern Ireland to be included).10 This latter wave perhaps came as a surprise, and Glasgow was the catalyst. An inescapable politics framed the Glasgow city-region City Deal agreed in 2014. Indeed, the deal was signed months before the Scottish independence referendum and initial negotiations between Glasgow local authorities (Labour-led) and the UK Government, led to a request that a comparable commitment from the Scottish Government be made. The Cabinet Secretary, Keith Brown MSP remarked on the circumstances, in testimony to the Scottish Parliament Local Government and Communities Committee (2018, p 18): ‘The Scottish Government was asked, at the very last minute, to contribute £0.5 billion to it. There was no prior discussion …’. Journalists have also commented on the timing, with McColm (2014) reporting the SNP’s initial reaction that the funding amounted to ‘a bribe’ … ‘but we’ll match it’. McColm (2014) remarked further: ‘If Glasgow was used as a political football, then it has been handsomely rewarded for being exploited’. From this unorthodox starting point, the Glasgow deal was confirmed with a commitment of £1.13 billion to support an infrastructure fund (plus support for labour market and innovation activities) (HM Government, 2014). The infrastructure projects are spread across seven of the eight local authority partners, and reflect investments in transport, land remediation and amenity improvements among other things. The infrastructure projects were selected from a modelling exercise, which claims to have selected projects based on contributions to economic output and growth, but with due consideration given to areas that experience high relative deprivation (‘programme minima’).11 The City Deal itself makes bold claims as to the economic growth effects that will emerge (HM Government, 2014).12 Table 3.2 lists the infrastructure projects within the City Deal, and, in nature, these include transport investments and enhancements,

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Transforming Glasgow Table 3.2: List of City Deal Infrastructure Projects Local authority East Renfrewshire Glasgow

Project M77 Strategic Corridor Collegelands Calton Barras Metropolitan Glasgow Strategic Drainage Partnership (MGSDP) Canal and North Gateway/Sighthill City Centre Clyde Waterfront Inverclyde Inchgreen Inverkip Ocean Terminal North Lanarkshire A8/M8 Strategic Corridor Improvements Gartcosh/Glenboig Community Growth Area Pan Lanarkshire Orbital Transport Corridor Renfrewshire Glasgow Airport Investment Area Clyde Waterfront and Renfrew Riverside (CWRR) South Lanarkshire Cathkin Relief Road Community Growth Areas Greenhills/Strathaven Road Corridor Stewartfield Way Transport Capacity Improvements West Dunbartonshire EXXON Site Development Regional projects Airport Access Strathclyde Bus Investment Programme For more details on the projects, see: http://www.glasgowcityregion.co.uk/article/7632/map

new amenity provisions and land remediation work. Important to note is that the projects vary significantly in size. Canal and North Gateway accounts for over £80 million of City Deal funds,13 whilst Inverkip reflects a commitment of £3  million.14 Additionally phasing and timing varies; Cathkin relief road has been built and is operational,15 while works are yet to commence on other projects. Also, from publicly available business cases, it is apparent that while the initiatives across the city-region seek to strengthen business locations beyond the city centre, a number of the interventions will serve to improve connections to the city centre at the same time. This points to one of the key challenges for city-regionalism in a post-industrial context; taking a view on the different assets and potentials across the metropolitan area, and, in doing this, balancing considerations for efficiency and equity. The Glasgow City Deal, as well as being of interest for what projects it is taking forward and the size of the funding committed, is notable because it amounts to a disruptive form of urban politics. In this sense,

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there is the question of not what is in the deal itself, but what having agreed a deal does for changing local politics, pursuing novel policy tools and re-shaping arrangements with higher orders of government (in Glasgow’s case, the UK and Scottish Government) (O’Brien and Pike, 2018). Some initial observations can be made on this matter. First, the City Deal has undoubtedly triggered wider steps toward city-regionalism. Unlike in Manchester, where the City Deal could be supported by an extant city-region governance body, there was more limited signs of city-region co-operation prior to the City Deal in Glasgow. It has been noted above that a plethora of regional institutions were in place, at various points across Glasgow and the Clyde Valley, however, before the signing of the City Deal, urban policy (or ‘city policy’ (Maclennan, Waite and Muscatelli, 2017)) was mostly pursued on a local authority level basis. With the deal in place, other initiatives have followed, notably the introduction of a cityregion economic strategy and action plan in early 2017.16 In delivering the deal, moreover – and so as to advance the objectives set out in the strategy and action plan – a city-region cabinet is in place that convenes elected representatives from across the eight local authorities. Whilst mayoral figures have been installed in combined authorities in England, no such steps have been made or proposed for Scottish city-regions at this point. Second, the City Deal binds localities into an agreement with the UK Government and the Scottish Government, and this carries the possibility of improving dialogue and understanding across actors involved in ‘cities policy’ (Maclennan, Waite and Muscatelli, 2017). However, the tripartite nature of the deal also means localities need to be responsive to the sometimes varying priorities of the two higher orders of government. Indeed, what are city-regions for? The prominent agenda undergirding city-regionalism, as noted above, is that of economic growth. Yet, this view does not sit altogether comfortably with the Scottish Government’s new emphasis on inclusive growth. The Scottish Parliament Local Government and Communities Committee report (2018, p 20) clearly pointed to the differing objectives. Directly citing the testimony of Lord Duncan, on behalf of the UK Government, it was noted: ‘The UK Government’s objective is economic growth and the Scottish Government’s objective is inclusive growth … Is there a tension between the two of them? Keith Brown [the Scottish Government minister] rightly pointed out that there is’. In the Glasgow context the difference may not be trivial, given further tranches of the investment fund will only be released should both governments agree that sufficient progress has been made.

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In summary, a sceptic may look at city-regionalism in Glasgow and suggest it is akin to a sub-national policy rationality trying to catch up with political opportunism. On the other hand, and though in a fledgling state, city-regional policymaking instigated by the deal provides some basis for policy and investment decisions to more accurately reflect the functional urban system. Indeed, moving past city-regionalism as defined by the existing City Deal, to take account for and manage wider revenue and capital responsibilities based on the coherent identification of metropolitan priorities, may reflect a key marker of successful city-region governance in Glasgow.

Reflections on the city-region trajectory to date and unresolved issues and challenges Economic development in Glasgow, and the wider city-region over the past decades has been centrally focused on attempting to steer through the challenges of post-industrial transition (Pike, 2017); such challenges indeed remain. Looking forward, however, and using Harrison and Hoyler’s (2014, p 2262) five questions presented in the review of the city-region governance literature, a useful framing is given to consider if and in what form city-regionalism may progress. These questions, followed by reflections based on the Glasgow case, are set out as follows: 1. ‘At what pace is city-regionalism – as a geopolitical project – unfolding/retracting in different space-times?’ City-regionalism in Glasgow rests on a balance between UK and Scottish Government agendas. The City Deal in 2014 stemmed from political opportunism, and, for many, will be seen as a political act wedded to politics of Scottish independence. The tripartite nature of deal-making in Glasgow raises further questions as to how, and in what form, new UK policy positions, such as the industrial strategy, may further underwrite city-regional working. This creates a distinction with places like Greater Manchester where further rounds and iterations of deal-making can be pointed to. 2. ‘Through what mechanisms do actors (seek to) shape and influence city-region development?’ The Glasgow City Deal is a particular funding mechanism that has introduced a tripartite politics to city-regionalism in Scotland. The Deal binds the UK Government, Scottish Government and local authorities across a 20-year time horizon. Within the deal

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mechanism itself, a series of actors play roles. Beyond the signatories to the deal, consultants have been core to the development of the deal and what projects are funded and developed. This ranges from the overall economic case for the City Deal programme to individual project-level analyses to support business cases, for example.17 Additionally, politicians become entwined in what investments are going to which place (for example, comments on the Cathkin relief road).18 3. ‘How does the current trend towards bigger and bigger urban economic units impact our ability to govern the new metropolis?’ This question, as posed, typically concerns the apparent ungovernability of large city-regions, such as London in the UK context (Storper, 2014), reflecting an issue of absolute urban size. A more general perspective, however, is the issue of governing bigness within a spatial system; not only the big area itself, but how to respond to areas around the big area. Glasgow’s relative dominance within the Scottish spatial structure remains undented despite economic and population growth favouring Edinburgh in the east (Maclennan, Waite and Muscatelli, 2017). As a consequence, resistance to Glasgow receiving preferential treatment has been explicitly stated; as given in the following remark from an Ayrshire respondent to the Scottish Parliament Local Government and Communities Committee (15 November 2017): ‘Ayrshire is a secondary or tertiary market in commercial terms. The more investment that happens in or close to the centre of Glasgow, the more likely it is to suck up demand in the Scottish economy. That will make it even harder for areas such as Ayrshire …’.19 Such a comparative perspective is a challenge for the coherence of subnational policy set out. 4. ‘Will incipient grassroots movements be able to form their own cityregional alliances to mount a meaningful challenge to entrenched neoliberal pro-growth agendas?’ City Deals are far from grassroots movements given they are typically designed in ‘secret’, between local leaders and officials at Whitehall and the Treasury (Tomaney, 2016), and steered by a growth focus. Of course, many may consider a growth focus to be well justified, given the challenges the Glasgow city-region economy has experienced through its post-industrial transition. It is important, nevertheless, to consider the possible openings for community groups and what opportunities they may glean from a

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revived city-regionalism. Some may point to the inclusive growth agenda – which has a central place in the Scottish Government’s and now the Glasgow City Council’s narrative – as a possible channel for this. 5. ‘What can ultimately be achieved through city-region governance?’ The UK Government sees decentralisation as a process and not a one off event (HM Government, 2016). This reflects the fact that should deal-making continue as the preferred mode for generating and delivering sub-national policy, the limits to city-regionalism may ultimately come from the ability of localities in Glasgow to successfully bid for future resources. Whether this emerges from the industrial strategy20 – and the pillar of ‘place’ – or whether this comes from a further local deal, city-regionalism in the UK is ultimately fuelled, at present, by growth compacts being agreed with higher orders of government. Maturity in city-regional politics, however, may ultimately need to exhibit more co-operative working and institutional formalism, extending beyond the need to work together to simply satisfy a deal-based requirement (here, the Scottish Government’s onus on ‘regional partnerships’ may be seen to play a role). Glasgow has, due to the socio-economic challenges brought about by its post-industrial transition, been a focus point for Urban Studies scholars. Whilst attention to Glasgow’s city-regional trajectory has perhaps been more fitful, in line with fluctuating policy interests, this chapter has sought to impress upon the reader the unique politics and institutional dimensions which makes it an intriguing case of cityregionalism in the making. Notes 1

2

3 4

David Waite is a Research Associate within Policy Scotland and Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow. In this role, he provides research support to the Commission for Economic Growth in the Glasgow cityregion. The Commission was borne out of, but acts independently of, the Glasgow City-region City Deal. The author is not a Commissioner and this chapter reflect the views of the author only. Earlier work points to polycentric regions reflecting a zone within a cityregion (Parr, 2004). http://www.centreforcities.org/city/glasgow/. Main LAAs commuting in (and % of LAA in employment, employed in the city LAA). Based on the annual population survey, April 2016–March

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5 6 7

8 9

10

11

12 13

14 15

16

17

18

19

20

2017. (Scottish Government, ‘City-regions – Summary Data’, August 2017). NOMIS; Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings. Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dundee, Aberdeen, Perth, Inverness and Stirling. http://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r= 11448&i=104003. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-south-scotland-45724311. https://www.south-ayrshire.gov.uk/news/ayrshire-growth-deal-movesahead-as-uk-government-signals-early-support.aspx. https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/northern-ireland/councilswelcome-prime-ministers-commitment-to-belfast-city-deal-36848518. html. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/Councillorsandcommittees/viewSelected Document.asp?c=P62AFQDNT1DXZ3810G. https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/index.aspx?articleid=13045. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/councillorsandcommittees/viewSelected Document.asp?c=P62AFQDNT1ZL0G0GUT. http://www.glasgowcityregion.co.uk/article/7636/inverclyde. http://www.eveningtimes.co.uk/news/15121125.First_major_transport_ project_of_a_multi-billion_pound_City_Deal_opens/. http://www.glasgowcityregion.co.uk/CHttpHandler.ashx?id=19521 &p=0. https://www.inverclyde.gov.uk/meetings/documents/6349/02-CityDeal-Initiative.pdf. http://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r=11173& mode=pdf. http://www.parliament.scot/parliamentarybusiness/report.aspx?r=11448& mode=pdf. https://www.gov.uk/government/topical-events/the-uks-industrialstrategy.

References Clydeplan (2017) ‘Strategic development plan’, July. Coombes, M. (2014) ‘From city-region concept to boundaries for governance: the English case’, Urban Studies, 51(11): 2426–43. Cox, K. (2010) ‘The problem of metropolitan governance and the politics of scale’, Regional Studies, 44(2): 215–27. Cox, E., Henderson, G. and Raikes, L. (2014) ‘Decentralisation Decade: A Plan for Economic Prosperity, Public Service Transformation and Democratic Renewal in England’. IPPR North, September.

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Deas, I. (2014) ‘The search for territorial fixes in subnational governance: city-regions and the disputed emergence of post-political consensus in Manchester, England’, Urban Studies, 51(11): 2285–314. Ezcurra, R. and Rodríguez-Pose, A. (2013) ‘Political decentralization, economic growth and regional disparities in the OECD’, Regional Studies, 47(3): 388–401. EY (2016) ‘Empowering Scotland’s Cities: Empowering City Government’, June. Farmer, E. and Smith, R. (1975) ‘Overspill theory: a metropolitan case study’, Urban Studies, 12: 151–68. Fraser of Allander Institute (2018) Economic Commentary, March, 42(1). Available at: https://www.sbs.strath.ac.uk/economics/ fraser/20180328/FEC_Vol_42_No_1.pdf (accessed 4 October 2019). HM Government (2011) ‘Unlocking Growth in Cities’. HM Government (2014) ‘Glasgow and Clyde Valley City Deal’, July. HM  Government (2016) ‘Government Response to CLG Select Committee Report: “Devolution: The Next Five Years and Beyond”’, May. Hall, P. (1975) ‘Book reviews – West Central Scotland Plan Consultative Draft Report’, Urban Studies, 12(3): 343–4. Harding, A. (2007) ‘Taking city regions seriously? Response to debate on “City-regions: new geographies of governance, democracy and social reproduction”’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 31(2): 443–58. Harding, A., Harloe, M. and Rees, J. (2010) ‘Manchester’s bust regime?’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 34(4): 981–91. Harrison, J. and Growe, A. (2014) ‘From places to flows? Planning for the new “regional world” in Germany’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 21(1): 21–41. Harrison, J. and Hoyler, M. (2014) ‘Governing the new metropolis’, Urban Studies, 51(11): 2249–66. Jonas, A. and Ward, K. (2007) ‘Introduction to a debate on city-regions: new geographies of governance, democracy and social reproduction’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 31(1): 169–78. McColm, E. (2014) ‘Cameron exposes SNP’s blind spot’, The Scotsman, 6 July. Maclennan, D., Waite, D. and Muscatelli, A. (2017) ‘Cities in the Scottish Economy: Patterns, Policies and Potentials’, in Gibb, K., Maclennan, D., McNulty, D. and Comerford, M. (eds) Scottish Economy: A Living Book, London: Routledge.

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O’Brien, P. and Pike, A. (2018) ‘“Deal or no deal?” Governing urban infrastructure funding and financing in the UK City Deals’, Urban Studies, published online, 23 April. ONS (2015) ‘Commuting to Work, Changes to Travel to Work Areas: 2001 to 2011’. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/ employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentand employeetypes/articles/commutingtoworkchangestotraveltowork areas/2001to2011 (accessed 4 October 2019). Pacione, M. (2001) ‘Geography and public finance: planning for fiscal equity in a metropolitan region’, Progress in Planning, 56: 1–59. Pacione, M. (2009) ‘The view from the tower: geographies of urban transformation in Glasgow’, Scottish Geographical Journal, 125(2): 127–81. Parr, J. (2005) ‘Perspectives on the city-region’, Regional Studies, 39(5): 555–66. Parr, J. (2008) ‘Cities and regions: problems and potentials’, Environment and Planning A, 40: 3009–26. Pike, A. (2017) ‘Case Study Report – Glasgow’, Working Paper 8, Structural Transformation, Adaptability and City Economic Evolutions, ESRC Urban Transformations Initiative. Pike, A., Rodríguez-Pose, A., Tomaney, J., Torrisi, G. and Tselios, V. (2012) ‘In search of the “economic dividend” of devolution: spatial disparities, spatial economic policy, and decentralisation in the UK’, Environment and Planning C, 30(1): 10–28. Rodríguez-Pose, A. (2008) ‘The rise of the “city-region” concept and its development policy implications, European Planning Studies, 16(8): 1025–46. Rodríguez-Pose, A. and Ezcurra, R. (2011) ‘Is fiscal decentralisation harmful for economic growth? Evidence from the OECD countries’, Journal of Economic Geography, 11(4): 619–43. Scottish Government (2011) ‘Scotland’s Cities: Delivering for Scotland’. Scottish Government (2014) ‘Scotland’s Third National Planning Framework’. Scottish Government (2015) ‘Scotland’s Economic Strategy’. Scottish Government (2016) ‘Scotland’s Agenda for Cities’. Scottish Government (2017) ‘Enterprise and Skills Review: Report on Phase 2’, June. Scottish Parliament Local Government and Communities Committee (2018) ‘City Regions – Deal or No Deal?’ 8 January. Scott, A. (2019) ‘City-regions reconsidered’. Environment and Planning A: Economy and Society, 51(3): 554–80.

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Storper, M. (2014) ‘Governing the large metropolis’, Territory, Politics, Governance, 2(2): 115–34. Tomaney, J. (2016) ‘Limits of devolution: localism, economics and post-democracy’, The Political Quarterly, 87(4): 546–52. Tomaney, J. (2018) ‘A mess of pottage? The north of Tyne deal and the travails of devolution’, LSE British Politics and Policy blog, 4 January. Available at: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/the-north-oftyne-deal-and-the-travails-of-devolution/ (accessed 5 July 2018). Tyler, P., Evenhuis, E., Martin, R., Sunley, P. and Gardiner, B. (2017) ‘Growing apart? Structural transformation and the uneven development of British cities’, Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 10: 425–54. Wannop, U. (1986) ‘Regional fulfilment: planning into administration in the Clyde valley 1944–84’, Planning Perspectives, 1(3): 207–29. Wannop, U. (1995) The Regional Imperative: Regional Planning and Governance in Britain, Europe, and the United States, London: Regional Studies Association.

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4

Stopped in its tracks? Transport’s contribution to Glasgow’s development Iain Docherty

Introduction Glasgow is a city of transport innovation. It is home to the third oldest underground railway in the world, opened in 1896. It has by far the most extensive urban motorway network in the UK, the product of a tradition of strong regional planning that dates back almost a century. It pioneered the pedestrianisation of key city centre streets from the 1970s, such that the city’s showpiece thoroughfare, Buchanan Street, has won international awards for the quality of its public realm. But Glasgow is also a place in which these innovations are not always seen through to maturity, and so the city’s transport network today is in part excellent, mostly adequate, but too often poor. The reasons for this are complex, but reflect the wider economic fortunes of the city itself through time, but also the successive changes in governance of both the transport sector and local administration across the city region since the 1920s, and in particular the difficulties of making multi-level governance actually work (see Marsden et al, 2014; Gray, Docherty and Laing, 2017). Glasgow’s transport story is therefore one – sometimes literally – of planned transformations being stopped in their tracks. This lack of policy coherence means that getting around Glasgow today can be a frustrating experience at times given the level of fragmentation evident in its physical networks and in the lack of coordination of the services that run on it. The city’s wide incomeand spatial inequalities are also apparent in the transport sector: whilst most of the wealthy suburbs and commuter towns have high levels of car ownership and good quality rail connections supported by substantial government subsidies, many lower income communities, especially those in inner urban areas, rely heavily on commercial buses, a sector which seems in possibly terminal decline, and without which

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people who can barely afford it are forced to run a car (Curl, Clark and Kearns, 2018). Thus the varying pattern of accessibility across the city offered by its transport networks helps explain and reproduce many of the city’s longstanding socio-economic challenges. Although the Glasgow of today has a (very) good transport network overall by UK standards, if the city is to confirm and sustain its place amongst its European and global peer group, there is much still to do. In all cities, transport investment choices are made for the long term and always involve difficult trade-offs between different policy objectives, communities and user groups (Docherty, Shaw and Waite, 2019). Like other comparable cities, Glasgow needs to understand what these trade-offs are, what investment choices address which particular transport priorities, and how good governance – especially coordinated action between different administrative tiers – is required to manage these conflicting demands and see an agreed strategy through to delivery. This chapter reviews the success with which the city has been able to deal with these issues in the past, how it might address them better in future, and what the experience of transport in Glasgow has to say about how the city has been planned and governed more generally.

Glasgow’s transport history If you look out of the window in any building in any city in the world, what you see is determined by the transport technologies available to those people constructing the city at the time. Glasgow is no exception, with successive waves of technological development easily identifiable across the city. Medieval Glasgow, located at the top of a hill next to a stream to provide drainage, was a classical ‘foot city’ in which the economy was limited by the distances people and animals could walk. For around 100 years from the late 18th century onwards, the city expanded westwards along the River Clyde and up Blythswood Hill, developing its characteristic grid pattern that provided ample frontages serviceable from private horsedrawn carriages, and which was to provide the template for the much grander grid patterns of larger cities in the new world. The innovation of the ‘tracked city’ in the form of the tramway, first also horse-drawn but quickly electrified, facilitated the growth of the city’s large tenemental districts from which commuting more than walking distance became viable. Indeed, Pooley and Turnbull (2000) note the importance of the tramway in Glasgow’s development of a highly compact urban form: such was the influence of the tram

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on the physical form of the city created in the decades of Glasgow’s population boom either side of the turn of the 20th century that clusters of shops and businesses can still be seen at the location of long-closed tram stops even today. Railways, however, had a more difficult birth in the city. The earliest routes were built largely to bring coal from the Lanarkshire fields, but many lines were obliged to follow long, looping routes to reach the critical quaysides avoiding the built up area of the city. There was intense rivalry between the competing Caledonian and North British railway companies, each of which had its own lines, goods yards and stations. This rivalry did, however, have benefits for the city. In order to relieve its cramped Queen Street Station, the NB sponsored the construction of the Glasgow and District Railway, which ran mostly in cut-and-cover tunnel east to west across the city including a new low level station at Queen Street. This line, which opened in 1886, is very similar to the first ‘sub-surface’ section of the London Underground along the Euston Road corridor, and could arguably be called the second oldest passenger underground railway in the world. Not to be outdone, the Caledonian promptly built a parallel east–west route under its own Central Station – the aptly named Glasgow Central Railway, which opened in stages between 1894 and 1896. Realising the potential in suburban passenger transport, the Caledonian built what is known today as the Cathcart Circle and its branches across the green fields of what are now the city’s main south side districts. And, as the mainline railways were expanding apace, the Glasgow District Subway Company was pursuing its own unique project: an entirely underground line in the form of a circle, built to a bespoke gauge, powered by a steam hauled cable running between the tracks so that the trains would run in clean air. With the opening of the Subway in 1896 – definitively the third oldest underground in the world after London and Budapest – Glasgow had an extensive urban transport network comparable with the best of any equivalent city in Europe. But problems were soon to manifest themselves. The Subway’s cable-haul system was unreliable. Unlike in London, the mainline railway companies declined to invest in the electrification necessary to address the problems of intense smoke pollution in their steam operated sub-surface lines, much to passenger dismay. Wartime economy measures required the closure of several stations during the both world wars. Glasgow Corporation took over the Subway in 1925, electrified it in 1935, and developed plans to build a north–south route in 1937 and a second circle line in the east in 1944, but these plans were never progressed (Wright and Maclean, 1997).

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What kind of Glasgow do we want? The years immediately after the Second World War largely created the set of transport and related governance challenges that face the city today. It was in this period that the recurring theme of competition between different visions for the kind of transport the city should invest in, and who should be in control of this investment, its planning and delivery, took hold. Critical to this is the question of scale, and specifically the hierarchy of institutions responsible for the governance of the city. Understanding the recurring tensions between the City’s own institutions – first the Corporation and from 1975 successive incarnations of Glasgow City Council – and regional and national government is crucial to any analysis of transport outcomes in and around Glasgow since it remains a critical issue even today. That there were two different visions for what a post-war, modern Glasgow should look like is well known. One, the 1945 First Planning Report to the Highways and Planning Committee of the Corporation of the City of Glasgow, more commonly known as the Bruce Report (Bruce, 1945), after its author, then City Engineer Robert Bruce, was produced by the city authorities. It is best known for its radical plans to demolish much of the ‘outdated’ Victorian and Edwardian city, and to rehouse displaced people in new housing estates within the city boundary. The other, Sir Patrick Abercrombie’s 1946 Clyde Valley Regional Plan (Abercrombie and Matthew, 1949), was commissioned by the Scottish Office in Edinburgh, and was based on the notion of solving Glasgow’s overcrowding and associated poor living standards by the process of ‘overspill’, or moving people from the slums out to new towns across the wider city region and in some cases beyond. In the end, Glasgow ended up with a deeply unsatisfactory mix of elements of both strategies. Shortly after these plans were published, a similar pair of reports, one developed by the City and one by the Scottish Office appeared, focusing explicitly on transport. The City itself favoured the creation of a high intensity metro-type light rail system using the existing rail network, complemented by some new additions, most importantly a north–south route across the city centre in addition to the two eastwest routes (Fitzpayne, 1948). But central government had other ideas. A British Transport Commission (BTC) was created to oversee nationalisation and coordination of transport, and its report on Glasgow envisaged an integrated rail and bus system organised at the regional level, and the gradual withdrawal of the City Corporation’s tram network, starting with those sections beyond the municipal boundary

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(British Transport Commission, 1951). Further, although the City Corporation’s vision was for a denser city organised around the kind of modernised ‘tracked’ transport network that many continental cities developed around their retained tram systems, central government plans sought to make Glasgow a ‘rubber city’ by accommodating the mass use of cars and vans as quickly as possible (Commercial Motor, 1952). This idea that ‘progress’ meant remodelling the city for the car quickly became orthodoxy, and in the 1950s and 1960s both the City Corporation and the Scottish Office planned for the scale of road building that contemporary policies thought necessary to accommodate mass car ownership. 1965’s Highway Plan for Glasgow envisaged a comprehensive network of motorways and expressways across the city and wider region, focused on an inner ring road squeezed tightly around the city centre. Such was the continuing enthusiasm for the cocktail of large-scale road building and comprehensive urban redevelopment that the Corporation retained American consultants to help advise on the plan, and officials from both the City administration and Scottish Office visited the USA to witness the creation of urban freeway networks there. Thus, just as occurred in the railway boom years, large swathes of the city were demolished to make way for new roads. The route of the contemporary M8 around the city centre – somewhat ironically assumed by the 1965 Highway Plan to be the less busy half of the Inner Ring Road – is forever associated in the minds of Glaswegians with the demolition of grand 19th-century buildings around Charing Cross, and the rather unsplendid isolation of the Mitchell Library from the city it serves by the road. But arguably worse was planned: the late architectural historian Gavin Stamp lived in one of the ‘Greek’ Thomson terraces in Strathbungo that the proposed South Link Motorway was to have obliterated, and was often to speak out about the destruction to Glasgow’s architectural heritage caused by road building. Elsewhere, the new peripheral housing estates were built in – peripheral – locations with little or no access to the rail network, meaning lengthy bus journeys were the only viable commuting option for many people rehoused in these places. The 1950s and ’60s also saw some attempts at modernising the railway system in and around the city as part of the wider plans of British Railways. Two of the city’s main commuter networks – the original North British route from Helensburgh and Balloch to Airdrie via Queen St Low Level, and the Cathcart Circle and branches on the south side were electrified, their state-of-the art ‘Blue Trains’ and ‘Glasgow Electrics’ branding and logo to becoming something of an icon. The city’s other sub-surface route was not so fortunate

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however – despite being more comprehensive in terms of its inner branches, the east-west line via Central low level was not part of the Glasgow Electric programme and succumbed to closure as part of the Beeching rationalisation of rail services across Britain only a few years later. Other routes were left unimproved, except for the replacement of steam trains by more modern diesels.

Strathclyde Barbara Castle’s 1968 Transport Act is widely acknowledged to have been one of the most radical pieces of legislation ever on the governance of transport in the UK, creating special purpose urban local governments with wide regulatory and planning powers over public transport.1 Greater Glasgow was one of the conurbations covered by the Act, and so from the 1972, the post-war vision of an integrated bus and rail network at the regional scale became stronger still. With the reorganisation of Scottish local government in 1975, the new Strathclyde Regional Council assumed these powers so that roads and public transport policy were brought under the same roof for the wider west of Scotland region as a whole. Despite the longstanding scepticism about a regional approach being an appropriate lens to tackle the problems of Glasgow’s transport, Strathclyde’s decisions changed the trajectory of transport development significantly, and created the basis of the network as we know it today. Focused from the outset around its Social Strategy, the Regional Council understood the necessity to arrest social and physical decay in Glasgow City itself if the region was not to enter possibly terminal decline (see Smith and Wannop, 1985; Wannop, 1995). Whilst decisions like the abandonment of Stonehouse new town are the most celebrated of this change in approach, other decisions such as the cancellation of secondary motorway construction and concerted investment in the rail network played a crucial role in Glasgow’s urban renaissance. In its 21 years, Strathclyde helped bolster the city and region’s infrastructure substantially: it completely refurbished the Subway, reopened the second subsurface cross-city rail route via Glasgow Central Low Level, reintroduced passenger services to several disused or freightonly branches, embarked on an ambitious programme of new station construction, and maintained a substantial roads programme based on upgrading core radial routes to/from the city. Proud of what it actively promoted as the largest local rail network outside London, and early attempts at comprehensive multi-modal ticketing, Strathclyde’s agenda was nonetheless disrupted by the privatisation of bus services in 1983,

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which to this day remains a major item of contention in Glasgow’s transport debate, and by the failure of its proposal to re-introduce a tramway system in the city, which failed after a court challenge led by the privatised bus companies shortly before the abolition of the twotier local government system in 1996.

Glasgow’s transport inheritance The baseline for today’s debates on transport in Glasgow is therefore one of a decidedly mixed inheritance. The city is at the heart of an extensive but substantially unfinished major road network, which accommodates very high levels of vehicle movements, is responsible for substantial local air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions, and which causes corrosive severance to communities adjacent to the city centre. The regional rail network, once again controlled by central government via Transport Scotland, is extensive, and is enjoying consistent investment in electrification, new rolling stock and capacity enhancements. But although of high quality by UK standards, the heavy rail network retains its regional nature, with recent enhancements such as the reopening of the line between Airdrie and Bathgate and the upgrading and electrification of the Edinburgh–Glasgow main line further increasing the labour market catchment of the city but in so doing encouraging even greater decentralisation (the comparison with much more compact Edinburgh, which has hardly any suburban rail network, no high capacity roads in the city, and relies on the much slower mode of the bus for public transport, is instructive). The regional focus of both rail and road infrastructure, and the minimal investment in what might be termed ‘urban’ transport within the city boundary over several decades, means that it is often easier and quicker to commute from affluent middle class suburbs to the city centre than it is from places in the inner city (see Newman and Kenworthy, 1999). Whilst many European cities in Glasgow’s peer group have supported dense inner urban development by creating comprehensive fixed public transport networks based on light rail or metro systems, there has been no progress on these in Glasgow since the abortive attempt to introduce a modern tramway in the 1990s. Successive proposals to extend the Subway have made it no further than excitable front page stories for the Evening Times. Although substantially short of its envisaged scope, the motorway network brings hundreds of thousands of vehicles into the city centre every day, and so Glasgow faces substantial and resilient congestion and air pollution problems. The bus network remains fragmented, vulnerable

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to congestion, and exposed to competition from the railway, and so it in protracted decline. Glasgow’s transport is not without its problems. There is therefore a marked difference in the distribution of the costs and benefits of the transport system between local communities across the city.

Investments, possibilities and directions Glasgow is, and likes to think of itself today, as a prosperous, diverse, creative international city. But in comparison to (especially continental European) cities in its peer group, its transport network is fragmented, incomplete and of variable service quality. It therefore has a number of clear challenges if it is to develop the kind of high quality transport system increasingly found elsewhere. These challenges are most often articulated in terms of the deficit of infrastructure ‘hardware’ evident in Glasgow, but the lack of the necessary ‘software’ of good governance, especially effective policy integration within the transport sector and between transport, health, and education, is arguably just if not more important. On the infrastructure side, with the ‘completion’ of the M74, there appears little appetite for further major road building of the scale seen in the past in the City Council area itself, although the Glasgow Region City Deal nevertheless contains a number of medium sized roads projects in the local authority areas adjacent to the city council area where the political appeal of ‘one more road’ as the key to economic growth remains strong. The success of the rail system over the last 20 years in terms of growing passenger numbers means that most of the incremental improvements available to eke out additional capacity have now been made, and so future growth will depend on significant capital investment in new lines and stations. Transport Scotland is aware of these constraints, and has an outline budget of £3 billion to address rail capacity constraints by the construction of an additional terminal station near the site of the old St Enoch terminus, or more ambitiously perhaps a new north-south tunnel to join up the north and south suburban networks, something that many European cities have implemented when faced with similar issues. Any new Subway or light rail route designed to improve accessibility in the inner core would have costs of similar magnitude: SPT’s initial costings for a second Subway line also had a price tag of £3 billion, although it should be noted that this is significantly more than equivalent projects across Europe have cost, reflecting the high cost base of civil engineering in the UK (Docherty et al, 2018): for example, the 27km,

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20-station Line C in Toulouse is expected to cost around half this amount. Even if such new major infrastructure were to come to fruition – and there is a compelling case that it will be needed before too long if Glasgow is to meet its wider economic, environmental and social objectives – the short- to medium-term development of Glasgow’s transport system will depend on improved policy ‘software’, that is, better governance, rather than pouring concrete. A substantial proportion of the recent increase in rail passenger numbers has been down to passengers transferring from the bus, which is under renewed strain as traffic and congestion levels begin to rise again after years of little or no road traffic growth. The bus has the potential to service a much greater level of passenger demand than it currently does – after all, it has done so in the (recent) past – but for passenger levels to recover it will take a concerted effort to improve the product offering in terms of vehicle quality, priority over other road traffic in congested conditions, and finally achieving a level of ticketing integration that has been talked about since privatisation 35 years ago but never achieved. Such improvements do not rely on much infrastructure beyond some white paint on the roads, and backroom IT systems that are now relatively mature, but the lack of capacity in the policy system, fragmented as it is between public and private interests, and also between devolved and retained powers, means that the ‘software’ to re-energise the bus industry has failed to load despite several attempts. The Glasgow Bus Partnership formed in late 2018 can be regarded as a last ditch attempt to try and make a voluntary collaborative approach work, given that powers for local authorities to impose franchising of bus services have made it into the Transport Bill approved by the Scottish Parliament in 2019. There is a large literature about partnership governance and the conditions in which it is most likely to succeed, yet the bus sector in Glasgow is a salutary example of one in which for the requisite network capacity and alignment in incentives between partners needed for success appears illusory (see Gudmundsson et al, 2016). Similarly, attempts to transform the role of cycling in the city have faced kinds of political difficulties often encountered in cities where the car has been dominant for several decades, with even modest attempts to reallocate road space for the construction of Dutch-style segregated cycle lanes facing vociferous protest. However, the recent decision to press ahead with the ‘South City Way’ project to create the city’s most extensive radial commuting cycle route, and the growth in cycling of 72 per cent between 2009 and 2017 (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, undated), demonstrates that there is considerable

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potential for cycling in Glasgow to develop despite the stereotyped negatives of climate and topography. Recent public attitudes research suggests increasing support for further cycling initiatives of this kind. Like many cities, Glasgow has also found it difficult to open a debate about whether the inherited distribution of public spending on transport is optimal for the city and its needs, and how it might seek to manage the demand for travel rather than attempt (and fail) to build enough infrastructure and run enough services to cater for all demand. Despite carrying around four times as many passengers than the train in the wider Strathclyde region (for which reliable figures are available), the average public subsidy per bus trip is a fraction of that afforded to rail – somewhere between one fifth and one tenth depending on the assumptions made (although the picture changes if considering subsidy per passenger kilometre, when the figures are much closer).2 Given that the socio-economic profile of bus users is much less affluent compared to that of rail users, there is a strong case to think carefully about whether the current allocation of subsidy is aligned with the city’s inclusive growth agenda. Similarly, the subsidy profile for roads and car travel appears at odds with the city’s socio-economic reality. Despite Glasgow’s relatively extensive major road network, car ownership in the City Council area is still amongst the lowest in the UK at 37 per 100 people,3 with many of the vehicles causing the congestion and generating the pollution experienced by Glaswegians originating outside the city, especially in the affluent adjacent suburbs. Furthermore, parking in Glasgow is not particularly expensive, and according to research the city has the largest number of off-road city centre parking spaces per head of population of any in the UK (although this number will be exaggerated by the city’s constrained boundary leaving much of its suburban population outside the administrative area). There is therefore a clear policy case to consider how some form of road user charging, either in the form of a congestion charge or a non-residential parking levy, might both reduce traffic levels and/or generate a revenue stream with which to borrow to fund public transport and active travel infrastructure.

Green shoots? The capacity of governance to deliver the policy outcomes that analysis of Glasgow’s transport needs suggests is necessary is key thread running through every part of the city’s recent history and contemporary politics. Governance capacity at the city authority level has been steadily eroded since the 1996 local government reorganisation,

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and arguably before. Other comparable cities have adopted different kinds of governance arrangements that have delivered good transport outcomes, and which might be relevant to Glasgow in future. In the UK, Greater Manchester is often held up as an example of what is possible if the authorities in a fragmented governance landscape organise to deliver, yet even this falls short of what is commonplace across Europe (see Docherty et al, 2009). At the same time, there is reason for optimism: the increasing youthfulness of the city’s population and the reinvigoration of many inner neighbourhoods offers the potential to make walking and cycling a more important part of the city’s transport mix, and wider trends such as the decrease in the importance placed on driving by young adults across Europe offers a window of opportunity for debates about reducing traffic to be reframed. Finally, there continue to be individual initiatives such as the ‘Avenues’ project to create very high-quality streetscape and public realm in many more of the city centre’s streets that demonstrate Glasgow’s ability to achieve world class outcomes when policy objectives and governance capacities are effectively aligned. At the time of writing, the Scottish Government is undertaking a review of the ‘roles and responsibilities’ of local, regional and national tiers of administration active in the transport field. The question of how best to govern transport in and around Glasgow, with its unique scale and complexity in Scotland, is once again to the fore. Many of the same arguments about which scale is most appropriate to manage transport investment, and how the interests of different players in a complex multi-level governance arrangement should be managed, are once again being reconsidered. Most visible is the debate over whether the Glasgow conurbation – the only genuine metropolitan region in Scotland – is most effectively governed for transport at some kind of ‘city-regional’ or ‘regional’ level given the complexity of transport demand, or whether the city authorities themselves should gain more powers in order to redress the (perceived) investment gap of recent decades within the Glasgow City boundary. The current city administration elected in 2017 has been keen to make the case for a change of emphasis, creating a ‘Connectivity Commission’ to comprehensively review the state of transport in Glasgow and make recommendation for future investment priorities. Chaired by David Begg,4 who as transport convener for the former Lothian Region introduced radical and highly controversial bus priority (and thus car restraint) measures in Edinburgh in the 1990s, the Commission heard evidence from a range of stakeholders in the city concerning the extent to which the current transport system is fit

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for purpose. One of the most common recurring themes is that whilst comparable cities which have spent the last 20–30 years focusing their policy effort on creating people-friendly environments, where walking and cycling are prioritised as complimentary to core public transport provision, Glasgow has remained fixated by the car, with very little effort made by contemporary standards to reduce the pollution and congestion associated with high levels of car use. Given its relatively fast transformation towards a ‘millennial’ city home to a younger population and emerging industries, the slow pace at which Glasgow has invested in the kinds of high-quality public transport networks best placed to attract contemporary inward investment and highly skilled workers is an obvious issue. This is not to say that there is not important work already underway to implement the same transformation in Glasgow as elsewhere, but it is to date largely limited to a few projects in the city centre. Although from a very low base, Glasgow is now building the kind of network of highquality cycle lanes that have become commonplace in many vibrant cities around the world, and is albeit tentatively, beginning to address the local air pollution problem through initiatives such as Scotland’s first Low Emissions Zone. Yet these initiatives are relatively minor responses to the trends in transport demand in cities across the UK, where bus decline, growth in rail and exponential increases in the use of light vans for delivery are increasingly apparent (Urban Transport Group, 2018). In many ways, Glasgow is just beginning to move from a ‘car-oriented’ city to the kind of ‘sustainable mobility city’ Jones (2018) describes (see Figure 4.1); it has a long way to go to become the kind of ‘city of places’ that many of its competitors, with their much faster pace of transport policy change, are transforming themselves into. Figure 4.1: How policy perspectives change cities

C

M

P

Car‑oriented city

Sustainable mobility city

City of places

Road building Car parking Lower density Dispersion

Public transport Cycle networks Roadspace reallocation

Source: Jones (2018)

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Public realm Street activities Traffic restraint ToD/mixed use developments

Transport’s contribution to Glasgow’s development

Future directions There is little doubt that rescuing the bus network is the most important short term priority in Glasgow if its transport system is to contribute to the economic, environmental and social policy objectives of the city administration and Scottish Government. Given the relatively low margins made by private transport operators in the city, and the increasing demands on service quality, particularly in terms of the new and/or upgraded vehicles that will be necessary to achieve the pollution reduction aspirations of the Low Emissions Zone, partnership working between the public- and private sectors of a kind rarely seen in the city will be required if the bus system is to be sustainable for the medium term. But even then, the challenge of new technologies, especially the relatively clean and responsive connected/ autonomous vehicles (CAVs) will be a substantial threat to the bus industry. After all, what is the contemporary diesel bus other than a relatively large, dirty and inflexible shared vehicle? But underpinning Glasgow’s transport choices are more profound policy decisions about how the city will be managed in future. Despite its apparently high-density ‘European’ form, Glasgow has a relatively low proportion (3 per cent) of its population living in the city centre. Whilst this residential structure is undoubtedly the result of decades of planning policies favouring dispersion, and the construction of efficient rail and road networks to facilitate it, the contemporary impact of these choices is that of greater demand is placed on commuting transport networks than might otherwise be the case. Added to this is the now glaringly obvious absence of the kind of modern rapid transit system serving inner urban destinations that just about every one of Glasgow’s comparator cities has been busy building for the last 30–40  years. All but one of Glasgow’s major hospitals are removed from the fixed public transport system, and despite the relatively comprehensive coverage of the rail network, large tracts of the city, especially in the north, have no access to a fixed public transport link. The same can also be said for a great number of more upmarket housing developments in the suburbs – both inside and beyond the Glasgow City Boundary – that have been developed around junctions on the motorway network in locations that have little or no public transport offering. Then there is the lack of a direct rail connection to Glasgow Airport, a project that continues to be argued about after decades of abortive planning. Whilst the economics of serving the airport, given the peculiarities of its location close to the river, divorced from its major local domestic

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catchments in the affluent north-western and south-western suburbs, the lack of a fixed link is bemoaned by business interests especially as a major constraint on the growth of many economic sectors in the city. Whilst it is hard to construct a data-driven analysis that an airport link should be a high priority for Glasgow, the desire to maintain the city’s competitiveness in international tourism and other markets despite its relative peripherality lend more than anecdotal credence to the view that some kind of Glasgow Airport link should be made a reality. In addition to much increased investment in walking, cycling and the bus network, the Connectivity Commission recommended that the city should develop a plan to address the lack of a modern rapid transit system by the development of a metro. The metro system could be delivered in phases, using a combination of converted heavy rail lines, new spurs from the existing network and some wholly new routes. The ‘South Clyde Growth Corridor’ from the city centre to Glasgow Airport via Pacific Quay, the Queen Elizabeth University Hospital campus and Renfrew is an obvious route for metro development that would transform accessibility to many of the city’s most important yet difficult-to-reach centres of activity (see Figure 4.2).

Figure 4.2: Potential metro at Queen Elizabeth University Hospital as envisaged by Glasgow Connectivity Commission

With permission of Glasgow City Council.

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Governance lessons This history of transport in Glasgow is therefore an important case study of how complex multi-level, multi-stakeholder governance systems work in practice. The City’s own institutions, especially the unitary (and very powerful) Corporation between its inception in 1929 and the post war era of centralisation and nationalisation, sought to improve the transport infrastructure within its boundary in the wider spirit of municipal enterprise that characterised many of the UK’s larger cities. Yet the post war era has largely been about higher tiers – first Strathclyde Region, then the devolved administrations at Scottish level – assuming control over more and more of the transport network, and gradually re-orientating so that it better connects Glasgow city centre with a much wider catchment in order to spread economic development beyond the city boundary. Thus the relative (and in some cases absolute) level of mobility offered to people in the inner core of the city has declined over time as increasing focus and resources have been placed on regional connections. This shift of priorities is a good example of the kinds of changes in policy outcomes that come about as the relative power of different governance tiers alters over time. As Paavola (2007, p  93) notes, tracing the determinants of policy outcomes requires ‘looking at the functional and structural tiers, organization of governance functions, and formulation of key institutional rules as key aspects of the design of governance institutions’ (see also Bulkeley (2005) on how policy outcomes depend on the politics of both the scale of governance and how it social networks are organised). What, then, is the potential for the different tiers of governance to sufficiently align so that Glasgow can ‘crack’ its longstanding transport policy problems, such as fixing the decline of the bus sector, or the need to deliver major new fixed transport infrastructure such as a metro? Chhotray and Stoker (2009) show how the ‘sheer messiness’ of the interactions between different levels of governance can be a significant barrier to progress since they usually have quite different formal legal powers, constitutions and electoral mandates. Given the complexity of a three-tier model of transport governance that seems to be in place for the foreseeable future, and the accumulation of power, resources and expertise at the national tier, it will take considerable organisation at the level of the City Council to cut through this messiness to ensure that the next wave of investment refocuses on the inner urban areas of Glasgow that have been starved of investment for some considerable time.

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Notes 1 2 3

4

The Passenger Transport Authorities and Executives. SPT, personal communication. DVLA data. See https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/vehiclesstatistics. The author of this chapter is deputy chair of the Commission.

References Abercrombie, P. and Matthew, R. (1949) Clyde Valley Regional Plan, Edinburgh: HMSO. British Transport Commission (1951), Passenger Transport in Glasgow and District: Report of the Glasgow and District Transport Committee, Edinburgh: BTC. Bruce, R. (1945), First Planning Report to the Highways and Planning Committee of the Corporation of the City of Glasgow, Glasgow: Corporation of the City of Glasgow. Bulkeley, H. (2005) ‘Reconfiguring environmental governance: towards a politics of scales and networks’, Political Geography, 24(8): 875–902. Chhotray, V. and Stoker, G. (2009) Governance Theory and Practice: A Cross-Disciplinary Approach, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Curl, A., Clark, J. and Kearns, A. (2018) ‘Household car adoption and financial distress in deprived urban communities: A case of forced car ownership?’, Transport Policy, 65: 61–71. Commercial Motor (1952) ‘Mr.  Fitzpayne Attacks Inglis Report’, 1 February, p 55. Available at: http://archive.commercialmotor.com/ article/1st-february-1952/55/mr-fitzpayne-attacks-inglis-report (accessed 19 August 2019). Docherty, I., Shaw, J., Knowles, R. and Mackinnon, D. (2009) ‘Connecting for competitiveness: the future of transport in UK city regions’, Public Money & Management, 29(5): 321–8. Docherty, I., Shaw, J., Marsden, G. and Anable, J. (2018, advance online publication) ‘The Curious Death – and Life? – of British Transport Policy’, Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space. Docherty, I., Shaw, J. and Waite, D. (2019, in press) ‘The Political Economy of Transport and Travel’, in Docherty, I. and Shaw, K. (eds) The Transport Debate, Bristol: Policy Press. Fitzpayne, E. (1948) A Report on the. Future Development of Passenger Traffic in Glasgow, Glasgow: Glasgow Corporation Transport Committee.

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Glasgow Centre for Population Health (undated) ‘Understanding Glasgow: Cycling’. Available at: https://www.understandingglasgow. com/indicators/transport/cycling (accessed 29 November 2018). Gray, D., Docherty, I. and Laing, R. (2017) ‘Delivering lower carbon urban transport choices: European ambition meets the reality of institutional (mis)alignment’, Environment and Planning  A, 49(1): 226–42. Gudmundsson H., Hall, R., Marsden, G. and Zietsman, J. (2016) ‘Governance and Decision-Making in Transportation’, in their Sustainable Transportation. Springer Texts in Business and Economics, Berlin: Springer, pp 111–36. Jones, P. (2018) Urban Mobility: Preparing for the Future, Learning from the Past. Project Summary and Recommendations for Cities from the EU CREATE Programme. Available at: https://www.transportxtra. com/userfiles/brochures/CREATE_NEW2_web.pdf (accessed 29 November 2018). Marsden, G., Ferreira, A., Bache, I., Flinders, M. and Bartle, I. (2014) ‘Muddling through with climate change targets: a multilevel governance perspective on the transport sector’, Climate Policy, 14(5): 617–36. Newman, P. and Kenworthy, J. (1999) Sustainability and Cities: Overcoming Automobile Dependence, Washington DC: Island Press. Paavola, J. (2007) ‘Institutions and environmental governance: a reconceptualization’, Ecological Economics, 63(1): 93–103. Pooley, C. and Turnbull, J. (2000) ‘Modal choice and modal change: the journey to work in Britain since 1890’, Journal of Transport Geography, 8(1): 11–24. Smith, R. and Wannop, U. (1985) Strategic Planning in Action: The Impact of the Clyde Valley Regional Plan, 1946–1982, Aldershot: Gower. Urban Transport Group (2018) Number Crunch: Transport Trends in the City Regions, Leeds: Urban Transport Group. Available at: http:// www.urbantransportgroup.org/resources/types/reports/numbercrunch-transport-trends-city-regions (accessed 29 November 2018). Wannop, U. (1995) The Regional Imperative: Regional Planning and Governance in Britain, Europe, and the United States, London: Jessica Kingsley. Wright, J. and Maclean, I, (1997) Circles Under the Clyde: A History of the Glasgow Underground, Crowthorne: Capital Transport Publishing.

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PART II The chapters that make up Part II are primarily focused on the lived experiences within Glasgow. Each chapter takes a facet of this to demonstrate the ways in which the transition to post-industrial and beyond has affected the everyday experiences of residents. Whereas Part I sought to examine how the city has been governed, Part II instead focuses on the consequences of those decisions along with a series of globally determined and locally specific events such as the Global Financial Crisis and the impact of Glasgow’s industrial legacy on the life patterns of its residents. Two key questions run through this Part: what does it mean to live in Glasgow now and is there evidence that post-industrial Glasgow has improved the quality of life? Chapter 5, authored by Mark Livingston and Julie Clark, sets up the main questions of Part II by examining the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ within the post-industrial transition. In so doing they question some of the normative assumptions surrounding Glasgow’s somewhat uncritical espousal of the ‘successful’ regeneration narrative. Chapter 6 further develops this theme but turns instead to focus on the embedded crisis of ill health that has characterised 19th- and 20th-century Glasgow, and continues today. In this chapter David Baruffati, Mhairi Mackenzie, David Walsh and Bruce Whyte implicitly develop the concept of ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ within an analysis of the extent to which Glasgow is moving away from being a ‘sick city in a sick country’. Chapter 7 turns the focus to housing and rebuts Glasgow’s entrenched housing narratives to show how the provision of housing has been shaped by the transition to post-industrialism and beyond. Crucially, Douglas Robertson demonstrates how broader, often global, forces have affected the type of housing in the city and its demographic profile. This is a theme taken up by Rebecca Kay and Paulina Trevena in Chapter 8, who consider the ways in which migration into Glasgow, largely as a result of EU enlargement, has affected the labour market, residential composition and demographic profiles of neighbourhoods within the city. Finally, in Chapter  9, Steve Rolfe, Claire Bynner and Annette Hastings provide an in-depth examination of how different community groups have responded to and shaped policies at the neighbourhood level. They demonstrate how the post-industrial period has seen different forms of community activism which yet remains rooted in the strong Glasgow tradition of community-based development.

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Taken together these five chapters demonstrate the embedded nature of certain inequalities in the city but also the ways in which the transition to post-industrialism and beyond has resulted in different kinds of lived experiences. Part II thus further develops the notion of the ‘epic’ and the ‘toxic’ to show that while this binary may have been subdued over the transition period, the type, nature and extent of inequalities remains a vital challenge for Glasgow.

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5

Living in the urban renaissance? Opportunity and challenge for 21st-century Glasgow Mark Livingston and Julie Clark

Introduction Promoted as ‘one of the best examples of urban regeneration in existence’, Glasgow presents a confident face to the world. However, this bold statement of success belies the more complex reality of life in the 21st-century city. This chapter explores the rebirth of Glasgow as a desirable urban centre, while questioning the extent to which this success might obscure a more textured picture of winners and losers in the changing city. The latter half of the 20th century brought a reversal of fortune to Glasgow, leaving swathes of derelict post-industrial land and urban depopulation. As with many cities in Europe, the United States and beyond, more affluent people left the city with poorer citizens from working class suffering from stigmatisation (Harvey, 1996; Hothi, 2005; High et al, 2017). Although, historically, poverty has been focussed in inner cities, surrounded by relatively wealthy suburbs, there are indications of a shift in this pattern across the affluent world, including cities in Australia, the US and more recently in the UK (Kneebone and Berube, 2013, Hunter, 2014, Pawson et al, 2015). There is evidence that greater urban densification may have positive social and economic benefits (Rodríguez-Pose, 2018). However, the picture is not straightforward: countries that exhibit increases in urban concentration also show increasing levels of inequality (CastellsQuintana and Royuela, 2015). It is against this backdrop that we examine Glasgow in the 21st century, as it grapples with the challenge of economic transition. Globalisation has required a new agility from municipal authorities, as they strive to attract investment, new visitors and new citizens (Wise and Clark, 2017). While efforts to revitalise the city and mitigate the disadvantages faced by some inhabitants have been

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predominantly portrayed as positive, regeneration strategies can easily serve as gentrifying forces, marginalising or displacing those that they were intended to benefit (Marcuse, 1985). There are considerable tensions involved in maximising economic growth at the same time as supporting social and environmental goals (Couch et al, 2011). We begin by considering Glasgow in relation to aspirations for urban renaissance, offering a thumbnail sketch of the city’s urban structure. Following this, we take a thematic approach to exploring how recent developments in the city might relate to the concept of renaissance, considering claims of renaissance in terms of city centre revitalisation, the safety of the environment, and compact neighbourhoods. In each case, we ask the question, is there a renaissance in Glasgow and, if so, who benefits? Thereafter, we review other drivers of change, examining the housing system, demographic shifts, and the decentralisation of poverty. We close by reflecting on how a range of local, national and supra-national forces continue to shape the socio-spatial structure of the city, considering challenges for the future.

Glasgow: planning for renaissance ‘Glasgow’, in this chapter, generally refers to the local authority area; however, as a topographical map shows, the metropolitan area is not represented by administrative boundaries (Figure 5.1). While official statistics generally refer to the tightly bounded local authority, home to around 600,000 people, in discussing the changing social, economic, political and demographic transitions the city is undergoing, we should be mindful that continuous, wider metropolitan area is home to a population of nearly double that number. We therefore draw on evidence using different geographies: the Glasgow City Council area (double dashed and dot line); Glasgow’s travel to work area (dashed and dot); and the city centre area. Notably, like many large cities, Glasgow is polycentric, comprising a number or urban ‘villages’ which have many of the qualities of an urban centre, including a concentration of bars and restaurants. The heart of the city lies north of the River Clyde, comprising a mixed use area of municipal buildings, shopping, offices, bars, concert venues, restaurants and public spaces, centred on George Square. For a radius of some four miles beyond the city centre, tenement housing remains a significant presence, clustered around the old urban villages that have been absorbed by the city, interspersed with Glasgow’s famous Victorian parks, more affluent areas of both historic and contemporary villas, and social housing in various forms.

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Living in the urban renaissance? Figure 5.1: Glasgow with travel to work area and local authority boundaries

Boundary data source: Office for National Statistics

Due to inadequate housing conditions, from 1950 through the 1970s over 30,000 properties were demolished in Glasgow, and four large, peripheral housing estates built. Along with pockets of poorer housing around the inner city, these estates were particularly associated with concentrated disadvantage (Pacione, 2004). Also around five miles from the urban core, there are relatively affluent suburban areas to both the north and south of the city, which fall under the control of other local authorities. The terminology of ‘urban renaissance’ was popularised by the work of the Urban Task Force, established by Prime Minister Blair’s New Labour government in 1998 (Rogers, 1999; Urban Task Force, 2005). This had a strong focus on urban planning, advocating design-led regeneration allied to ideals favoured by the new urbanist movement in the United States. Following a remit to identify the causes of urban decline and to regenerate urban centres, the renaissance agenda favours upgrading inner city areas, with a focus on improving existing buildings and reusing brownfield sites. Compact, well-designed neighbourhoods are preferred to less dense urban forms. In service of an associated social agenda, the Task Force followed Jacobs’ influential analysis, promoting dense, mixed-use, mixed tenure urban forms with more active travel and lower levels of car use, as supporting social interaction, safety and a sense of vitality (Jacobs, 1961).

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Rehabilitating the image of a city can be considered a crucial precondition of renaissance, attracting new residents and visitors. In this regard, Glasgow was taking action significantly ahead of the Urban Task Force review. A robust history of boosterist activity dates from 1983, when the Glasgow’s Miles Better campaign used Roger Hargreaves’ well-known cartoon figure ‘Mr Happy’, to rebrand the city as a tourist and business destination. This highly successful initiative won the International Film and Television of New York Award four times (Glasgow City Council, 2007). Subsequent branding campaigns include Glasgow: Scotland with Style and People Make Glasgow. Claims to renaissance are supported by more than sloganeering, having their roots in a long series of profile-raising events, awards and capital investments. These include: the opening of the internationally recognised Burrell Collection gallery (1983); the Glasgow Garden Festival (1988); European City of Culture (1990); Celtic Connections international music festival (from 1994); City of Architecture and Design (1999); European Champions League final (2002); and the UEFA Cup final (2007). More recently, Glasgow has hosted the Music of Black Origin awards (2009, 2011, 2016), the Commonwealth Games (2014), the Turner Prize (2015) and the European Championships (2018). However, against a backdrop of poverty, violent crime, and poor health, it is easy to see why such a relatively elite-orientated and outward-facing economic development strategy is contentious.

Is the renaissance here? An attractive city centre? In many ways, Glasgow can be considered a more vibrant city than it was at the turn of the century. Certainly, for the visitor and more affluent denizens, events and accolades relating to Glasgow’s economic development strategy have established the city on the international stage. In 2008, Glasgow was named one of the world’s top ten cities for visitors and by 2016, the city was being heralded in the prestigious National Geographic Traveller awards as one of twenty ‘best in the world’ destinations. The Glasgow City Marketing Bureau is an acknowledged powerhouse, winning the prestigious M&IT industry award for the UK’s best convention bureau every year from 2006 to 2017. For residents of Glasgow, this activity can be felt as an influx of visitors, for business, academic knowledge exchange and tourism every year. However, what does this mean for the more day-to-day experience of living in Glasgow? An annual economic health check, conducted

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by Glasgow City Council’s City Centre Regeneration team, offers insights into the experience of working, visiting or, in the case of just over 30,000 residents, living in the city centre. Recent analysis paints a picture of a relatively resilient environment within the UK context (Glasgow City Council, 2018). Considered in terms of total retail spend, Glasgow city centre ranked second in the UK and, although there are persistent problems with sites lying vacant, reports of antisocial behaviour and violent crime have fallen. Nevertheless, the impact of online shopping has presented challenges. The city’s heavily promoted ‘style mile’ is a pedestrian precinct that runs between the St  Enoch Shopping Centre, in the south, and the Glasgow Royal Concert Hall and Buchanan Galleries Shopping Centre, northwards. A marginal drop in footfall has been partially offset by modest growth near the concert venue and shopping centre and this commercial strip remains bustling, peppered with street entertainers busking and ubiquitous charity collectors, as well as occasional stalls, where people protest or lobby diverse political and social issues. However, what was once referred to as a ‘Golden Z’ of shopping streets is now struggling. Fires have beset Sauchiehall Street, which runs westwards from the top of the style mile, including a second instance of severe damage to the internationally celebrated Glasgow School of Art. Resultant restrictions to both road and pedestrian access will result in long-term damage to trade, advantaging large shopping centre developments outwith the city centre which offer parking and access to retail and leisure. Another pedestrianised area at the southerly end of the Golden Z, runs east from the style mile. Walking along this area in recent years has increasingly meant walking by charity shops, vacant units and, most alarmingly, people sleeping rough on the street and in doorways. While Glasgow has held ground as a major retail destination, servicing locals, the wider metropolitan area and beyond, it is in the night-time economy that growth can be seen. Along with the resident population and visitors, there are over 130,000 students in Glasgow from 135  countries, adding to the cosmopolitan feel of the city. Building on Glasgow’s retail strength, the city’s current strategic direction blends a commitment to the education sector as a core mechanism for attracting jobs and investment, extending a reputation for culture, events, sport and heritage. A combination of bars, restaurants, clubs and venues contribute to a lively urban nightlife and, despite relatively difficult economic times, night time footfall (6pm–4am) in the three key city centre precincts grew by over 35 per cent in the latter half of 2017, in comparison with the year before (Glasgow City Council, 2018).

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A safe environment? Once described as the murder capital of Europe, with a reputation for deprivation and violence, Glasgow’s success in reducing violent and gang crime has been recognised not just in the UK but across the world (Younge and Barr, 2017; NPR, 2018). Between 2009 and 2016, the total number of crimes in the local authority area reduced by more than 29 per cent (Glasgow City Council, 2018). More than halving violent crime in the city since 2013 is seen as a success which cities like London must replicate (Hare, 2018). Safety in the city centre does offer particular challenges, arising from the more animated night time economy mentioned above: contrasting an overall decline in crime figures, the busy city centre and west areas witnessed a 20 per cent increase in reports of youth disorder in 2016–2017; additionally, incidences of litter graffiti and vandalism, show the poorest results since recording started in 2007. It is not clear as yet whether this trend is a result of the greater activity/changing demographic within the city centre or whether there are more significant changes driving these increases. More significantly to Glasgow’s ‘Urban Renaissance’ is positive perceptions of the city and that the dominant narrative is no longer of a violent city. Active travel and social interaction? The urban centre shows evidence of policy commitment to remediating the city’s poor health record by promoting active travel. Since 2000, an additional four bridges accommodating pedestrian traffic and cyclists have been built over the River Clyde, which separates the city centre from the large, residential south side. Two of these, the Clyde Arc (2006) and the Tradeston Bridge (2008) are more commonly known as the squinty bridge and the squiggly bridge, referencing their unusual design, with a degree of affection. As well as taking some pressure from the road system, the bridges connect different parts of the city, linking communities and improving access to amenities previously separated by the river, as well as supporting more active modes of travel (McCartney et al, 2012). Urban realm improvements, including a mural trail and new cycle hire scheme, have been allied to the quest for positive health ‘legacy’ following the 2014 Commonwealth Games. More cycles and stations have been added to this successful scheme but, as is the case with the bridges, only one of which is to the east of the city, locations favour the city centre and the more affluent west and south sides. Considering the experience of moving around the city, despite a small underground system (again, largely serving the centre and west)

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and the most extensive suburban rail network outside of London, travel within the city centre and along the main radial arteries leading there can be an unpleasant and polluted experience. A combination of poverty in some areas with the relatively dense sandstone tenements common in much of the city has brought a heavy reliance on buses, and the deregulated service exacerbates congestion problems at pinch points. Following the WHO report, citing Glasgow as one of the most polluted cities in the UK in relation to harmful air particulates from diesel (Braithwaite, 2017) the city council announced an extended low emission zone, to cover all vehicles by 2022. Complementing this, a £115 million ‘Avenues’ project is planned as a part of the City Region Deal, to extend and develop pedestrian and cycle friendly public realm improvements around the city centre. However, for less affluent urban residents, particularly those towards the periphery of the city, these developments have limited benefit for urban mobility. Price rises for public transport have been frequent, running ahead of inflation within a context of increasingly insecure employment, and there is some evidence of ‘forced’ car ownership in financially vulnerable households as transport services fail to adequately support the needs of poorer communities (Curl et al, 2018). Furthermore, the uneven pattern of population loss and growth across the city exacerbates the challenge of serving peripheral areas with a commercially driven model of bus provision. Within the last census period, areas with falling population have tended to be towards the outer edges of the city, while growth has focused on the city centre, with adjacent areas to the west and east (Freeke, 2013). Compact neighbourhoods? In the ten years since 2007, the city of Glasgow has seen its population grow by almost 10 per cent, at a faster rate than Scotland as a whole (4.9 per cent) (census data), reversing a long run population trend. Glasgow was amongst the worst affected by a pattern of population decline dating from the 1970s (Pike, 2017). In the post-industrial period, the area east of the city centre has been a site of disinvestment, riddled with contaminated land. Population growth here can be considered a hopeful development, reflecting positively on collaborative work between the city council, local housing associations and the Clyde Gateway urban development partnership. With the Athletes’ Village as a flagship development, changes to the housing environment have reflected wider trends, with the removal of much high rise housing, an increase in the proportion of lower level properties with some

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private garden space, and some mixed tenure housing development. Development within the Clyde Gateway area has been characterised by a holistic approach to regeneration, which has demonstrated success in leveraging community benefit, connecting local people to employment, against broader trends (Clark and Kearns, 2016). Following awardwinning developments in the Dalmarnock area of east Glasgow, a drive to extend urban renaissance through housing redevelopment, as well as provision of event and culture led attractions, continues. The city council have partnered with the New Gorbals Housing Association and the Urban Union joint venture company to redevelop the Laurieston area, just to the south of the river, within walking distance of the city centre. Meanwhile, some of the city’s historic tenemental areas, including Finneston to the west of the city centre and Pollokshields, another area of population growth further south of Laurieston, seem to be thriving as ‘urban villages’, with a mix of private buyers, students and incoming populations supporting and working in new bars and restaurants. Although many development strategies seem to focus on attracting incomers, many changes have been well received by existing residents. The Scottish Household Survey shows that, across Scotland in the decade leading up to 2016, over nine in ten people interviewed rated their neighbourhood positively as a place to live (92.3 per cent in 2005–2006 to 95 per cent in 2016). However, while a decade ago, Glasgow was out of step with other Scottish cities (85.2 per cent of interviewees offered a positive rating), by 2016 that figure had risen to 92.5 per cent. That Glasgow’s growing population is, at least in some quarters, indicative of growing levels of affluence is suggested by a boom in bars and restaurants in the city centre, west end and parts of the south side. It is not difficult to see visual clues of Glasgow’s changing fortunes; once quite deprived parts of the city centre and west end have seen significant gentrification/regeneration. The growth in city centre restaurants and bars resembles the sort of gentrification in areas like Shoreditch in London’s east end. The revitalisation of the Merchant City can be traced back to the 1980s, signalled by developments such as the Café Gandolfi. Now, the area has many more bars and restaurants, hosts a major annual festival, and has become a fashionable place to live. More recently, during the last ten years, Finnieston, a previously deprived area to west of the city centre ‘… has been transformed from an industrial wasteland into a vibrant neighbourhood full of cool bars and restaurants…’ (McKelvie, 2014). Acting as a bridge to the trendy west end, Finneston was described as ‘Britain’s hippest place to buy a house’ in a survey in The Times.

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Drivers of change It is clear that there is some substance to Glasgow’s Urban Renaissance narrative, with some areas in the city drawing national attention. What is responsible for this rapid change in the fortunes of Glasgow and other cities? Certainly, urban revival is a phenomenon reported across the developed world. What is less clear is what is driving these changes. The nature of the change, in terms of increases in bars and restaurants, suggests that a narrative of people adopting urban living as a lifestyle choice carries some weight. To some extent, image and fashion can be considered drivers. Suburban living is often portrayed in films and wider media as stifling and conservative (Shariatmadari, 2015). Living closer to the city centre enables access to the amenities and opportunities offered at the heart of large settlements. As well as bars and restaurants, there are events, festivals, arts and sports venues. National Museums and art galleries have begun to open satellites in other cities and which are proving popular, from the celebrated London V&A art and design museum opening in Dundee to the Turner Prize in Glasgow. Nevertheless, these stories of ‘renewal’ ignore some of the less positive issues that arise from regeneration. Changing tenure structure There are a number of more recent structural changes within the last decade that may be important factors in driving the increasing numbers of people living in the city. The global financial crisis of 2008 and subsequent austerity policies led to tighter controls on lending, making first time mortgages much more difficult for young adults to obtain. To buy a property now requires a substantial deposit (typically about 20 per cent for first-time buyers) to access a mortgage or satisfy much stricter affordability criteria. The stock of Social Renting properties has also been reducing since the eighties. The right to buy introduced in the eighties by the Conservatives has significantly reduced the amount of social renting properties available and research suggests that many of the properties bought through the first waves of the right to buy are now in the private rental system (Sprigings, 2008). Restrictions on entering owner occupation have seen many younger adults, who previously would have sought to buy, delay the decision until they have a substantial deposit, choosing to rent homes more centrally in areas that suit their life styles. Others are forced into

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renting for potentially much longer periods in the future (‘generation rent’). A recent report from the Resolution Foundation has suggested that if current trends continue then many millennials with spend much of their adult lives in the private rental sector (Judge and Tomlinson, 2018). Owner occupation in Greater Glasgow 1999 represented 58 per cent of all households with 3.6 per cent of households in private rental properties (SHS, 1999/2000). In 2016 the number of households in owner occupation had risen slightly (62.7  per cent) but there were now over 13 per cent of households in private renting, more than tripling the numbers of households in the sector. While owner occupation changed little in this time, the number of households in social renting in Glasgow has reduced from 37.5 per cent to 22 per cent. We would also expect the reduction in social renting to result in more households from lower socio-economic groups finding themselves in the private rental sector. The end of right to buy in Scotland and the Scottish Government’s target of building 50,000 new affordable homes by 2021 are, at least in part, aimed at slowing or reversing these trends. Other factors that may have contributed to increased time in private rental and to the numbers choosing to live more centrally are the move to singleton living. People choosing to live on their own has been an increasing trend and will result in people delaying the purchase of a property and remaining in the private rental sector for longer. The largest proportion of private rental properties is in areas close to or in the centre, (see Figure 5.2) so this will see these people tend to stay in areas that are more central. Another factor that leads to higher density in the inner city is the delay to starting a family that many couples now make. It is important to remember that housing is a dynamic system, so change in any one tenure will have a knock on effect on the other tenures, and to the range of options available to those living in the city. The housing system responds to stimuli, whether they be economic or policy changes, and recent rapid growth in the private rental sector may not continue, as the future of the sector will be dependent multiple factors within and beyond the sector. Negative impacts of ‘urban renaissance’ on Glasgow While urban regeneration is often welcomed, some of the drivers of this new urban living may have negative consequences for those living in Glasgow and the wider metropolitan area.

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Living in the urban renaissance? Figure 5.2: Percentage private rented households in Glasgow City Council, 2011 (Census)

Copyright Scottish Government, contains Ordnance Survey data © Crown copyright and database right (2011); Dataset is complete for Scotland. Care should be taken when using this dataset with lookups to other postcode based geographies. Some postcode unit boundaries have changed since data zones were created therefore exact match of the boundaries are unlikely. Open Government Licence (http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ doc/open-government-licence/)

Private rental changes The growth of private rental may facilitate urban living, allowing some to trade investment in a home for the amenities provided by living more centrally. However, for some, the private rental market may bring significant disadvantages. For some groups, spending longer in private renting will have a cost but only for a short period, until they can save the cost of a substantial deposit. The growth in the private rental sector has been largest in youngest adults (16 to 34 year olds) rising from over 12 per cent to over 40 per cent of households in this age group, but there has also been an increase in families in the sector as well (Livingston et al, 2018). The younger group consists of those who will stay longer in private renting before eventually buying

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but also a growing number of younger people who will spend many years in private renting. However, an increasing number of families with children are living in privately rented accommodation. Analysis of the Scottish Household Survey shows that families with children are predominantly in owner occupation and that has only changed slightly between 1999 and 2016. The big change is the reduction of families with children in social renting (Table 5.1) and the growth in private renting. This suggests that it is mostly poorer families with children that are finding their way into private renting. Analysis of the Family Resource Survey from 1995 to 2016 shows that the growth of non-poor families with children in private renting in the UK has grown to about 10 per cent of all families, poor families in private renting has grown to about 30  per cent (Livingston et  al, 2018). So why is this important? On the face of it private renting has taken up the slack from reductions in other tenures. However, private rental in the UK is not a secure tenure, with most renters in short-term lets, where their stay in the house is only guaranteed for short periods. Average stays in the sector are about 18 months though there is no clear evidence to show this. Scotland has recently introduced the Private housing (tenancies) (Scotland) Act 2016, which means new tenancies after December 2017 are not time-limited and landlords must have a legitimate reason for evicting tenants. However, the majority of tenancies will remain on the short assured tenancy model for a number of years. This has consequences for families who may find themselves moving frequently, potentially disrupting the lives of their children. The focus of the private rental sector has historically tended to be in the inner city (Figure 5.2). The growth in the private rental sector has meant that young adults prolong their stay in the inner city. However, this has also meant growing numbers of poorer households in less stable tenure.

Table 5.1: Percentage of families with children by tenure in Glasgow

OO SR PR

1999 59.1 37.5  2.6

2016 57.8 25.4 16.0

Source: SHS 1999/2000, 2016

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The changing distribution of poverty Although the main theoretical arguments around the suburbanisation of poverty have tended to focus on economic and labour market restructuring, as well as demand led housing change, it can be argued that recent reductions in welfare benefits and the re-commodification of rental housing have driven low income households increasingly to find accommodation in the bottom end of the private rented sector, which is found away from the city centre. An ‘Urban Renaissance’, by its nature, brings a rise in the number of more affluent people living in the inner city and rising numbers of more affluent people living in the inner city, will increase the value of housing, pricing out those on lower incomes. There is growing evidence that the changes in Glasgow are having an impact on poorer communities. A process of decentralising of poverty is occurring in most of the 12 largest cities in the UK (Bailey and Minton, 2018). The graph on the left of Figure 5.3 shows in 2004 that neighbourhoods closest to centre and in the densest deciles of Glasgow had the highest share of poverty. The graph on the right shows reductions in the share of poverty in areas close to the centre and growth in areas furthest from the city centre between 2004 and 2015. The revitalisation of the city centre and increasing densification has largely been portrayed as positive (Sedghi, 2015; Swinney and Carter, Figure 5.3: Share of poor by deciles of distance and density, 2004 Share of poor by deciles of distance and density, 2004

Change in share of sub populations, 2004–2015

Density Distance

Income deprived Not income deprived

0.04

0.20 0.15

0.02

0.10

0

0.05 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9 10

–0.02

Decile of density or distance

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Decile of distance

Source: Bailey and Minton, 2018

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2018) . However, if poorer people are squeezed out of the centre this can have damaging impacts for these households. Much has been written on the damage to communities due to gentrification and the effects on working class households unable to stay in neighbourhoods where they may have lived for generations (Bailey and Robertson, 1997; Butler and Robson, 2001; Butler and Robson, 2003). However, displacement from the centre may potentially have additional negative consequences for already disadvantaged people as they lose accessibility to important services as well as education, work and leisure opportunities. Atkinson (2004) argues that gentrification has been shown in the literature to be largely harmful and those promoting Urban Renaissance policies have disregarded the inclusive arguments of the movement in favour of ‘revitalisation through gentrification and displacement’ (Atkinson, 2004). However, understanding neighbourhood change is complex and a change in the proportion of poorer people in a city area is not always indicative of displacement. It can represent an increase in density with the arrival of more affluent residents. Natural change (deaths and births) and in-situ change like improvements in education, or employment are also drivers of area change. Analysis of the 2001 census and later longitudinal research suggest that in-situ change may be as powerful as residential migration (Bailey and Livingston, 2007). The consequences of the suburbanisation of poverty are widely discussed. Kneebone and Berube (2013) argue that it is less a matter of whether the experience of poverty is better or worse in suburban locations and more a matter of understanding how it differs, but much of the debate has focussed on the latter (Kneebone and Berube, 2013). On one hand, the shift can be viewed as potentially positive. Suburbs have long been seen as aspirational residential locations, particularly for families, representing safety, security and status in comparison with inner city neighbourhoods. Environmental quality tends to be better (Hastings et  al, 2017) as do a range of services, not least schools. However, the pattern of displacement to neighbourhoods further from the inner city is not movement to affluent suburbs but rather a move to poorer suburbs where connection to the cities amenities is low, school quality is low and housing quality is low. In Glasgow this can mean areas like Drumchapel and Easterhouse but also areas where there was once high proportions of social renting which has been lost as a result of right to buy but is now moved to the private rental sector. The suburbanisation of the poorest brings mixed impacts on welfare, with improvements in air quality but is less likely to bring improvements in school, so that low income households enjoy fewer of the benefits of a suburban location (Bailey et al, 2019).

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Reflections on Glasgow’s Renaissance Glasgow can be seen as being part of a wider urban renaissance, taking place in the UK as well as in other affluent countries, as numerous cities across the world report a rise in population living in the inner core. Across the UK, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield have all been linked to similar trends (Smith, 2015); all of these cities report thriving entertainment areas with new bars and restaurants (Sedghi, 2015). This apparently growing appetite for urban living has been attributed to lifestyle choice, as people move back to the inner city from the suburbs (Swinney and Carter, 2018). In a report written by the Centres for Cities think tank, the authors report (based on data from the 2011 Census and NOMIS data (2015)) that the ‘number of 22- to 29-year-olds living in large city centres in England and Wales has nearly tripled as young, single, highly educated “millennials” flock back to urban areas’. Generally there is a rise in the density of populations in cities and a report by the CityMetric website (an arm of the New Statesman and partnered with the Centre for Cities think tank) highlights the increasing densification in city centres in a number of cities including Glasgow (Smith, 2015). This pattern is also reinforced through a steadily growing university sector, which shows no signs of abating. However, considering Glasgow, it is evident that a city’s urban environment is been shaped by a combination of strategic planning and wider economic forces. Successful music and events venues, such as the 13,000-capacity Hydro, serve domestic audiences as well as drawing in visitors from further afield, with knock on benefits for urban food, drink, hotel and taxi services, contributing to the economy and the vibrancy of the city. A strategy of design-conscious housing development along with a greater awareness of the need to invest in more than bricks and mortar to support disadvantaged communities has seen a revitalisation of many areas in and towards the urban core. However, factors, outwith local authority control have also wrought changes. The presence of four large universities has brought growing student numbers and, following the financial crash, austerity policies have seen younger adults remaining in the inner city for longer. All of this has been facilitated by the expanding private rented sector. Looking to the future for Glasgow, the imprint of event- and culture-led regeneration is easily legible on the city; the Sport Business International list it as one of the top five Ultimate Sport Centres and it is one of thirty UNESCO Cities of Music worldwide. While this represents a radical change in the reputation and profile of Glasgow

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within a relatively short period, the vulnerability of a consumptionbased economy to downturn is evident, and the rise of visible poverty alarming. For all that the image and reputation of the city have improved in the eyes of both residents and visitors, Glasgow remains the most deprived city and local authority area in Scotland (Glasgow Health and Inequality Commission, 2017). While the style mile remains strong, beyond that, poorer households are being displaced to areas further from amenities and there has been a marked growth in visible poverty and rough sleeping. A challenge, going forward, will be how the city can support and protect its most vulnerable citizens rather than bowing to pressure to ‘cleanse’ them from sight in the face of pressure to appeal to the most affluent. References Atkinson, R. (2004) ‘The evidence on the impact of gentrification: new lessons for the urban renaissance?’, European Journal of Housing Policy, 4(1): 107–31. Bailey, N. and Livingston, M. (2007) Population Turnover and Area Deprivation, Bristol: Policy Press. Bailey, N. and Minton, J. (2018). ‘The suburbanisation of poverty in British cities, 2004–16: extent, processes and nature’, Urban Geography, 39(6): 892–915. Bailey, N. and Robertson, D. (1997) ‘Housing renewal, urban policy and gentrification’, Urban Studies, 34(4): 561–78. Bailey, N., Stewart, J. L. and Minton, J. (2019) ‘The welfare consequences of the suburbanisation of poverty in UK cities: air pollution and school quality’, Urban Development Issues, 61(1): 15–32. Braithwaite, I. (2017) Lancet Countdown 2017 Report: Briefing for UK Policymakers. Butler, T. and Robson, G. (2001) ‘Social capital, gentrification and neighbourhood change in London: a comparison of three south London neighbourhoods’, Urban Studies, 38(12): 2145–62. Butler, T. and Robson, G. (2003) London Calling: The Middle Classes and the Re-making of Inner London, Oxford: Berg Publishers. Castells-Quintana, D. and Royuela, V. J. (2015) ‘Are increasing urbanisation and inequalities symptoms of growth?’, Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy, 8(3): 291–308. Clark, J. and Kearns, A. (2016) ‘Going for gold: A prospective assessment of the economic impacts of the Commonwealth Games 2014 on the East End of Glasgow’, 34(8): 1474–1500.

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Couch, C., Sykes, O. and Börstinghaus, W. (2011) ‘Thirty years of urban regeneration in Britain, Germany and France: The importance of context and path dependency’, Progress in Planning, 75(1): 1–52. Curl, A., Clark, J. and Kearns, A. (2018) ‘Household car adoption and financial distress in deprived urban communities: A case of forced car ownership?’ Transport Policy, 65: 61–71. Freeke, J. (2013) Briefing Paper-2011 Census Results for Glasgow City. Glasgow City Council. Glasgow City Council (2007) ‘Welcome to Glasgow. Cultural Renaissance: the 1980s and 1990s’. Glasgow City Council (2018) ‘Glasgow City Centre Economic Health Check No. 19’, Glasgow. Glasgow Health and Inequality Commission (2017) ‘Glasgow City Council Health and Inequality Commission’, report for the executive, October. Hare, P. (2018) ‘From murder capital of Europe to role model for London’. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ukscotland-45572691 (accessed 18 August 2019). Harvey, D. L. (1996) ‘Globalization and deindustrialization: a city abandoned’, International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 10(1): 175–91. Hastings, A., Bailey, N., Bramley, G. and Gannon, M. (2017) ‘Austerity urbanism in England: The “regressive redistribution” of local government services and the impact on the poor and marginalised’, Environment and Planning A, 49(9): 2007–24. High, S., MacKinnon, L. and Perchard, A. (2017) The Deindustrialized World: Confronting Ruination in Postindustrial Places, Vancouver: UBC Press. Hothi, N. R. (2005) Globalisation & Manufacturing Decline: Aspects of British Industry, Bury St Edmunds: Arena Books. Hunter, P. (2014) ‘Poverty in suburbia: a Smith Institute study into the growth of poverty in the suburbs of England and Wales’, Smith Institute. Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, London: Penguin. Judge, L. and Tomlinson, D. (2018) Home improvements: action to address the housing challenges faced by young people, Resolution Foundation. Available at: https://www.resolutionfoundation.org/ app/uploads/2018/04/Home-improvements.pdf Kneebone, E. and Berube, A. (2013) Confronting Suburban Poverty in America, Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press.

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Livingston, M., Berry, K., Gibb, K. and Bailey, N. (2018). Private renting reforms: how to evidence the impact of legislation Edinburgh, Scottish Parliament Information Centre. SB 18-77. Marcuse, P. (1985) ‘Gentrification, abandonment, and displacement: connections, causes, and policy responses in New York City’, Washington University Journal of Urban and Contemporary Law, 28(1/4): 195–240. McCartney, G., Whyte, B., Livingston, M. and Crawford, F. (2012) ‘Building a bridge, transport infrastructure and population characteristics: explaining active travel into Glasgow’, Transport Policy, 21: 119–25. McKelvie, R. (2014) ‘A day in Finnieston, Glasgow: city guide’. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2014/feb/09/aday-in-finnieston-glasgow-city-guide (accessed 18 August 2019). NPR (2018) ‘How Glasgow cut crime after once being the “murder capital of Europe”’. Available at: https://www.npr. org/2018/04/26/606153370/how-glasgow-cut-crime-after-oncebeing-the-murder-capital-of-europe (accessed 1 October 2019). Pacione, M. (2004) ‘Environments of disadvantage: geographies of persistent poverty in Glasgow’, Scottish Geographical Journal, 120(1–2): 117–32. Pawson, H., Hulse, K. and Cheshire, L. (2015) ‘Addressing concentrations of disadvantage in urban Australia’, Analysis and Policy Observatory. Available at: https://apo.org.au/node/57357 (accessed 1 October 2019). Pike, A. (2017) ‘Case study report: Glasgow’. Structural Transformation, Adaptability and City Economic Evaluations. Working Paper  8. Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies, Newcastle University. Available at: https://www.cityevolutions.org.uk/wpcontent/uploads/171211-Working-paper-8-Glasgow-case-studyreport.pdf (accessed 1 October 2019). Rodríguez-Pose, A. (2018) ‘We might have got the relationship between cities and economic growth wrong’. Available at: https:// www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/02/urban-concentration-andeconomic-growth (accessed 18 August 2019). Rogers, R. (1999) ‘Towards an Urban Renaissance: Final Report of the Urban Task Force Chaired by Lord Rogers of Riverside Department of the Environment’, Transport and the Regions, London. Sedghi, A. (2015) ‘Young people are driving the “urban renaissance” of city centres – report’. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/ cities/datablog/2015/jul/22/young-people-urban-renaissance-citycentres-millennials-report (accessed 18 August 2019).

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Shariatmadari, D. (2015) ‘Why we’d be lost without the suburbs’. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/ aug/13/suburbs-daniel-finkelstein-britain (accessed 14  December 2018). Smith, D. (2015) ‘The rebirth of Britain’s inner cities, mapped’. Available at: https://www.citymetric.com/skylines/rebirth-britainsinner-cities-mapped-1356 (accessed 18 August 2019). Sprigings, N. (2008) ‘Buy-to-let and the wider and the wider and the wider housing market’, People, Place & Policy Online, 2(2): 76–87. Swinney, P. and Carter, A. (2018) ‘The UK’s rapid return to city centre living’. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-44482291 (accessed 18 August 2019). Urban Task Force (2005) Towards a Strong Urban Renaissance, London: UTF. Wise, N. and J. Clark (2017) Urban Transformations: Geographies of Renewal and Creative Change, London: Routledge. Younge, G. and Barr, C. (2017) ‘How Scotland reduced knife deaths among young people’. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/ membership/2017/dec/03/how-scotland-reduced-knife-deathsamong-young-people (accessed 18 August 2019).

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6

A sick city in a sick country David Baruffati, Mhairi Mackenzie, David Walsh and Bruce Whyte

Introduction It is no hyperbole to describe Glasgow as a Sick City within a Sick Country. Across an almost exhaustive set of mortality and morbidity indicators, Glasgow and Scotland perform badly in relation to otherwise comparable places. This chapter has two substantive aims. First, it draws on an extensive and pioneering body of research led by the Glasgow Centre for Population Health (GCPH) to paint a detailed picture of health across Scotland and Glasgow over time. Second, drawing on Scottish, UK and international literature, it presents a summary of explanations as to why Glasgow finds itself with its current health profile. Our argument is not to say that Glasgow’s health profile has a different set of causes from those driving health and inequalities in cities across the world but that, in the context of post-industrial cities at least, these causes have aligned in particularly detrimental ways and have been insufficiently mitigated. The chapter should be read within the context of a wealth of international research that recognises that enduring socio-economic inequalities in health may have proximal causes relating to health-related behaviours, but that these can only be properly understood within a ‘fundamental causes’ framework which sees a range of political processes and their ensuing material and psychosocial realities as the drivers of health inequalities (McCartney et al, 2013).

Scotland, Glasgow and west central Scotland: contemporary health profiles in context The comparatively poor contemporary health profiles of Scotland and, in particular, Glasgow and its post-industrial conurbation of West Central Scotland (WCS) have become widely known. Moving far beyond, and countering, stereotypical portrayals of poor health as

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being innate to Scots and Glaswegians, the extensive body of work of the Glasgow Centre for Population Health (GCPH) offers a detailed understanding of the health profiles of these populations as they have been shaped over time. This body of work is comprised mainly of epidemiological research, involving analyses of statistical data available at a population-wide level to map inequalities in health outcomes across and between different population groups over time. These health outcomes are primarily measured by life expectancy – the average number of years someone from a defined population can be expected to live for – and by mortality and morbidity rates; respectively, the frequency of deaths, or of an incidence of a specific disease or medical condition, across a given population over a given period of time (typically per year). This research typically places primary focus on socio-economic inequalities in health, as well incorporating a range of other social dimensions such as age, sex, and ethnicity. The relative health of Scotland in its European context Scotland currently sits at the foot of the Western European league tables for a number of key indicators of population health. For both men and women, it exhibits the highest mortality rates, the lowest and most slowly improving life expectancy, and the widest socioeconomic inequalities in health (Mackenbach et  al, 2016; WHO, 2017). Following the slight decline in both male and female life expectancy between 2014/16 and 2015/17 – the first decreases in over 35 years, and part of a deeply troubling, UK-wide, slowdown in improvement – life expectancy at birth in Scotland, as of 2015/17, stands at 77.0 years for men and 81.1 years for women; respectively 2.2 and 1.8 years lower than the UK as a whole and, compared to the European populations with the highest life expectancies, 4.5 and 4.7 years lower than for Swiss men and Spanish women (WHO, 2017; ONS, 2018a). For both men and women, Scottish life expectancy has come to sit between those of Western and Eastern European nations, and is set to be soon overtaken by a number of the latter. Historical data demonstrate, however, that it is only relatively recently that Scotland’s health profile has become so comparatively poor. Throughout the first half of the 20th  century, Scotland’s population enjoyed comparable, and often favourable, health outcomes in relation to other UK and Western European nations, with life expectancy consistently higher than, among others, Italy, Finland, Portugal and Spain (McCartney et al, 2012). It was only around 1950 that its relative health position began to deteriorate, before further

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faltering from around 1980. While all-cause mortality rates have reduced in absolute terms across these seventy years, a comparatively slow rate of improvement has seen Scotland’s position worsen relative to other Western European nations for both all-cause mortality and a wide range of specific causes of death, and across most age groups and both sexes (Whyte and Ajetunmobi, 2012). This divergence in Scotland’s mortality rates from its UK and European neighbours occurred across two distinct periods – between 1950 and 1980, and from 1980 onwards – with these periods distinguished by their different profiles of contributory causes of death, by the emergence of a markedly different socio-historical and political context shaping the latter period of divergence, and by an intensification in the extent of Scotland’s divergence from 1980 (McCartney et al, 2012). The earlier of these periods, saw the rate of improvement in Scotland’s overall mortality rates begin to lag behind owing to slower reductions in mortality from cardiovascular disease, stroke, respiratory disease and all cancers combined (Whyte and Ajetunmobi, 2012). This earlier divergence has been linked to Scotland’s greater socio-economic deprivation throughout this period, as detailed later in this chapter (Walsh et al, 2016). In addition to these comparably high mortality rates from chronic diseases, the second, more pronounced period of relative decline from around 1980 saw emergence of stark increases in mortality rates from what have been termed, collectively, the ‘diseases of despair’: alcohol and drug-related deaths, suicides and violent deaths (McCartney et al, 2012). Importantly, none of these causes of death were particularly high in Scotland relative to other European countries previously (Leon et al, 2003). Scotland’s liver cirrhosis rates were consistently among the lowest in Western Europe until around 1980, but, following a particularly steep increase over the decade from 1992, had become the highest for both men and women by 2000. Despite modest improvement since the mid-2000s, they have remained so for women, with only Finnish male mortality rates having overtaken those of Scottish men from 2007 (Whyte and Ajetunmobi, 2012). While similar trends were apparent across the rest of the UK, this pattern occurred earlier and with greater severity in Scotland. Similarly, drug-related mortality among young working-age men (15–44 years) increased drastically between 1981 and 2016 – by 332 per cent in Glasgow and 479 per cent across the rest of Scotland – becoming the leading cause of mortality among this sector of the population (Martin and Whyte, 2017). With socio-economic determinants forming the key drivers of population health (Wilkinson and Marmot, 2003), these extremely

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steep increases in mortality from the ‘diseases of despair’ occurred during a period in which Scotland, and particularly Glasgow/ WCS, were exposed to profound, adverse shifts in fundamental socio-economic determinants of health, catalysed, or exacerbated, by the UK Government’s ‘neoliberal’ economic and social policies from 1979. These shifts – sharp deindustrialisation, rising and persistent unemployment, widening socio-economic and sociospatial inequalities, and deepening deprivation and poverty – are widely evidenced to damage population health and to widen health inequalities (Collins, Garnham and McCartney, 2016). This is reflected in the existence of ‘age-cohort-effects’ for alcohol- and drug-related deaths and suicide, whereby those most directly affected by these political and socio-economic stressors (working-class, working-age adults between 1979 and the mid-1990s) have remained at substantially greater risk from these causes of mortality across subsequent decades (McCartney et al, 2016; Parkinson et al, 2017, 2018). Shaped largely by these underlying causal processes, relative inequalities in mortality consistently widened across Scotland between 1981/83 and 2010/12 (McCartney et al, 2017). While evident across the UK, these trends were most pronounced in Scotland, where socioeconomic inequalities in mortality widened to an extent unparalleled across Western Europe (Leyland et al, 2007; Mackenbach et al, 2016). By 2014/16, life expectancy for boys and girls born in the country’s 20  per cent most deprived areas was 10.5 and 7.8  years shorter, respectively, than for those born in the least deprived (NRS, 2017). Particularly stark inequalities are observed among those of younger working-age (15-44  years), driven by wide inequalities between deprived and non-deprived areas in the aforementioned ‘diseases of despair’ (Popham and Boyle, 2011). Widening inequalities are also apparent across indicators of morbidity. As of 2013/14, ‘healthy life expectancy’ – how long individuals are expected to live in ‘good health’ – stood, respectively, at 72.7 and 73.2 years for men and women in the least deprived decile; 25.1 and 22.1 years longer than in the most deprived (Scottish Government, 2017a). Much of Scotland’s comparatively poor mortality is found among its working-age population. Since the late 1970s, the country has had the highest levels of working-age (15–74 years) mortality for both men and women in Western Europe (Whyte and Ajetunmobi, 2012). Between the mid-1980s and 2012, those of younger-working age (15–44 years) saw no net reduction in mortality rates, with premature mortality increasing by 14 per cent among men residing in deprived areas of the country between the early 1990s and mid-2000s in stark

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contrast to improvement across every other UK region (Norman et al, 2011). Promisingly, mortality rates among this age group have shown progress since the mid-2000s (Martin and Whyte, 2017).

Health in Glasgow and west central Scotland Even within the bleak context of Scotland’s poor health profile, health outcomes across Glasgow/WCS remain particularly poor and, to a large extent, drive this national profile. Across Scotland, and the UK, Glasgow’s population has come to stand out consistently as that with the highest mortality rates and the lowest life expectancy. As of 2015/17, life expectancy in the city stands at 73.3 for males and 78.7 for females; 3.7 and 2.3 years lower, respectively, than the Scottish average (NRS, 2018a). Mortality gap relative to the rest of Scotland Across the post-1980 period outlined above, Glasgow’s health has considerably deteriorated relative to the national context (Martin and Whyte, 2017). While all-cause mortality rates decreased for all age groups across Scotland between 1981 and 2015, a slower rate of improvement in the city saw the overall ‘mortality gap’ between Glasgow and the rest of Scotland widen substantially throughout the 1980s, before beginning to improve at a similar rate from the mid1990s. Despite modest convergence since the mid-2000s, the gap remains substantial. By 2010/12, only those boys and girls born in six and eleven, respectively, of the city’s 56 neighbourhoods had a life expectancy greater than the Scottish average (Whyte, 2016). Across this period, Glasgow’s mortality gap with the rest of Scotland widened across all ages for both men and women, with the exception of those of younger working age (15–44 years). Among this age group, the mortality gap, having widened throughout the 1990s, narrowed from the mid-2000s due to reductions in Glasgow (particularly among men) and substantial increases across the rest of Scotland in mortality rates from alcohol- and drug-related deaths and suicides. For this age group, the mortality gap is now greater for women than men, while the reverse is true across older groups. Overall, it is men who have made greater gains in health across the city in recent years. Life expectancy for Glaswegian men stagnated throughout the 1990s before improving considerably from the mid-2000s – tending towards convergence men from with the rest of Scotland – while female life expectancy continued to increase at a considerably slower rate, with

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women making far smaller gains than men in the city’s most deprived areas (Whyte, 2016). Given that socio-economic determinants fundamentally shape health across any population, analyses show that most of Glasgow’s higher mortality in relation to the rest of Scotland is attributable to the greater concentration of deprivation and poverty in and around the city (Seaman et al, 2015). While Glasgow has become marginally less deprived in comparison to the rest of Scotland since the early 2000s, marked differences persist. As of 2016, 20.8  per cent of the city’s population were classed as ‘income deprived’ against Scotland’s 12.5 per cent, with around half (48 per cent) of Glasgow’s small-area ‘data-zones’ falling within the 20 per cent most deprived in Scotland, considerably higher than in any other Scottish Local Authority (SIMD, 2016; see reference for overview of Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation). Comparison with other UK & European post-industrial regions Post-industrial cities and regions across Europe tend to exhibit the worst, or among the worst, health profiles in their parent countries, given that deindustrialisation tends to bring with it a substantial increase in socio-economic deprivation, social disruption and responses including damaging health-related behaviours (Walsh et al, 2008). While post-industrial decline and associated deprivation are centrally important causal factors driving the poor health and wide inequalities across Glasgow/WCS, comparative analyses undertaken in the midto late 2000s with other similarly deindustrialised regions across the UK and Europe demonstrated that these factors, alone, fail to fully account for the particularly poor health outcomes of these populations (Walsh, Taulbut and Hanlon, 2008; Taulbut et al, 2011). Mortality rates in Glasgow/WSC remained higher and were improving more slowly than all other post-industrial European regions, including a number of Eastern European regions which had faced more adverse socio-economic conditions. Since the early 1980s, the slower rate of improvement saw the existing gap in mortality rates widen between Glasgow/WCS and other UK and Western European post-industrial regions, while the Eastern European regions all started with lower life expectancy but subsequently overtook Glasgow/WCS. Within-city (and within-region) inequalities While improvements in life expectancy have occurred across all deprivation deciles in Glasgow since the mid-1990s, there remain

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stark inequalities by area-deprivation (Whyte, 2016). Socio-economic inequalities in mortality widened substantially across the city throughout the 1980s, have failed to reduce since the early 1990s and continue to increase among women. As of 2010/12, the gap in life expectancy between the most and least deprived deciles in Glasgow stood at 13.5 years for men and at 10.7 years for women; a considerable increase from 8.1 years in 1995/7. Again, these health inequalities remain far greater across Glasgow/WCS than similarly deprived post-industrial regions across the UK and Europe (Taulbut et al, 2011).

Scotland and Glasgow’s ‘excess mortality’ While severe deindustrialisation, socio-economic deprivation and poverty explain much of the comparatively poor contemporary health profiles of Scotland and Glasgow detailed above, these factors, taken alone, fail to fully account for their particularly poor health outcomes. While it is likely that pertinent aspects of deprivation remain uncaptured by statistical measurement, substantial ‘excess mortality’ has been observed across these populations when comparing Scotland to England and Wales, and Glasgow to other comparably deprived post-industrial cities such as Liverpool, Manchester and Belfast, even when differences in deprivation and socio-economic status have been statistically controlled for (Hanlon et al, 2005; Walsh et al, 2010). The scale of this ‘unexplained’ excess mortality is considerable. Following statistical controls, all-cause and premature mortality rates remain, respectively, 10 per cent and 20 per cent higher in Scotland than in England and Wales (Hanlon et al, 2005; McCartney et al, 2014; Schofield et al, 2016), and around 15 per cent and 30 per cent higher in Glasgow than in Liverpool, Manchester and Belfast (Walsh et al, 2010; Graham, Walsh and McCartney, 2012; Schofield et al, 2016). Across Scotland, this amounts to around 5,000 more deaths annually than should be expected (Schofield et al, 2016), with around 4,500 ‘excess’ deaths in Glasgow alone between 2003 and 2007 (Walsh et al, 2010). This excess is increasing over time. The Scotland-wide excess increased from 4 per cent to 10 per cent for all-cause mortality and from 6 per cent to 20 per cent for premature mortality between 1981 and 2001, with similar trends apparent in the city-based analysis (Schofield et al, 2016; Walsh et al, 2016). This complex phenomenon is observed, to varying degrees, across almost the entire population. It is observed across all areas of Scotland in comparison with England and Wales, but at its greatest levels

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across WCS, and Glasgow in particular. Excess mortality is apparent across every adult age group, but it is most pronounced among those younger working age (15–44  years) (although the relatively small number of deaths among this age groups means that they contribute less of the overall excess in absolute terms). It is also observed across the entire socio-economic gradient, with the excess mortality at allages relatively evenly distributed across all deprivation-deciles, but with the excess premature mortality following a far steeper social gradient and being observed at far higher levels in more deprived populations. Excesses are also observed across a wide range of causes of death. The excess at all-ages is driven primarily by deaths from cancer, cardiovascular disease and stroke – each around 12 per cent higher in Glasgow – while the excess premature mortality is driven foremost by suicide, alcohol-related and drug-related deaths; respectively 70 per cent and 2.3 and 2.5 times higher in Glasgow. Importantly, this excess mortality persists following controls for behavioural (including alcohol consumption, smoking status, physical activity rates, and diet) and biological (including blood pressure and body mass index) risk factors (Walsh et al, 2016).

Glasgow’s excess mortality: an explanatory model A wide range of causal hypotheses have been proposed in seeking to account for Glasgow’s excess mortality. Researchers based at the GCPH have drawn together the most well-evidenced and probable hypotheses to synthesise a robust ‘explanatory model’ (McCartney et al, 2011, updated and expanded by Walsh et al, 2016). The model is rooted in the well-established knowledge that health inequalities are shaped by an interlinking array of social, economic and environmental determinants – of which socio-economic determinants are the key drivers – and that exposure to deindustrialisation, poverty and deprivation are detrimental to the health of any population. It also recognises the importance of the overarching political economy in shaping these determinants, with the aforementioned UK-wide implementation of neoliberal social and economic policies relevant here. While their detrimental effects are evident across populations globally, the UK government from 1979 implemented such policies to a greater extent than other European governments, generating particularly sharp deindustrialisation, high (and unequally distributed) unemployment rates, and comparatively wide and persistent socioeconomic and socio-spatial inequalities throughout the 1980s (Dorling et  al, 2007). These shifts compounded the existing positions of

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Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester at the bottom end of the spectrum of inequality and made them relatively more disadvantaged, with these cities having continued to experience some of the UK’s highest rates of deprivation and poverty, and thus mortality, across the decades since. The GCPH’s synthesised explanatory model therefore draws both on this wider knowledge and on contextual, historical evidence pertaining to these cities to identify the ‘effect modifiers’ which made the negative impact of these ‘exposures’ more acutely detrimental to the health of Glasgow’s population. This explanatory model of Glasgow’s excess mortality is made up of a number of key elements: • Greater vulnerability Central to the explanatory model is that Glasgow had been made more vulnerable than Liverpool and Manchester to the effects of these socio-economic and political exposures, and that it was these ‘vulnerabilities’ that led to their particularly detrimental impacts on the health of the city’s population (see Galea, Ahern and Karpati, 2005). These vulnerabilities are held to have stemmed from the following series of historical processes, factors and decisions, each representing a significant contextual difference between Glasgow and its comparator cities. • Lagged effect of higher historical levels of deprivation and poverty The three cities have remained remarkably similar in their deprivation profiles since around the mid-20th century, but Glasgow stands out for its remarkably higher levels of overcrowding since this period (Taulbut et al, 2016). Greater overcrowding represents both a key indicator of higher levels of deprivation, as well as forming a more direct causal pathway to ill health. • Regional economic policy of the UK Government’s Scottish office (1950s–1970s) From the late 1950s, the Scottish Office’s regional economic policy was geared towards the ‘modernisation’ of the country’s economy, with policies implemented to shift population and industry away from Glasgow towards New Towns and regional ‘growth areas’. By the 1970s, this had resulted in substantially socially stratified outward-migration (typically younger, skilled workers in employment, often with families); a markedly different profile of outward-migration than that occurring in Liverpool

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and Manchester. Despite government ministers voicing concerns about the ‘disturbing’ prospective impacts for Glasgow’s remaining population, these policies were pursued for decades (Collins and Levitt, 2016, and Chapter 1, this volume). • The nature and scale of urban change (1950s–1980s) With Glasgow facing starker issues in relation to housing, health and the economy throughout this period, ‘slum-clearance’ programmes were undertaken on a substantially greater scale in Glasgow. They disrupted community networks and undermined informal social support, with people moved to (poorly designed and constructed) peripheral housing-estates and high-rise developments in far greater numbers than in Liverpool and Manchester. Considerably less investment was made in Glasgow in repairs and maintenance of the city’s housing stock (Taulbut et al, 2016). • Local government response to UK Government policy (1979 onwards) Their local governments’ markedly different responses to UK Government policy from 1979 likely contributed towards further vulnerability in Glasgow’s population while conferring protective qualities in Liverpool and Manchester. Public sector funds in Glasgow were increasingly channelled towards attracting potential business investment through the city-centre regeneration, with comparatively little spent on deteriorating living conditions across much of the city (Taulbut et  al, 2016). Instead these national policies were slowed in Manchester (Peck and Ward, 2002), and were actively opposed in Liverpool (Carmichael, 1995), resulting in the prioritisation of policies to improve social conditions. • Additional protective factors in Liverpool (social capital) and Manchester (ethnic diversity) Comparative research across these cities has found Liverpool’s population to exhibit significantly higher levels of ‘social capital’ (Walsh et al, 2015); a factor demonstrably associated with greater population health (Murayama et  al, 2012). In Manchester, reflecting the widely documented ‘healthy-migrant’ effect (Bhopal, 2013), greater ethnic diversity has been shown to have contributed to its more favourable health profile, with controlling for differences in ethnic composition reducing Glasgow’s excess premature mortality in comparison with the city to 20 per cent (Schofield et al, 2019).

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• Democratic deficit (1979 onwards) Scotland’s ‘democratic deficit’ is likely to have conferred further vulnerability. From 1979, UK Government policies were imposed throughout Scotland despite being consistently, and increasingly, rejected by voters north of the border; particularly so in Glasgow/ WCS. With a ‘sense of control’ an important psychosocial determinant of health, this lack of control likely served to exacerbate the detrimental impacts of these policies on the health of these populations (Collins and McCartney, 2011).

Glasgow’s health profile: possible future trajectory and policy implications Accurately predicting the future trajectory of any population’s health is hugely challenging given the complex array of determining factors and processes at play. However, while Glasgow’s health profile remains challenged by its deindustrialisation, exposure to ‘neoliberal’ policy across the latter decades of the 20th century and high levels of socioeconomic deprivation, a number of developments suggest that the city’s recent, modest improvement in health outcomes may continue. While those most directly affected by the adverse socio-economic and political exposures of the immediate post-industrial period remain at higher risk of mortality from a range of causes, the city’s health profile will likely improve as this cohort moves through the period of greatest risk, and the lagged-effects of these exposures weaken (Parkinson et  al, 2017). Furthermore, the slow, modest recovery of the city’s economic base (Chapter 2, this volume) has generated improvement in labour market participation and unemployment rates at a greater pace than the national average (ONS, 2018b). Glasgow has also, across almost all of its neighbourhoods, become marginally less deprived than the rest of the country over this period (Whyte, 2016). Health outcomes across the city, then, continue to reflect its still considerably poorer socio-economic conditions relative to the rest of the country, but sustained socio-economic development, if well distributed, would likely generate more pronounced improvement in the health of the city’s population in the longer term. A number of factors, however, may serve to hamper the potential for sustained and equitable improvements. The gains made in economic prosperity in recent decades have been unequally distributed across Glasgow’s neighbourhoods and residents. Social, economic and health inequalities remain stark in scale and range, representing arguably the most pressing issues facing the city. Around a quarter of the city’s

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households remain without an adult in employment, for example; the highest level of any UK city (ONS, 2018c). Compounding these issues, the UK Government’s implementation of regressive reforms to the social security system and cuts to public spending under the banner of ‘austerity’ are forecast to further widen socio-economic inequalities and to exacerbate deprivation and poverty across the UK. IFS forecasts predict a UK-wide 4 per cent increase in absolute child poverty between 2015/16–2021/22, driven mainly by the roll out of Universal Credit and changes to tax credits (Hood and Waters, 2017). These policies of austerity are likely to be generating new cohorts vulnerable to poor mental and physical health, and to the aforementioned ‘diseases of despair’, potentially serving to undermine the progress made in reducing mortality rates from these causes across the city in recent years, and possibly contributing to the emergence of a new era of divergence in the health of the populations of Glasgow and Scotland (Walsh et al, 2016). While the causes underlying the recent, troubling stalling and – as seen in more deprived communities – decline in life expectancy across Scotland’s population are yet to be fully understood, the damaging consequences of austerity and regressive welfare reform on population health are widely recognised, and it is likely that they are playing a significant role in driving these trends (Fenton et al, 2019). Demographic shifts will also contribute to shaping Glasgow’s future health profile. The city’s population is expected both to continue to grow by around 7 per cent between 2016 and 2041 due to migration and to change in its composition (NRS, 2018b). Its ethnic diversity is set to continue to increase, with (non-white) ethnic minorities expected to make up around a fifth of the population by 2031 (Wohland et al, 2017). While the relationship between ethnicity and health is extremely complicated, Scotland’s ethnic minority populations generally experience better all-cause mortality rates than white Scots (Walsh, 2017). The population’s age structure is also set to become older, with a considerable increase in the proportion of the city’s population over 65 years of age. Interlinking with these demographic shifts, changes to Glasgow’s household profile are also of relevance. Recent decades have seen significant shifts falls in household size, with a growth in single-occupancy households, and a rise in single-parent households (NRS, 2018b). Rates of private renting have doubled between 2001 and 2016 to 15.4  per cent (Scottish Government, 2017b; see also Robertson, Chapter 7, this volume). These trends are forecast to continue until at least 2039 (NRS, 2018b) and suggest that Glasgow will face further challenges in housing, and in health

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and social care, for this growing, ageing, and potentially increasingly isolated and vulnerable population. It is clear, then, that Glasgow is undergoing substantial transformation as a city but, also, that it will continue to face profound challenges in relation to health. Forecasting the precise magnitude of these socioeconomic and demographic changes, let alone their impact on the health of the city’s population, is challenging, however, given that the most pertinent determinants of health are contingent on the direction of future government policy. In keeping with its focus on the fundamental causes of poor and unequal health and their manifestation within politics, policies and public sector organisations, the GCPH’s explanatory model draws out a set of high-level recommendations for tackling and mitigating these causes. These have been actively endorsed by a range of academic and policy experts. The recommendations are organised into four categories: national economic; housing and the physical environment, actions for local government and partner organisations; and, further work to properly understand the nature and experience of deprivation (Walsh et al, 2016). Importantly, these recommendations target the fundamental social determinants of poor health and health inequalities (such as making the reduction of income and wealth inequalities the central objective of economic policy), as well as policies to mitigate social inequalities further downstream (such as targeting cold and damp housing for those who struggle to afford fuel). They do not include policies centring (primarily or solely) on personal responsibility. This is important because it constitutes a set of specific policy recommendations that are in tune with the extensive academic evidence base on how poor and unequal health is created, and which place focus on policies less amenable to the type of ‘lifestyle drift’ that has plagued previous attempts at tackling health inequalities (Katikireddi et al, 2013). Sustained improvement in Glasgow’s future health trajectory will depend largely on the suite of recommendations turning into policy reality. The Glasgow case serves as a potent one for other cities and countries as they ponder city, regional and national planning relating to the distribution of wealth and power – city and national agency can be deployed to mitigate or to serve neoliberal aims; to target or increase city vulnerability. References Bhopal, R. S. (2013) Migration, Ethnicity, Race, and Health in Multicultural Societies, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carmichael, P. (1995) Central–Local Government Relations in the 1980s: Glasgow and Liverpool Compared, Aldershot: Avebury.

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Collins, C. and Levitt, I. (2016) ‘The “modernisation” of Scotland and its impact on Glasgow, 1955–1979: “unwanted side effects” and vulnerabilities’, Scottish Affairs, 25(3): 294–316. Collins, C. Garnham, L. and McCartney, G. (2016) ‘Neoliberalism and Health Inequalities’, in Smith K. E., Bambra, C. and Hill, S. E. (eds) Health Inequalities: Critical Perspectives, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Collins, C. and McCartney, G. (2011) ‘The impact of neoliberal “political attack” on health: the case of the Scottish effect’, International Journal of Health Services, 41(3): 501–23. Dorling, D., Rigby, J. Wheeler, B. Ballas, D. Thomas, B. Fahmy, E. Gordon, D. and Lupton, R. (2007) Poverty, Wealth and Place in Britain, 1968 to 2005 – Understanding the Transformation of the Prospects of Places, Bristol: Policy Press. Fenton, L. Minton, J. Ramsay, J. Kaye-Bardgett, M. Fischbacher, C. Wyper, G. M. A. and McCartney, G. (2019) ‘Recent adverse mortality trends in Scotland: comparison with other high income countries. Scottish Public Health Observatory’. Available at: https:// doi.org/10.1101/542449 (accessed July 2019). Galea, S. Ahern, J. and Karpati, A. (2005) ‘A model of underlying socio-economic vulnerability in human populations: evidence from variability in population health and implications for public health’, Social Science & Medicine, 60(11): 2417–30. Graham, P. Walsh, D. and McCartney, G. (2012) ‘Shipyards and sectarianism: how do mortality and deprivation compare in Glasgow and Belfast?’, Public Health, 126(5): 378–85. Hanlon, P., Lawder, R. S., Buchanan, D., Redpath, A., Walsh, D., Wood, R., Bain, M., Brewster, D.H. and Chalmers, J. (2005) ‘Why is mortality higher in Scotland than in England & Wales? Decreasing influence of socio-economic deprivation between 1981 and 2001 supports the existence of a “Scottish effect”’, Journal of Public Health, 27(2): 199–204. Hood, A. and Waters, T. (2017). ‘Living standards, poverty and inequality in the UK: 2017–18 to 2021–22’, Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS). Available at: https://www.ifs.org.uk/uploads/publications/ comms/R136.pdf (accessed May 2018). Katikireddi, S. V., Higgins, M., Smith, K. E. and Williams, G. (2013) ‘Health inequalities: the need to move beyond bad behaviours’, Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 67(9): 715–16.

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Leon, D. A., Morton, S., Cannegieter, S. and McKee, M. (2003) Understanding the Health of Scotland’s Population in an International Context: A Review of Current Approaches, Knowledge and Recommendations for New Research Directions, Glasgow: Public Health Institute of Scotland. Leyland, A. H., Dundas, R., McLoone, P. and Boddy, A. (2007) Inequalities in Mortality in Scotland, 1981–2001, Glasgow: MRC Social and Public Health Sciences Unit. Mackenbach, J. P., Kulhánová, I., Artnik, B., Bopp, M., Borrell, C., Clemens, T., Costa, G., Dibben, C., Kalediene, R., Lundberg, O., Martikainen, P., Menvielle, G., Östergren, O., Prochorskas, R., Rodríguez-Sanz, M., Strand, B.H., Looman, C.W.N. and de Gelder, R. (2016) ‘Changes in mortality inequalities over two decades: register based study of European countries’, BMJ, 356(1732): 1–8. Martin, M. H. T. and Whyte, B. (2017) Recent Mortality Trends in Glasgow: Age- and Gender-Specific Mortality Compared with the Rest of Scotland, 1981–2015, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. McCartney, G., Bouttell, J., Craig, N., Craig, P., Graham, L., Lakha, F., Lewsey, J., McAdams, R., MacPherson, M., Minton, J., Parkinson, J., Robinson, M., Shipton, D., Taulbut, M., Walsh, D. and Beeston, C. (2016) ‘Explaining trends in alcohol-related harms in Scotland, 1991–2011 (I): the role of incomes, effects of socio-economic and political adversity and demographic change’, Public Health, 132: 13–23. McCartney, G., Collins, C. and Mackenzie, M. (2013) ‘What (or who) causes health inequalities: theories, evidence and implications?’, Health Policy, 113(3): 221–7. McCartney, G., Collins, C., Walsh, D. and Batty, G. D. (2011) Accounting for Scotland’s Excess Mortality: Towards a Synthesis, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. McCartney, G., Popham, F., Katikireddi, S. V., Walsh, D. and Schofield, L. (2017) ‘How do trends in mortality inequalities by deprivation and education in Scotland and England & Wales compare? A repeat cross-sectional study’, BMJ Open, 7(7): 1–6. McCartney, G., Russ, T. C., Walsh, D., Lewsey, J., Smith, M., Smith, G. D., Stamatakis, E. and Batty, G. D. (2014) ‘Explaining the excess mortality in Scotland compared with England: pooling of 18 cohort studies’, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 69(1): 20–7.

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McCartney, G., Walsh, D., Whyte, B. and Collins, C. (2012) ‘Has Scotland always been the “sick man” of Europe? An observational study from 1855 to 2006’, European Journal of Public Health, 22(6): 756–60. Murayama, H., Fujiwara, Y. and Kawachi, I. (2012) ‘Social capital and health: a review of prospective multilevel studies’, Journal of Epidemiology, 22(3): 179–87. NRS (National Records of Scotland) (2017). ‘Life Expectancy for Administrative Areas within Scotland 2014–2016’. Available at: https://www.nrscotland.gov.uk/files//statistics/life-expectancyareas-in-scotland/14-16/life-expect-publication.pdf (accessed May 2018). NRS (National Records of Scotland) (2018a). ‘Life Expectancy for Administrative Areas within Scotland 2015–2017’. Available at: https://www.nrscotland.gov.uk/files//statistics/life-expectancyareas-in-scotland/15-17/life-expectancy-15-17-publication.pdf (accessed August 2018). NRS (National Records of Scotland) (2018b). ‘Household Projections for Scotland (2016-based)’. Available at: https://www.nrscotland. gov.uk/files//statistics/household-projections/16/household-proj16-pub.pdf (accessed July 2018). Norman, P., Boyle, P., Exeter, D., Feng, Z. and Popham, F. (2011) ‘Rising premature mortality in the UK’s persistently deprived areas: only a Scottish phenomenon?’, Social Science & Medicine, 73(11): 1575–84. ONS (Office for National Statistics) (2018a) ‘National Life Tables, UK: 2015 to 2017’. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/ peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/ lifeexpectancies/bulletins/nationallifetablesunitedkingdom/2015 to2017 (accessed 2 July 2019). ONS (Office for National Statistics) (2018b) ‘NOMIS: Labour Market Profile: Glasgow City’. Available at: https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/ reports/lmp/la/1946157420/report.pdf? (accessed June 2018). ONS (Office for National Statistics) (2018c) ‘Workless households for regions across the UK: 2016’. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/ employmentandlabourmarket/peoplenotinwork/unemployment/ bulletins/worklesshouseholdsforregionsacrosstheuk/2016/pdf (accessed May 2018). Parkinson, J., Minton, J., Lewsey, J., Bouttell, J. and McCartney, G. (2017) ‘Recent cohort effects in suicide in Scotland: a legacy of the 1980s?’, Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 71(2): 194–200.

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Parkinson, J., Minton, J., Lewsey, J., Bouttell, J. and McCartney, G. (2018) ‘Drug-related deaths in Scotland 1979–2013: evidence of a vulnerable cohort of young men living in deprived areas’, BMC Public Health, 18(357): 1–9. Peck, J. and Ward, K. (2002) City of Revolution: Restructuring Manchester, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Popham, F. and Boyle, P. J. (2011) ‘Is there a “Scottish effect” for mortality? Prospective observational study of census linkage studies’, Journal of Public Health, 33(3): 453–8. Schofield, L., Walsh, D., Feng, Z., Buchanan, D., Dibben, C., Fischbacher, C., McCartney, G., Munoz-Arroyo, R. and Whyte, B. (2019) ‘Does ethnic diversity explain intra-UK variation in mortality? A longitudinal cohort study’, BMJ Open, 9(3). https://doi. org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-024563 (accessed 9 September 2019) Schofield, L., Walsh. D., Munoz-Arroyo, R., McCartney, G., Buchanan, D., Lawder, R., Armstrong, M., Dundas, R. and Leyland, A. H. (2016) ‘Dying younger in Scotland: trends in mortality and deprivation relative to England & Wales, 1981–2011’, Health & Place, 40: 106–15. Scottish Government (2017a) Long-Term Monitoring of Health Inequalities: October 2015 Report, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2017b) Housing Statistics for Scotland – Key Information and Summary Tables. Available at: http://www.gov.scot/ Resource/0052/00525329.xls [Accessed 22nd June 2018]. Seaman, R., Mitchell, R., Dundas, R., Leyland, A. H. and Popham, F. (2015) ‘How much of the difference in life expectancy between Scottish cities does deprivation explain?’, BMC Public Health, 15(1057): 1–9. SIMD (2016) ‘SIMD16 Analysis: Glasgow City’. Available at: https:// www.gov.scot/Resource/0051/00510723.pdf (accessed May 2018). Taulbut M., Walsh, D., McCartney, G. and Collins, C. (2016) Excess Mortality and Urban Change: Investigating Similarities and Differences in the Extent of Urban Change in Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester and their Surrounding Regions from 1945, and the Extent to which this might be Part of the Excess Mortality Explanation, Edinburgh: NHS Health Scotland. Taulbut, M., Walsh, D., Parcell, S., Hanlon, P., Hartmann, A., Poirier, G. and Strniskova, D. (2011) Health and its Determinants in Scotland and other Parts of Post-Industrial Europe: the ‘Aftershock of Deindustrialisation’ Study – Phase Two, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Walsh D., Bendel, N., Jones, R. and Hanlon, P. (2010) Investigating a ‘Glasgow Effect’: Why do Equally Deprived UK Cities Experience Different Health Outcomes? Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health.

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Walsh, D. (2017) The Changing Ethnic Profiles of Glasgow and Scotland, and the Implications for Population Health, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Walsh, D., McCartney, G., Collins, C., Taulbut, M. and Batty, G. D. (2016) History, Politics and Vulnerability: Explaining Excess Mortality in Scotland and Glasgow, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Walsh, D., McCartney, G., McCullough, S., van der Pol, M., Buchanan, D. and Jones, R. (2015) ‘Comparing levels of social capital in three northern post-industrial UK cities’, Public Health, 129(6): 629–38. Walsh, D., Taulbut, M. and Hanlon, P. (2008). The Aftershock of Deindustrialisation: Trends in Mortality in Scotland and other Parts of Post-Industrial Europe, Project Report, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. WHO (2017) ‘World Health Statistics 2017: Monitoring Health for the SDGs’. Available at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/hand le/10665/255336/9789241565486-eng.pdf?sequence=1 (accessed March 2018). Whyte, B. and Ajetunmobi, T. (2012) Still ‘The Sick Man of Europe’? Scottish Mortality in a European Context, 1950–2010: An Analysis of Comparative Mortality Trends, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Whyte, B. (2016) Glasgow: Health in a Changing City, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Wilkinson, R. G. and Marmot, M. (eds) (2003) Social Determinants of Health: The Solid Facts, 2nd  edn, Copenhagen: World Health Organization. Wohland, P., Burkitt, M., Norman, P., Rees, P., Boden, P. and Durham, H. (2017). ETHPOP Database, ESRC Follow on Fund ‘Ethnic Group Population Trends’. Available at: www.ethpop.org (accessed February 2018).

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7

Dynamic housing transformations: following the money Douglas Robertson

Introduction Glasgow’s 20th-century housing narratives relate primarily to substantial, largely public-funded interventions, each of which sought to address the deplorable housing legacy left by the city’s rapid industrialisation. Addressing notorious slum conditions and associated overcrowding drove each transformation, given they impinged on the health and well-being of the city’s citizens. While these narratives still carry resonance, Glasgow has moved well beyond addressing the housing consequences of its brutal industrial legacy. Sustained investment in new council housing, then pursuing the mass demolition of slum property, before, latterly, subsidising the improvement of the remnants of these slums, has given the city a distinctive sectoral housing form. Financial innovations supported each development phase. Access to public financing facilities funded the construction and subsequent modernisation of council housing. The amortised loan heralded a steady growth in owner-occupation, initially facilitating middle-class suburban drift beyond the city’s immediate administrative boundaries. Both these innovations challenged the previous primacy of private renting, given its reliance on a funding arrangement whereby fixed-term loans were repaid on securing a new loan. Throughout the 20th century the interplay of class politics, political power and financial products ensured the conurbations’ binary tenure profile, with Glasgow city being three-quarters publicly owned by the mid-1970s, whereas the encircling suburbs reflected the mirror opposite, being three-quarters private. This continued interplay of finance, politics and class during the 1970s and 1980s reshaped this binary. Previously privately rented property transferred into owner-occupation, a switch lubricated by the advent of downmarket lending and accesses to capital grants for home improvements and repair. Further tenure changes, this time from

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private renting to local housing associations, were also supported by public funding which facilitated comprehensive tenement renovation. Then the deregulation private finance market, post-1986 not only led to a rationalisation of mortgage providers, but the development of new financial products further enabling the privatisation of housing. The global financial crisis of 2008 then brought about another dramatic reconfiguring of housing finance, which accelerated the move towards the financialisation, whereby housing is now more commonly traded for its value as a monetary product, rather than just for its value as a consumption good. How have such transformations played out across Glasgow? When once housing was simply binary, either public or private, each distinct physical entity situated within spatially demarcated neighbourhoods, now there is more diversity and greater complexity. What exactly has emerged as the city’s new housing narrative, and what are the implications of these changes for both the city and its residents? To answer these questions the chapter sets itself two challenges. Firstly, to critique and reappraise the traditional housing narratives, in order to lay out a city-wide housing template. Secondly, outline how the inherited template has been subsequently reshaped by the recent changes in the financial, political and social contexts brought about by the consequences of the global financial crisis and financialisation, the process that changed housing finance as being largely about facilitating credit for home purchase, to one increasingly concerned with facilitating returns for global investment (Aalbers, 2019). While financialisation offers a useful lens to better explain and understand the current housing narrative, the housing inheritance of the 19th and 20th centuries still exert a resonance on Glasgow’s contemporary housing situation.

Glasgow’s housing narratives Glasgow has long possessed a number of dominant, yet related historical housing narratives. The first is that of brutal slums, composed of rigid sandstone rectangles of squalid one- and two-roomed tenement flats, hastily thrown up to cope with the mass influx of an impoverished migrant population, attracted to what was by the mid-19th century a rapidly industrialising city (Checkland, 1981; Gibb, 1983). Within the public’s mind, the Gorbals was the archetypical slum: ‘the very name Gorbals has come to epitomise all that is worst in living conditions not only in Glasgow or indeed in Scotland, but in Britain’ (Brennan, 1957, p 114).

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The mitigation of this long lingering decrepit legacy became a second narrative. Spatial reordering, brought about by regional planning and massive public investment, saw both industry and people moved out through industrial restructuring and new town development (Abercrombie and Matthew, 1949; Robertson, 1998; Smith and Wannop, 1985). Large-scale rehousing, within the city boundaries, was achieved via a mass public housing system which, at its 1975 peak, owned and managed 175,000 houses. Inter-war council housing started off as a pioneering venture for, in the main, the skilled working classes, before public health concerns about slum living brought into being a short-lived programme of slum clearance redevelopment, immediately prior to the outbreak of the Second World War (Brennan, 1959; Damer, 1989). Post-war rehousing involved the construction of massive peripheral housing estates, composed almost entirely of uniform, utilitarian walk-up grey rendered brick tenements. Glasgow’s constrained boundaries, hemmed in by ‘green belt’ provisions, ensured density (Smith and Wannop, 1985). Later, once inroads had been made into the severe long-standing overcrowding problem, exacerbated by the post-war ‘baby boom’, there was again a short-lived return to slum clearance, with rehousing now within high-rise blocks (Glendinning and Muthesius, 1994). The subsequent management of this massive municipal property empire proved quite disastrous, ensuring solutions to one housing problem quickly become another (Grieve, 1986). The Grieve Inquiry into Glasgow’s council housing concluded the scale of incurred debt and associated loan repayments ensured a proper housing service could not be provided, hence the city’s council housing was literally falling apart. The third narrative was that of Glasgow, as housing renewal innovator. Having helped forge industrialisation, Glasgow quickly found itself one of the first places to experience de-industrialisation (Keating, 1989). Vast tracks of industrial land, housing the foundries which fed the numerous Clydeside shipyards, locomotive works and engineering shops, long the engines of the West of Scotland’s economy, quickly vacated. Glasgow still possesses 1,111 hectares of derelict and vacant land, the largest proportion for any UK city (Scottish Government, 2018b). In terms of housing, the 1971 Census revealed that while Glasgow accounted for just 4  per cent of Britain’s enumeration districts, in contained 37 per cent of the most overcrowded (Pacione, 1979). So, despite new council house construction, slums still exerted a major influence on the city housing situation. Then, by continuous adaption and refinement of a quite modest housing improvement project in Govan, and community development

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work focused on Govanhill, the emergent community-based housing association model quickly addressed the remnant slums (Bailey and Robertson, 1997; Robertson, 1992; Young, 2013). Over time, this ‘housing-led regeneration’ vehicle, not only improved traditional tenements, but then slowly moved renewal out into the vast peripheral council housing estates (Clapham, Kintrea and Kay, 1996; McKee, 2007). This dramatic physical transformation, in stark contrast to the stagnation and demise of Glasgow’s council housing, promulgated the idea of creating a single housing association to manage what, by then, remained of that stock (Gibb, 2003; McKee, 2007). The Glasgow Housing Association became the country’s largest ever stock transfer venture involving 81,400 houses, a £1 billion public capital debt write-off and a privately funded investment package of £4 billion (Audit Scotland, 2006; Kearns and Lawson, 2008). Each narrative fits a distinct chronology. Each details an ambitious large-scale housing event, dramatically transforming the city’s then housing fabric. Consequently, over the last century, Glasgow was first understood as a decrepit industrial city consisting of small, squalid, mean tenements, owned by rapacious private landlords. Next came a variant of the decrepit tenemental city, this time built, owned and managed by the municipality. Then, in the third and final sequence, the remnants of both these respective tenemental housing forms were each subject to mass improvement and renovation, by communitybased housing associations, housing co-operatives or the Glasgow Housing Association. Each narrative framed Glasgow, in housing terms, as being highly problematic and somewhat unique – both epic and toxic – in terms of scale and intensity, consequently meriting substantial, sustained public investment.

Missing narratives Narratives are always partial and simplistic, for while the above is well known, other equally significant housing changes remain partial, somewhat hidden. Why is it, for example, that owner occupation remains largely ignored, despite the fact that by 2005 just under half the city’s entire housing stock was within this tenure (GCC, 2016b). House sales from private renting to owner occupation, which started in the late 1950s, gained momentum during the tenement improvement period. Encouraging home-ownership was by then government policy, given the severe public expenditure constraints imposed following the 1967 devaluation of the pound, in response to the abandonment

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of the Gold Standard, and later, through borrowing $4 billion (the equivalent of $16 billion at 2018 prices) from the IMF to shore up public finances a decade later (Burk and Cairncross, 1992). With mass council housing construction now off the agenda, policy migrated to encouraging home ownership (Merrett, 1979). The later liberalisation of the mortgage market, a consequence of ‘Big Bang’ in 1986, added further momentum (Harvey, 2005). Glasgow’s cheaper-end of the housing market was researched at that time (Munro and Maclennan, 1987), as was linked work on starter homes, given their novelty within a city that long denied land for private house construction (Maclennan, Munro and Lamont, 1987; Kintrea et al, 1996). Later studies were conducted on various smallscale owner-occupation initiatives, designed to create so-called ‘mixed communities’ within large renewal projects (Atkinson and Kintrea, 2000; McIntyre and McKee, 2008). But surprisingly, a comprehensive study of owner-occupation and its impact on Glasgow has yet to be undertaken. Part of such a study would surely be some assessment of the impact of the ‘Right-to-Buy’, which had been central to the wider political agenda of privatisation. Though historic data is hard to locate, sales between 1996 and 2016 amounted to 17,552 units (Scottish Government, 2018a). Adding in additional sales from housing associations and SSHA, plus the fact such discounted sales started from 1981, then approximately 50,000 houses switched over 40 years, constituting the most significant shift in property ownership the city has ever experienced. Yet this has never been the subject of study. Other understandings of council housing similarly appear partial and incomplete. Long presented as a monolithic block, council housing quality has always been far more varied. Pioneering work by Clapham and Kintrea (1986a, 1986b) revealed that personal circumstance, rather than institutional practices, were critical determinants in explaining residential patterning. The preponderance of poor households within the poorest places, was because those in ‘greatest need’ were presented with limited choices. Those desperately needing a house, were unable to await a better offer. However, this did not help explain the wide quality variation present within the council housing offering. Damer’s (1974) Moorepark study was the first study to explain the creation, persistence and significance of social stigmatisation within the construction and operation of one particular housing estate. Damer concluded that poor places were created explicitly to house poor people. A later study on inter-war council house allocations, within Hamiltonhill, exposed the role social values played, given that notions of ‘respectability’ were critical to the allocation process (Damer, 2000).

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Studies of Barrowfield, Blackhill, The Botany, Corkerhill, Penilee, Possil, Ranza, Ruchill, Yoker or The Wyndford did not happen. With these places now all but lost, given that in the run-up to stock transfer a concerted effort was made to clear them, a critical piece of Glasgow’s municipal and social history was also erased. Similar historic narratives have also been lost with the mass demolition of unpopular highrise and system-build housing, also originally constructed to rehouse slum dwellers. Such neighbourhood testimonies would have given voice to the constrained opportunities experienced by many of the residents, within a city long challenged by religious discrimination against those with an Irish Catholic heritage (Collins, 1991; Devine, 2000; Walker, 2008). That said, the mass redevelopment of the city, from the 1950s onwards, also played a critical role in breaking down such neighbourhood identities, diluting their previously overt religious make-up. Adding to these partial narratives, while uncovering and exposing others, would further enhance understandings of the city’s distinct physical patterning, for it was this underlying housing template onto which the processes of privatisation and later financialisation acted upon to generate the new housing narrative.

Constructing the new narrative Population shifts Between 1991 and 2001 Glasgow continued experiencing steady population loss, down from 629,000 to 579,000. After stabilising the city grew to 593,000 by 2010 and is now projected to reach 660,000 by 2035 (GCC, 2012). While experiencing positive overall net migration, the city has continued to lose population to its immediate conurbation, families with children, the middle aged and elderly. Only the sizeable net inflow of adults aged between 15 to 29 more than compensated for these losses and, in the process, altered the city’s population profile. These younger migrants come from the rest of Scotland, to a lesser degree from the rest of the UK, but most significantly from overseas. Students account for a significant proportion of these younger migrants, reflecting the recent marked growth in higher education linked, in part, to its recent commercialisation, marketisation and financialisation worldwide (Lewis and Shore, 2019). Glasgow’s student population now stands at 130,000, 22 per cent of the city’s population, of whom 21 per cent are foreign nationals (GCC, 2018). Scottish Household Survey estimates show that between 1999 and 2016 the

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number of Glasgow student households rose from 6 to 10 per cent of the population (Scottish Government, 2016c). Glasgow has an equally long tradition of immigration, having seen influxes of Highlanders, Irish and English throughout the industrial revolution, followed in the early 1900s by Jews escaping the Russian pogroms, as well as Italian economic migrants. Post-war there were Poles, Estonians and Latvians unable to return home after the war, and then came the Hong Kong Chinese, Indians and Pakistanis attracted to the city to address post-war labour shortages. More recently, as a consequence of conflicts, the city has also hosted refugees from Vietnam, Uganda, Bosnia, Kosovo, Somalia, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. A significant part of the recent increase in the size of Glasgow’s nonWhite ethnic minority population relates specifically to an arrangement struck between the City Council and the UK Government’s Home Office National Asylum Support Service, resulting in thousands of asylum seekers being housed from 2000 onwards. The NASS contract saw 4,372 asylum seekers arrive in 2001, rising to 6,037 in 2003, before falling back 2,811 by 2010 (GCC, 2012). Ironically, the housing offer was essentially the unpopular high-rise blocks the council could no longer let. Glasgow continues to largely determine the overall size of Scotland’s ethnic minority population (GCC, 2013). The city’s non-White population has undergone a four-fold increase between 1991 and 2011 to just over 70,000, some 12 per cent the city’s population and a third of Scotland’s ethnic minority population (Walsh, 2017). Looking forward, despite a number of uncertainties in relation to precise estimates, the size of Scotland’s non-White minority population looks set to increase, so that by 2031, one-fifth of Glasgow’s total population and one-quarter of children under 16 years will belong to a nonWhite minority group (GCC, 2013). The city’s ethnic composition, previously small and largely limited to south Asians is, therefore, undergoing significant changes. Further, European immigration, many from the so-called Accession States, currently constitute a population half that of the city’s BME population. This mix of workers and students, the so-called ‘Other White’ population, increased from 10,344 in 2001 to 24,915 by 2010 (GCC, 2012). Given current uncertainties surrounding this groups residential status post-Brexit, and the cessation of the free movement of labour from Europe, past migration rates will not be repeated, while many within this diverse group may decide Glasgow, or more accurately, the UK is no longer for them. Given their younger age

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profile, and the critical role played in the recent growth of both local and national birth rates, these changed circumstances are likely to negatively impact on the city’s recent growth. As a consequence of the above, the previous projected growth in the number of single adult and single parent households failed to materialise. Instead, the above pattern and projections now suggest a marked growth in the number of children 0–15 from 2012, at 97,500, peaking at 110,000 by 2025, before then tailing off to 100,000 a decade later (GCC, 2012). The working age population 16–64 is projected to rise slightly over the same period, from 410,000 to 430,000, whereas the 65+ population, increases by a third, from 80,000 to 120,000. Glasgow’s population overall, is thus set to return to a pattern of aging, with increasing numbers in their late 40s, early 50s as well as the elderly, including those over 90, while there will be considerably fewer young adults in their 20s (GCC, 2012). Household growth, a feature of the 2001–2011 period, has slowed, with a pattern of larger households now re-emerging. So how has the housing template, created over the 19th and 20th centuries, housed and helped shape this changing population? Although the city’s housing form, in a physical sense, retains a familiarity, in spite of its improvements and modernisation, the tenure structure and thus its resultant residential make-up has altered, becoming more complex. Tenure transformations Tenure transformations since 1975 appears, on first inspection, quite incredible (see Table 7.1). Council housing as a category no longer exists, given the stock transfer, whereas a housing association sector that did not exist back in 1975, now owns 30 per cent of the housing stock. Owner occupation, which doubled over the same period, in large measure the consequence of other tenure shifts, encouraged by privatisation, and to a lesser degree from new construction, is now undergoing decline. Its demise has been to the benefit of private renting, which after experiencing almost a century of sustained decline, quadrupled in the last 20  years. Tenure switches from owner-occupation to private renting are, in part, a reaction to the growing influence of financialisation (Aalbers, 2019; Winterburn, 2018). Further, although it is evident these changes differ significantly from the Scottish pattern, the broad trends are similar. Glasgow’s uniqueness in terms of housing has been mitigated, but only to a degree.

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Owner occupation Private renting Social housing

1975 25%/33%  5%/13% 68%/54%

1985 25%/42% 5%/8% 68%/50%

1995 34%/58% 5%/7% 65%/35%

2005 48%/62% 9%/9% 43%/26%

2015 45%/58% 18%/15% 34%/23%

* Figures rounded to nearest percentage, and do not add up to 100% as vacant property data excluded. Source: GCC, 2017a, p 16; Scottish Government, 2016a

Using data compiled from the 2014 Scottish Household Survey, Glasgow’s Landlord Registration Service and the city’s 2014 dwelling estimates there are now between 57,000 and 60,000 PRS dwellings, including Houses in Multiple Occupation, equating to 20 per cent of the city’s stock. Private renting grew by 148 per cent since 2001, and 60 per cent since 2008. Thus, one in five households currently lives in this tenure, compared to 13 per cent for Scotland as whole. This rapid transformation, replicated throughout the UK, was initially explained by housing market readjustments falling from financial crisis (Kemp, 2015; Whitehead and Williams, 2011). A tightening and inflating housing market, creating the push and pull factors which supported the rapid expansion of private renting (Sissons and Houston, 2019; Kemp, 2015). Many potential first-time buyers, unable to secure a mortgage, given the requirement for a higher deposit opted instead to rent privately, while many owners, finding difficulties in selling decided to let until the market picked up (Sissons and Houston, 2019). A decade on, the financial advantages to lenders of the ‘Buy-to-Let’ mortgage product, with its higher return and lower risk, given lower loan-to-value ratios and higher interest rate charges, further refines that explanation. For those purchasing property the rental income stream offsets any incurred debt and, over time, enhances income as well as provides an additional maturing capital asset. The financial advantage to both lenders and landlords ensured further growth in the housing market, and the unprecedented recent growth in private renting, in the main by landlords who own but one property. What facilitated this tenure transformation was the accrued capital generated from of the sustained property boom of the 1990s and 2000s. As property prices increased, fewer and fewer people could afford to purchase a home, whereas for those who already owned a home, the accruing capital allowed them the opportunity to purchase another property. It was not only capital from property that was employed in this way, but also capital that had accrued within so-called ‘pension

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pots’, access to which loosened. Consequently, whereas in 2000, over half the 16–34 age Scottish cohort owned their own home, by 2016 this proportion fell to almost one-quarter. Over the same timeframe households, between 35–59 also saw their levels of owner-occupation decline, from over three-quarters to under two-thirds. Indeed, the only generational group showing an increase in home ownership levels were the over 60s (Rettie, 2017). Three other recent developments, within the broad rental market, further illustrate the growing influence of financialisation practices (Forrest and Hirayama, 2015). Currently, there are 67 Purpose Built Student Accommodation (PBSA) schemes in Glasgow, accounting for 17,888 bed spaces, a figure which includes traditional university halls and private residential schemes (GCC, 2018). A further 5,983 student bed spaces are in the pipeline, with most planned around city centre campuses, whereas previously developments had a distinct west end locus. If all come to fruition, 42 per cent of student accommodation would then be provided via a commercial, investment backed form of provision which did not exist 20 years ago. Short-lets, though hardly a new phenomenon, have recently been transformed by innovations in platform technology allowing online viewing, booking and payment. Having witnessed an unprecedented spike in AirBnB activity during the 2014 Commonwealth Games, that subsequently fell back, Glasgow is now witnessing year-on-year growth, albeit not at the scale being experienced within Edinburgh (Indigo House, 2017). Available accommodation, via AirBnB, currently stands at 2,332, of which 68  per cent constitute entire properties, permanently available for let, rather than a private room in someone’s home. Such properties are also now being traded as a financial asset. A business sector to support both the purchase and subsequent management of such properties has also emerged. Finally, a total of 1,500 Build-to-Rent developments are said to be in the pipeline, marking the advent of what are termed Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs). This investor lend initiative, is modelled on PBSF, and other property rental products, whether offices, shopping or other facilities. In this case investors can secure an income from purpose-built, large-scale rental blocks which will be let in this instance to the young professional market, the exact same market pioneered by a few housing associations offering Mid-Market Rentals. For those seeking a return on capital, this new form of investment means they do not need to become a landlord themselves. Rather it allows for a further financialisation of housing assets, providing a more contemporary variant of ‘rentier capitalism’.

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By contrast to the interlinked growth and decline of private renting and owner-occupation, social renting has now recently stabilised. Between 1991 and 2016, as noted earlier, what was then Glasgow council housing lost some 40,000 units to the ‘Right-to-Buy’. Only as a result of its abolition, under the Housing (Scotland) Act 2014, have such losses been curbed, though for two decades they had slowed. In the run-up to stock transfer, and shortly after, there have been 19,000 demolitions (GCC, 2017b). Social housing development plans envisage 25,000 new units, over a ten-year period, thus making up for that loss. The influx of private and public capital to fund improvement works following the stock transfer, and the implementation of the Scottish Housing Quality Standard in 2004, ensured a significant reinvestment in that stock. ‘Right-to-Buy’ owners, within that stock, were also assisted through receiving a capital grant to participate in such improvements. Now with the resale of this property, private renting now appears throughout what was previously considered social rented stock. Socio-spatial sorting within changing places The growth in demand for private renting has largely been driven by young adults (Scottish Government, 2013; McKee, 2012; McKee et al, 2017). Although the figures also show an increase in private renting for over-55s, the sector is dominated by young people, hence its ‘Generation Rent’ label (Hoolachan et al, 2016). Between the Censuses of 2001 and 2011 Glasgow private renting more than doubled, from 22,500 to 49,300, while for the 15–29 cohort it almost tripled. Interestingly, students who had constituted 30 per cent of PRS households in 2001–2002, fell back to 26 per cent by 2009–2010, even though overall student numbers were rising. The marked growth in this younger cohort also brought about a rise in the number of children living in this tenure, with couple-families tripling to 3,800 while lone-parent families more than doubled to 5,400 (GCC, 2016a). Mirroring the growth of young people within private renting, owner-occupation increasingly houses an ageing population. Between 2001 and 2011 the 0–44 age group fell by almost 30,000, while the 45+ age group increased by 17,600. The number of children living in this tenure also fell, with couple-families dropping by 3,000 since 2001, and lone-parent families by 500 (GCC, 2016a). Interestingly, within social renting, while the number of over 65+ fell, there has also been a noticeable reduction in the number of children, ensuring it remains a tenure for single people and couples.

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Glasgow’s urban core is still dominated by Victorian tenements and a smattering of grander villas and terraces, all of which have undergone some form of improvement, come renewal. This is where over half the privately rented stock, some 56 per cent, is to be found, located within three distinct segments, one running out west, another to the south and a lesser one to the east, consisting largely of Dennistoun, all neighbourhoods previously dominated by owner-occupation, some of which still are, but only just (GCC, 2011). Surrounding them are inter and post-war former council housing, also subject to recent mass improvement. Punctuated throughout, in distinct clusters, stand the remnants of the high-rise and system-build developments, most destined for demolition and redevelopment, following the same pattern witnessed by the recently cleared 1930s slum clearance estates. Then, circling around the periphery, is half the city’s social housing stock, that owned by Glasgow Housing Association. The other half, owned and managed by the smaller community associations, is by contrast located adjacent to older, traditionally poorer neighbourhoods abutting the tenemental core. Subsequent second-stage transfers acted to consolidate the social housing distinction, given what had been council stock within these older neighbourhoods by, in large, transferred across. Throughout the social rented stock, as a result of the sustained policy of privatisation, there is now a smattering of private renting created by subsequent resales typically funded via Buy-to-Let mortgages. Finally, encircling the entire city still stands the owneroccupied suburbs, housing many of Glasgow’s Buy-to-Let landlords. Tenure, long assumed to be an accurate predictor, and determinant, of both poverty and wealth still has an explanatory value, albeit now that bit more complicated.

Implications falling from this narrative While the fallout from the financial crisis brought about these dramatic readjustments in both housing supply and demand, which help explain recent tenure reordering, it also produced wider social repercussions. The most obvious of these has been the pursuit of Austerity, introduced by the Coalition Government in 2010 to further reduce public spending decimated by the bank bail-outs. Welfare changes, a core plank of this agenda, has resulted in a significant proportion of the population becoming impoverished: The experience of the United Kingdom, especially since 2010, underscores the conclusion that poverty is a political

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choice. Austerity could easily have spared the poor, if the political will had existed to do so. Resources were available to the Treasury at the last budget that could have transformed the situation of millions of people living in poverty, but the political choice was made to fund tax cuts for the wealthy instead. (Alston, 2018, p 22) For what was an already poor place, this is having major repercussions for Glasgow. Poor people are more dependent on public expenditure (Hastings and Matthews, 2015). The reduction in personal income, through the introduction of Universal Credit, and other linked welfare changes, has had the effect of increasing poverty and destitution, disproportionately for women, children and those with a disability (Alston, 2018). While this has implications across all tenures, it especially effects social housing given, its populations greater dependence on welfare provision, given the greater number of women, children and those suffering long-term illness and disabilities. Further, the related changes to the Housing Benefit regime drastically alter the core income stream funding Glasgow’s social housing by on average 70 per cent, impinging negatively on cash flow, management costs, ongoing maintenance works and future fabric investment. The private rented sector is also affected, again given the proportion of low-income households now resident in that tenure. Local Housing Allowances are now insufficient to enable poorer households to continue living within the city centre, so find themselves relocating to rented housing in peripheral ex-council houses. For the wealthier population resident in private renting, while Austerity does not impinge on them in the same way, the changed economy does. When once a significant proportion of this younger cohort would have been expected to move through into owneroccupation, this is no longer an option for the majority, given homeownership demands a greater capital outlay, that much harder to secure given sustained house price growth, greater insecurity in the labour market, high rents and the emergence of student debt. Austerity effectively ensured the privatisation universities overnight, when they were allowed to charge tuition fees (Lewis and Shore, 2019). Although the Scottish Government does not charge fees for home students, debt is still a major issue given the loss of study grants. For other students, fees vary, which along with living costs significantly impacts on their household income, hence ensuring another relatively low-income group within the city. Recent migrants also seek out accommodation in both private renting and social housing, whereas

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asylum seekers are subject to a more limited offering arranged by private brokers, liaising with landlords, both public and private. Again, low income and poverty determines such sorting. Only within certain gentrified enclaves and across the encircling suburbs is income and wealth, thus owner-occupied housing is more easily sustained. In what is now a far more complex housing system, explaining and understanding the implications that fall from this has major implications for the city’s future dynamism. Just how will the broad patterns of economic and social change play out across the complexity now imprinted on the city’s various housing neighbourhoods. While some places exude youth, vitality and change, though also cramped and being in a poor condition, others merely persist, age and change little (Scottish Government, 2017). While certain places, at certain times, underwent major physical transformations, ensuring good quality housing was available at a fair price, can that now be sustained? And then there are those other places and other properties, immediately next door that were bypassed, and merely continued to age and decay in place, which now fail to offer similar. While the ONS notes that all UK city regions have undergone population growth since 2011 and are projected to continue to grow, Glasgow’s pace is expected to be the slowest. Economically within a Scottish context the city still performs poorly in comparison to its suburbs and Edinburgh. This also helps explains why Glasgow still remains one of Europe’s poorest places, with some 40 per cent of its population living in poverty, while the comparable Scottish figure is 15 per cent (Scottish Government, 2016b). This is reinforced by two further statistics. Overcrowding, while greatly reduced, stands at 17.4 per cent of all households, twice the Scottish average and, not surprisingly, is highest within the private rented sector, at 26 per cent. Glasgow annually receives 19 per cent of Scotland’s homeless applications yet accounts for 11 per cent of Scotland’s population. Off these 70 per cent are single people, 69 per cent male, whereas the equivalent Scottish figure is slightly less at 61 per cent (GCC, 2011).

Conclusion When once housing narratives talked of individual choice being exercised within the market, we now better appreciate that such choice has always been curated through the business practices of financial institutions. Following the abandonment of the Social Democratic consensus on Keynesian ‘demand-side’ economics, which advocated public spending on large capital projects to better manage the economy,

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and its replacement by monetarist ‘supply-side’ solutions, fiscal and social policies were revolutionised. Monetarism involved privatising public enterprises, rolling back the welfare state, challenging trade union powers and workers’ rights, as well as reducing personal and corporate taxes, heralding in a Conservative economic and sociopolitical order known neoliberalism (Harvey, 2005, 2011). Housing capital and investment was core to both these linked political agendas. Glasgow’s past housing narratives each demanded large and sustained tranches of public investment. First, mass council house provision helped redress the brutal housing legacies of early capitalism and, then, later it helped improve and renovate the housing legacies of the post-industrial city. Housing privatisation, initially pursued through mortgage deregulation and the ‘Right-to-Buy’, also contributed to a dramatic transformation in that particular housing landscape. Private investment later also ensured the transfer and transformation of the city’s long decaying council housing stock. The recent financial crisis exposed the fundamental economic and political contradictions of the UK’s economic growth model, heavily underpinned by the finance, insurance and real estate sectors (Engelen et al, 2011). After some readjustments, however, it is still a core driver within contemporary capitalism (Aalbers, 2019; Harvey, 2011). These fiscal and finance market readjustments also rapidly rearranged national and local housing systems, and in the process further exaggerating inequality and power. This is played out in different ways in the city’s different neighbourhoods. Glasgow certainly escaped its epic and toxic housing history, by becoming more mainstream, more ordinary. That said, the inertia inherent within these old narratives still exerts an influence in shaping many contemporary neighbourhoods. But housing policy is no longer a local, nor indeed a national endeavour. Rather, it finds itself inextricably internationalised. Private property investment in all its increasingly varied guises, whether personal, private or public now all tie directly back to international capital markets, markets keen to secure a return. The market’s inability to provide adequate and affordable housing for all was a lesson Glasgow learnt a century back. Given the re-emergence of ‘rentier capitalism’, and its latest variants via the commodification and financialisation of the city’s housing, Glasgow again needs to come to terms with that reality. References Aalbers, M. (2019) ‘Housing and Financialization’, in Moos, M. (ed) A Research Agenda for Housing, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, pp 31–61.

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Abercrombie, P. and Matthew, R. (1949) The Clyde Valley Regional Plan 1946, Edinburgh: HMSO. Alston, P. (2018) ‘Statement on Visit to the United Kingdom, by Professor Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights’, New York: UN. Atkinson, R. and Kintrea, K. (2000) ‘Owner occupation, social mix and neighbourhood impacts’, Policy and Politics, 28(1): 93–108. Audit Scotland (2006) Council Housing Transfers, Edinburgh: Audit Scotland. Bailey, N. and Robertson, D. (1997) ‘Housing renewal, urban policy and gentrification’, Urban Studies, 34(4): 561–78. Brennan, T. (1959) Reshaping a City, Glasgow: University of Glasgow. Brennan, T. (1957) ‘Gorbals: a study in redevelopment’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 4(2): 114–26. Burk, K. and Cairncross, A. (1992) Goodbye Britain, The 1976 IMF Crisis, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Checkland, S (1981) The Upas Tree: Glasgow, 1875–1975 … and After, 1975–1980, Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press. Clapham, D., Kintrea, K, and Kay, H, (1996) ‘Direct democracy in practice: the case of community ownership housing associations’, Policy and Politics, 24(4): 359–74. Clapham, D. and Kintrea, K. (1986a) ‘Rationing, choice and constraint: The allocation of public housing in Glasgow’, Journal of Social Policy, 15(1): 51–67. Clapham, D. and Kintrea, K. (1986b) ‘The social consequences of the allocation process: evidence from Glasgow’, Housing Review, 35(3): 83–4. Collins, B. (1991) ‘The Origins of Irish Immigration to Scotland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’, in Devine, T. (ed) Irish Immigrants and Scottish Society in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Edinburgh: John Donald, pp 1–18. Damer, S (2000) ‘“Engineers of the human machine”: The social practice of council housing management in Glasgow, 1895–1939’, Urban Studies, 37(11): 2007–26. Damer, S (1989) From Moorepark to ‘Wine Alley’: The Rise and Fall of a Glasgow Housing Scheme, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Damer, S (1974) ‘Wine Alley: the sociology of a dreadful enclosure’, The Sociological Review, 22(2): 221–48. Devine, T. (ed) (2000) Scotland’s Shame? Bigotry and Sectarianism in Modern Scotland, Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing.

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Engelen, E., Ertürk, I., Froud, J., Johal, S., Leaver, A., Moran, M., Nilsson, A. and Williams, K. (eds) (2011) After the Great Complacence: Financial Crisis and the Politics of Reform, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Forrest, R. and Hirayama, Y. (2015) ‘The financialisation of the social project: embedded liberalism, neoliberalism and homeownership’, Urban Studies, 52(2): 233–44. Gibb, A. (1983) Glasgow: The Making of a City, London: Croom Helm. Gibb, K. (2003) ‘Transferring Glasgow’s council housing: financial, urban and housing policy implications’, European Journal of Housing Policy, 3: 89–114. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2018) Student Accommodation – Residential Strategy Research Report. Report to the Neighbourhoods, Housing, and Public Realm City Policy Committee, 13  March, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2017a) Glasgow’s Housing Strategy 2017–2022, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2017b) Glasgow City and Neighbourhoods Population Changes in 2011–2016, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2016a) Housing Change in Glasgow: An Analysis of 2001 and 2011 Census Results, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2016b) Glasgow’s Strategic Housing Plan 2017–18 to 2021–22, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2013) Population by Ethnicity in Glasgow Estimates of Changes 2001–2011, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2012) People and Households in Glasgow Current Estimates and Projected Changes 2010–2035, Glasgow: GCC. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2011) Glasgow Housing Issues, 2009–11 Revised, Glasgow: GCC. Glendinning, M. and Muthesius, S. (1994) Tower Block – Modern Public Housing in England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Grieve, R., Clark, L., Finniston, M. and Karn, V. (1986) Inquiry into Glasgow Housing (The Grieve Inquiry), Glasgow: City of Glasgow District Council. Harvey, D. (2011) The Enigma of Capital and the Crises Capitalism, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harvey, D. (2005) A Brief History of Neoliberalism, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hastings, A. and Matthews, P. (2015) ‘Bourdieu and the big society: empowering the powerful in public service provision?’, Policy and Politics, 43(4): 545–60.

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Hoolachan, J., McKee, K., Moore, T. and Soaita, A.M. (2016) ‘“Generation Rent” and the ability to “settle down”: economic and geographical variation in young people’s housing transitions’, Journal of Youth Studies, 20(1): 63–78. Indigo House (2017) Scoping Research for Short-lets in Scotland, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Kearns, A. and Lawson, L. (2008) ‘Housing stock transfer in Glasgow – the first five years: A study of policy implementation’, Housing Studies, 23(6): 857–78. Keating, M. (1989) ‘The disintegration of urban policy: Glasgow and the new Britain’, Urban Affairs Review, 24(4): 513–36. Kemp, P. (2015) ‘Private renting after the global financial crisis’, Housing Studies, 30(4): 601–20. Kintrea, K., Gibb, K., Hermansen, C., Keoghan, M. and Munro, M. (1996) An Evaluation of GRO Grants for Owner Occupation: A Report to the Scottish Office and Scottish Homes, Edinburgh: Scottish Office. Lewis, N. and Shore, C. (2019) ‘From unbundling to market making: reimagining, reassembling and reinventing the public university’, Globalisation, Societies and Education, 17(1): 11–27. Maclennan, D., Munro, M. and Lamont, D. (1987) ‘New owneroccupied housing’, in Donnison, D and Middleton, A. (eds) Regenerating the Inner City: Glasgow’s Experience, London: Routledge, pp 135–51. McIntyre, Z. and McKee, K. (2008) ‘Governance and sustainability in Glasgow: connecting symbolic capital and housing consumption to regeneration’, Area, 40(4): 481–90. McKee, K., Moore, T., Soaita, A. and Crawford, J. (2017) ‘“Generation rent” and the fallacy of choice’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 41(2): 318–33. McKee, K. (2012) ‘Young people, homeownership and future welfare’, Housing Studies, 27(6): 853–62. McKee, K. (2007) ‘Community ownership in Glasgow: the devolution of ownership and control, or a centralizing process?’, European Journal of Housing Policy, 7(3): 319–36. Merrett, S. (1979) State Housing in Britain, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Munro, M. and Maclennan, D. (1987) ‘Intra-urban changes in housing prices: Glasgow 1972–83’, Housing Studies, 2(2): 65–81. Pacione, M. (1979) ‘Housing policies in Glasgow since 1880’, Geographical Review, 69(4): 395–412. Rettie (2017) Private Rental Sector Market Briefing, Edinburgh: Rettie.

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Robertson, D. (1998) ‘Pulling in opposite directions: the failure of post war planning to regenerate Glasgow’, Planning Perspectives, 13(1): 53–67. Robertson, D. (1992) ‘Scottish home improvement policy, 1945–75: coming to terms with the tenement’, Urban Studies, 29(7): 1115–36. Scottish Government (2018a) Housing Statistics for Scotland: Sales of Social Sector Housing, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2018b) Scottish Derelict and Vacant Land Survey 2017, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2017) Scottish House Condition Survey 2016, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2016a) Housing Statistics for Scotland – Stock by Tenure, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2016b) Introducing the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation 2016, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2016c) Scottish Household Survey 2016, Local Authority Tables Glasgow City, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2013) A Place to Stay, A Place to Call Home: A Strategy for the Private Rented Sector in Scotland, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Sissons, P. and Houston, D. (2019) ‘Changes in transitions from private renting to homeownership in the context of rapidly rising house prices’, Housing Studies, 34(1): 49–65. Smith, R. and Wannop, U. (eds) (1985) Strategic Planning in Action: The Impact of the Clyde Valley Regional Plan 1946–1982, Aldershot: Gower. Walker, G. (2008) ‘The Protestant Irish in Scotland’, in Devine, T. (ed) Irish Immigrants and Scottish Society in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Edinburgh: John Donald, pp 44–66. Walsh, D. (2017) The Changing Ethnic Profiles of Glasgow and Scotland, and the Implications for Population Health, Glasgow: Glasgow Centre for Population Health. Whitehead, C. and Williams, P. (2011) ‘Causes and consequences? Exploring the shape and direction of the housing system in the UK post the financial crisis’, Housing Studies, 26(7–8): 1157–69. Winterburn, M. (2018) ‘Home economics: reversing the financialisation of housing’, Journal of Architecture, 23(1): 184–93. Young, R. (2013) Annie’s Loo: The Govan Origins of Scotland’s Community-Based Housing Associations, Glendaruel: Argyle Publishing.

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‘New’ migrations transforming the city: East European settlement in Glasgow Rebecca Kay and Paulina Trevena Contemporary migrations are literally re-making cities (…) and this is not a banal fact of changing population demographics Nicholas de Genova (2015, p 4)

Introduction We are living in an ‘age of migration’ (Castles, de Haas and Miller, 2013) within which ‘migration and the city can be viewed as two sides of the same coin, having built and accompanied each other’s development over the centuries leading to the contemporary global system’ (Portes, 2000, p 154). Over the last 50 years, economic and technological developments in the global North have led to the rise of ‘global cities’ and created particular demands for migrant labour (Wills et al, 2010). International migration, whilst by no means a new phenomenon, has taken on new features and brought new changes to cities like Glasgow as they become differently embedded in the economic, political and social configurations of the contemporary world. In the global North, the neo-liberal reforms of the 1980s produced a new model of employment. Many industries moved to subcontracting and other flexible employment arrangements. As a result, lowskilled and low-paid jobs no longer came with the benefits of stable employment or strongly unionised workforces able to demand labour rights (Standing, 2011). Such jobs became less attractive to the local population. At the same time, the service sector expanded considerably, especially in ‘global cities’ (Sassen, 2001), creating a growing need for cheap and flexible labour. These developments created new opportunities as well as new forms of precarity for migrant workers.

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Other political and economic processes in sending countries have also impacted on the scale and nature of international migration flows. Compared with the mass migrations that followed the Second World War, migration trends from the 1980s onwards have been characterised by increasing diversification of countries of origin, length of stay, categories of migrants and their motivations (Pardo, 2018, p 3). In Europe, this led to the expansion of multicultural urban societies (Castles and Davidson, 2000; Castles, de Haas and Miller, 2013; Koser and Lutz, 1998; Thranhardt, 1996), some of which have become ‘super-diverse’ (Vertovec, 2006). On the European continent, shifting migration flows and trajectories over the last three decades have also been shaped by geopolitical changes which began with the fall of East European communist regimes in the late 1980s, the end of the Cold War and relaxation of border controls between East and West Europe. Yet it was the introduction of free movement following the European Union enlargements of 2004 and 2007 that most strongly facilitated ‘a continent moving west’ (Black et al, 2010). The UK, which fully opened its labour market to A8 nationals1 in 2004, became a major destination country. This new migration from Eastern Europe has been described as ‘one of the most important social and economic phenomena shaping the UK … dramatically chang[ing] the scale, composition and characteristics of immigration to the UK’ (Pollard, Latorre and Sriskandarajah, 2008, p 7). Glasgow has also been affected by these global and regional processes. For much of the preceding century, the city had been marked by emigration, population shrinkage, high levels of worklessness and low levels of economic participation. Now Glasgow has become a city of destination for large numbers of migrants, the majority of them arriving from the countries of Eastern Europe since 2004. The availability of work, especially in low-skilled sectors, has been key to attracting many of these new arrivals while low-cost housing in the city has significantly supported their settlement. However, neither the sorts of jobs on offer, nor the available housing have been without their difficulties. This chapter explores the relationship between this recent migration and the city. We discuss how 21st-century migration from Eastern Europe has transformed Glasgow but also how the city has shaped the experiences of its new residents. Our analysis is based on qualitative interviews with 31 East European migrants living in Glasgow in 2014–2015.2 These interviews were conducted as part of a larger research project: ‘Social Support and Migration in Scotland’ which involved 207 in-depth interviews

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with migrants living in urban and rural locations across Scotland. The 31  people we interviewed in Glasgow included 16  women, and 15 men. Participants were aged between 18 and 64, with the majority (n18) aged between 25 and 49. They came from Poland (n13), Lithuania (n7), Czech Republic (n4), Slovakia (n3), Azerbaijan (n1), Hungary, (n1), Kazakhstan (n1) and Ukraine (n1). Participants were recruited via English language classes, places of work, online communities and through snowballing from initial contacts. Interviews were conducted in Polish, Lithuanian and English depending on the participants’ preferences and the researchers’ language skills.

Glasgow as a city of immigration Glasgow has been home to migrants from across the world, including from Eastern Europe, for many centuries. Migrations from Ireland and Italy are some of the most historically embedded in the city, contributing to Glasgow’s linguistic, culinary and sporting cultures as well as to its industrial and demographic profiles (Edward, 2016, pp 36, 83). In the period following the end of the Second World War, significant numbers of people came to Glasgow from India, Pakistan and China, bringing new kinds of ethnic and religious diversity to the city and settling predominantly in neighbourhoods to the south and west of the city centre (Edward, 2016, pp  136–7). Poles and Lithuanians also arrived (or stayed following wartime service in Scotland) as refugees from the new communist regimes in this period, although their numbers were relatively small. More recently the city council chose to settle asylum seekers and refugees under the UK government’s Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. The city’s political leaders as well as non-governmental and grassroots activist groups have welcomed this growing diversity and sought to develop a new reputation for Glasgow as a welcoming and inclusive city under the slogan ‘People make Glasgow’ (Phipps and Kay, 2014). Nonetheless, levels of ethnic and cultural diversity within Glasgow have remained relatively low by comparison with other large UK cities such as London, Manchester, Birmingham or Liverpool. Following the EU expansions of 2004 and 2007, Glasgow, like many other UK cities, experienced a rapid increase in the number of people arriving from the Eastern Europe, and from Poland in particular. The Scottish Censuses of 2001 and 2011 show the effect of these new arrivals on Glasgow’s population: the ‘other White’ population in Glasgow, the overwhelming majority of whom are nationals of the East European EU member states, increased from 10,344 (1.79 per

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cent of the overall population) in 2001 to 22,938 (3.87 per cent of the overall population) in 2011 (Freeke, 2013). 1.3 per cent of the city’s overall population declared themselves to be Polish in the 2011 Census, which closely reflects the national average of 1.2 per cent Poles within the population of Scotland as a whole (NRS, 2013). Most of these migrants are young, of working age (Scottish Government, 2017a, p 9), adding to Glasgow’s workforce and helping address the issue of an ageing population. The overall employment rate for A8 migrants in Scotland as a whole is very high, indeed, at 82.4 per cent it is higher than the rate for UK citizens, which is 73.3 per cent (Scottish Government, 2017a, p 9). However, these new arrivals have mainly taken up employment in low-paid and often precarious jobs, for example in the service sector, manufacturing and food processing. The overwhelming majority are working in jobs for which they are significantly overqualified, both in terms of formal education and previous work experience: in 2016 nearly a third (31.7 per cent) of EU citizens in employment in Scotland who held degree qualifications worked in medium–low or low skill-level occupations, compared to 18.8 per cent of employed UK nationals with similar qualifications (Scottish Government, 2017a, p 10). Migration from Eastern Europe has changed the landscape of the city in a number of ways. In the sections that follow we focus in particular on workplaces, housing, neighbourhoods and social connections.

Employment and the workplace It is very dirty (laughs). Edinburgh is 100% better, but I have work here … It’s easier to find work here. (Vavrinec, 46 years old, male, Slovakia, bakery operative) The demise of state socialist regimes in the late 20th  century produced lasting economic and social insecurities in East European countries, further compounded by global economic crises in the early 21st  century. As discussed in the introduction to this book there is no singular experience of ‘the post-industrial city’. The forms of deindustrialisation and sudden exposure to global markets and movements of people experienced by East European cities in the 1990s and early 2000s created strong incentives to leave in search of better opportunities elsewhere. The majority of the people who left countries such as Poland, Hungary or the Baltic States did so first and foremost in the hope of finding better paid and more stable employment in West European countries.

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In keeping with this wider trend, the city of Glasgow has been attractive to new migrants like Vavrinec, quoted above, primarily as a place where they could find work. Vavrinec’s job in a bakery was neither very well paid, nor highly skilled. It offered few opportunities for promotion or personal development. Nonetheless, by comparison to the difficulties which he, and others like him, experienced in their home countries, such jobs offered better material circumstances and a greater sense of security for the future. For Zenon and his wife Kornelia, both of whom worked as cleaners in Glasgow, their income was better and more reliable than it had been in Poland: In Poland there were three of us working, because I was working and my wife was working and our son was working. And we lived in one house, three working adults! So what? There still wasn’t enough to cover all our costs. … You’d simply go to work and somehow exist and that was all. (Zenon, 56 years old, male, Poland, cleaner) Yet achieving a more ‘normal life’ (Galasińska and Kozłowska, 2009) has not been without difficulties. Many people have become ‘stuck’ in low-skilled employment, unable to move on to better paid or higher skilled jobs even after many years. Vavrinec, for instance, had been working in low-skilled jobs for nine years, despite having a degree in economics and business studies, and over ten years’ experience as a skilled professional. This may to some extent reflect the ‘hourglass’ labour market which Glasgow shares with many other cities in the globalised economy (Sissons, 2011). However, migrants have also been steered into certain sectors by employment agencies, or personal networks (Trevena, 2010). Employment agencies played a crucial role in initiating migration from Eastern Europe to Glasgow (Trevena, McGhee and Heath, 2013; Sporton, 2013; Napierała and Trevena, 2010). Following the 2004 EU expansion, many agencies set up branches or partnerships in the region, predominantly recruiting to hard-to-fill vacancies in low-skilled and low-paid sectors. However, while the availability of a new, cheap and reliable workforce has largely benefited employers, working through agencies can be a key reason why people find it difficult to improve their employment status and escape the poverty or instability they had hoped to leave behind (Sporton, 2013, pp 450–3). The sheer nature of agency work is highly precarious: workers usually learn if they are needed for work on a day-to-day basis and are completely dependent on employer demand, which is subject to constant change. They are

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paid exclusively for hours worked so if work is not available, or if they are unable to work due to ill health, childcare or other circumstances, they have no earnings. Typically it is the most vulnerable workers, those with little English and/or low qualifications, who are employed through agencies longer term. Following the economic crisis of 2008 however, people who had previously progressed to more stable contracts were often placed back onto agency-based terms of employment as factories sought to minimise their financial commitments (Guma, 2015, pp 81–3). This shedding of risk from the factory to individualised, precarious workers is part of much wider processes of economic globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring affecting both migrant and resident workers in post-industrial cities (Guma, 2015, p 79). Migrant workers with poor levels of English, little understanding of employment rights or awareness of social support structures, and limited personal support networks are a particularly vulnerable workforce, at risk of becoming ‘trapped’ in insecure employment longer-term (Guma, 2015, pp 94–101). Apart from agency working, one of the biggest barriers to occupational mobility for East European migrants in Glasgow (and other parts of the UK) is workplace segregation. As many as 90 per cent or more of assembly line workers in some of the city’s factories come from the region, mainly from Poland. They have transformed the ethnic composition and linguistic environment of such workplaces, especially in factories on the outskirts of the city. Boleslav, who came to Glasgow from Slovakia in 2006 and had been working in a food processing factory for eight years commented: There are Hungarians there, the guys from Russia, Lithuanians, Latvians  … There’s a lot of Poles there. I won’t tell you how many percent, I don’t know. There are some Scots, there were some Irish guys … I stand by this table with this guy from Poland, Tomek, and we cut the fish heads off. And we have a chat and a laugh… (Boleslav, 45 years old, male, Slovakia, factory worker) Boleslav mentions working alongside and chatting to a Polish colleague most of the time. What is less obvious from the quote is that they chat in Polish rather than English, even though Boleslav’s native language is Slovakian. People from Eastern Europe have tended to find themselves clustered in low-skilled jobs, working alongside a mix of other migrants, more so than local Scottish workers. This has led to unexpected linguistic ‘side-effects’. In our research we found

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significant numbers of people from countries such as Slovakia, Bulgaria or the Czech Republic who had learned, or reactivated their previous knowledge of, other Slavonic languages, mainly Polish or Russian, through conversing with their co-workers. This feature of the way in which workforces have been organised in factories and other workplaces in Glasgow, and across the UK, raises broader issues of social integration. Many people who arrived from Eastern Europe with relatively poor levels of English and then took up work in environments dominated by non-English speakers have been unable to improve their English significantly over time. These forms of segregation in the workplace have in some instances fed into wider forms of social isolation from the native population. In certain areas of Glasgow the larger national and/or linguistic groups (Poles and Russian-speakers in particular) have established fairly selfcontained communities with their own shops, press, Facebook groups and friendship circles and limited interactions with other parts of the wider community. This process is additionally strengthened by housing pathways and places of residence which we will discuss in more detail in the next section. Housing pathways of East European migrants: hypermobility and the struggle to find secure housing You move to one end of the city, then come back to the other, then you move to yet another… I must have moved flats around 12 times. (Tadas, 28 years old, male, Lithuania, private rental sector) Despite the difficulties associated with low-paid work, the continued availability of employment in Glasgow, combined with access to welfare under EU free movement regulations, have been crucial factors enabling the longer-term settlement of many people from Eastern Europe. Low wages have been offset by in-work benefits, such as tax credits, child tax credits or housing benefit and by the availability of affordable housing within the city, in both the private rented and social sectors. Whilst many East Europeans have not been able to find more highly skilled or personally and professionally rewarding jobs in Glasgow, the availability of relatively stable employment coupled with welfare support and affordable housing has provided them with a much needed and appreciated safety net. For the majority, achieving such security and a feeling of ‘normality’ was impossible in their countries of origin (McGhee, Heath and Trevena, 2012). As Mirka explained:

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I would never be able to afford a flat of this quality in Poland  … And to live in a big city, almost in the city centre  … So I do not regret living here even though it is not easy. (Mirka, 25 years old, female, Poland, housing association flat) Nonetheless, for the majority of migrants from the region, achieving housing stability takes time. As mentioned earlier, in the years immediately following the 2004 EU Enlargement, many East Europeans were recruited for work in Glasgow through overseas employment agencies. Often, these also provided accommodation or, in some cases, this was provided directly by the employer. While some migrant workers had rather positive experiences of employer or agency-tied accommodation, others were housed in sub-standard conditions and/or significantly overcharged. Ladislav came to Glasgow from Slovakia through one such work agency. He described his experience as difficult and felt that he and his co-tenants had been badly exploited: [T]hey used us for good money, doing work making good money. For example, I’ve paid £200 for a bed and we were two in one room. And we were four in one two-bed flat, sorry three-bed flat but the other two rooms were very small. And our situation was very good because I know that … some guys were, I don’t know, eight, ten in one flat. (Ladislav, 51 years old, male, Slovakia, private rental sector) This trend of employer- or agency-provided accommodation became less typical over time. As workers from Eastern Europe became more established in Glasgow, the role of networks in the process of migration increased and the role of agencies diminished. People began to arrive through personal networks and would initially stay with relatives or friends already settled in the city. This phase could last from a few days to a few months, after which the newcomers would move on to either private rented accommodation or social housing. This is now the most typical housing pathway of East European migrants arriving in Glasgow (Robinson, Reeve and Casey, 2007). While this pathway may sound relatively simple and secure, it rarely is. For most new arrivals the first few years in Glasgow are characterised by highly instable housing arrangements and frequent moves. Some of our interviewees had moved 10 times or more within the first few years of living in the city. Such residential ‘hypermobility’ appeared

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to result from a number of factors, including: financial insecurities and issues of affordability; job changes and seeking accommodation closer to work; problems with landlords; problems with neighbours; changing living arrangements, for example flatmates moving out; changing personal and family circumstances, for example the birth of a child or breakdown of a relationship. Tadas from Lithuania explained just how difficult achieving housing stability could be: I wouldn’t count them all on my fingers, because to be honest I lived in four different places in Ibrox alone. It was like: you move to one end of the city, then come back to the other, then you move to yet another. … I must have moved flats around 12 times. … One of the flats was broken into twice, so I simply didn’t trust the neighbours and moved out. Then I’ve got a girlfriend, so we moved in together. Then we broke up, so I had to move again [laughs]. (…) I moved to a friend’s flat for now. I lived close to this building, but there wasn’t much work, and it started to be too expensive for me to live there on my own … So I moved out. I stay over at my friend’s place and looking for a new flat. (Tadas, 28 years old, male, Lithuania, private rental sector) Another common housing strategy in the first months or years following arrival has been for individuals, couples or small groups of friends to share accommodation, often renting rooms informally from acquaintances or relatives. As people become more established, for example once they have secured permanent employment, they may decide to start a family, or encourage spouses and children to join them in Glasgow. At this point, securing stable housing often becomes a priority. While some attempt to purchase their own property, this option is out of reach for the majority due to their low earnings and lack of savings for a deposit. As a consequence, social housing, which is seen as a guarantor of stability, has been a popular option amongst people from Eastern Europe. Many have applied successfully for social housing in Glasgow. Since the allocation of such housing is based on an assessment of housing need, the instability and insecurity of initial housing trajectories has often helped migrant households to gain priority on housing lists. However, this option has been available mainly to families with children and much harder for single people or childless couples to access. Since their arrival in Glasgow, many East European migrants have accepted ‘hard-to-let’ properties in areas of high social deprivation.

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The security which such housing association tenancies offer, as well as their cheaper and more stable rental costs have been attractive for many. Significantly, a number of Glasgow housing associations have actively sought to attract migrants from the region into areas of low demand, or even ‘steer’ them towards particular areas. For instance, in the years immediately following EU accession when many businesses were actively recruiting workers from A8 countries and Poland in particular, some, such as First Bus, made deals with specific housing associations to accommodate their workers. Other strategies of ‘attracting’ East European tenants included special advice sessions facilitated by interpreters at which strategic advice on how to access housing more quickly was provided. Thus, it seems that certain housing associations may have ‘channelled’ East European migrants into particular areas of Glasgow as part of wider regeneration projects (McGhee, Heath and Trevena, 2013; Kay and Morrison, 2012). This, alongside other networked housing pathways, has contributed to a rapid increase in numbers of people from Eastern Europe living in deprived neighbourhoods: between 2001 and 2010, the ratio of ‘white Other’ (mainly East European) residents in deprived areas of Glasgow increased from 0.9 per cent to 4 per cent respectively (Freeke, 2012, p 8). This concentration of people from the region in particular neighbourhoods has been furthered by the availability of low cost, but often poor condition, private rental housing in the same areas of the city. The security of a housing association tenancy or the availability of relatively cheap privately rented accommodation in such areas has often come at the price of a compromised sense of personal safety. Clashing cultural practices and expectations between migrant populations and host communities, especially in areas of high social deprivation, have often been an issue. In some cases, this has led people to reject social housing offered to them. We registered [for social housing] and got it. But when we went there, frankly, I didn’t want to get out of the car. There was a group of some kind of addicts standing outside the building. The neighbours didn’t look very friendly, so we didn’t even leave the car. We refused the flat and I have never asked for a council housing again. (Tadas, 28 years old, male, Lithuania, Ibrox) In the following section, we explore in more detail the ways in which people from Eastern Europe have experienced specific areas of the city,

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as well as considering how their growing presence has contributed to processes of urban regeneration in some of these neighbourhoods.

Neighbourhoods and feelings of belonging The impact of East European migration on Glasgow is felt particularly strongly not only in certain workplaces but also in the neighbourhoods surrounding them. Whilst people from the region have come to live in almost all parts of the city, they have settled in much larger numbers in neighbourhoods where jobs and/or low-cost private accommodation and social housing is available. As such they have in large part come to the East End of Glasgow, for example Tollcross and Shettleston, and to areas such as Govan, or Govanhill on the South Side.3 These areas have a strong working-class Scottish tradition and have experienced issues of multiple social deprivation over many years. Some also have longer histories of hosting migrants from Ireland, Italy and SouthEast Asia. New arrivals from Eastern Europe have significantly changed the ethnic composition of these neighbourhoods. The rapid appearance of new ethnic businesses, such as Polish or East European shops, hairdressers or restaurants impact on the physical and linguistic landscape. Moreover, these are often set up in previously unused or underused spaces, spurring, or adding to, the urban regeneration of these areas. East European ethnic businesses thus complement, but also sometimes compete with longer established, and perhaps more familiar, Asian corner stores, Italian ice-cream parlours and cafes. Areas such as Shettleston or Tollcross have developed into East European migrant ‘hubs’, with ethnic businesses and cultural organisations, providing East Europeans with a feeling of familiarity but also with practical support from co-ethnic networks. Such trends are a common phenomenon shaping concentrated settlement in particular neighbourhoods within cities (Fong and Berry, 2017, p 16), and Glasgow is no exception. However, in Glasgow the settlement of larger numbers of people from Eastern Europe in areas of urban decline, such as the East End or Govan, has largely increased their attractiveness as a place to live (not only for people from the same region) and has often attracted further investment into the area. The visibility of ethnic businesses or social institutions in a particular neighbourhood does not always indicate a large settled community. The presence of Poles is reflected in the landscapes of both the East and West End of Glasgow by shops and other ethnic businesses (e.g. hairdressers, beauty parlours) or institutions (such as Polish Saturday Schools or clubs). In the West End, however, this is more a reflection

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of historic ties than contemporary settlement: this is where the postwar wave of migrants from Poland established their institutions (such as the Sikorski Club and the Polish Church). Still, while the combination of availability of work and affordable housing has brought many Poles to the East End of Glasgow, the more affluent West End is seen as unaffordable and has relatively few East European residents. As Hanna, who lives in the area, observes: This part of the city is rather expensive, so you don’t have many Polish people over here. (Hanna, 33 years old, female, Poland, West End) Although the West End is rarely chosen as a place to live among the ‘new’ Polish migrants, it remains a community hub for Poles across the city, mainly those with a more traditional and patriotic outlook. Neighbourhoods and people’s sense of comfort and belonging within them play an important role in day-to-day experiences of life in Glasgow. Boleslav from Slovakia, for example, noted the importance of living close to his place of work, but also picked up on a wider theme of the convenience of city life, which he experienced at the level of his neighbourhood, where public amenities and public transport were all close by. I’m really living in the east side, basically close to my work.  … So it’s good for me. Sometimes I use bicycle, sometimes I use taxi, sometimes by car, a couple of us, you know. … That’ why I’m choosing to be living there. There’s parks, there’s an international swimming centre next street, a lot of shops, everything is around. … It’s very good, I like the area … (Boleslav, 45 years old, male, Slovakia, Tollcross) This sense of comfort and convenience can be important in establishing a sense of longer-term commitment to an area, an ability to ‘put down roots’ and settle more permanently. As Kornelia, a resident of Govan explained, this was not just about access to amenities, but also importantly to friends and acquaintances who provide a more emotional sense of belonging: We’ve been living in this flat for 8 years now. And there are bad things which annoy you but there are also good things. It’s very near to my workplace, near to the underground, near to the church… And close to friends, we live here

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together. So if we changed this flat and it would be a few stops by underground that would be difficult as well. (Kornelia, 57 years old, female, Poland, Govan) Kornelia was referring primarily to other Polish and East European friends, and as such was typical of many of our interviewees. As discussed earlier, in some areas of Glasgow, people from the region have established rather self-contained communities, and relationships with other local residents are sometimes more ambiguous, or even rather strained. Amongst the people we interviewed, fears about personal safety and negative interactions with ‘locals’ were reported as a major concern, particularly for those more newly arrived to the city. This was quite often about Glasgow’s reputation as ‘dangerous’ and ‘hard’ as much as actual experiences. Such perceptions can change over time as people grow more accustomed to and embedded in local norms and patterns of behaviour, as Donata explained: I had heard a lot of stories  … how Glasgow is a very dangerous city, in fact the most dangerous in the entire UK, it made me anticipate the worst. I was simply scared seeing all those people with their scars … Yet it did change with time and as I met many nice people too it kind of balanced things for me here. I was advised what to say and how to behave. (Donata, 35 years old, female, Poland, Shettleston) This is not to say that no-one in our study had experienced personal insecurity, indeed Donata was attacked on a bus, but such experiences were more rarely reported than were anxieties. As Donata explained, over time newcomers have learnt to ‘navigate’ their neighbourhoods in order to mitigate such risks, for example by avoiding certain streets or learning to manage their appearance and behaviour in public settings. The mixed nature of Glasgow neighbourhoods typically came as a surprise to East Europeans who are not accustomed to such environments: Dennistoun is not great, not great but it’s improved. There’s a lot of junkies, people who’ve never worked in their lives, you know. Here [two streets away] it’s a bit better. This is really strange in Glasgow that you’ve got a good part, bad part, good part, it’s all mixed up. (Vavrinec, 46 years old, male, Slovakia, Dennistoun)

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Experiences of living in deprived neighbourhoods were, like the neighbourhoods themselves, mixed rather than entirely negative or positive. Many people reported satisfaction with their flats and living conditions rather than with the neighbourhood itself. People also mentioned good neighbourhood relations in some cases, though typically with a few select neighbours rather than the wider local community. Those who had been living in deprived neighbourhoods over a longer period of time sometimes experienced the positive effects of local regeneration projects. Angelika moved to Govan with her parents as a young teenager and had been living there for seven years. Discussing the regeneration that had taken place over that period she pointed out that while the physical environment had improved considerably, this was not necessarily reflected in the social environment: There are changes, new things are appearing, lots of new developments, new roads, new lights… This place is improving for sure but still lots of work needs doing. And maybe people’s attitude has to change. There are a lot of dodgy characters staying here. … Maybe it’s people that need more support, not just putting in new street lights. (Angelika, 20 years old, female, Polish, Govan) Angelika’s feeling that her neighbourhood was characterised by antisocial behaviour was not uncommon and many of the people we interviewed expressed a preference for keeping a moral and social distance from other local residents. This raises wider issues around social integration which typically occurs at local level, within local communities (Penninx, 2009). It also raises questions about the mid- to longer-term impacts of living in the more deprived areas of Glasgow on the lives of people from Eastern Europe and vice versa. Living in such areas, by comparison to other more affluent parts of the city, implies worse housing, worse schools, lower quality personal networks, worse physical amenities, and more exposure to criminal activity. Studies in other cities have found that migrants settling in more deprived neighbourhoods are likely to face greater social and economic challenges in the long term, including with wider integration (Fong and Berry, 2017, p 7). Will the ‘new’ East European residents of Glasgow experience similar effects? Will their children be prone to poor educational attainment and/or ‘assimilating’ into dominant local (sub) cultures? Or will they become agents of wider social, educational and even economic change? These questions are so far unanswered.

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Conclusions This chapter has discussed the effects of recent migration from Eastern Europe on Glasgow as well as the impact of the city on its new residents. Migration from Eastern Europe to Glasgow is part of globally and regionally occurring phenomena and geopolitical developments which go beyond the ‘post-industrial’, these include: the collapse of state socialist regimes at the end of the 20th century and the opening of the UK’s market to new EU citizens in 2004, as well as globalisation and neo-liberalism affecting labour markets around the world. Demand for low-skilled labour to fill vacancies in the UK’s economy triggered economic migration from Eastern Europe and recruitment agencies played a crucial role in channelling significant numbers to Glasgow in particular. Migrants from Eastern Europe have predominantly filled vacancies in the lower echelons of the labour market, which has long been typical of economic migration to countries with more developed economies (Piore, 1979; Sassen, 2001). East Europeans are largely clustered in low-skilled, low-paid employment, often of a rather precarious nature, especially if carried out through agencies. Clustering in employment has resulted in high degrees of workplace segregation with many East Europeans working predominantly alongside other migrants from the region. This, in turn, has impacted on their ability to progress with language learning and build wider social networks. Moreover, many migrants from the region are overqualified for the type of jobs they carry out but have limited prospects for occupational mobility. Nevertheless, the fact that Glasgow offers more work and housing opportunities than were available in their home countries makes it an attractive place to live. These opportunities, and the social support currently available to them in Britain, allow East Europeans to lead a more stable and hence more ‘normal’ life in Glasgow. East European migrants have largely followed a classical residential pattern of settling initially in the more deprived, and hence affordable, areas of the city, often in close proximity to their workplaces (cf Burgess, 1925). One factor which is particular about Glasgow as compared to many other large cities in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2017b) and across the UK, is the availability of social housing. Many migrants from the region, and especially families with children, have managed to secure social housing. The stability and affordability of such tenancies has allowed them to settle more permanently in particular areas of the city and to develop a sense of security and belonging there. Some of these areas, especially in the East End and the

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South Side of the city, have developed into hubs of ethnic businesses and cultural activity. As a result, this new migration has contributed significantly to the transformation and in some cases revival of certain neighbourhoods. However, the longer term consequences for migrants and their children of living in what are still some of the most deprived neighbourhoods of Glasgow remain to be seen. Notes 1

2

3

The A8 countries which joined the EU in 2004 were: the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. In 2007 Bulgaria and Romania joined as part of another EU expansion. The primary data was gathered as part of a large ESRC-funded research project ‘Social Support and Migration in Scotland’ (SSAMIS). For further information on the project see www.glasgow.ac.uk/research/az/gramnet/ research/ssamis. We are grateful to our colleagues in the SSAMIS project team: Moya Flynn (University of Glasgow); Sergei Shubin (Swansea University); Holly Porteous (Swansea University); Claire Needler (Swansea University). We are also grateful to Gintare Venzlauskaite for assistance with the Glasgow fieldwork and interviewing in Lithuanian. This work was supported by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (November 2013–November 2018, ESRC ref: ES/J007374/1). The underlying data is available from the UK data archive DOI: http:// dx.doi.org/10.5255/UKDA-SN852584. Govanhill is a specific case, having experienced a sudden and significant increase in immigration of Roma people from Eastern Europe, as well as lower numbers of other East Europeans. This has raised a number of specific social, economic and intercommunity issues, including overcrowding, extreme housing and work precarity, child poverty and community tensions. A detailed discussion of the case of Govanhill is beyond the scope of this chapter.

References Black, R., Engbersen, G., Okólski, M. and Panţîru, C. (eds) (2010) A Continent Moving West? EU Enlargement and Labour Migration from Central and Eastern Europe, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Burgess, E. W. (1925) [1984] ‘The Growth of the City: An Introduction to a Research Project’, in Park, R., Burgess, E. W. and McKenzie R. D. (eds) The City, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, pp 47–62. Castles, S. and Davidson, A. (2000) Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging, New York: Routledge.

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Castles, S., de Haas, H. and Miller, M. J. (2013) The Age of Migration, International Population Movements in the Modern World, 5th edn, New York: Guilford Press. Edward, M. (2016) Who Belongs to Glasgow? Edinburgh: Luath Limited Press. Fong, E. and Berry, B. (2017) Immigration and the City, Cambridge: Polity Press. Freeke, J. (2012) People and Households in Glasgow. A Comparison of Demographic Change in Glasgow’s Deprived Areas and the Rest of the City in 2001–2010, Glasgow City Council, briefing paper by Director of Development and Regeneration Services, 19 April. Freeke, J. (2013) Population by Ethnicity in Glasgow. Estimates of Changes 2001–2011 for Strategic Planning Areas and Neighbourhoods, Glasgow City Council, briefing paper by Director of Development and Regeneration Services, 12 December. Galasińska, A. and Kozłowska O. (2009) ‘Discourses of a “Normal Life” among Post-accession Migrants from Poland to Britain’, in Burrell, K. (ed) Polish Migration to the UK in the ‘New’ European Union after 2004, Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate. de Genova, N. (2015) ‘Border struggles in the migrant metropolis’, Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 5(1): 3–10. Guma, T. (2015) ‘Everyday negotiations of in/securities and risks: an ethnographic study amongst Czech- and Slovak-speaking migrants in Glasgow’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Glasgow. Kay, R. and Morrison, A. (2012) ‘Evidencing the social and cultural benefits and costs of migration in Scotland’. Project Report. COSLA Strategic Migration Partnership, Glasgow. Koser, H. and Lutz, H. (eds) (1998) The New Migration in Europe. Social Constructions and Social Realities, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. McGhee, D., Heath, S. and Trevena, P. (2012) ‘Dignity, happiness and being able to live a “normal life” in the UK – an examination of post-accession Polish migrants’ autobiographical transnational fields’, Social Identities, 18(6): 711–27. McGhee, D., Heath, S. and Trevena, P. (2013) ‘Post-accession Polish migrants—their experiences of living in “low-demand” social housing areas in Glasgow’, Environment and Planning A, 45: 329–43. Napierała, J. and Trevena, P. (2010) ‘Patterns and Determinants of SubRegional Migration: A Case Study of Polish Construction Workers in Norway’, in Black, R., Engbersen, G., Okólski, M., Panţîru, C. (eds) A Continent Moving West? EU Enlargement and Labour Migration from Central and Eastern Europe, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, pp 51–71.

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NRS (2013). 2011 Census: Key Results on Population, Ethnicity, Identity, Language, Religion, Health, Housing and Accommodation in Scotland – Release 2A. Statistical Bulletin, 26 September. Pardo, F. (2018) Challenging the Paradoxes of Integration Policies: Latin Americans in the European City. Migration, Minorities and Modernity, vol. 2, Cham: Springer International Publishing. Penninx, R. (2009) ‘Decentralising integration policies. Managing migration in cities, regions and localities’, Policy Network Paper, November. Phipps, A. and Kay, R. (2014) ‘Languages in migratory settings: place, politics and aesthetics’, Language and Intercultural Communication, 14(3): 273–86. Piore, M. J. (1979) Birds of Passage: Migrant Labour and Industrial Societies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pollard, N., Latorre, M. and Sriskandarajah, D. (2008) Floodgates or turnstiles? Post-EU Enlargement Migration Flows to (and from) the UK, London: Institute for Public Policy Research. Portes, A. (2000) ‘Immigration and the metropolis: reflections on urban history’, Journal of International Migration and Integration, 1(2): 153–75. Robinson, D., Reeve, K. and Casey, R. (2007) ‘The Housing Pathways of New Immigrants’. Report for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, London. Sassen, S. (2001) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton, NJ and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Scottish Government (2017a) The contribution of EEA citizens to Scotland: the Scottish Government’s response to the Migration Advisory Committee call for evidence on the role of EEA workers in the UK labour market. Scottish Government Discussion Paper. Scottish Government (2017b) Housing Statistics for Scotland – Key Information and Summary Tables. Stock by tenure 2016. Available at: http://www.gov.scot/Topics/Statistics/Browse/HousingRegeneration/HSfS/KeyInfoTables (accessed 19 July 2018). Sissons, P. (2011) The Hourglass and the Escalator: Labour Market Change and Mobility, London: The Work Foundation. Sporton, D. (2013) ‘“They Control My Life”: the Role of Local Recruitment Agencies in East European Migration to the UK’, Population, Space and Place, 19(5): 443–58. Standing, G. (2011) The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class, London and New York: Bloomsbury. Thranhardt, D. (1996) ‘European migration from east to west: Present patterns and future directions’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 22(2): 227–42.

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Trevena, P. (2010) ‘Why do highly educated migrants go for lowskilled jobs? A case study of Polish graduates working in London’, in Glorius, B., Grabowska-Lusinska, I. and Rindoks, A. (eds) Lost in Mobility Transition? Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Trevena, P., McGhee, D. and Heath, S. (2013) ‘Location, location? A critical examination of patterns and determinants of internal mobility among post-accession Polish migrants in the UK’, Population, Space and Place, 19: 671–87. Vertovec, S. (2006). ‘The Emergency of Super-Diversity in Britain’, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, Working Paper No.  25, University of Oxford. Wills, J., Datta, K., Evans, Y., Herbert, J., May, J. and McIlwaine, C. (2010) Global Cities at Work. New Migrant Divisions of Labour, London and New York: Pluto Press.

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Changing places and evolving activism: communities in post-industrial Glasgow Steve Rolfe, Claire Bynner and Annette Hastings

Introduction Glasgow’s history through the 20th century and into the 21st is one of immense changes in places, neighbourhoods and communities. From the slum clearances and creation of peripheral estates, through to contemporary changes such as the Red Road flats demolition and the building of the Commonwealth Games Village, whole areas of the city have been transformed, often more than once. More recently, some parts of the city have also experienced rapid increases in diversity, changing the social and cultural character of the city and in low income neighbourhoods adding new dimensions to the persistent levels of poverty and inequality for which the city is sadly infamous. This chapter examines contemporary community activism in Glasgow in the light of this history and continuing changes in the city. Through three case studies of community activism in different neighbourhoods, we explore the interactions between community characteristics, forms of activism and aspects of transformation across the city. Whilst the forms of community activism are as varied as communities themselves, it is possible to delineate three broad categories (Rolfe, 2016). Firstly, the form of community activism with the longest pedigree is mutual self-help, whereby communities provide material or emotional support through informal networks or formal serviceproviding organisations (Somerville, 2011). Secondly, communities can attempt to influence services and address local issues by means of independent political activism, also described as social action (Crisp et al, 2016). And lastly, communities may engage in forms of democratic participation, acting in ways which enhance representative democracy (Barnes et al, 2003) or complement it through participative or deliberative processes (Escobar, 2017).

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Importantly, exploring the interactions between the changing nature of Glasgow and contemporary community activism necessitates an understanding of not just the concept of community activism, but also the nature of community itself. This is far from simple since ‘community’ is a complex and elusive concept, descriptively encapsulating elements of locality and belonging, as well as shared interests and values, whilst also retaining a reassuring normative veneer (Plant, 1974, pp 10–14). Moreover, the somewhat amorphous nature of community is more difficult to grasp in a context of change, where physical regeneration or transitory populations alter the nature of neighbourhoods and networks of common interest (Somerville, 2011, pp 1–3). Indeed, longer term narratives of community tend to suggest that communities are not merely changing, but also being eroded over time. Often this is presented as a ‘loss of community’, connected to a shift from close-knit rural communities in the pre-industrial age to atomised individuals in urbanised, industrial modernity (Tonnies, 1955). Although, others argue that the growth of individualisation may also be a form of liberation, particularly for individuals ostracised by the conservative values of traditional communities (Dahrendorf, 1968). Hence theorisations of community tend to be associated with the advent of industrialisation and urbanisation. This chapter explores the extent to which these changes have been reinforced or altered by deindustrialisation and whether it makes sense to talk of ‘postindustrial’ communities. Focusing on community activism provides a useful lens to help us understand these changes in communities, since examining collective action reveals the underlying networks, shared values and socio-demographic boundaries from which community emerges. Thus, community activism can provide an indicator of the shape and health of communities within the city, illuminating the ways in which broader physical, demographic and socio-economic changes are experienced at the local level. These debates about the changing nature of communities are vital context to understand the development of policies which focus on community in the post-industrial urban environment. From the 1960s onwards, factors such as the ‘rediscovery’ of poverty and concerns about urban unrest (Somerville, 2011), together with growing doubts about ‘expert’ solutions to wicked social problems (Boaden et  al, 1981), have led governments of all political hues to develop policies focused on community participation, development or empowerment. Thus, communities have been seen as both a problem, particularly in terms of the supposed ‘loss of community’, and a solution, as a locus of collective response to social issues and service failures (Hancock,

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Mooney and Neal, 2012). This emphasis on community within social policy is evident internationally in fields such as economic and local development (United Nations, 2008; European Union, 2011), whilst the UK has witnessed multiple attempts to engage communities, particularly in relation to urban regeneration, partly in response to the challenges of urban deindustrialisation (Green and Chapman, 1992; McWilliams, Johnstone and Mooney, 2004; Batty et al, 2010). Notably, more recent UK policies have broadened the goal of engaging communities beyond regeneration into a wider range of public policies (UK, 2007, 2009, 2011), and this trend is perhaps even stronger under the devolved administrations in Scotland, culminating in the Community Empowerment Act (Scottish Government, 2015). Thus, successive governments in Westminster and Holyrood have developed policy which aims to develop, engage and empower communities, envisaging community activism as a panacea for concerns about the loss of community and limitations of top-down public services. Importantly, the form which community activism takes at particular times and places is determined by key factors within the community, alongside external pressures and opportunities, including national and local policy frameworks. Inequalities in the capacity to participate and benefit from community empowerment across localities have been increasingly recognised (Steiner and Farmer, 2018), given variations in communities’ resources, organisational capacity, and internal cohesion and connectedness (Brodie et al, 2009). Moreover, these community characteristics are never static, particularly in situations where neighbourhoods are experiencing significant change through physical regeneration (Jones and Evans, 2013) or complex processes of shifting demography and socio-economic conditions (Bynner, 2017). Hence the individual and collective tactical choices of community members are affected by their experience of neighbourhood and community change (Kearns et al, 2019). Alongside this, the ‘spaces for participation’ (Gaventa, 2006) are shaped by the policy and practice of local and national government, and the complex relationships between communities and local public sector bodies (Rolfe, 2018). Thus, in some instances, communities may be ‘invited’ to participate by public authorities, whilst in others they may need to ‘claim’ their own spaces for participation (Dean, 2017). Notably, these questions of differences between communities in terms of capacity for activism and differences in the available spaces for participation underlie critiques directed at community participation policies and practices. Whilst community activism is often presented as an opportunity for ‘empowerment’ (not least in policy rhetoric), there are concerns that disadvantaged

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communities are required to do more in order to claim collective rights (Flint, 2004), and risks that participation can become a form of tyranny (Cooke and Kothari, 2001) or an unwelcome shift of responsibility from the state to communities (Imrie and Raco, 2003). Moreover, in a context of austerity and the retrenchment of public services (Peck, 2012), there are questions as to whether the state at local and national levels acts to enable community empowerment or withdraws from the stage in a laissez-faire fashion, with potential implications for inequalities between communities (Parker and Street, 2015). Understanding community activism within the transforming city of Glasgow, therefore, requires an examination of the ways different communities take action in response to different types of change and how the forms that activism takes are shaped by interactions with the local and national state, the local context of the neighbourhood and city, and the broader socio-economic situation.

Background – community activism in historical context Glasgow’s long history of activism is often portrayed like a highlights reel – a set of distinct moments of political radicalism from Red Clydeside in the early 20th  century through the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders ‘work-in’ in the 1970s, to the emergence of the Scottish Socialist Party from the Poll Tax protests in the late 1980s. To an extent, this narrative is connected to processes of de-industrialisation, especially those restructuring the city’s economy and labour market. There are also less well-known narratives which emphasise myriad forms of small-scale, local activism – also in response to processes of postindustrial transformation – but here focused on how transformation is experienced and engaged with in residential neighbourhoods. While the focus of the chapter is on contemporary urban transformation, it is worth briefly outlining the history of how local communities in Glasgow have shaped or responded to neighbourhood change, and how this relates to the three forms of activism identified in the Introduction. Traditions of workplace political activism, where trade unionists and educated elites joined with the communities directly affected, have also been important in relation to neighbourhood change whether this change has been perceived as exploitative, ideological or simply unwelcome. The mobilisation of women who refused to defer to rapacious private landlords in the Great Rent Strike of 1915 (Lavalette and Mooney, 2000) is a well-known early example, as was the political resistance in the 1990s which framed the transfer of the city’s municipal

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housing stock to a new city-wide housing association as incipient privatisation (Mooney and Poole, 2005). Local communities have engaged in political campaigns opposing substantial changes to the urban form designed to address, for example, population loss – such as protests mounted to save large scale, high rise public housing estates in the Sighthill and Red Road areas from demolition (Leslie, 2016); or infrastructure development – the ‘heritage’ framed protests in the city’s affluent, west end neighbourhoods (Gomme and Walker, 1968). In relation to self-help models of activism, Glasgow’s communitybased housing association (CBHA) movement stands out as an example of a service provider form of self-help. However, it should be acknowledged that CBHAs are part of a historic, broader tradition of co-operative self-provision of supportive services for children and young people, parents, the unemployed and the retired – services lacking in many of the new public housing estates developed in the city’s post-war transformation (Hastings, McArthur and McGregor, 1996). Indeed, the CBHA movement developed from political activism: resistance to the demolition and displacement of historic inner-city working class neighbourhoods. From the mid-1970s on, a conducive policy and resource environment allowed this activism to evolve into the development of a large number of nationally regulated, but neighbourhood focused housing organisations, in which management committees of local residents worked with paid staff to manage and deliver substantial physical and social change in working-class neighbourhoods (Clapham, Kintrea and Kay, 1996). It is important to note, however, that this initially radical self-help movement quite quickly became instrumentalised by government. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, setting up a housing association became a pre-requisite to accessing housing investment in municipal housing neighbourhoods across the city (McKee, 2007). Finally, residents of Glasgow’s neighbourhoods have been engaged in forms of democratic participation developed since the late 1980s under various guises. Historically, in working-class and disadvantaged neighbourhoods, participation has tended to go beyond the statutory mechanisms for democratic engagement in local decision-making on offer – such as Community Councils and Community Planning partnerships – to become part of state sponsored ‘regeneration’ focused interventions. Over time the nature and extent of participation has not necessarily progressed towards more substantial engagement – although less tokenistic forms of participation may have become more of the norm. Early initiatives in the Easterhouse and Drumchapel neighbourhoods afforded local residents only the role of ‘observers’

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at meetings, required to sit apart from other participants (Hastings, McArthur and McGregor, 1996). Indeed, some early forms of democratic participation provided local residents with long sought platforms to voice concerns. For example, community organisations in Castlemilk greeted the announcement of the New Life for Urban Scotland neighbourhood regeneration initiative with protests highlighting that ‘poverty is the issue’ and by withdrawing their support until issues such as community safety and local shopping were allowed onto the initiative’s agenda (Hastings, McArthur and McGregor, 1996). Since the 2000s, there have been new democratic participation opportunities for some, through a stronger focus on engagement beyond the ‘usual suspects’ and innovations developed elsewhere, such as participatory budgeting. In the next section we examine three very different case studies of community activism in contemporary Glasgow, selected to illustrate the diversity of community responses to the transforming nature of the city and its neighbourhoods. The case studies (Box 9.1) are drawn from intensive research within each neighbourhood, involving interviews, focus groups, documentary analysis and participant observation.

Box 9.1: Outline of case study areas Dowanhill The adjoining neighbourhoods of Dowanhill, Hyndland and Kelvinside (referred to here as Dowanhill) in Glasgow’s West End form one of the most affluent areas of the city, with much higher levels of income and education and lower levels of unemployment than the Glasgow average (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, 2017). The area consists of villa-style properties and tenements, primarily in owner-occupation with a minority of privately rented flats, largely occupied by students at the nearby University of Glasgow. Whilst the student population adds an element of transience and diversity, the community is relatively homogeneous, being largely middle-class and less ethnically diverse than Glasgow as a whole (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, 2017). Unlike other areas of the city, the predominance of owner occupation and lack of vacant land in this area means it has experienced relatively little physical or social change in recent decades. Oatlands Oatlands is a relatively small neighbourhood which, at the time of the research, could be characterised as being in transition. Historically, the area consisted of local authority housing, with a relatively high level of socio-economic disadvantage. From the late 1990s a dramatic regeneration plan was instigated,

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The fieldwork took place between 2012 and 2015 – descriptions of the areas and community organisations relate to this period. Whilst there have been further changes in the areas since (particularly in Oatlands, where further house-building has now been completed), the evidence from this period in the three communities provides examples of processes which are neither unique to these parts of Glasgow, nor simply reflective of their time. For example, there are clear parallels between the Oatlands experience of complete demolition and replacement of social housing with ongoing changes in other mixed tenure estates elsewhere in Glasgow.

Case study 1 – Dowanhill, Hyndland and Kelvinside Central to activism in Dowanhill is the Community Council, which has a membership of 20 people from across the area, elected by a population of approximately 14,000. Community Councils are

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the most local tier of statutory representation in Scotland, whose primary purpose is to ‘bridge the gap between local authorities and communities’ (Scottish Government, 2014) by ascertaining the views of their community and expressing them to the local Council and other bodies. They have statutory consultation rights on planning and licensing applications and are often consulted by local government and other public agencies on other matters. As a formally constituted body, it is perhaps unsurprising that the Community Council’s approach to activism was primarily one of formal democratic participation. Observations of their meetings over two years highlighted the extent to which the organisation took its statutory responsibilities very seriously, closely monitoring all planning and licensing applications, submitting comments on any considered inappropriate or inadequate. Alongside this, the Community Council was in almost constant communication with the local authority and other agencies regarding other local issues, from litter and graffiti, to traffic issues and houses in multiple occupancy. Running through the Community Council’s work was a central focus on maintaining the local area, ensuring that the relatively high standards of architecture, heritage, amenity, cleanliness and safety were protected and therefore resisting significant change to the area. Thus, planning applications, litter levels and potholes were all subject to ‘eternal vigilance’, as one Community Councillor described their approach. Moreover, this constant attention to detail was combined with a sense of persistent external threat arising from profit-hungry developers, self-interested home-owners and failing public services, such that maintaining standards extended into a target of ‘putting things back to where they ought to be’ (Community Councillor). This emphasis on retaining the character of the area was also reinforced by close relations with another local association working to protect the Victorian and Edwardian architectural heritage of the wider West End. Notably, the Community Council’s approach in addressing local issues was shaped not merely by this focus on maintaining standards within the area, but also by a sense of its distinctive nature within Glasgow and the implications of this distinctiveness for relationships with the local authority. Whilst there was a recognition amongst Community Council members that other areas of the city face significantly greater challenges and that the City Council will prioritise areas with the highest level of need, members also expressed concern that this created bias against articulate, middle-class voices. Moreover, this concern was wrapped up with a wider impression of the City

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Council as being characterised by inept paternalism, described by one Community Councillor as ‘corruption cloaked in incompetence’. On the other side of the fence, evidence from a Council officer illustrated a kernel of truth within these doubts, expressed in the view that loud voices from some Community Councillors could easily dominate debates, without necessarily being representative of wider community views: it’s not that we doubt what they’re saying, but we want to try to facilitate that the views they express are as genuinely representative of the wider community as we can…I think experience and history will show that Community Councillors sometimes come along and almost forget that they’re representing the area. They can make good and valid contributions – I’m not demeaning that for a moment, but sometimes it’s those that shout loudest on hobby horse type issues. (Council Officer) This sense of mutual suspicion generated a complex working relationship between the Community Council and the local authority. Whilst the Community Council maintained close ties with local Councillors and had built effective connections with some officers, these relationships were strategic, driven by constant concern to monitor slippage in service standards and take every opportunity to lobby for local improvements. These subtle tensions with the local authority were particularly highlighted by City Council attempts to shift towards a model of co‑production and shared responsibility in the context of budget cuts: We’re trying to  … break that dependency culture that’s built up, or expectation culture. You know – litter’s there, the Council will sort that. Yes, we are definitely part of the solution, but equally so are they. (Council Officer) Most Community Councillors viewed these ideas with immense suspicion, to the extent that individual members who had cleared litter from their own street were explicitly criticised for doing work which should be the responsibility of the local authority. Thus, the Community Council in Dowanhill demonstrated a clear focus on maintaining the character of their well-established neighbourhood, preserving the distinctiveness of the area within Glasgow by strategically managing complex relationships with local

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agencies, particularly the local authority. Whilst their approach was significantly driven by a perception of external threat to the area, the level of change was clearly far lower than that experienced in many parts of the city, as illustrated in the other case studies in this chapter. And notably, despite pressures to shift towards more community self-help, the Community Council maintained their central tactic of democratic participation, relying on their skills, confidence and connections to generate sufficient influence.

Case study 2 – Oatlands The primary community organisation in the area, Oatlands Development Trust, was established following a public meeting run by the local authority, with significant early support from Council officers. The Council’s intention was that the Trust could take on a church building (one of only two pre-development buildings in the area) as a community centre, replacing the existing temporary hut. The board of the Trust consisted of a mix of long-standing and new residents. Whilst the Trust had adopted the Council’s plan for the church in the long term, their more immediate activities were focused on community development, including developing a play park, running community events and publishing a community newsletter. The Trust’s approach to community activism was therefore primarily one of self-help, driven by two inter-related factors. Firstly, there was a clear sense that the local authority was keen to pass responsibility for some issues on to the community. And secondly, there was a recognition that the basic work of developing a cohesive community might not be a task for the state, given the history of Council failures as the landlord and the subsequent top-down restructuring of the neighbourhood. Importantly, the focus of this approach was also driven by the drastic changes in neighbourhood population, particularly a concern to compensate for the continual upheaval of the redevelopment, and to overcome potential divisions within the community, given the mix of social housing tenants with a long history in the area, and incoming owner-occupiers and private sector tenants. Thus, the Trust saw the investment of time and energy in the play park project as essential: The community deserves such a thing – the community has been through quite a lot, both the previous community and the one that’s emerging. The investment of that money

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is a drop in the ocean compared to the benefits they’ll get from it. (Trust board member) At the same time, however, these issues of division and change also created challenges. Whilst many residents welcomed the play facilities and community events, some long-standing community members appeared to resent the role of newcomers, albeit that the board was deliberately constituted of old and new residents. This community division was also reflected in complex relationships with the local authority, creating challenges in developing positive relationships with local Councillors, some of whom had strong relationships with existing community activists not involved with the Trust. Alongside this, the Trust’s approach was also shaped by wider changes as the timescale for the development of the remaining housing and other amenities had changed radically after the global financial crisis, with the completion date of around 2015 being pushed back to around 2030. Thus, community concerns shifted towards the pace of development and delays in funding for community facilities, which should have been released as part of the development plan. Hence the approach of the Development Trust in Oatlands was significantly shaped by the imposed top-down regeneration process which was radically changing the nature of the local community, complicated by the impacts of wider structural forces. Whilst self-help activities were, to some extent, a choice driven by the need to build the new community from the ground up, the Trust also recognised the impossibility of using more formal democratic participation methods to achieve their aims given the context of historical local authority failings and difficult relationships with some parts of the Council. Thus, whilst the Council officer responsible for the regeneration programme highlighted the ‘super degree of additionality’ provided by the Trust’s work, internally one Trust member emphasised resentment at being left to ‘do the Council’s job’ in providing community facilities.

Case study 3 – Govanhill In 2007, the Govanhill Residents Group was set up in response to escalating social and racial tensions in the neighbourhood and declining physical and environmental conditions. The group provided a vehicle for democratic participation, initiated by residents in response to these challenges. Initially, young professionals and long-settled residents, including Scottish Asian and Scottish-Irish residents, attended the group’s meetings. Officers from Glasgow Community Safety Services

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organised and administered the meetings. They received, logged complaints, and referred issues to the relevant services. After a few years, the officers encouraged the group to become an independently constituted community group with charitable status. This, they argued, would give residents greater ownership and the ability to apply for funding for local projects. After the group become constituted a new committee was formed and support from the officers was withdrawn, signalling a shift to self-help community activism. Whilst the initial focus of the group was to put pressure on public services to respond to escalating neighbourhood problems, members of the new committee felt that this complaints-focused approach had become reactive and negative. Residents repeatedly raised the same issues at meetings regarding landlord practices, the behaviour of neighbours, litter and dumping, and residents were disheartened by the lack of progress. An early decision of the committee was to change the focus of the group from complaints about local services, to self-help projects such as community clean-ups and community gardening. As the focus of the group changed, involvement from long-settled white and Scottish Asian residents declined and the membership became almost exclusively middle-class homeowners. One member reflected on the homogeneity of the new committee: At the meetings it is always bloody us. It’s like the sort of 30–40 somethings, owner occupiers, readers of the Guardian, liberal lefties…’ (Liberal Homeowner, white Scottish, female, aged 38, group interview) Another committee member explained ‘we were more than open to other folk coming in, but that’s how it ended up’. This resident reflected that in practical terms self-help community activism was easier with people who were ‘like-minded’, with knowledge of ‘how systems work’: They are capable of being assertive and pushing things forward, because of their education and because of their interests. So professional people who are able to grasp systems and take advantage of whatever is out there. (White Scottish, female, aged 51, individual interview) The preference for self-help community activism amongst middle-class members of the Residents Group was strengthened by their social networks and connections to projects such as the Streetland Arts

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Festival and the restoration of the Govanhill Baths, one of Glasgow’s last Edwardian Bathhouses (see Chapter 11, this volume). As the Residents Group began to decline in numbers, another community group rose to prominence through social media-based community activism. In 2013, a woman in her 20s began the ‘Restore Govanhill’ Facebook campaign. She described her motivation as concern for the safety of her neighbours and a desire to challenge the behaviour of particular migrant groups: It’s not so much that we have a problem with them because they are Eastern European, it’s that we have got a problem with behaviour. The way they are treating the place and treating their neighbours, certain people in that community. So, I knew it would be difficult. It’s a difficult thing to word as well. You know what it is, but I think it’s difficult for people to put it into words without it sounding racist. (Mixed ethnicity, Scottish, female, aged 25, individual interview) The focus of the public debate on social media was on conflicting narratives of community and diversity. For long-settled working-class members of Restore Govanhill, ‘community’ was a strongly emotive form of place-based identity and collective belonging expressed through shared memories and nostalgia for the past. For the middleclass members of the Residents Group ‘community’ was enacted and achieved through inclusion and participation in civic life. Those in support of the older, nostalgic Govanhill community were accused of being ‘racists’ and ‘Roma-phobes’ and in return, the pro-diversity activists were criticised for being ‘do-gooders’ with ‘rose-tinted glasses’. The outcome was sharp political and social division framed as a moral conflict between the ‘racists’ and the ‘anti-racists’. Increasing antagonism between these groups led to all residents withdrawing from democratic participation on neighbourhood issues including Scottish Asian, Roma, and other global migrants. This case suggests that in the post-industrial city there is a risk of over-reliance on community organisation and self-help activism to respond to local effects of globalisation. In Govanhill, the global economic and population dynamics driving neighbourhood change, as well as the long-term effects of housing deregulation and traditional, poor quality housing, were beyond the scope of small-scale community projects and volunteerism. The absence of an effective mechanism for democratic participation or an inclusive form of political activism

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undermined the potential for residents to challenge the wider causes of poverty and insecurity in Govanhill.

Discussion and conclusion Whilst these case studies do not represent a complete picture of community activism across Glasgow, they nevertheless offer important insights into the diversity of activism across the city. Although it is possible to envisage future instances of large-scale, city-wide activism akin to Red Clydeside or the Poll Tax resistance, most activism is local and is therefore shaped by differences in communities and their context. The forms that community activism takes speak to wider understandings of community activism and the nature of community, which in turn have implications for debates around the conception of the post-industrial city. Looking across the case studies, it is evident that the substantial differences in capacity between and within communities play a significant role in the forms of activism adopted. Differences in human resources and organisational capacity (Brodie et  al, 2009) clearly enable more advantaged communities such as Dowanhill, or sections of communities, such as those involved in the Govanhill Residents Group, to utilise ‘invited’ spaces (Gaventa, 2006) for democratic participation, where others may struggle. Inequalities are also important beyond community capacity, since such capacity needs to be weighed against the level of challenge faced by different communities. Whereas Dowanhill Community Council tackled many local issues through conversations with officers or Councillors, the much greater challenges arising in the more disadvantaged area of Govanhill were far more difficult to fix through democratic influence, even for the articulate middle-class voices of the Residents Group. Furthermore, the community capacity available in neighbourhoods such as Dowanhill enables activists to avoid the risks of co-option by maintaining a critical distance from the state (Watkins, 2017), even as they work closely with public bodies, therefore limiting the degree of ‘responsibilisation’, where responsibilities and risks are transferred from the state onto communities (Rolfe, 2018). The wider context also shapes the opportunities for different forms of activism and the choices that community groups make. The political opportunity structure (Maloney, Smith and Stoker, 2000), within which communities make choices about activism, can be altered by structural forces such as the impacts of the Global Financial Crisis. As the Oatlands case demonstrates, opportunities for achieving change

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through democratic participation may be restricted by financial constraints on both public and private sectors, making self-help a more attractive and effective option to deliver community facilities. Whilst the Scottish Government’s Community Empowerment agenda represents an ambitious framework for community activism, this evidence suggests that wider structural constraints may undermine such policy aspirations (Rolfe, 2018). Perhaps ironically, the impact of the global financial crisis in Oatlands also affected another important factor influencing community activism, by slowing the pace of population growth and change. This contrasts with the Govanhill experience of rapid demographic change over the last decade. Whilst the Development Trust in Oatlands has at times struggled to build a new community, both groups in Govanhill have faced even greater challenges related to attitudes towards diversity and community cohesion, restricting their capacity to present a unified voice and therefore utilise formal democratic opportunities. Community activism does not require homogeneity, but it can clearly be restricted by lack of community cohesion. In particular, challenges of maintaining inclusiveness within community groups formed in very diverse, fast changing neighbourhoods can undermine their effectiveness by limiting the human resources on which they can draw, and through public bodies being unwilling to work with groups perceived as divisive and exclusive (Blake et al, 2008). The local state also plays a central role in shaping the political opportunity structure for community activism, most obviously through the creation of invited spaces for democratic participation, but also through responses to different forms of activism. In particular, relationships between community activists and local authorities are crucial in shaping activists’ perceptions of the value of different approaches. Thus, Restore Govanhill’s perception that the local authority was failing to act as a neutral arbitrator between competing views and was ineffective in tackling material decline led them to a strategy of political activism, whilst Oatlands Development Trust’s view of the limitations of Council efforts to develop communities inclined them towards self-help. Notably, these issues interact again with inequalities in community capacity – whilst Dowanhill Community Council were frequently critical of local authority efforts and concerned about bias towards more disadvantaged areas, they had sufficient belief in their own sharp elbows (Matthews and Hastings, 2013) to sustain an effective approach of influencing through formal democratic channels. By contrast, the Govanhill Residents Group believed they could create more impact by working with ‘like-minded

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folk’, effectively narrowing their membership to a middle-class core, but this undermined their longevity thanks to the lack of formalised structure (such as a Community Council) and Govanhill’s population instability, as active members moved away. Again, examining these dynamics at the level of communities and the local state is essential in understanding whether and how national policy such as the Community Empowerment agenda plays out in practice. These diverse examples of activism from across Glasgow suggest that the notion of ‘loss of community’ is, at the very least, exaggerated. The fact that people in each of these areas have come together to collectively address local issues suggests that contemporary neighbourhoods retain a sense of community, and one that can be converted into action. Although, the differences between the case studies suggests that the strength and shape of communities can be heavily influenced by persistent inequalities and by often externally imposed transformational change in neighbourhoods and populations. In this respect, examining community activism clearly offers a productive lens through which to understand the boundaries and nature of particular communities, helping to delineate the geographic areas, demographic or interest groups with which people most identify. Communities are changing rather than ‘lost’ and the detailed exploration of local activism can help to explicate the nature of these changes and elucidate their implications for policy and practice. Moreover, looking across the case studies provides interesting insights into the complex, non-linear processes of deindustrialisation and urban change in a context of 21st-century globalisation. Whilst physical regeneration projects such as the rebuilding of Oatlands can be seen as part of the long-term fallout from Glasgow’s experience of deindustrialisation, unemployment and neighbourhood decline, Govanhill’s recent demographic change arguably has roots in similar processes in Eastern Europe. Thus, global economic factors have pushed disadvantaged populations in differing directions, creating novel challenges for activists attempting to build and energise communities. Whilst more affluent areas such as Dowanhill are not unaffected by the wider changes in the global economy, the evidence from these case studies highlights the depth of inequality which was entrenched by the late 20th-century experience of deindustrialisation and persists in the putatively post-industrial city, shaping the opportunities for and outcomes of community activism. In terms of Glasgow itself, there is a significant degree of continuity in terms of both the diversity of activism and the frequently complex, conflictual relationships with the local state. In particular, the sense

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that communities are often responding to radical physical and material change to housing and the built environment and to fears of such externally imposed change, shown in the earlier examples of opposition to stock transfer, demolition or loss of heritage, echoes through all three neighbourhoods. At the same time, however, there are also newly emerging elements to this activism, such as the development of social media-based activism and the difficult interactions between activism and levels of demographic super-diversity not previously experienced. Such a picture suggests that community activism will be a continuing feature of Glasgow’s neighbourhoods and an important part of the city’s process of transformation, although the forms of activism are likely to evolve along with the city. Community activism is clearly linked to the socio-economic, physical and demographic changes occurring in a city which has perhaps moved beyond the immediate effects of deindustrialisation but continues to be buffeted by the winds of 21st-century globalisation. Indeed, the sense of diversified forms of activism and divergent experiences of neighbourhood change suggest that the micro-local may be increasingly important as a site of activism. This both reflects and potentially exacerbates widening socio-spatial inequalities. Hence there is a paradox of growing participation and growing inequalities (Lee, McQuarrie and Walker, 2015) and a risk that participation of all varieties will be skewed in favour of those with higher socio-economic status and formal education (Ryfe and Stalsburg, 2012). In this context, therefore, the question of whether the ambition of Scotland’s Community Empowerment Act (2015) can be realised in Glasgow will undoubtedly depend on the extent to which this legislation opens greater opportunities for activism, particularly within more disadvantaged areas. Whilst the Act has a built-in cognisance that participation can increase inequality and has consequently made tackling inequality a target for community participation (Scottish Government, 2017), the evidence from Glasgow’s communities suggests that this will remain a challenging goal unless much wider action is taken to address the underlying patterns of inequality which form the backdrop for community activism. References Barnes, M., Newman, J., Knops, A. and Sullivan, H. (2003) ‘Constituting “the public” in public participation’, Public Administration, 81: 379–99. Batty, E., Beatty, C., Foden, M., Lawless, P., Pearson, S. and Wilson, I. (2010) The New Deal for Communities Experience: A Final Assessment, London: DCLG.

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Blake, G., Diamond, J., Foot, J., Gidley, B., Mayo, M., Shukra, K. and Yarnit, M. (2008) Community Engagement and Community Cohesion, York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Boaden, N., Goldsmith, M., Hampton, W. and Stringer, P. (1981) Public Participation in Local Services, Harlow: Longman. Brodie, E., Cowling, E., Nissen, N., Paine, A., Jochum, V. and Warburton, D. (2009) Understanding participation: A literature review, London: Involve. Bynner, C. (2017) ‘Intergroup relations in a super-diverse neighbourhood: The dynamics of population composition, context and community’, Urban Studies, 56(2): 335–51. Clapham, D., Kintrea, K. and Kay, H. (1996) ‘Direct democracy in practice: the case of “community ownership” housing associations’, Policy and Politics, 24(4): 359–74. Cooke, B. and Kothari, U. (2001) ‘The Case for Participation as Tyranny’, in Cooke, B. and Kothari, U. (eds) Participation: The New Tyranny? London: Zed Books. Crisp, R., McCarthy, L., Parr, S. and Pearson, S. (2016) ‘Communityled approaches to reducing poverty in neighbourhoods: A review of evidence and practice’, Sheffield: Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University & Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Dahrendorf, R. (1968) Society and Democracy in Germany, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Dean, R. J. (2017) ‘Beyond radicalism and resignation: the competing logics for public participation in policy decisions’, Policy & Politics, 45: 213–30. Escobar, O. (2017) ‘Pluralism and democratic participation: what kind of citizen are citizens invited to be?’, Contemporary Pragmatism, 14(4): 416–38. European Union (2011) Community-Led Local Development, Brussels: European Union. Flint, J. (2004) ‘Reconfiguring agency and responsibility in the governance of social housing in Scotland’, Urban Studies, 41: 151–72. Gaventa, J. (2006) ‘Finding the spaces for change: A power analysis’, IDS Bulletin, 37: 23–33. Glasgow Centre for Population Health (2017) Understanding Glasgow – The Glasgow Indicators project. Available at: http://www. understandingglasgow.com/ (accessed 18 August 2019). Glasgow City Council (2016) Oatlands Regeneration, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council.

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Gomme, A. H. and Walker, D. (1968) Architecture of Glasgow, London: Lund Humphries. Green, J and Chapman, A. (1992) ‘The British Community Development Project: Lessons for today’, Community Development Journal, 27: 242–58. Hancock, L., Mooney, G. and Neal, S. (2012) ‘Crisis social policy and the resilience of the concept of community’, Critical Social Policy, 32: 343–64. Hastings, A., McArthur, A. and McGregor, A. (1996) Less than Equal: Community Organisations and Estate Regeneration Partnerships, Bristol: Policy Press. Imrie, R. and Raco, M. (2003) ‘Community and the Changing Nature of Urban Policy’, in Imrie, R. and Raco, M. (eds) Urban Renaissance? New Labour, Community and Urban Policy, Bristol: Policy Press. Jones, P. and Evans, J. (2013) Urban Regeneration in the UK, 2nd edn, London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Kearns, A., Wright, V., Abrams, L. and Hazley, B. (2019) ‘Slum clearance and relocation: a reassessment of social outcomes combining shortterm and long-term perspectives’, Housing Studies, 34(2): 201–25. Lavalette, M. and Mooney, G. (2000) Class Struggle and Social Welfare, London: Routledge. Lee, C., McQuarrie, M. and Walker, E. (2015) Democratizing Inequalities: Dilemmas of the New Public Participation, New York: New York University Press. Leslie, C. (2016) Disappearing Glasgow: A Photographic Journey, Glasgow: Freight Books. Maloney, W., Smith, G. and Stoker, G. (2000) ‘Social capital and urban governance: adding a more contextualised “top-down perspective”’, Political Studies, 48: 823–41. Matthews, P. and Hastings, A. (2013) ‘Middle-class political activism and middle-class advantage in relation to public services: a realist synthesis of the evidence base’, Social Policy & Administration, 47(1): 72–92. McKee, K. (2007) ‘Community ownership in Glasgow: the devolution of ownership and control or a centralizing process?’, European Journal of Housing Policy, 7(3): 319–36. McWilliams, C., Johnstone, C. and Mooney, G. (2004) ‘Urban policy in the New Scotland: the role of social inclusion partnerships’, Space and Polity, 8: 309–19. Mooney, G. and Poole, L. (2005) ‘Marginalized voices: resisting the privatization of council housing in Glasgow’, Local Economy, 20(1): 27–39.

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ODS (2013) Govanhill Neighbourhood Audit, Glasgow: ODS Consulting. Parker, G. and Street, E. (2015) ‘Planning at the neighbourhood scale: localism, dialogic politics, and the modulation of community action’, Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 33: 794–810. Peck, J. (2012) ‘Austerity urbanism’, City, 16: 626–55. Plant, R. (1974) Community and Ideology: An Essay in Applied Social Philosophy, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Rolfe, S. (2016) ‘Divergence in community participation policy: analysing localism and community empowerment using a theory of change approach’, Local Government Studies, 42: 97–118. Rolfe, S. (2018) ‘Governance and governmentality in community participation: the shifting sands of power, responsibility and risk’, Social Policy and Society, 17(4): 579–98. Ryfe, D. and Stalsburg, B. (2012) ‘The Participation and Recruitment Challenge’, in Nabatchi, T., Gastil, J., Weiksner, G. M. and Leighninger, M. (eds) Democracy in Motion: Evaluating the Practice and Impact of Deliberative Civic Engagement, New York: Oxford University Press, pp 43–58. Scottish Government. (2014) Community Councils. Available at: http:// www.scotland.gov.uk/Topics/Government/PublicServiceReform/ CommunityCouncils (accessed 18 August 2019). Scottish Government (2015) Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Scottish Government (2017) The Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act 2015 – A Summary, Edinburgh: Scottish Government. Somerville, P. (2011) Understanding Community: Politics, Policy and Practice, Bristol: Policy Press. Steiner, A. A. and Farmer, J. (2018) ‘Engage, participate, empower: modelling power transfer in disadvantaged rural communities’, Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, 36: 118–38. Tonnies, F. (1955) Communities and Association, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. UK (2007) Local Government and Public Involvement in Health Act, London: HMSO. UK (2009) Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009, London: HMSO. UK (2011) Localism Act, London: HMSO. United Nations (2008) People Matter: Civic Engagement in Public Governance, New York: United Nations. Watkins, H. M. (2017) ‘Beyond sweat equity: community organising beyond the Third Way’, Urban Studies, 54(9): 2139–54.

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PART III The chapters that make up Part III are primarily focused on the built and natural environment within the city. They each seek to examine the ways in which these environments have been transformed as part of the shift to the post-industrial city and beyond. Together the chapters engage with the role of legacy within the concept of the post-industrial city. They do so by problematising how the industrial legacy – in terms of built form, governance practices, policies and approaches – has shaped the transition to post-industrialism and beyond. James T. White (Chapter 10) provides a detailed documentation of the emergence of new residential neighbourhoods that are replacing demolished public housing estates. He analyses the reasons why the tenement, an epic visual legacy from the industrial period, has returned to the forefront of urban design policy. Chapter  11, by Rebecca Madgin, provides insight into the important role of Glasgow’s inherited environment, both from the mercantile and industrial periods, in managing the transition to a post-industrial city, as it has been re-purposed as an asset that can lever positive social and economic change. Venda Louise Pollock in Chapter 12 looks at how culture has contributed to transforming Glasgow in order to question whether ways of working that proved so successful during the latter decades of the 20th century should have a future. On the basis of a careful analysis of Glasgow’s experience, she argues that understanding the real power of culture to remake cities requires a better understanding of locally specific cultural practices. The subject of the final empirical contribution is environmental sustainability policy in Glasgow, particularly with regard to its green spaces (Chapter 13, by Larissa A. Naylor, Ellie Murtagh and Hugh Kippen). Within this chapter they continue the theme of the ways in which the past, present and future inform the development of the city. Taken together, these four chapters return to the notion of legacy first raised in Part I. However, here they demonstrate the ways in which approaches towards the future of the built and natural environment are informed by a longer-term legacy. In the context of the post-industrial transition they demonstrate the importance of coming to terms with the legacy of the industrial and de-industrial as the city goes beyond characterisation as post-industrial.

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10

What once was old is new again: placemaking and transformational regeneration in Glasgow James T. White

Introduction Glasgow’s urban form is closely associated with the sandstone tenement block, a form of high-density flatted accommodation that was developed apace during the 19th century in response to exponential population growth caused by the city’s rapid industrialisation. Today these characterful residences are celebrated as a resilient form of urbane accommodation, particularly in the affluent quarters of the city. For the less well off, however, tenement living was far less desirable. Until the mid-20th century, many of the city’s working classes suffered in dense tenement neighbourhoods straddling polluted industrial lands where the accommodation was cramped and unsanitary. The Glasgow tenement therefore retains a certain infamy in the popular imagination of the city as providing some of the worst housing conditions in Scotland, as well as some of the most desired. Juxtaposed against the imagery of Glasgow as a tenement city is the enduring spectre of the city’s modernist reimagining as it grappled with post-industrial decline in the mid-20th  century. During this era of ‘comprehensive development’ a large number of poor quality tenements were replaced by functional high-rise flats and mid-rise slab blocks. Despite laudable ambitions to improve the living conditions of the urban poor, comprehensive development proved to be physically and socially destructive as significant parts of Glasgow’s urban fabric was torn apart and communities were spatially uprooted and dispersed. The result was that much of the new accommodation fell into a cycle of decline. Fragile social networks that were cleaved by the city’s planners never recovered and the build quality of the new modernist towers and blocks proved, in many cases, to be substandard. By the mid-1970s, many residents were living in conditions that were not

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much better than those found in the condemned tenements cleared only a decade or so before. This chapter focuses on the current phase of Glasgow’s planning and design journey as the city seeks to move beyond post-industrialism and address the socio-spatial problems wrought by the comprehensive redevelopment of the inner city. Glasgow’s story is contextualised within the wider turn towards design-sensitive ‘placemaking’ in UK and Scottish urban policy that began in the early 1990s and gathered speed under New Labour’s ‘urban renaissance’ agenda during the 2000s (Punter, 2010). In Scotland, this agenda helped pave the way for the Scottish Executive’s first official policy statement on urban design in 2001, Designing Places (Scottish Executive, 2001) and a subsequent iteration called Creating Places in 2013 (Scottish Government, 2013). The concept of ‘placemaking’ situates design at the centre of planning and emphasises the need for holistic approaches to urban regeneration and development to create high quality places (Carmona et al, 2010). It highlights the importance of ‘conscious acts of intervention’ (Adams and Tiesdell, 2012, p 13) to achieve better design outcomes, such as employing masterplans to guide development, creating partnerships between the state and the private sector to deliver socially mixed development, and providing incentives to encourage regeneration on complicated sites. The turn towards a placemaking agenda has also promulgated a determinedly anti-modernist definition of ‘good’ urban design, drawing on concepts such as ‘character, continuity, and enclosure, quality of the public realm, ease of movement, legibility, adaptability, and diversity’ (Carmona et al, 2018, p 11). These principles have tended to encourage the reimagining of ‘traditional’ (that is to say pre-modernist) urban blocks, streets and public spaces designed with an appreciation for the existing urban context and with a focus on integrating commercial uses and public buildings in amongst a range of housing types and tenures (see Figure 10.1). While the placemaking agenda has received a broadly positive reception for its promotion of more sustainable planning and design, it has also been critiqued as a tool of urban neo-liberalism that has nostalgically ‘promoted the myth of harmonious inner-city communities’ (Punter, 2010, p 5). Of particular concern has been the promotion of ‘urban living’ and the desire by policymakers to engineer greater social diversity through mixed-tenure development (Lees, 2008). Such an approach actively encourages middle-class property buyers to return to the inner city and purchase housing in regenerated areas with a high proportion of social housing (McIntyre and McKee, 2012). This has led to a creeping reliance by the state on

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Placemaking and transformational regeneration in Glasgow Figure 10.1: What once was old is new again. Contemporary tenements and Victorian tenements on the Pollokshaws Road, Glasgow, in the shadow of a modernist high-rise tower

Source: J. T. White

investment by private sector developers to fund the attendant social housing thus ensuring that the areas in the inner city most likely to receive regeneration are those that have the greatest potential to attract middle-class property purchasers (Lees, 2003; MacLeod and Johnstone, 2012). The remainder of this chapter describes Glasgow’s current approach to urban regeneration. This model bares the hallmarks of the wider ‘placemaking’ agenda and has been adopted in the very areas of the city that were cleared and comprehensively developed by Glasgow’s modernist planners at the height of its post-industrial decline some 50 years ago. To tell this story, the chapter begins with a description of how the Victorian tenement neighbourhood was ‘reinvented’ at Crown Street in the Gorbals during the 1990s and became an international exemplar of ‘placemaking’. The chapter then details the formation of the Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership and explains how it initiated a programme of mixed-tenure urban regeneration that draws in public and private financing and extends some of the planning and design lessons from Crown Street. Particular attention is paid to two case studies: Laurieston, which sits just west of Crown Street in the Gorbals, and Pollokshaws, located approximately five miles south of the city centre. Drawing upon data collected from archival documents, direct observations and key informant interviews conducted in 2018, the chapter analyses the design and development visions of these two

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areas and considers how they have evolved through various phases of masterplanning and delivery. The chapter concludes with a series of reflections on how a placemaking agenda has reshaped the postindustrial inner-city and the extent to which the enduring tenement typology has influenced current regeneration practice in Glasgow.

The Crown Street regeneration project and the ‘urban village’ The Crown Street Regeneration Project sits within the former Hutchesontown area of the Gorbals, a once grand Victorian tenement district that had some of the worst slum conditions in the city (Thompson-Fawcett, 2004). It was identified as the first of Glasgow’s Comprehensive Development Areas (CDA) in the late 1950s and the celebrated modernist architects Basil Spence and Robert Matthew were commissioned to design a scheme that tore up the Victorian street pattern and introduced a combination of high-rise towers and deck access slab blocks to a newly cleared urban landscape. Major design flaws quickly emerged. The architecture was criticised for its harsh and functional appearance, and residents bemoaned the lack of community facilities. Problems with vandalism, broken lifts and unsafe common areas also escalated, and serious construction faults caused widespread damp and mould infestation that earned some flats the unfortunate moniker ‘The Dampies’. Within a few years, the 12 worst afflicted blocks were deemed unfit for habitation and were entirely vacated by the early 1980s. Like the tenements before them, the failed buildings were cleared (Thompson-Fawcett, 2004). Such stark failure fostered ‘a strong political will to enact alternative solutions’ (Thompson-Fawcett, 2004, p  184) that were radically different in both form and approach. The Crown Street Regeneration Project, located at the heart of the Gorbals, was therefore conceived as a ‘flagship’ development that would (again) reshape Glasgow’s housing policy for the 21st century (McArthur, 2000) as the city looked to move beyond a period of rapid de-industrialisation. A delivery partnership was set up in the early 1990s between Glasgow District Council, the Scottish Development Agency, Scottish Homes and a local delivery board (ThompsonFawcett, 2004). Demonstrating early signs of an emerging ‘placemaking’ agenda, one of the partnership’s key ambitions was to deliver a mixed tenure development with housing both for sale and rent. This marked a distinct departure from the wholly social composition of the previously redeveloped area (McArthur, 2000).

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The Crown Street masterplan, produced by Piers Gough of the London firm CZWG, reinstated a series of contemporary tenement blocks developed around a street grid network with broad boulevards, landscaped public spaces, ground floor retail and on-street parking. Thompson-Fawcett describes how the architects approached the project by ‘working within the established set of old typologies, but reworking the design’ (2004, p 188). In place of the common twoflat-per-floor arrangement found in traditional Glasgow tenements, the designers at Crown Street incorporated two-storey maisonette apartments for families at ground level and provided more traditional flats accessed from a central stairway (or ‘close’) above. The first phase of the Crown Street project was completed in the early 2000s with 25 per cent of the homes for social rent, managed by the New Gorbals Housing Association, and the remaining 75 per cent sold to private buyers (see Figure 10.2). The architectural historian Florian Urban has termed the architectural design formula employed at Crown Street as the ‘new tenement’ (Urban, 2018). The designers purposefully reversed the modernist design language of the failed comprehensive redevelopment allowing the built form to be produced ‘based on building-definingFigure 10.2: The Crown Street Regeneration Project. An adapted version of the traditional Glasgow tenement on Crown Street in the Gorbals. The street photographed follows the original Victorian street pattern reinstated as part of the Crown Street Regeneration Project

Source: J. T. White

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space … rather than freestanding buildings-in-space’ (Tiesdell and MacFarlane, 2007, p 429). The early integration of shops, parks and other community facilities into the area buoyed investor confidence, while the decision to employ the popular tenement typology helped to attract middle-class property purchasers into a part of the city they had long abandoned (Thompson-Fawcett, 2004; Urban, 2018). From inception to completion the Crown Street Regeneration Project proved to be an early exemplar of ‘placemaking’ (Adams and Tiesdell, 2012). Good design was identified as a central concern by the public–private delivery team and a masterplan was used to control development outcomes. Moreover, the project partners purposefully rejected modernism in favour of a neo-traditional form of development through the creation of walkable and pedestrian-friendly streets, mixed-use development offering opportunities for employment, as well as housing tenure mix to encourage population diversity. The project was nationally recognised for its pioneering approach, but was also noted as an early example of the growing neo-liberalisation of urban regeneration where public sector funds were used to support the delivery of homes for owner occupation through grants and subsidies alongside homes for social rent (Urban, 2018). Crown Street was widely publicised by an organisation called the Urban Village Forum, a network of well-connected development actors, including house builders, architects and planners (Biddulph, Tait and Franklin, 2002). The principles of an ‘urban village’, both in terms of physical design but also as a mode of development delivery, were largely indistinguishable from those that were later developed under New Labour’s placemaking agenda in the early 2000s and, as this wider policy agenda grew in depth and breadth during the 2000s, the term ‘urban village’ was eventually subsumed among similar concepts related to sustainable placemaking. As an influential forerunner, Crown Street was nevertheless widely cited, including by the chair of the influential Urban Task Force (Clark and Wright, 2018) who highlighted it as an example of how design-sensitive urban regeneration, or ‘placemaking’, could be successfully delivered in post-industrial British cities.

The Transforming Glasgow Partnership: urban regeneration and placemaking beyond Crown Street The Transforming Communities Glasgow Partnership (TC:G) was established by Glasgow City Council, Glasgow Housing Association (GHA) and the Scottish Government in 2012 to deliver a similar form of sustainable urban regeneration to Crown Street across eight

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Transformational Regeneration Areas (TRAs) that had been identified some years before (Glasgow City Council, 2011a). The programme readily adopted the ‘placemaking’ approach employed at Crown Street and since recommended in national planning policy in Scotland (e.g. Scottish Government, 2013) as well as in Glasgow’s City Development Plan (Glasgow City Council, 2017a). Using a market-driven funding model, private sector investment in new market housing has been used alongside government housing grants to deliver mixed-tenure urban regeneration and community renewal in sites around the city. Under the current partnership agreement, the delivery is overseen by a tripartite group and, in the majority of the TRAs, the social housing quota is produced and subsequently managed by GHA.1 Glasgow City Council share overall responsibility for delivery with GHA and provide funding directly to the various TRAs. The council also oversee and coordinate land sales for market housing and commercial development. The Scottish Government’s role is more arm’s-length. It has agreed to forgive outstanding debts associated with the transfer of social housing stock from Glasgow City Council to GHA in the early 2000s and to allow any funds generated from private sector activity in the TRAs to be reinvested into the TC:G partnership (Glasgow City Council, 2011a).

Placemaking ambitions in two transformational regeneration areas As noted at the beginning of the chapter, one of the concerns raised by critics of urban neo-liberalism is the increasingly common practice of delivering urban regeneration and placemaking through development partnerships that rely on the delivery of market housing (e.g. Lees, 2003). Fitting this mould, the TC:G has focused its development activity in the TRAs where the opportunity to attract private sector development partners has been greatest, including the TRAs at Laurieston and Pollokshaws. These two projects are the focus of the remainder of this chapter. Laurieston is located just south of Glasgow city centre on the southern bank of the River Clyde and immediately east of Crown Street making it a potentially attractive site for new innercity housing close to Glasgow’s core. Pollokshaws, in contrast, is located on the city’s Southside a few miles from the city centre and surrounded by leafy suburbs. Sitting directly adjacent to Pollok Country Park and a suburban railway station, it is within walking distance of nearby Shawlands high street and offers a different but

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attractive proposition for potential private development partners. As at Gorbals-Hutchesontown, Laurieston and Pollokshaws were subject to comprehensive development by the Glasgow Corporation during the mid-20th century that was subsequently viewed as a failure. Laurieston was developed in the early 19th century as a middleclass tenemental area laid out as a series of grand tenemental blocks on a generously proportioned grid system (Anderson Bell + Christie, 2016). Despite the quality of the building stock, the early middleclass occupiers abandoned the area during the height of Glasgow’s industrial development and migrated to the less-polluted western and southern suburbs. The tenemental stock in Laurieston was adapted for working class tenants and, in part due to poor standards of maintenance that persisted for many decades, the area fell into precipitous decline as post-industrialism took hold in the city. In 1965, the Glasgow Corporation identified Laurieston-Gorbals as the eighth CDA in its city-wide programme and took forward a programme of demolition (Corporation of Glasgow, 1965). Four double blocks of high-rise flats and three and four storey medium-rise flatted buildings were built. While the medium-rise buildings were popular, the high-rise flats did little to repair the fortunes of the area and slowly fell into disrepair. The story of comprehensive development at Pollokshaws was much the same. Until 1912, Pollokshaws was an autonomous burgh with a history of handloom weaving dating back to the 1600s (Gibson, 1980). Sitting on the banks of the White Cart River, it functioned as a compact and largely self-contained village. By the 19th century the burgh began to witness higher density tenement development on its northern fringes as Glasgow sprawled south, but it nevertheless retained a village character with an organic street network flowing from a wide main street (Anderson Bell + Christie, 2013). Comprehensive development arrived in Pollokshaws in 1957. An official survey report at the time concluded that much of the historic building stock was obsolete and in a poor state of repair. The decision was subsequently taken to demolish the old village and start anew (Corporation of the City of Glasgow, 1957). A modernist scheme was constructed at Pollokshaws comprising eight high-rise blocks, further low-rise housing and a shopping precinct. Some historical buildings, including the original Burgh Hall, were retained but they sat rather awkwardly amidst the modernist towers and blocks. The high-rise blocks at Pollokshaws proved difficult to maintain and, by the late 1990s, tenant satisfaction was low. Many units could not be rented out as concerns about crime and anti-social behaviour in the neighbourhood became

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widespread and potential tenants worried about the condition of the buildings (CRGP, 2006). Regeneration masterplans, or ‘development strategies’ – so-called to align with Glasgow City Council’s planning policy language – were produced for Laurieston and Pollokshaws between 2004 and 2007 as part of the evolving TRA programme by the London-based urban design firm Urban Initiatives. Having been drawn up just before the 2007–2008 financial crisis both masterplans were ambitious in scope and strongly market-driven. Dense, mixed-tenure and mixed-use urban villages or ‘city quarters’ were planned, with a slightly higher density envisaged at Laurieston to account for its ostensibly ‘city centre’ location (Ryden, 2015). The aim at both TRAs was to follow the example of Crown Street and build tenure-blind communities that removed any ‘visual or spatial distinction’ (Urban Initiatives et al, 2007, p 11) between social and market housing. This was a design approach that had been successfully employed at Crown Street and had become increasingly popular with policymakers and developers adopting a placemaking approach across the UK during the mid-2000s (Bailey et al, 2006). Both masterplans also engaged directly with the concepts associated with the Urban Village Forum that had been tried and tested at Crown Street and which furthermore aligned with the emerging regeneration policy rhetoric on placemaking, such as the national Designing Places policy statement in Scotland. Among numerous design principles, this document encouraged cities to ‘find forms of sustainable development that will renew urban life’ (e.g. Scottish Executive, 2001, p 4). In both TRAs, the overall aim was thus to create a ‘sustainable’ community, with integrated mixed uses, and pedestrian friendly streets and blocks. Nostalgia for the city’s historic urban fabric was also woven into the new plans for Laurieston and Pollokshaws. The masterplanners proposed that the historic street networks that had been erased by comprehensive development be reinstated (Urban Initiatives et  al, 2006, 2007) and, drawing directly on the Crown Street precedent, mostly through illustrative photographs of the completed development, the two masterplans also proposed using urban perimeter blocks and modified tenement typologies to structure development and support a range of dwelling types with shared access to landscaped backcourts. On-street parking was illustrated on wide landscaped streets, while the Laurieston masterplan also included provisions for underground car parking to cater for the significant density of development envisaged. Strikingly, any physical evidence of the modernist urban from that defined both neighbourhoods in the post-industrial era was entirely

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erased. Using language which mirrored that used by Glasgow’s modernist planners in the 1950s and 1960s, the masterplan for Pollokshaws talked of creating a ‘robust urban structure that sweeps away much of the deteriorating and unpopular housing stock … and replaces them with a traditional street grid, creating an integrated mixed-use neighbourhood’ (Urban Initiatives et al, 2007, p 5).

Development realities in two transformational regeneration areas Despite being identified as having significant potential for private sector investment, Laurieston and Pollokshaws fell victim to the 2007–2008 financial crisis. At Laurieston, developer confidence was so low that attracting a private housebuilder to join the development partnership under the terms set out in the original brief proved impossible. In 2010, Glasgow City Council and New Gorbals Housing Association (the social housing partner at Laurieston) commissioned a masterplan review to generate more realistic proposals that could be tendered to potential private sector partners (Glasgow City Council, 2011b). The review was conducted by the Glasgow-based architects Page/Park and focused on the first phase of development. The revised plan dramatically reduced the height and intensity of the built form but preserved the pattern of ‘new’ tenement blocks envisaged in the original proposals (Turner & Townsend and Page\ Park Architects, 2010). The ambitious plans for underground parking were not taken forward in the revised masterplan to save costs. Despite various changes, a place-making approach endured. The mixed tenure arrangement was retained and so too was a sense of nostalgia for Glasgow’s Victorian past. A subsequent tendering process was held in 2011. It secured a private sector partner called Urban Union to deliver the development (Glasgow City Council, 2011b). The development partners also decided to employ two architectural firms to design the buildings in the first phase of development (Key Informant Interview 3) in the hope that this would generate the same level of architectural variety achieved at Crown Street (Turner & Townsend and Page\Park Architects, 2010). The construction of Phase 1 was completed between 2012 and 2016. Despite being rather less ambitious than the earlier Urban Initiatives plan, the masterplan simultaneously celebrates the traditional form of the tenement while also achieving a tenure-blind contemporary architectural aesthetic. The tenement flats and associated townhouses are constructed of durable high-quality materials and incorporate

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generous glazing and balconies. Notably, one of the blocks in the first phase of development, designed by the Glasgow-based architects Elder and Cannon, has won numerous design awards and is arguably one of the finest contemporary buildings in the city (see Figure 10.3). The residents of this particular block are all social tenants who resided in the last of the high-rise towers to be pulled down at Laurieston (Key Informant Interview 3). A masterplan for the second phase of Laurieston, where much of the remaining private housing will be built, was submitted for consideration by Glasgow City Council in late 2016. Produced for Urban Union by Anderson Bell + Christie, a local firm, it proposed a further series of adaptations to the original 2007 masterplan. A grand oval park, which would have been a principal public space in the area, was ultimately deemed to be financially unviable and is no longer part of the design vision (Key Informant Interview 3); in its place a linear park is proposed. A grid-based urban morphology that follows the old street pattern has, however, been extended into the second phase. A further third phase of housing for sale is also anticipated by the early 2020s and is being proposed alongside ambitions to generate retail activity and a ‘high street’ feel on Gorbals Street, which runs along the eastern edge of the TRA (Key Informant Interview 3). This aims Figure 10.3: Contemporary tenements in the Laurieston TRA. An award-winning contemporary tenement block at Laurieston, designed by local architects Elder and Cannon for New Gorbals Housing Association

Source: J. T. White

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to address the TC:G’s ambition to integrate commercial uses into the TRA projects and reinforces the idea of ‘mixed use’ as a key tenet of a placemaking agenda. The aftermath of the Financial Crisis meant that changes to the masterplanning framework were also deemed necessary at Pollokshaws. The original plan had been based on the potential for future private housing supply but the appetite from private developers initially proved very low (Key Informant Interview 2). The public sector partners, Glasgow Housing Association and Glasgow City Council, did however proceed with the demolition of the site’s nine high-rise blocks between 2008 and 2016, but only a small amount of new development followed in the initial years of the project. This included a cluster of social rented homes in 2009 on Riverford Road, the design of which was dictated by the original masterplan albeit it at a rather lower density. This series of buildings was organised in a perimeter block form and integrated traditional tenemental closes with a small number of associated houses and a rear parking courtyard (see Figure 10.4). As had happened at Laurieston, a decision was taken in 2012 to recruit an urban design team to review and revise the masterplanning framework for Pollokshaws and propose a form of development that was more realistic for the post-crash financial climate (Key Informant Interview 2). Anderson Bell + Christie, the architects responsible for the Riverford Road site described above, won the commission and quickly determined that the original vision for a ‘very dense flatted Figure 10.4: Contemporary tenements in the Pollokshaws TRA. Contemporary tenements on Riverford Road in the Pollokshaws Road by Anderson Bell + Christie for GHA. The land opposite (foreground) awaits private sector development

Source: J. T. White

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development…on an urban grid’ (Anderson Bell + Christie, 2013, p 38) could no longer be realised. Guided by a detailed assessment of the property market the revised plan proposed a dramatic re-scaling of the envisaged urban form reducing the projected number units by as much as 50 per cent. To accommodate this change, the number of tenement blocks was scaled back and the number of terraced houses increased. Despite the changes in density, the new masterplan did endeavour to retain the principles of an ‘urban village’ by employing a broadly similar street and block arrangement that echoes the historic pattern of development in old Pollokshaws. The physical regeneration of Pollokshaws has moved at a slower pace than Laurieston and, as of 2019, only a small amount of the TRA has been developed. In addition to the aforementioned block, a series of buildings built during the CDA era have been refurbished and refaced, new tenement style flats for social rent have been built by GHA on the western site boundary, facing on to the Pollokshaws Road (see Figure 10.1), and a further block of social housing in a contemporary tenement arrangement has been constructed by Loretto, a subsidiary of GHA (Collective Architecture, 2016). The first private housing at the Pollokshaws TRA is also under construction on a site just south of the White Cart River, some ten years after the first high-rise blocks were torn down. Urban Union, the joint-venture company working at Laurieston, was also selected as the private sector partner for Pollokshaws following a tender process. They will deliver close to 140 units for sale as a mixture of tenements and terraced houses. Development north of the White Cart River is anticipated to be a further phase of private housing, but it is subject to flood remediation works and continued favourable market conditions. At this relatively early stage, it is difficult to make a thoroughgoing design evaluation of the Pollokshaws TRA, although an initial assessment would suggest that the pockets of development completed so far do not quite meet the same standards of design quality as Laurieston. At Pollokshaws, although the project is only in its early stages, a placemaking approach appears to be an objective among many, rather than a guiding ambition and the general appearance of the completed buildings and landscape is plainer and less ‘design driven’ than at Laurieston. Furthermore, the slow pace of development has forced many of the area’s social tenants to spend a number of years living in a largely unfinished urban environment as the development partners await market conditions to improve. A cohesive sense of an ‘urban village’ celebrating the historic qualities of old Pollokshaws, as outlined in the old and revised masterplans, has yet to be convincingly realised.

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Conclusion This chapter has reflected on current approaches to large-scale housing-led regeneration in Glasgow. The objective of the TC:G partnership continues to be the delivery of ‘…  sustainable mixed tenure communities through the provision of new housing, community facilities, green space and where appropriate commercial units’ (Glasgow City Council, 2018, p 1). This holistic placemakingorientated ambition is driven by the success of the Crown Street project. It also reflects the desire by planners that it serve as a catalyst for subsequent regeneration in Glasgow and a ‘model’ for the form of future development as the city moves beyond post-industrialism and its failed experiment with modernism (Thompson-Fawcett, 2004). This approach is also analogous with the wider turn in national planning policy in Scotland towards design-based placemaking, which more broadly encourages the creation of vibrant and mixed neighbourhoods (e.g. Scottish Government, 2014) through the shared delivery of regeneration by the state and the market. The most recent iteration of Glasgow’s development plan, adopted in 2017, includes a ‘placemaking principle’ which aims to ensure that both new development and infill projects respond to local needs and demonstrate an understanding of how existing places work (Glasgow City Council, 2017b). In spite of this laudable commitment to local needs, it is clear from the two case studies presented in this chapter that the continued delivery of large-scale urban regeneration through the TC:G programme is highly contingent upon the results of ongoing assessments of local market conditions. The programme is thus a clearcut example of the ‘neo-liberalisation’ of urban regeneration, where the state is increasingly reliant on investment by the private sector to fund the delivery of new social housing (Lees, 2003; MacLeod and Johnstone, 2012). In Glasgow, those areas where there is potential for strong market housing sales are the ones taken forward by the TC:G. For social tenants living in areas where developer confidence is low the wait for ‘transformational’ placemaking and regeneration continues. While it is beyond the scope of this chapter to draw hard conclusions about the socio-economic success, or otherwise, of mixed tenure development in Glasgow, the chapter has demonstrated that one of the enduring lesson that Glasgow’s planners took from the Crown Street experience was to recognise the potential of using a masterplan as a key tool in the placemaking process. This lesson is demonstrated both by the continuing commitment to masterplanning in the TC:G programme, as well as by the decision to hire nationally or locally

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respected design practices to deliver the two TRAs discussed in the chapter. While this might sound like a ‘common sense’ approach to urban regeneration on this scale, the use of design-sensitive planning tools, such as a masterplan, continues to be the exception rather than the rule in UK and Scottish development practice (Adams and Tiesdell, 2012). Despite changes to the density and structure of development at Laurieston and Pollokshaws, caused by the dramatic upheaval to the property market post-financial crisis, the original masterplans produced by Urban Initiatives established a clear vision for the future development of the TRAs that subsequent masterplans have adapted and revised rather than wholly replaced. The two projects explored in the chapter have thus been able to proceed at varying speeds without the foundational placemaking principles being entirely lost. This holistic approach is clearest perhaps at the Laurieston TRA where the New Gorbals Housing Association has played a sophisticated leadership role and delivered a series of exemplary buildings within a simple framework of urban blocks, although the loss of the large public park was a vivid demonstration of the market’s stranglehold on the aims and ambitions of the TC:G programme. While the commitment to building design quality at Pollokshaws appears looser, the evolving masterplan nevertheless provides a visual framework around which the public and private sector development partners can work together. A masterplan helps to limit the chance of piecemeal development diluting the quality and consistency of design. The knowledge that Crown Street was a success in large part because of a strong design-led masterplan appears to have been acknowledged by the key partners engaged in the delivery of development both at Laurieston and Pollokshaws. Finally, this chapter has also illustrated how Glasgow’s changing urban form has profoundly impacted the urban design language and architectural typologies that were used to structure development in the TRAs. Crown Street demonstrated the popularity of reimagining the essential design qualities of Glasgow’s Victorian urban form and, in particular, the tenemental block. Yet, despite these successes, there remains a certain irony that the adapted ‘new’ tenements replicated throughout the TRAs, and more broadly across Glasgow in numerous infill developments (see Urban, 2018), are used to ‘communicate a message of permanence that stands in stark contrast to the area’s historic upheavals’ (Urban, 2013, p 37). The urban design principles employed at Crown Street and in the subsequent TRA programme, such as walkable streets, active ground

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floors, and permeable street networks, are now ubiquitous in Scottish government and local design policies (e.g. Scottish Government, 2013) Yet, it is surprising that the prevailing approach to urban regeneration in Glasgow’s inner city also aims to actively erase Glasgow’s postindustrial experience with modernism in almost exactly the same way that the (now cherished) tenemental streets and blocks were erased from the city fifty years before to facilitate comprehensive development. The clearance (again) of an entire era of development draws into question the attachment to particular design dogma by professional planners. It also demonstrates a readiness by decisionmakers who are looking to position Glasgow as a city that’s moved beyond its post-industrial past to sway from one utopian ‘catch all’ to another in a relatively short space of time. As we look to the future, perhaps what once was old is new again will prove to be old again once more. Only time will tell. Note 1

In the Laurieston TRA (discussed in this chapter) the social housing partner is New Gorbals Housing Association. Other locally based housing association are also involved at some of the other TRA sites.

References Adams, D. and Tiesdell, S. (2012) Shaping Places: Urban Planning, Design and Development, Abingdon: Routledge. Anderson Bell + Christie (2013) Pollokshaws (Shawbridge) Transformational Regeneration Area Master Plan & Development Framework, Glasgow: Anderson Bell + Christie. Anderson Bell + Christie (2016) Laurieston Phase 2 Design + Access Statement, Glasgow: Urban Union. Bailey, N., Haworth, A., Manzi, T., Paranagamage, P. and Roberts, M. (2006) Creating and Sustaining Mixed Income Communities: A Good Practice Guide, Coventry/York: Chartered Institute of Housing and Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Biddulph, M., Tait, M. and Franklin, B. (2002) ‘The urban village: an obituary’, Urban Design Quarterly, 81(Winter): 39–40. Carmona, M., De Magalhaes, C. and Natarajan, L. (2018) Design Governance: The CABE Experiment, Abingdon: Routledge. Carmona, M., Tiesdell, S., Heath, T. and Oc, T. (2010) Public Place Urban Spaces: The Dimensions of Urban Design, Abingdon: Routledge.

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Clark, J. and Wright, V. (2018) ‘Urban Regeneration in Glasgow: Looking to the Past to Build the Future? The Case of the “New Gorbals”’, in Clark, J. and Wise, N. (eds) Urban Renewal, Community and Participation, Cham: Springer, pp 45–70. Collective Architecture (2016) Shawbridge Street, Pollokshaws. Design Statement, May 2016, Glasgow: Collective Architecture. Corporation of the City of Glasgow, The (1957) Pollokshaws Comprehensive Development Area, 1957. Written Statement, Glasgow: The Corporation of the City of Glasgow. Corporation of the City of Glasgow, The (1965) Laurieston/Gorbals Comprehensive Development Area: Synopsis of Proposals, Glasgow: The Corporation of the City of Glasgow. CRGP (2006) Shawbridge Development Study: Housing Options Report, Glasgow: Glasgow Housing Association. Gibson, J. (1980) Pollokshaws: A Brief History, Glasgow: Pollokshaws Heritage Group. Available at: http://www.pollokshaws.org.uk/ Pollokshaws%20-%20A%20Brief%20History.pdf (accessed 6 March 2018). Glasgow City Council (2011a) Transformational Regeneration Areas (TRAs) Update. Glasgow City Council, Report by Executive Director of Development and Regeneration Services, 7 February. Available at: http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/councillorsandcommittees/ viewSelectedDocument.asp?c=P62AFQZLDXZ381ZL (accessed 1 March 2018). Glasgow City Council (2011b) Laurieston Transformational Regeneration Area (TRA). Appointment of Private Sector Development Consortium Tender Number GCC002169. Glasgow City Council, Report by Executive Director of Development and Regeneration Services, 31 March 2011. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/councillorsandcommittees/ viewSelectedDocument.asp?c=P62AFQZLZ30G81UT (accessed 20 March 2018). Glasgow City Council (2017a) Glasgow City Development Plan, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Glasgow City Council (2017b) Glasgow City Development Plan, IPG 1 Placemaking Part 1, Interim Planning Guidance Feb 2017, Glasgow City Council. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/ CHttpHandler.ashx?id=36870&p=0 (accessed 7 June 2018). Glasgow City Council (2018) Transforming Communities Partnership, Glasgow City Council. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/ index.aspx?articleid=19842 (accessed 1 March 2018).

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Lees, L. (2003) ‘Visions of “Urban Renaissance”: The Urban Task Force Report and the Urban White Paper’, in Imrie, R. and Raco, M. (eds) Urban Renaissance? New Labour, Community and Urban Policy, Bristol: Policy Press, pp 61–82. Lees, L. (2008) ‘Gentrification and social mixing: towards an inclusive urban renaissance?’, Urban Studies, 45(12): 2449–70. McArthur, A. (2000) ‘Rebuilding sustainable communities: assessing Glasgow’s urban village experiment’, Town Planning Review, 71(1): 51–69. MacLeod, G. and Johnstone, C. (2012) ‘Stretching urban renaissance: privatizing space, civilizing place, summoning “community”’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 36(1): 1–28. McIntyre, Z. and McKee, K. (2012) ‘Creating sustainable communities through tenure-mix: the responsibilisation of marginal homeowners in Scotland’, GeoJournal, 77(2): 235–47. Punter, J. (2010) ‘An Introduction to the British Urban Renaissance’, in Punter, J. (ed) Urban Design and the British Urban Renaissance, Abingdon: Routledge, pp 1–32. Ryden (2015) Transformational Regeneration Areas (TRAs): 2015 Market Review. A Report to Glasgow Housing Association, Glasgow City Council and the Scottish Government (Transforming Communities Glasgow), Glasgow: Ryden. Scottish Executive (2001) Designing Places: A Policy Statement for Scotland, Edinburgh: Scottish Executive. Scottish Government (2013) Creating Places: A Policy Statement on Architecture and Place for Scotland. Scottish Government. Available at: http://www.gov.scot/Publications/2013/06/9811 (accessed 20 March 2018). Scottish Government (2014) Scottish Planning Policy. Scottish Government. Available at: https://beta.gov.scot/publications/ scottish-planning-policy/ (accessed 7 June 2018). Thompson-Fawcett, M. (2004) ‘Reinventing the tenement: transformation of Crown Street in the Gorbals, Glasgow’, Journal of Urban Design, 9(2): 177–203. Tiesdell, S. and MacFarlane, G. (2007) ‘The part and the whole: implementing masterplans in Glasgow’s New Gorbals’, Journal of Urban Design, 12(3): 407–33. Turner & Townsend and Page\Park Architects (2010) Laurieston Transformation + Regeneration Area: Consultation Document, Glasgow: Page\Park Architects.

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Urban, F. (2013) ‘New tenements and the image of the past – the Crown Street development in Glasgow’s New Gorbals’, Architectural Research Quarterly, 17(1): 37–48. Urban, F. (2018) The New Tenement: Residences in the Inner City Since 1970, Abingdon: Routledge. Urban Initiatives, Turner & Townsend, Lampert Smith Hampton, WSP and Roger Tym and Partners (2006) Laurieston Local Development Strategy & Design Codes: Final Report, London: Urban Initiatives. Urban Initiatives, CRGP, Organisational Development and Support, DTZ Residential and WSP (2007) Shawbridge Development Study: Development Plan, London: Urban Initiatives. Key Informant Interviews Key Informant Interview  1: Semi-structured interview with senior architectural practitioner involved in TRA design and development. Key Informant Interview  2: Semi-structured interview with three delivery agents involved in development of Pollokshaws TRA. Key Informant Interview  3: Semi-structured interview with key delivery agent involved in development of Laurieston TRA.

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A place for urban conservation? The changing values of Glasgow’s built heritage Rebecca Madgin1

Introduction Glasgow has a reputation as a city that has traditionally shunned its historic architecture in favour of radical new building programmes. However, contrary to popular perception, the city has also gambled on its future by reusing historic buildings to contribute to a number of different urban agendas, including housing, leisure, and health and well-being. The focus on conserving the historic environment that began during the latter decades of the 20th century marked a distinct change from the mid-20th century where it was believed to be ‘a point of pride in the city to destroy and build better’ (Esher, 1971, p 1). This attitude emerged out of Glasgow’s infamous policy of comprehensive redevelopment in the 1960s and 1970s which ensured Glasgow’s historic architecture was ‘sadly neglected and mistreated’ as ‘very few people saw any merit in Victorian buildings’ (Esher, 1971, p  1). However, during this period a number of influential architectural critics acknowledged the deep sense of loss, both physical and emotional, caused by these policies and started to extol the virtues of the historic environment. The architectural critics, Gomme and Walker, summed up this despair when they stated: If Glasgow matters architecturally, it matters not only as a collection of fine buildings, but as a great city. The effect of Glasgow, as the effort of some of its best integrated parts, is cumulative. Take away a range of tenements here and there and the effect may only be local; but too much removal and the city will suddenly be a different place. (1968, p 255)

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In essence, their call to arms rested on their belief that the city needed a greater awareness of the role that existing buildings, including and beyond those formally protected through listed building status, played in the social and economic life of Glasgow. This chapter develops this thesis as it critically examines the extent to which the historic environment has played a role in Glasgow’s transition from de-industrial to post-industrial and beyond. More specifically, the chapter examines the ways in which the benefits of heritage were reconceptualised to satisfy different urban development strategies since the 1980s. The transition to post-industrial status exposed cities to an accelerated form of adaptation as their traditional industrial base experienced terminal contraction. City strategies to remake places positioned at their core an improvement of the built environment. In turn, this necessitated a series of re-evaluations as to what future role the existing historic environment could play in the desire to rescue the city from the consequences of deindustrialisation. Three major re-evaluations are examined within this chapter. Firstly, the perceived benefits of restoring the historic environment grew to a point whereby heritage is now almost seen as a panacea for urban ills. Put simply, the value of urban conservation rested firstly with economic value and broadened to include social, cultural, and environmental by the second decade of the 21st century. Secondly, a distinct shift in the management of urban conservation can be discerned during this period as a belief in public/private partnerships widened to include a prominent role for the community sector. Thirdly, and finally, sources of funding for restoring historic buildings diversified over this period as the hollowing out of the local state saw a kaleidoscope of different funding mechanisms put in place. Tying each of these three trends together is the way in which the perception, management, and funding of urban conservation has pluralised since the end of the 20th century. The chapter examines the three major trends within the context of two case studies: The Merchant City and Govanhill Baths, to consider the ways in which an evolving policy landscape, designed to manage the transition from de-industrial to post-industrial and beyond has influenced the type, nature and extent of urban conservation within Glasgow.

The perceived benefits of the historic environment The latest City Development Plan for Glasgow (Glasgow City Council, 2017) outlines 21 stated benefits of the historic environment (Table 11.1), which range from economic to social and cultural.

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A place for urban conservation? Table 11.1: List of perceived benefits • Contribute to: sense of place – well-being – cultural identity – sustainability – economic growth, development and regeneration • Support: the growth of tourism and leisure • Foster: craft and construction skills • Project: a high-quality image of the City • Enhance: regional and local distinctiveness • Provide: a sense of identity, place and continuity for local communities • Reflect: historic achievement • Connect: people and place • Make: Glasgow a great place to live, work and visit Source: Adapted from City Development Plan (Glasgow City Council, 2017, p 93)

The City Development Plan sees heritage as an integral element of ‘our everyday lives’, able to provide ‘a sense of place, well-being and cultural identity’ (Glasgow City Council, 2017, p  93). However, despite this optimism there remains little evidence to support this view. This is a theme taken up by Labadi, who in her Europe-wide evaluation of the socio-economic impacts of heritage-led regeneration put forward the view that programmes were often subject to ‘optimism bias’ defined as ‘the demonstrated, systematic tendency for project appraisers to be overly optimistic about project costs, duration and benefits …’ Department for Communities and Local Government, quoted in Labadi, 2011, p 106). This recognition of the expansive value of the historic environment in Glasgow has gradually increased since Gomme and Walker’s exhortation at the end of the 1960s. Initially, the perceived benefits of the historic conservation lay in the economic development of the city. The relationship between conservation and the economy was made explicit by the city council when it stated a need to ‘integrate conservation policies with the process of urban renewal in its widest sense, particularly with a view to employment’ and recognised that ‘far less would have been achieved in the field of conservation had economic and other factors not been taken into consideration right from the start’ (Glasgow District Council, 1987, p  2). The stated benefits of the historic environment remained rooted in the relationship between conservation and economic development through until the end of the century when conserving the historic environment was seen by the local authority to play an important role in ‘attracting visitors and inward investment as well as job creation in the trades and tourism fields’ (Glasgow City Council Development & Regeneration Services, 1999, p 227).

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An important aspect of attracting human and financial capital lay with the image of the city. A connection between the image of the city and the condition of the historic environment was first made by Lord Esher when he stated that Glasgow was the ‘finest surviving example of a great Victorian city’ (1971, p  1). This view was strengthened as intensive stone cleaning programmes progressed in the city and revealed fine Victorian facades. The City Plan (Glasgow City Council, 2003) provided a further level of recognition as it stated, ‘the image of the City is important, and nowhere, is that image more powerfully portrayed than in the City Centre with its 550 listed buildings’ (Glasgow City Council, 2003, p 49). This approach was consistent with the perceived need for cities to provide a distinctive image in order to enhance their competitiveness on both a UK and European stage (e.g. Turok, 2009). Glasgow’s aspiration in a post-industrial international world was made explicit in the Council’s Local Plan Review which wanted Glasgow to be a ‘Great European City’ (1998, p 5). Its rivalry for the attraction of international business extended not only to other UK regional cities such as Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester but also to the likes of Frankfurt and Barcelona. The importance of the historic environment to this was revealed by the City Council as they stated ‘the city’s efforts to conserve its built heritage are an integral part of its economic strength and must be developed in parallel with other strands of its economic strategy’ (1999, p 5). Above all conserving the historic environment was seen by the local authority to play an important role in ‘attracting visitors and inward investment as well as job creation in the trades and tourism fields’ (1999, p 227). The relationship between the image of the city and the historic environment remains in the latest City Development plan but the lens is widened to include social values such as ‘sense of place; well-being; cultural identity; and sustainability’ (2017, p  93). This rhetoric is somewhat uncritically espoused and evidence for each of these values is lacking. The remainder of this chapter examines the ways in which the rhetoric surrounding these benefits is matched by the reality of urban conservation projects in two case studies: The Merchant City and Govanhill Baths. In particular, the analysis focuses on the ways in which an evolving policy landscape has enabled the rhetoric around the benefits of urban conservation to multiply.

Economic benefits: image and regeneration The conservation of historic buildings in the area now known as The Merchant City is the most explicit example in Glasgow of using

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the historic environment to stimulate socio-economic development. From an early point it was seen as having the greatest potential locally to contribute to Glasgow’s economic survival strategy (Tiesdell, Oc and Heath, 1996). In many ways The Merchant City is Glasgow’s version of Newcastle’s Grainger Town and was a catalyst for economic development and urban repopulation in similar ways to Castlefield in Manchester. The Merchant City was firstly conceived in the 1980s as a way to attract residents back to a city centre that was suffering from depopulation. The local authority partnered with private sector developers in a number of projects to demonstrate that there was a market for city-centre housing. A range of mechanisms was used, including housing conversion grants, which contributed up to £5,100 to make development more financially attractive (City of Glasgow District Council, 1992, p 3). The local authority was a major landowner in the area, owning 60 per cent of the redundant property and thus either disposed of these properties at very low rates or leased them to developers (City of Glasgow District Council, 1992, p 2). Planning and design standards were flexible, and a number of the conversions in Merchant City were entirely new interiors behind restored facades. In addition to this, the Scottish Development Agency (SDA), a government body, invested in the area through pedestrianisation, stone cleaning, as well as investing in the buildings themselves. Innovative schemes were put in place in which the local authority, the SDA and the private owners went into joint ventures to increase investor confidence. Merchant City proved to be extremely popular with a certain demographic – in short, young professionals with high disposable incomes who wanted to benefit from the amenities that the revitalising city centre had to offer. That the area was popular was not just down to the regulatory and financial context but was also as a result of a highly successful rebranding campaign led by the public sector and private developers and continued by estate agents. It was pointless to repair physically the buildings without also rehabilitating the image of the area. An early advert for Ingram Square demonstrated the kind of approach that was taken: If you are new to Glasgow, Ingram Square is perfectly placed to introduce you to the surprising city … Glasgow is in the process of reinventing itself and Ingram Square is very much part of that process. Almost every building in the city, it seems has been scrubbed clean to reveal beautiful pastel sandstones and fine Victorian facades. Wine bars, restaurants

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and shops spring up and multiply. With the opening of the Burrell Collection adding to an already excellent municipal Art Gallery, Glasgow is now the best city outside of London for the art lover. (Glasgow Housing Department, Policy Research Group, 1987, p 17) The repopulation of Merchant City was developed through successive Townscape Heritage Initiatives in the 2000s that were secured through the Heritage Lottery Fund. They were designed to further diversify the socio-economic profile of the area through attracting various creative industries to locate there. Combined with the retail and night-time economy elements this has secured the diurnal rhythms of the Merchant City and the area’s position as a magnet for students, residents, visitors, tourists and businesses. The process of regenerating Merchant City demonstrates the relationship between conservation, city image and the use of conservation to attract investment. Moreover, it illustrates how the overriding need to secure economic development has embedded a singular narrative into the area’s built environment which overrides the plurality of voices, stories, and experiences that exist in any city neighbourhood. Glasgow’s experience in place branding paralleled that of other cities as they sought to demarcate their place within an international tertiary sector (Ashworth and Kavaratzis, 2011). Govers and Go defined place branding as: ‘the representation of an identity, building a favourable internal (with those who deliver the experience) and external (with visitors) image leading to brand satisfaction and loyalty, name awareness, perceived quality, and other favourable brand associations’ (2009, p 17). The traditional approach at this point was to commodify place ‘by means of a rigorous selection from its many characteristics’ (Ashworth and Voogd, 1990, p 77) in which a simplified and sanitised narrative helped to sell the city to a range of different people and investors. However, the relevance of this kind of strategy is increasingly questioned in the 21st century as rather than being seen as a selling point, it is arguably seen as airbrushing out aspects of a city’s history. Instead it is argued that the process of place promotion could be much more sensitive, responsive, and inclusive to account for changing sociocultural contexts (Lecompte et al, 2017). In Glasgow this leads us to question whether the Merchant City branding, as one of the tropes of the Glasgow’s economic survival strategy, can survive into the second decade of the 21st century. The Merchant City campaign relied on a selective and sanitised version of the area’s history to give it a unique, and singular, sense of

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Source: R. Madgin

place. Inventing the name ‘Merchant City’ was designed to disassociate the area from the decay of Glasgow and stimulate positive associations with the merchant traders in 18th- and 19th-century Glasgow – a part of Glasgow’s history that was underplayed in relation to both shipbuilding and ‘red Clydeside’. The marketing slogan focused on ‘the extent to which Glasgow had developed before the industrial revolution’ (City of Glasgow District Council, 1992, p  1). This

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official rhetoric was supported by newspaper articles which described the creation of trails through the area as ‘taking in buildings and monuments created to reflect the wealth and civic pride of Glasgow’s Tobacco Lords’ (The Herald, 1993). The strategy of linking regeneration to the area’s 18th-century history worked in terms of attracting people to live in historic (and increasingly new) buildings and helped to attract international businesses to the city. The Sunday Herald reported that residents knew that their home was located ‘where the old Tobacco Lords Exchange was situated’ and that it was ‘nice to live somewhere with a bit of history’ (Robertson, 1999). A direct connection between past and present was demonstrated in the rhetoric surrounding Glasgow’s hosting of an international business event in the recently built Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre (SECC): Perhaps because of the city’s location on Europe’s Atlantic seaboard, perhaps also because of historic links with the New World from the days of the Victorian tobacco barons, Glasgow is also breaking new ground by welcoming the first ever official North American delegation to Europartenariat. (Hatfield, 1993) This international dimension was further developed by the media which promoted the Merchant City as ‘Glasgow’s Left Bank’ or as a city centre version of London or New York’s docklands developments (Linklater, 1997). These international tropes continue to be used within Glasgow’s marketing with its repeated use of the words ‘Europe’, ‘international’, ‘Empire’ and ‘world-class’ on the tourist boards located around the city. The need to blur spatial boundaries was complemented by stretching temporal boundaries. By the end of the 20th  century ‘groovy apartments for a new, confident generation’, built through public/ private partnerships, could be found in the same area as (apparently) ‘yuppies’ had first arrived during the 1780s as the ‘new middle class’ of merchants moved in and replaced the ‘older generation of tobacco lords’ (Linklater, 1997). The sense of place was tied to personal characteristics in the early 2000s when the marketing of the area was extended to focus on the creative industries as the next wave of ‘inspirational excellence, individuality and style’ that could create a ‘unique urban quarter … where quality architecture re-enforces the sense of place and creates activity and where boldness and innovation is positively encouraged at the expense of mediocrity’ (‘Merchant City Five Year Action Plan: 2007–2012’ quoted in Gray, 2009).

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The historical narratives of Merchant City have largely remained the same since the 1980s regardless of voracious campaigns against it. It was said to highlight: the grossness of the fallacy that Glasgow somehow exists because of the tireless efforts of a tiny patriotic coalition of fearless eighteenth-century entrepreneurs and far-sighted politicians. These same merchants and politicians made the bulk of their personal fortunes by the simple expedient of not paying for the price of labour. (Cowan, 2005, p 239) This kind of protest saw Merchant City tied into the Workers City campaign during the 1980s (McClay, 1988). The message was stark – the neoliberal regeneration of Glasgow betrayed its roots as a proud industrial city built on the labour of thousands. The historic environment contains very few markers of this narrative with the exception of the plaque commemorating John Maclean, the radical Socialist, on the exterior of the former City Halls. The challenge to the Merchant City branding was accelerated during the 21st century as attention turned to the area’s connections with the slave trade. The clues were hidden in plain sight: streets such as Ingram Street and Glassford Street are named after ‘tobacco lords’ whilst Virginia Place and Jamaica Street are named after locations involved in the trade of tobacco and sugar. Such streets were said to ‘crisscross modern-day Glasgow like scars from a slave-master’s lash’ (The Scotsman, 2007). Buildings such as the Merchants’ Hall also remain as explicit reminders of the area’s mercantile past. Indeed, the Sunday Herald stated that the area could be renamed ‘Slave Merchant City, given the 200‑year dependency of many residents on slave-grown produce’ (Mullen, 2010). This movement has largely been led by academics, as shown by Mullen’s work on the Glasgow slave trade (2009) and Councillors such as Graham Campbell. The Scotsman acknowledged that ‘With Glasgow’s colonial past under scrutiny like never before, it is clear historians, artists, activists and writers have opened up a considerable debate.’ They then moved to ask, ‘how should the imperial history of the city be addressed?’ (Garavelli, 2017). These questions remain to be answered in an official capacity. Discussions have taken place over a number of years over how the city should deal with the legacy of the slave trade. Some narratives are etched in the built environment such as the small box mounted on the side of a car park which refers to Frederick Douglass’ ‘Send Back the Money’ speeches. However, Glasgow, as The Scotsman recognised, is still ‘a city replete with plaques and statuary to powerful

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white men, but there is no permanent reminder of the source of its wealth nor any memorial to the victims (Garavelli, 2017). Similarly, there is no official recognition of the histories behind the street names. Calls have been made to change the names or add historical details to the existing names yet nothing, as yet, has happened. However, the city has recently announced a year-long study into the city’s direct connection to the slave trade. Led by Dr Stephen Mullen, this study will focus on identifying historical links and bequests made to the city. In addition, the study will also ‘compile evidence to inform any future strategy for Glasgow itself ’ and ‘lead to a wide-ranging public consultation on its findings and on how Glasgow should move forward’. This consultation could well result in changes to the physical fabric of the city to follow moves in other cities that have ‘already renamed bridges and international museums, or have erected additional plaques, to recognise the presence of slave-owners and enslaved people in certain sites’ (Mullen in Leadbetter, 2019). The case of the Merchant City calls into question the longevity of place-branding strategies that focus on singular narratives. Instead, the City Council is now working to recognise how multiple narratives can be etched into the city’s historic environment. There is a long way to go but there is at least recognition from the leader of Glasgow City Council that there will be ‘no more ‘Merchant Cities’… ‘no more things being named after people such as John Glassford’ (Aitken in Leadbetter, 2019). In so doing there is a now an explicit realisation that urban economic strategies that rely on heritage need to embrace the plurality of voices and stories and multiple senses of place bound up within the city. Figure 11.2: Send Back the Money

Source: R. Madgin

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Social benefits: well-being and continuity Govanhill Baths is an Edwardian former public swimming baths and wash house located in the south side of Glasgow, which was controversially closed in 2001. The ongoing plans to reuse the Baths are rooted in a desire to secure social benefits for the local community rather than to solely attract new people into a regenerating place. This example shifts the debate away from the role of heritage within economic development strategies and towards a better understanding of the social benefits of retaining historic buildings. This shift is located within a changing policy landscape in which the community sector is once again feted as a way to improve the socio-economic condition of the city. The role of community organisations in saving historic buildings is not new and is often pivotal to the success of urban conservation. Iconic examples of community groups coming together to secure the restoration and reuse of historic buildings can be seen across the city from Castlemilk Stables to the tenements in Woodlands (Gillick, 2017). Whilst Glasgow has traditionally relied on a strong community sector the type and nature of this involvement was strengthened through the Community Empowerment Act, 2015 and by the post-global financial crisis austerity that further encouraged that partnerships between the public and community sectors. The campaign to restore and reuse Govanhill Baths aligns the dedication of local people with a changing policy landscape. In turn this ensured that the building is being ‘managed by the community, for the community’ (GBCT, 2017, p 4) and has stimulated a discussion of the social benefits of the historic environment claimed in the City Development Plan. Govanhill Baths is a focal point of the neighbourhood and its historic value is signalled by its B Listed status which is awarded to ‘buildings of regional or more than local importance, or major examples of some particular period, style or building type which may have been altered’ (Historic Environment Scotland, date). However, Historic Environment Scotland also stated that whilst the building has ‘high significance’ in terms of architecture and the early use of reinforced concrete, it has ‘very high‘ significance socially (McCann, 2007). The Herald’s opinion was: There’s a deep feeling about the historical nature of old public baths – a sense that they touch base with our community roots, give us a sense of belonging. They were built for the working classes, and I think there is a genuine sense of wanting to reclaim those roots. They are symbols of responsible social welfare. (The Herald, 2008)

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This was reflected in the passionate and sustained campaign to ‘save our pool’ which involved the longest continuous occupation (141 days) of a public building in British history, as well as protests through marches, songs, and events. The contemporary value of the Baths related to its longstanding role within Govanhill. The Baths functioned as a place for people to meet, swim, bathe, wash and socialise and fulfilled a major role in the integration of the diverse communities within Govanhill. The Baths were described in the 21st century as ‘an essential resource for the multiracial community on the Southside’ an ‘integral part of the city’s social fabric’ (MacDonald, 2001). In fact, the Baths was heralded as the ‘best form of integration money could buy’ as ‘Muslim groups, Jewish groups and gay men socialized together’ (Govanhill Baths, 2015, 3:23–3:32). The Baths provided significant social benefits for the local community. The retention of the Baths was of further importance for the community in terms of their sense of belonging and need for continuity. In contrast to The Merchant City, the conservation of this building was not solely designed to attract incomers but rather to also sustain the existing attachments between people and place. The campaigners felt that the Baths was theirs and ‘the council are trustees for the people and that local facilities like Govanhill baths are public assets, not something which belong to the leader of the council person’ (Simpson, 2001). Furthermore, the campaign to keep the building open was seen as ‘a testament to the strength of feeling within the local community … It is obvious how much this place was loved and valued by those who used it’ (McCann, 2007). The building was therefore valued as much for what it symbolised as for what it provided. The significance of the building ensured that the campaign to save the pool did not stop when the occupation ended. The creation of the Govanhill Baths Community Trust in 2004 saw campaigners come together to actively plan for the future of the building. The remit of the Trust is to reopen the building as a health and well-being centre thus contributing to the wider regeneration of the neighbourhood (GBCT, 2018). To achieve this, the Trust, which includes original campaigners and occupiers of the building amongst its ranks, has sought and gained a number of sources of funding, each of which recognises the role of the community sector in bringing historic buildings back into use.

Funding The approach towards securing the restoration and reuse of Govanhill Baths is markedly different to that in Merchant City. Whereas that

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was led by a public/private partnership with input from a government agency, in Govanhill the project is run by the community sector, under the ethos ‘by the community, for the community’ (GBCT, 2017, p 4). The Trust has made use of a number of different financial mechanisms varying from the City Council to national bodies such as Historic Environment Scotland, the Architectural Heritage Fund, the Prince’s Regeneration Trust and the Heritage Lottery Fund. However, the remainder of this chapter will focus on two funding streams: Participatory Budgeting and Community Shares, which have both helped to ensure the community ethos is respected. Furthermore, these streams also enable a discussion of the ways in which different models of governance and finance can ensure that people’s attachments to places can be developed into direct action to lead the restoration and reuse of historic buildings. Participatory Budgeting (PB) is about ‘allocating public money to support services and initiatives that matter to citizens’ (Harkins, Moore and Escobar, 2016, p 6). The use of PB has grown markedly in Scotland from a handful of schemes in 2010 to over 150 in 2018 (pbscotland.scot/map) which reflects a focus within government policy on community engagement and empowerment. In Glasgow the council leader stated that ‘the days of top-down decision making should be over…’ and promised to commit 1 per cent of the city’s budget to PB (http://thirdforcenews.org.uk/tfn-news/100m-for-thecitizens-of-glasgow-to-spend-how-they-chose). One example of this was when Govanhill Community Action (GoCA) was given £200,000 in 2010 to distribute to community projects. Govanhill Community Baths Trust received awards totaling £100,000 ‘towards capital projects and running costs towards its goal of reopening the local baths’ (Naysmith, 2012). The initiative was at the time one of the largest PB investments in Scotland and ‘served as an important foundation from which the Govanhill Baths Trust has become a sustainable community asset’ (Harkins, Moore and Escobar, 2016, p 18). The funds allocated through PB enabled the Trust to undertake some building repair work and to scope out the development of the Wellbeing Centre as well as to explore the development of the Baths as a ‘community space which promotes health and well-being through events and learning activities for the range of people living in Govanhill’ (GBCT and CCP, 2012, p 3). The pilot demonstrated the wider political commitment to PB and alternative ways in which the restoration and reuse of the historic environment could be funded.

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The second community-based funding mechanism used to secure the next stage of the restoration and reuse of Govanhill Baths was the Community Interest Shares initiative launched in 2017. To achieve this, a Community Benefit Society was registered to ensure that the legal and financial structures were in place to be able to offer Community Shares. The deep commitment to the ethos by the community, for the community was evident in the formation of the Society which has ensured that ‘the Baths will never become privately owned and taken out of community ownership’ (GBCT, 2017, p 2). In so doing the Trust stated that the ‘people who care about Govanhill Baths the most, will own and protect them’ (GBCT, 2017, p 3). The Share Offer also ensured that people were not donating to the cause but rather had the opportunity to get a return of 3  per cent per year on their investment with interest being paid from March 2021 onwards. This process ensured that the long-term viability of the Baths is secured along with literal and metaphorical buy-in from the local community. The Community Shares offer was one of the most successful in the UK and raised almost £270,000 from 586 individuals or organisations. The depth of emotional attachment to the building was reflected in the fact that 85 per cent of investors came from Glasgow and 54 per cent lived in postcodes local to the Baths (GBCT, 2018, pp 39, 41). The funding raised by the Share Offer, together with other sources, is designed to facilitate the building works needed to open the Baths as a health and well-being centre by summer 2020. Taken together the use of Participatory Budgeting and Community Interest Shares demonstrated the levels of local commitment to the reopening of the Baths. In addition, the use of these two mechanisms illustrated alternative paths to secure the restoration and reuse of historic buildings and the ways in which this is underpinned by a desire to see the Baths remain in use but also by the deep emotional attachments people in Govanhill have for the Baths and how together these have propelled the strategy to reopen the Baths as a centre for health and well-being.

Conclusions The path taken in Govanhill is distinctly different to that taken in Merchant City. Partly this reflects the different stages of urban transformation and also the different requirements of development strategies. Moreover, the retrenchment of the public sector has forced alternatives to surface as the policy landscape has shifted to embrace

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different forms of partnership working. In both cases the public sector has retained a role through funding or ownership, but the urban conservation has largely been delivered by either the private or the community sector. The examples of Merchant City and Govanhill Baths also demonstrate the multiple ways in which the historic environment played a role within the transformation of Glasgow. At various points since the 1980s the historic environment has been used to attract residents, tourists, artists, businesses, commerce and capital investment into a decaying city centre. In addition, the historic environment has also been used to contribute to social regeneration agendas such as health and well-being and to enable the emotional attachments between people and place to be recognised and incorporated within the management of urban change. Contained within this was an increasingly expansive recognition of the benefits of the historic environment. This is witnessed in the latest City Development Plan (2017) which has cemented a somewhat uncritical espousal of the various benefits of the historic environment in policy rhetoric. In this context, the historic environment has gone from being seen as a tool to attract human and financial capital to something that can also sustain communities; a tool for economic and social development. Running alongside this was an increasing kaleidoscope of interests, financial mechanisms and partnerships as the management of the historic environment was placed in many different hands. The various models of governance and finance enabled different voices to come to the fore surrounding the restoration and reuse of the historic environment. However, if the historic environment can be used for more than economic development and if restoration and reuse can be delivered from the bottom-up rather than just top-down, then the management strategies also have to recognise that plural narratives exist. This has happened to an extent in Govanhill Baths whereby the use of community-based funding schemes by an organisation seriously committed to meaningful community engagement has ensured that the restoration of the Baths has received community support and buy-in. However, in The Merchant City the place-branding strategy used to attract human and capital investment has not yet moved on to fully respect the plural narratives of the area, although the recent announcement of a year-long study is a realistic pathway to achieving this. One of the burdens – and one of the benefits – of the historic environment is that it contains multiple narratives, but it is important that the stories derived from lived experience are seen as an integral part of the sense of place and are not written out. Glasgow has perhaps gone someway to recognising this through its ‘People Make Glasgow’

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slogan but in the case of The Merchant City it arguably remains stuck in the mindset of a city still striving to become post-industrial rather than one that has consolidated its position and is moving beyond characterisation as post-industrial. The restoration and reuse of the historic environment has been used to help manage the transition from de-industrial to postindustrial and beyond. Along this journey the historic environment has been reconceptualised as being able to serve the needs of the tourist economy; create jobs for skilled craftspeople; build a positive image of the city; secure capital investment; stimulate a city centre residential market; enable improvements to health and well-being; sustain attachments between people and place; attract visitors; and contribute to the socio-economic development of the city. In this sense Glasgow’s inherited built legacy has contributed to the city’s transformation during the late 20th and early 21st  centuries and provided a lens through which the transition to post-industrial and beyond can be examined. Note 1

The work for this chapter was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council [grant number AH/P007058/1].

References Ashworth, G. J. and Kavaratzis, M. (2011) ‘Why Brand the Future with the Past? The Role of Heritage in the Construction and Promotion of Place Brand Reputations’, in F. Go and R. Govers (eds) International Place Branding Yearbook 2011, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp 25–46. Ashworth, G. and Voogd, J. H. (1990) Selling the City: Marketing Approaches in Public Sector Urban Planning, London: Belhaven Press. City of Glasgow District Council (1992) The Renewal of Glasgow’s Merchant City, Glasgow: City of Glasgow District Council. Cowan, R. (2005) A Dictionary of Urbanism, Tisbury: Streetwise Press. Esher, Lord (1971) Conservation in Glasgow: A Preliminary Report, Glasgow: Corporation of Glasgow. Garavelli, D. (2017) ‘Facing up to slavery in second city of empire’, The Scotsman, 24 September. GBCT (Govanhill Baths Community Trust) (2017) Community Share Offer, Govanhill, Govanhill Baths Community Trust. GBCT (Govanhill Baths Community Trust) (2018) Annual Report, 2017–18.

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GBCT and CCP (Govanhill Baths Community Trust and Centre for Community Practice) (2012) Participatory Budgeting Initiative for the Govanhill Baths Community Trust and Centre for Community Practice. Gillick, A. R. (2017) ‘Stitching the city: continuity, urban renewal and grassroots action in late-twentieth-century Glasgow’, The Journal of Architecture, 22(2): 188–224. Glasgow City Council (2003) The Glasgow City Council Plan, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Glasgow City Council (2017) City Development Plan for Glasgow, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Glasgow District Council (1987) Glasgow Heritage, Caring for the City’s Listed Buildings and Conservation Areas, Glasgow: Glasgow District Council. Glasgow Physical and Economic Regeneration Department (1998) Glasgow, a New Beginning: Glasgow Local Plan Review 1998, Glasgow: Physical and Economic Regeneration Department. Glasgow City Council Development & Regeneration Services (1999) Glasgow City Plan, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council Development & Regeneration Services. Glasgow Housing Department, Policy Research Group (1987) Ingram Square Development – Merchant City, Report of Two Surveys 1986, Glasgow: Glasgow District Council Housing Department. Gomme, A. and Walker, D. (1968) Architecture of Glasgow, London: Lund Humphries. Govanhill Baths (2015) ‘United We Will Swim Again’. Available at: https://vimeo.com/200965933 (accessed 23 September 2019). Govers, R. and Go, F. (2009) Place Branding: Glocal, Virtual and Physical Identities, Constructed, Imagined and Experienced, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Gray, N. (2009) ‘Glasgow’s merchant city: an artist led property strategy’, Variant, 34(Spring): 14–19. Harkins, C., Moore, K. and Escobar, O. (2016) Review of 1st Generation Participatory Budgeting in Scotland, Edinburgh: What Works Scotland. Hatfield, J. (1993) ‘Merchant city’, The Scotsman, 8 December. The Herald (1993) ‘Tobacco lord is back at merchant city manor’, 6  August. Available at: https://www.heraldscotland.com/news/ 12725310.tobacco-lord-is-back-in-merchant-city-manor/ (accessed 25 October 2019).

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The Herald (2008) ‘The race to save our pools. Public baths were once a vital part of Scottish urban life. Some are being restored … but others seem doomed. Why?’, 11 October. Available at: https://www. heraldscotland.com/news/12370373.the-race-to-save-our-pools/ (accessed 1 October 2019). Labadi, S. (2011) ‘Evaluating the socio-economic impacts of selected regenerated heritage sites in Europe’. Available at: http:// www.encatc.org/pages/fileadmin/user_upload/Forum/Sophia_ Labadi_2008CPRA_Publication.pdf (accessed 1 October 2019). Leadbetter, R. (2019) ‘Glasgow launches detailed study of its historical links with transatlantic slavery’, Evening Times, 10 November. Lecompte, A. F., Trelohan, M., Gentric, M. and Aquilina, M. (2017) ‘Putting sense of place at the centre of place brand development’, Journal of Marketing Management, 33(5–6): 400–20. Linklater, A. (1997). ‘High time for lofty ideals’, The Herald, 6 October. MacDonald, R. (2001) ‘Letters’, The Evening Times, 30 March. McCann, J. (2007) ‘All-change in fight for city baths; more time and cash to save Govanhill pool’, Evening Times, 11 August. McClay, F. (1988) Workers’ City: The Real Glasgow Stands Up, Glasgow: Clydeside Press. Mullen, S. (2009) It Wisnae Us! Glasgow’s Built Heritage, Tobacco, the Slave Trade and Abolition, Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Mullen, S. (2010) ‘Scotland, the slave trade and the abolition pay-off which rewrote our economic history’, Sunday Herald, 19 December. Mullen, S. and Newman, S. (2018) Slavery, Abolition and the University of Glasgow Report and Recommendations of the University of Glasgow History of Slavery Steering Committee, Glasgow: University of Glasgow. Available at: https://www.gla.ac.uk/media/Media_607547_smxx.pdf (accessed 11 November 2019). Naysmith, S. (2012) ‘Backing local heroes’, The Herald, 13 April. Robertson, S. (1999) ‘Lofty ideals’, The Sunday Herald, 14 February. Simpson, C. (2001) ‘Dispute over threatened pool sinks to political name calling’, The Herald, 27 April. The Scotsman (2007) ‘Glasgow’s dark secret’, 20  March. Available at: https://www.scotsman.com/news-2-15012/glasgow-s-darksecret-1-691912 (accessed 1 October 2019). Tiesdell, S., Oc, T. and Heath, T. (1996) Revitalizing Historic Urban Quarters, Oxford: Architectural Press. Turok, I. (2009) ‘The distinctive city: pitfalls in the pursuit of differential advantage’, Environment and Planning  A: Economy and Space, 41(1): 13–30.

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Revisiting the creative city: culture and regeneration in post-industrial Glasgow Venda Louise Pollock Its new appearance indeed persuades that it may become Britain’s first major post-industrial success. (‘The Repackaging of Glasgow’, Sunday Times, 2 December 1984)

Introduction The narratives of cultural regeneration in post-industrial cities are wellknown. Landry and Florida’s concepts of the ‘creative city’ (Landry and Bianchini, 1995) and ‘creative class’ (Florida, 2002) informed a raft of urban redevelopment policies espousing that creatively devised, culturally led urban redevelopment could attend to the myriad of social, economic and environmental problems that post-industrial cities, in particular, were experiencing. Indeed, it was from Glasgow that the ‘creative city’ thinking emerged, drawn from a report Landry produced for the Glasgow Development Agency entitled Making the Most of Glasgow’s Cultural Assets: the creative city and its cultural economy (1991). Glasgow became, for many, the ‘poster city’ for the argument that culture could be a means through which urban fortunes could be restored, having somewhat surprisingly attained the European City of Culture accolade in 1990. Unlike previous recipients, whose cultural cachet was assured – Athens (1985), Florence (1986), Amsterdam (1987), West Berlin (1988) and Paris (1989) – Glasgow was the first city to use the City of Culture as a springboard for its transformation from, as the Business Traveller put it in September 1985, the ‘violent, despairing city that was the Glasgow of the Gorbals legend’ to an ‘innovative, energetic and attractive city and a major cultural centre in its own right’ (GDC, 1986, p 6; see García, 2005). Against this over-arching metanarrative of transformation, however, others argued that the City of Culture was little more than a veneer

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masking the profound social and structural problems the city faced (for example see, Boyle and Hughes, 1991; Tretter, 2009), and that it largely neglected Glasgow’s industrial, working class heritage. The ‘creative city’ and ‘creative class’ concepts also came to be widely critiqued (see Peck, 2005; Markusen, 2006; Scott, 2006), and, as regeneration became synonymous with gentrification, how culture played a role in the remaking cities was called into question with attention drawn to precisely what constituted the ‘creative city’ (see Pratt, 2008, 2010, 2011; Oakley, 2015). Responding to calls for a greater understanding of the real rather than rhetorical creative city, this discussion takes as its point of departure the typology of culture and regeneration put forward by Evans and Shaw (2004) in their comprehensive review of the evidence relating to The Contribution of Culture to Regeneration in the UK: culture-led regeneration where culture is the catalyst often through flagship facilities or landmark sculpture; cultural regeneration when culture is integrated into the strategy for physical and social spaces; and, culture and regeneration where culture features but is not integral to regeneration. Against this, focused on Glasgow, it seeks to complicate these narratives to argue that we need to reconceptualise the ‘creative city’ during the post-industrial era to fully understand the ‘postcreative’ city which, Malcolm Miles (2013) suggests, might arise from new alliances between art, work and everyday cultures.

Culture-led regeneration The hallmarks of culture-led regeneration punctuate Glasgow’s landscape, particularly its waterfront where the Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre (1985) was an early signifier of the city’s ambition to draw in a greater share of international business. The subsequent addition of the Armadillo (completed in 2000), and SSE Hydro (2013), both by international (st)architects Foster + Partners, signalled on a grand scale the reorientation of the city’s economy, the latter being the largest venue in the UK built specifically for live entertainment. While the underlying design concepts of the Armadillo and Zaha Hadid’s Riverside Museum (2011) pay homage to the mighty forms of shipbuilding, these were purposefully forward-looking symbolic elements integral to the Clyde Waterfront Project (2003–2014), billed as the biggest regeneration project in Scotland. From its infancy, with the sprucing up of the city centre, creation of the ‘Merchant City’ brand and development of the Royal Concert Hall (part of Glasgow1990), Glasgow’s regeneration has been tied to architectural

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statements emblematic of transformation. Similar ambitions were shared by the city’s active pursuit of large-scale cultural and sporting events – as Sarah Munro, Head of Visual Arts at Glasgow Life from 2012–2015 and responsible for bringing the Turner Prize to Glasgow in 2015, commented in interview: ‘Glasgow is an event city’. In this rebranding was key: Glasgow was no longer the grim urban landscape riven by social deprivation and gang violence, instead it was ‘Miles Better’, as the consciously branded ‘Scotland with Style’ brought the architectural heritage of Charles Rennie Mackintosh into the sphere of conspicuous consumption. It had seemed that with the advent of New Labour, the property-led regeneration focus of the Conservatives, would give way to a socially focused agenda (Imrie and Thomas, 1993, 1999) – what Vickery (2007) has termed a shift from economic instrumentalism to social instrumentalism. Yet there was a mismatch between New Labour’s social framework and demands for accountability, and, although language moved from regeneration to renaissance (DETR, 2000), gentrification was widely perceived as a characteristic outcome of New Labour’s neoliberal policies (Imrie and Raco, 2003; Miles, 1997, 1998; Oakley, 2015). Capital projects were criticised for: the amount of funding absorbed including maintenance and ongoing revenue – potentially at the expense of social welfare needs, the push toward international cultural tourism rather than community engagement, and the creation of jobs which were low-paid, low-skilled and part-time. In relation to Glasgow’s quest to secure large-scale events, the writer and film-maker Neil Gray (2009) argued that short-term impacts created a ‘dependency culture’ in local authorities, to the extent that ‘the rolling out of Bread and Circuses is about the most coherent strategy available to city regions under the external coercive power of neoliberal inter-urban competition.’ Moreover, in relation to the Clyde Gateway, the regeneration initiative in Glasgow’s East End associated with the Commonwealth Games, Gray and Porter (2015) critiqued the arguments for the ‘necessary’ use of Compulsory Purchase Orders in delivering ‘Games-led’ regeneration, and argued that place-specific discourses of ‘blight and decay’ were mobilised to ultimately displace poor neighbourhoods in favour of the in-migration of higher income groups to encourage economic growth. The economic drivers underpinning the physical transformation of cities and their event-based cultures seemed largely disengaged from communities, the local cultural context, and guided by an air of opportunism rather than strategic planning. Much premise was placed on economic advocacy for the arts (for critique see Belfiore, 2003), particularly Myerscough (1988; see also 1991, 1994), based

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partly on the Glasgow experience, and produced amidst anxiety over decreasing public subsidy for the cultural sector (for concerns about the subsequent outsourcing of Glasgow’s cultural provision to the charitable organisation Glasgow Life see Gordon-Nesbitt, 2007, 2011). As Booth and Boyle (1993) have argued there was a concentration on cultural tourism without a clear strategy for the development of the local cultural economy, and the Festival Unit, charged with the development and delivery of Glasgow1990, acted as ‘cultural impresario rather than policy maker.’ Mark O’Neill (Director of Policy, Research and Development at Glasgow Life from 2009 until 2017) noted in interview that there was ‘somewhat of a hangover after 1990’, and while there was ‘strategic intent’ policy became reflective of the direction of travel rather than driving it. Machinations at a national level could have had implications here as, while Jack McConnell’s landmark St Andrew’s Day speech of 2003 placed culture a crosscutting role at the heart of the Scottish administration, early discussions were dominated by the rhetoric of DCMS and the creative economy (Schlesinger, 2009) and, despite several key policy consultations, the high turnover of culture ministers was a factor in the lack of consistent cultural policy (Bonnar, 2014; Lloyd, 2014). As Oakley (2015) has argued, the narrative of the creative city has moved from being benign to problematic. That culture-led regeneration often leads to gentrification and has profound social impact is well-acknowledged and while the transformative impact of physical developments and boosterist narratives cannot be denied, it is also recognised that these can threaten a truly creative city. Issues such as the lack of an over-arching strategy, the city centre focus of regeneration policy and its mismatch with broader cultural policy – and the development and delivery of both by different parts of the local authority, are not unique to Glasgow but have arguably impacted the city’s ability to develop its creative and cultural portfolio to maximum effect beyond the widely critiqued, tropes of culture-led regeneration.

Cultural regeneration The social instrumentalism of which Vickery spoke is a recognised facet of place-based regeneration schemes. As Belfiore pointed out in 2002 (p  97): ‘Despite the rhetoric of funding bodies (evolving around keywords of participation, empowerment, social cohesion, personal and community growth, so reminiscent of the 1970s debate on cultural democracy), current policies in the cultural field are the direct derivation of the instrumental theories of culture that

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dominated the policy debate in the 1980s.’ Advocates of new urbanism believed that creating attractive, sociable, mixed-use, socially mixed neighbourhood environments would foster a sense of community, and therein a sense of place. Drawing on, but de-radicalising, the community arts movement from the 1970s, participative public art processes were seen to contribute to this, while any (particularly permanent) visual outcomes contributed to the reaestheticisation. As such ‘Artists, arts production, and arts participation were embraced as a means by which the local effects and global goals of economic renewal might be mediated, and the essential conflicts between them resolved.’ (Lees and Melhuish, 2015, p 251). The logic espoused was that through in-depth engagement – drawing on residents’ knowledge and experience of place, and aspirations for their community – the community would cohere, and believe that they had a genuine stake in forging the future of their place. It seemed insignificant that there was little evidence to support claims that, amongst other things, participation improved the ‘democratic deficit’ and rebalanced power dynamics through increasing community and social capital (see CASE, 2010; Selwood, 2006; Evans and Shaw, 2004; Dargan, 2009). The chiming parallels in vocabulary between public art, regeneration and participation belie a more complex meshwork of the wants of multiple stakeholders, power hierarchies, the social dynamic of communities and places, and the economic drivers of regeneration. Figure 12.1: Calum Stirling, The Wanderer, 2003, Gorbals, Glasgow

Image courtesy of Matt Baker

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Glasgow had the potential to lead in embedded public art practices with the pioneering Environmental Art course established by David Harding at Glasgow School of Art. Its philosophical underpinning was that ‘the context is half the work’ – paying tribute to the mantra of John Latham and Barbara Stevini’s ‘Artist Placement Group’ in the mid-1960s, and an approach where the artist’s skills of ‘negotiation and collaboration’ were brought to the fore (Harding, 1997, p 37). Despite Glasgow’s fervent adoption of culture as a mainstay within its approach to regeneration Harding rightly argued that ‘in terms of public art Glasgow remains at the very bottom of the league table of other successful western cities’ (p 40). Harding cited two instances when he was involved in preparing public art propositions for the Council, prompted by the Visual Arts Officer for Glasgow1990 but these were rejected: ‘The political and visual arts leadership of Glasgow during its annus mirabilis had in effect stated that public art would not play a significant part in its cultural development’ (p 43). This stood in stark contrast to places like Birmingham where public art was integral to the redevelopment of its Centenary Square. The post-war public art that had appeared in Glasgow to that point was largely the result of ad hoc opportunities – with the notable exception of work by Sandy Stoddart and other artists associated with the Italian Centre in the Merchant City where the developer encouraged a percent for art approach.1 When embedded approaches were attempted as part of major events they were generally not successful; for example, for ‘Millennium Spaces’ (later renamed ‘Five Spaces’), part of Glasgow’s year as City of Architecture and Design, specific neighbourhood communities were engaged in the process of redesigning community public spaces. In charting the process underlying their creation, and subsequent demise, Sharp (2007) argues that despite the intent being to develop the project through the local Housing Associations and communities, as power was wrenched back into the Council, the ‘Spaces’ succumbed to the urban managerialism prevalent in events such as Glasgow1999. Glasgow’s largest public art programme was realised in the Gorbals area which had experienced three phases of basically wholescale redevelopment within little more than a century. Its palimpsest landscape was dogged by a notorious reputation, sensationalised by McArthur and Kingsley Long’s novel No Mean City (1978 [1935]) charting the life of Razor King Johnnie Stark. The Gorbals has always been home to a diverse population which has ebbed back and forth throughout the physical changes and despite, or perhaps because of, the negative stereotyping, there has remained a strong sense of place for its ongoing residents. This was actively challenged by the aim of the

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regeneration which, in introducing more middle-class households and public art as a means of reimaging and reimagining, was undoubtedly to gentrify and rebrand the area as the ‘New Gorbals’. The second phase of redevelopment, Queen  Elizabeth Square, included an ambitious scheme of public art which sought to be underpinned by a strong sense of process.2 Heisenberg, the collaborative duo of artist Matt Baker and architect Dan Dubowitz, had reservations about being asked to produce an artworks masterplan by the then Director of the Crown Street Regeneration Project, Tom McCartney, partly due to the history of the area but also the instrumentalization of artistic practice within regeneration. Their resultant visual Manual comprised a series of cards with quotes, images and historical facts in order to emphasise a contextual approach, and their strategy included a strand of temporary projects that could respond to issues that arose during the process. While their Manual included the rhetoric that the sense of ownership is increased through participative working (Heisenberg, 2000), for Baker this reflected the tensions artists faced when operating within instrumental contexts where there was a need to reflect the language of stakeholders back to themselves to garner support. Through ‘the forum’, managed by the local Gorbals Arts Project, they tried to mimic Glasgow’s community-managed Housing Associations to enable better working with the community; although the framework looked better on paper than it operated in practice, with the majority of workshops being, partly due to necessity, with schools or constituted groups and therefore a limited proportion of the community. Underpinning the Artworks Programme, as it became known after the dissolution of Heisenberg, was a belief that the artists should be chosen on the basis of their practice and have time to develop a contextually sensitive piece. Although some works, perhaps inevitably, tended toward that typical within regeneration, many artists highlighted the difficulties of working in a radically changing physical and social landscape. In Monica Snozowska’s unrealised artwork Gorbals, what initially appeared to be a series of abstracted shapes, actually spelled ‘Gorbals’ in negative space. Notably this was not the ‘New Gorbals’ vaunted by developers, nor ‘the Gorbals’ seen as problematic by some and home by others; as Jeffrey (2006) noted, this was purposefully disruptive as the work was due to be sited on the periphery of the redeveloped area facing existing housing, thereby alluding to the tension between the strong working class history of the area and the aspirations of the gentrifiers. This was echoed in Calum Stirling’s The Wanderer (2003) which, in appropriating the language of urban advertising and

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images from space exploration (coinciding with the Earth’s nearest approach to Mars in 60,000 years and alluding to the first phases of space exploration at the time of the Modernist redevelopment of the area) was suggestive of the selling of (perhaps unattainable) dreams. The difficulties of changing communities within changing environments were alluded to by both Amanda Currie’s Community Orchard (2004– ongoing) and Daphne Wright’s Home Ornaments (2002–2005), with Currie’s Orchard reliant on creating a community for its continued existence (and in so doing highlighting the lack of community social spaces such as pubs in the masterplans) and Wright’s work, a series of souvenirs placed in apartments referencing historic associations of the area relayed by previous residents, pointing toward the need for local narratives within discourses of place. Pinder has asked: How can artists criticize and resist the remaking of public spaces by powerful interests? How can they question the complicity of the arts in socially divisive urban development programmes, where they are often used merely to add gloss to urban ‘renewal’ projects through anesthetization in the form of sculptures or individual art objects? (2005, p 398) It is unlikely that the Gorbals project would have been realised in the same way nowadays. Within the creative community, and elsewhere, there is growing concern over the purposeful co-option of artists into top-down regeneration processes. Termed ‘artwashing’, it refers to a ‘cleansing process in which the artists moving into a burgeoning area were treated by developers as a form of regenerative detergent’ (O’Sullivan, 2014) and is now broadly applied to instances where artists are seen as complicit in gentrification. A key thread throughout is how processes of regeneration disregard the local community, their histories, their culture and creativity, and their relationships with place (see Pritchard, 2019). It seems this is having impact; in their report entitled Creative Tensions: Optimising the benefits of culture through regeneration, the London Assembly emphasise that sustainable regeneration needs to be grown from the local community: Artists, communities, businesses, and local government can address the threats of gentrification if they support each other in long-term partnerships and set out clear social and cultural goals. Culture cannot merely be a tool for

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commercial-led regeneration and regeneration projects must have at their centre a ‘cultural ecology’. (LA, 2017, p 18) This echoes findings of the Social Impact of the Arts Project (Stern and Seifert, 2002) in their longitudinal study of the role of arts organisations in communities which shows that small scale cultural investment and ‘creative placemaking’ can have beneficial effects in neighbourhoods without the harmful impacts of gentrification. While it was announced in 2017 that Glasgow City Council would place an artist in twenty communities throughout the city with an eye on ‘renewal’, at the same time this was cast under the guise of urban competitiveness; the chairman of Glasgow Life told The Herald newspaper that there was a need to consider ‘what’s needed to continue to flourish as a city of culture and how to compete against all those other cities that have developed their own strong cultural offerings in recent years.’ (Miller, 2017). This perhaps emphasises Glasgow is at a pivotal point in moving beyond the post-industrial creative city: albeit still dogged by the language of urban competition, there is recognition of the need to move beyond typical forms of culture-led and cultural regeneration and yet exactly how remains unclear.

Culture and regeneration The meta-narratives of culture-led regeneration tend to neglect the values of, as Pratt (2010, p 13) puts it ‘historical and locally specific practices of cultural and creative activities’. He argues it is ‘only by taking such an analytic step that we can understand the processes animating creative cities, and accordingly begin to develop a range of policy responses do them.’ With regard to Glasgow this is generally well-recognised; studies of culture-led regeneration rarely mention individual artists or organisations, except occasionally evoking the spirit of Mackintosh. Borén and Young (2013), alongside Pratt, are amongst an increasing body to argue that focusing in this way demonstrates a narrow understanding of culture. With regard to events, for example, Glasgow’s ‘international festival’ Mayfest which ran from 1983 until funding ceased in 1997 was used as evidence of Glasgow’s international credentials in the City of Culture bid and yet has been largely neglected in accounts of Glasgow’s regeneration. Growing from the trade unions’ May Day parades, Mayfest incorporated work by local community arts organisations alongside international touring commissions, and, although it faced charges of parochialism particularly toward the late 1990s, it was vitally important to Glasgow’s cultural scene.

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Similarly, particular narratives dominate the visual arts. Through the exhibition New Image: Glasgow (1985) curated by Sandy Moffat, tutor at Glasgow School of Art, and The Vigorous Imagination (1987), GSA graduates Ken Currie, Peter Howson, Steven Campbell and Adrian Wisniewski, cemented their reputation as ‘The New Glasgow Boys’ despite the fact that they ‘differed in the nature of figurative imagery and its aims, ranging from the poetic to the political. They had no common programme, rarely exchanged ideas, at times were diametrically opposed in terms of subject matter and content…’ (Currie, 1986). In terms of ‘image’ however, their figurative style lent itself to reproduction and, that of Currie and Howson in particular, came to typify (and to a certain extent was made to romanticise) the Glasgow of the past against which the ‘new’ could be positioned. Currie revisited Scotland’s working class history through works such as Glasgow Triptych (1986) and his history panels for the People’s Palace, and Howson is famed for brooding, macho figures of pugilists and footballers in darkened cityscapes. Their emblematic status as ‘new image Glasgow’ was compounded in 1996 when Glasgow’s Gallery of Modern Art opened having, in acquiring its collection which included works by Howson and Currie, completely ignored the work of Glasgow’s (broadly termed) neo-conceptualists (many of whom had created subtle – and not so subtle – critiques of Glasgow1990). Instead, its unyielding director, Julian Spalding, favoured a populist approach which was widely critiqued for completely misrepresenting Glasgow’s art scene. In her encyclopaedic account of the Social Sculpture that made up the arts and music scene in Glasgow during this period (this, and the work of Rebecca Gordon-Nesbitt and Neil Mulholland being key to the relatively scant literature) Lowndes argued that up until the late 1990s the ‘lack of consistent institutional and media support for work being made in Glasgow … helped to create a uniquely resistant strain of cultural activity that was supported by a network of outside alliances’ (2016, p 11). It was this network that enabled Transmission, the first artist run gallery ‘dedicated to the exhibition and promotion of contemporary art and the integration of art into community life’, to create a programme of exhibitions by local artists and international contributors. Work began to be shown in diverse venues – from shows in tenement flats and tower blocks to large exhibitions like Windfall (1991) in the soon-to-be-redeveloped Seaman’s Mission on the banks of the Clyde, which contained the work of 25 artists from six countries and was reviewed in the first issue of the international art magazine Frieze. There was an emphasis on relationships, dialogue

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and mobility rather than the traditional studio/venue dialectic (Relyea, 2013, p 69) and typical spatiality of the creative city. This approach had international currency as evident in the international group show ‘Trust’ at Glasgow’s Tramway (1995). Curated by Charles Esche, Katrina Brown and the artists Christine Borland, Douglas Gordon, Roderick Buchanan and Jacqueline Donachie, ‘Trust’ showcased 22  internationally renowned artists including Marina Abramovic, Stan Douglas and Felix Gonzalex Torres. The title referred to the guiding principle for selection that ‘one of us had to have met the artist, and to have had some sort of reasonable personal encounter with them: that trust should be there on a personal level’ (Esche, 1995). Their attempt to introduce contemporary art to a new audience was, however, scathingly reviewed and controversy about the exhibition escalated through newspapers and television until Esche arranged the public forum at Tramway called ‘Can We Trust Tramway?’ which resulted in a heated exchange between the artists Ken Currie and Douglas Gordon. Events such as this alongside the edgy and important relationships between Transmission, Tramway and the Centre for Contemporary Art (as the Third Eye Centre became known after it became insolvent after 1990) were crucial in establishing a Glasgow’s international reputation. Unlike the YBAs in London with the associated power of Charles Saatchi, Glasgow lacked any significant collector or commercial gallery supporting the development of contemporary art. The establishment of The Modern Institute in 1998, went some way to addressing this, later to be joined by Sorcha Dallas and Mary Mary, but at the time of Glasgow1990 many artists were making work they did not expect to sell, as there was no clear market. Often conceptual and not easily represented, they posed a more challenging proposition to the urban rebranders than the figurative, narrative paintings of The New Glasgow Boys. Notably, however, it is several of the so-called neo-conceptual artists who have gone on to secure Glasgow’s critical standing in the artworld, partly through Glasgow School of Art’s almost legendary association with the Turner Prize: Douglas Gordon, Christine Borland, Nathan Coley, Cathy Wilkes and Richard Wright to name a few.

Concluding thoughts In 2018 Glasgow’s Women’s Library was shortlisted for the Art Fund’s prestigious ‘Museum of the Year’ award. Twitter became resplendent with Stacey Walton’s ‘Glasgow Women’s Library: It’s for me’ banner as its far-reaching community voiced its support and, ultimately,

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commiserations as Tate St Ives took the accolade. Activist in spirit and artist-led, GWL has its roots in ‘Women in Profile’ a broad-based arts organisation led by Adele Patrick to ensure that women’s culture was represented as part of Glasgow1990. From the first GWL temporary, shop front premises in Garnethill to its current location in Landrassey Street, in the city’s East End, it remains the only accredited museum in the UK dedicated to women’s lives, histories and achievements. Although it is now appearing on signposts around the city, it has remained largely absent from the overarching ‘creative city’ narratives of Glasgow but it is exactly the growth, development and impact of this kind of organisation that we should study to refashion understandings of the creative city. Following Pratt (2011), we need to pay attention to the situatedness of cultural production. As Oakley (2015) has pointed out, what studies focused on out-of-city-centre areas and longitudinal assessments of community-based initiatives are showing is that aggregated, gradual investment is yielding sustained economic (and other) benefit without resulting in gentrification (e.g. Bain, 2010; Bell, 2015; Shaw, 2013; Stern and Siefert 2002, 2013). Add to this the increased attention being paid to cultural ‘value’, most notably in the UK through the AHRC’s Cultural Value Project (2016) and subsequent establishment of the Creative Industries Policy and Evidence Centre, led by NESTA, and we begin to get a sense of shifting priorities in trying to understand and shape cultural policy and its impacts. Refashioning our understanding of the creative city along these lines, would help establish a foundation to better understand the evolution of what Miles has termed the ‘post-creative’ city. Moving beyond the creative city, is moving beyond the grand-standing architectural statements and events, avoiding the complicity of artists in gentrification, and instead, as scholars are increasingly arguing (Miles, 2013; Pratt, 2008; Kim and Yates, 2019), paying attention to the creative ecology of the city, the ecosystem of creative industries and workers, the processes of creative work, and their everydayness and embeddedness in the city. This then needs to feed through to place-shaping, having forged a multiple, nuanced understanding of the sense of a place (Lecompte et al, 2017). If the move beyond the post-industrial is marked by the move beyond the creative city, Glasgow, as with many post-industrial cities, is at a pivotal point in its development – still, inevitably, seeking to retain its status in inter-urban competitiveness but recognising that policies, processes and practices need to change.

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Notes 1

2

The Arts Council of Great Britain had advocated for Percent for Art in the early 1990s. See Shaw, Haydon and Vasseur (1991). The discussion here is necessarily selective. For a fuller discussion see Pollock (2017), Pollock and Paddison (2014) and Warwick (2006).

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Myerscough, J. (1988) The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain, London: Policy Studies Institute. Myerscough, J. (1991) Monitoring Glasgow 1990. Report prepared for Glasgow City Council, Strathclyde Regional Council and Scottish Enterprise. Myerscough, J. (1994) European Cities of Culture and Cultural Months, Glasgow: The Network of Cultural Cities of Europe. Oakley, K. (2015) Creating Space: A re-evaluation of the Role of Culture in Regeneration. Research Report, Arts & Humanities Research Council. Available at: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/88559/3/ AHRC_Cultural_Value_KO%20Final.pdf (accessed 19 August 2019). O’Sullivan, F. (2014) ‘The pernicious realities of artwashing’, Citylab. Available at: https://www.citylab.com/equity/2014/06/thepernicious-realities-of-artwashing/373289/ (accessed 19  August 2019). Peck, J. (2005) ‘Struggling with the Creative Class’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 29(4): 740–70. Pinder, D. (2005) ‘Arts of urban exploration’, Cultural Geographies, 12: 383–411. Pollock, V. L. (2017) ‘Remembering the Gorbals: Public Art and Memory in the Post-industrial Landscape’, in Heeney, G. (ed) The Post-Industrial Landscape as Site for Creative Practice: Material Memories, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, pp 1–16. Pollock, V. L. and Paddison, R. (2014) ‘On place-making, participation and public art: the Gorbals, Glasgow’, Journal of Urbanism, 7(1): 85–105. Pratt, A. C. (2008) ‘Creative cities: the cultural industries and the creative class’, Geografiska Annaler B, 90(2): 107–17. Pratt, A. C. (2010) ‘Creative cities: tensions within and between social, cultural and economic development: a critical reading of the UK experience’, City, Culture, Society, 1(1): 13–20. Pratt, A. C. (2011) ‘The cultural contradictions of the creative city’, City, Culture, Society, 2: 123–30. Pritchard, S. (2019) ‘Place-Guarding: Activist Art against Gentrification’, in Courage, C. and McKeown, A. (eds) Creative Placemaking, Abingdon and New York: Routledge, pp 140–55. Relyea, L. (2013) Your Everyday Art World, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Schlesinger, P. (2009) ‘Creativity and the experts: New Labour, think tanks and the policy process’, International Journal of Press/Politics, 14(1): 3–20. Scott, A. J. (2006) ‘Creative cities: conceptual issues and policy questions’, Journal of Urban Affairs, 28(1): 1–17.

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Selwood, S. (2006) ‘Unreliable Evidence: The Rhetorics of Data Collection in the Cultural Sector’, in Mirza, M. (ed) Culture Vultures: Is UK Arts Policy Damaging the Arts?, London: Policy Exchange, pp 38–52. Sharp, J. (2007) ‘The life and death of Five Spaces: public art and community regeneration in Glasgow’, Cultural Geographies, 14(2): 274–92. Shaw, K. (2013) ‘Independent creative subcultures and why they matter’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 19(3): 333–52. Shaw, P., Haydon, A. and Vasseur, J. (1991) Percent for Art: A Review, London: Arts Council of Great Britain. Stern, M. and Seifert, S. (2002) ‘Culture Builds Community: Evaluation Summary Report’. SIAP. University of Pennsylvania. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent. cgi?article=1001&context=siap_culture_builds_community (accessed 19 August 2019). Stern, M. and Seifert, S. (2013) ‘Cultural Ecology, Neighbourhood Vitality and Social Wellbeing: a Philadelphia Project’. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent. cgi?article=1000&context=siap_cultureblocks (accessed 19 August 2019). Tretter, E. M. (2009) ‘The cultures of capitalism: Glasgow and the monopoly of culture’, Antipode, 41(4): 111–32. Vickery, J. (2007) ‘The emergence of culture-led regeneration: a policy concept and its discontents’, Centre for Cultural Policy Studies. Research papers, vol. 9. Coventry: University of Warwick. Warwick, R. (2006) Arcade: Artists and Place-Making, London: Black Dog.

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Our ‘Dear Green Place’: Glasgow’s transformation from industrial powerhouse to sustainable city Larissa A. Naylor, Ellie Murtagh and Hugh Kippen1 Urban areas are hot spots of complex and dynamic interactions between society and ecosystems. Frank, Delano and Schaefer Caniglia (2017, p 1)

Urban pressures and sustainability In the three decades since Gro Harlem Bruntland’s influential report, ‘Our Common Future’, when the term ‘sustainable development’ was coined (United Nations, 1987), global cities and their ecosystems have been under increasing human and environmental pressure (Seto et al, 2011). Human pressures include rapid urbanisation, increasing population density and the energy consumption, waste, pollution and habitat loss associated with this densification. Environmental pressures include changing rainfall, temperatures and sea levels which are increasing flood, wind and heat risks to society, infrastructure and urban ecosystems. In post-industrial cities such as Glasgow, these pressures influence and are influenced by prior environmental degradation including contaminated land and water, as well as large tracts of vacant and derelict land. European environmental legislation from the 1970s onwards, and especially from the 1990s, has led to notable improvements in the quality of the natural areas and water in cities and the range of ecosystem services these features provide. However, many environmental challenges remain and/or are increasing including air pollution, biodiversity loss and the impacts of climate change. Globally, cities are having to develop new ways to manage these environmental impacts as well as tackling pressing social, health and economic concerns. In Glasgow these issues are particularly acute due to the post-industrial environmental and social context within which these issues play out.

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Successfully managing post-industrial cities where there are pressing environmental concerns, reduced social spending and a need for continued economic growth brings both challenges and opportunities. For Glasgow, public health and the city’s natural and built environment are intrinsically linked. Its large tracts of derelict and vacant land that make up 9 per cent of the city’s surface are strongly linked with social deprivation and economic blight (Maantay, 2013). However, these spaces have strong potential to be repurposed into vibrant, productive spaces that could greatly enhance the city’s environmental sustainability and resilience, bringing transformative social and economic benefits. Indeed, initiatives by the city council are forward-thinking and aspire to deliver this change, for example, ‘Sustainable Glasgow aims to make this city one of the greenest in Europe [within a decade of 2010]’ (GCC, 2018b, p 1). This chapter looks at how Glasgow City Council (hereafter, GCC) has chosen to meet its environmental challenges and how these efforts are increasingly linked to other aspects of city governance (from the resilience agenda to regional partnerships). There are many aspects of the environment which could be examined here, including pollution, contamination, waste, energy production and efficiency, natural habitats and biodiversity, green space along with flooding, sea level rise and heat risks associated with climate change. In this chapter we restrict our coverage of the environment to natural habitats, green space and climate change related risks. We outline the city’s environmental achievements on these topics since 2010 and its current environmentrelated policies, projects and partnerships. We then explore the local sustainability and greening agenda’s development; its evolution during the development and implementation of the city-wide Sustainability Strategy (PMG, 2019) and subsequent transition from sustainability to resilience focus through Glasgow’s participation in the Rockefeller Foundation’s 100 Resilient Cities programme (100RC). These local initiatives are then placed in the context of wider regional initiatives (e.g. Clyde region) and devolved national (e.g. Scottish Government) policy contexts that GCC influences and/or is influenced by. This allows us to then critically evaluate the range of multi-level governance actors that are helping shape environmental sustainability and resilience initiatives within Glasgow. We conclude the chapter by reflecting on where Glasgow’s sustainability efforts are bearing fruit and making recommendations on what may help the city achieve its sustainability and resilience goals more fully. Urbanisation is rapidly increasingly globally, increasing the world’s urban footprint and placing more pressure on existing urban

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ecosystems and the services they provide to growing urban populations (UNDESA, 2019). Current ‘business as usual’ models for urban management and growth are not sufficient to address present and projected environmental challenges (United Nations, 2015). Cities must thus undergo significant transformational change to achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal No. 11 on ‘Sustainable Cities and Communities Goal to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable’ (United Nations, 2015, p 1). This chapter focuses on the last two aspects of this UN goal: resilient and sustainable.

Glasgow’s environmental and social sustainability This section outlines environmental and social sustainability issues that have shaped Glasgow’s current environment and society, providing the recent historical context upon which current environmental sustainability and resilience initiatives in the city of Glasgow are influenced by. Glasgow’s environmental sustainability – past pressures After being dominated by industrial activities throughout the 18th and 19th century, Glasgow’s social history has been closely linked with its environment from the second half of the 20th  century until the opening decade of the 21st (Crawford, Beck and Hanlon, 2007). Extensive and prolonged industrialisation took a heavy toll on the natural environment. Despite some notable and important improvements in air, soil and water quality in Glasgow, legacies of unprecedented industrial growth and decline (Mitchell, 2014) are still felt where extensive soil and water contamination persists today (Fordyce et al., 2014, 2019). Social impacts compound this where, for example, population resettlements (Meighan, 2013) created excesses of chronically vacant and derelict land (Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD), 2016) and fractured or empty neighbourhoods. The legacy of these past environmental impacts can be seen today in some areas of Glasgow where average measures of health, wellbeing and life expectancy are low compared to neighbouring areas and other post-industrial UK cities of similar size and demographics. Although not ubiquitous, some areas are consistently placed within the poorest 5 per cent (SIMD, 2016). This has led to a unique socio-economic character and urban fabric in Glasgow (Tucker, 2008). Work by Sir Harry Burns builds on that of

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others (Antonovsky, 1987; Walsh et al, 2016) to identify links between urban fabric, low-quality environments and chronic stressors. Glasgow is strongly affected by compounding stressors as demonstrated by the abundance of areas lacking what is required for salutogenosis – those things that keep people healthy, that make life manageable, meaningful and give it comprehensibility (see also Golembiewski, 2012; SIMD, 2016). Glasgow’s environmental sustainability: present pressures In addition, the physical geography and land-use practices of cities (such as Glasgow) may heighten or reduce the vulnerability of urban assets and people to climate impacts, either from human-made changes to the environment, such as removing or building on natural flood defences to being located in areas of risk such as in areas at risk of sea level rise or flooding (Gencer, 2013). In Glasgow city region, a recent climate change risk assessment (CRC, 2018) identified the following key risks for the city: negative impacts on strategic delivery and investment, risk to key infrastructure and supply chains, coastal erosion and storm risks including flooding, health and social care provision, urban heat and risks to the natural environment. Glasgow also continues to have air pollution problems (DEFRA, 2018), where key pollutants affecting human health exceed limit values and Glasgow is one of the most polluted cities in the UK (Lancet, 2017). These issues are further exacerbated with the added pressure of population growth: The city of Glasgow is predicted to have a 4 per cent increase in population and nearly 8 per cent increase in households within a decade (National Records of Scotland, 2016). Together, these historic and current, human and environmental, pressures and impacts on Glasgow’s landscape create the context within which sustainability and resilience initiatives by GCC over the past decade have been set. This tight coupling between social and ecological history, and the future environmental risks the city is facing, mean that a social-ecological systems approach (Tompkins and Adger, 2004) to delivering a sustainable city is likely to prove most fruitful. Glasgow’s environmental sustainability: initiatives since 2010 Classic sustainability agendas attempt to achieve balance between the environmental, social and economic factors where most models seek to harmonise economic and social elements while minimising

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impact on the environment (Redman, 2014). As a goal this perfect balance is a ‘wicked’ problem, essentially indefinable and effectively unachievable but it is seen as a useful focal point to ensure that the three realms are well considered (Mulligan, 2018). Increased policy and practice efforts can also improve the triple bottom line (i.e. for the environment, society and improve efficiency/ save money for the local authority) but they do often require significant initial investment (Bichard, 2016); this can be challenging for local authorities operating in austere times. Recently, Glasgow City Councils’ attempt to achieve this balance could best be seen in the Sustainable Glasgow initiative (Bellingham, 2010) – for Glasgow ‘to become one of Europe’s most sustainable cities by 2020 – with a focus on improving quality of life in the city, protecting the environment and developing a green economy with sustainability top of the agenda’ (PMG, 2019, p 1). Formed in 2010 and led by the City Council it was the first group created to support Glasgow’s aspirations to be one of the greenest cities in Europe by 2020. The Board contained representatives from academia, enterprise, health and housing (including the University of Strathclyde, GCC, Scottish and Southern Energy, Scottish Power and Scottish Enterprise, Glasgow Housing Association (Europe’s largest landlord), the National Health Service, Source One Veolia, Blitzer Clancy and Company and the Clyde Gateway). The initiative focused on climate change, energy efficiency and policy, low carbon and district heating. The 2010 report laid out a ten-year plan with transformational initiatives for extensive district heating networks, low carbon energy generation, waste reduction, improved recycling figures, urban forestry/ biomass and combined heat and power systems (Bellingham, 2010). This initiative was well regarded internationally where a senior advisor for the US Environmental Protection Agency said that it was a ‘model for cities around the world’, where ‘the world will be watching and learning from…experiences in Glasgow’ (Environment Analyst, 2010, p 1). A key component of the 2010 Sustainable Glasgow initiative was to identify areas of (human) need (e.g. low community cohesion, lack of engagement and disempowerment) and wider potential alongside exploring technical and financial solutions to green issues. This position was further supported nationally in Scotland where the Christie Report (Scottish Government, 2011) highlighted the need for a new approach to public service delivery in Scotland to address chronic social issues and inequality by understanding local needs, resources and to build local resilience.

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Evaluating progress Progress against the 2010 Sustainability initiatives and those that followed in support of it (e.g. Strategic Plan, Open Space Strategy, Resilience Strategy) can be measured against goals established by the Sustainable Development Commission (SDC, 2011) to support mainstreaming of sustainable development so that, ‘sustainable development … should be embedded in, not attached to, the existing organisational architecture of Government and its public bodies’ (p 15). They identify four ways by which mainstreaming can occur: 1) governance arrangements that provide leadership and direction 2) mechanisms such as frameworks, tools and monitoring and reporting; 3) cross-cutting themes (operations, procurement, people and policy) that run through 1 and 2 and 4) enablers which create momentum and deliver action (SDC, 2011). The recommend that these four areas are considered together; where possible, we have identified progress Glasgow City Council (hereafter, GCC) has made in these four areas and thus, towards mainstreaming sustainable development, resilience and climate change in the city. Governance arrangements This section looks at governance arrangements within the city of Glasgow and also across scale as Glasgow has partnered regionally, nationally and internationally to help deliver their sustainability, resilience and climate change goals. Multi-level governance including decision and policy making which incorporates multiple stakeholders and occurs across multiple sectors and jurisdiction is crucial for adaptation (Termeer et al, 2011). For example, the most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC) report (IPCC, 2018) on warming of 1.5°C argued that these forms of governance, including non-state actors, are essential to addressing these risks. Responses to cross level issues, such as climate change or environmental regeneration, often necessitate improved links between governance levels and regional scales to ensure vertical and horizontal interplay is improved. This can be done through a variety of methods including co-management, policy networks, polycentric systems and partnerships bringing actors together. City scale Sustainability is one of the core themes in the city’s current Strategic Plan (2017–2022; GCC, 2017b), which is directly supported by

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councillors through a City Policy Committee, ‘These outcomes and priorities will be primarily developed and progressed by the Environment, Sustainable and Carbon Reduction City Policy Committee’ (p  19). Substantive efforts are currently underway by Glasgow City Council (GCC) to actively encourage repurposing of vacant and derelict land. This is especially evident in eight designated Transformational Regeneration Areas (TRAs). For example, GCC is improving commercial interest in vacant and derelict land affected by blight by de-risking development; this means carrying out site investigations on redevelopment land prior to sale, so that purchase of post-industrial land poses fewer risks (GCC, 2019). The council is also changing how land is developed during large regeneration schemes, so that the city retains control of how open spaces between the new developments are managed (e.g. at Sighthill and Dalmarnock) (GCC, 2019). Glasgow has thus started to demonstrate its capacity to adopt innovative strategies and attempt delivery of environmentally resilient regeneration with clear social and economic benefits. These efforts for transformational change have not been done in isolation, as other council-led programmes (e.g. Sustainable Glasgow) are being pursued simultaneously to achieve significant change. To address climate change to help deliver targets set in the 2010 Sustainable development strategy the city is currently acting on adaptation opportunities and has recently started a collaborative, multiagency and multi-sector process called ‘Glasgow City Wide Climate Change Adaptation Action Plan’ (draft due in 2019). The city sees this initiative as very co-operative, one where organisations from a range of sectors across Glasgow take part in shaping the citywide adaptation strategy, so that it becomes owned ‘collectively’. While many adaptation actions will directly address risks and opportunities associated with a changing climate, it will be important to identify synergies and influences with other agendas to ensure adaptation is mainstreamed across the city’s services and operations. In February 2019, GCC’s departments were reorganised with Land and Environmental Services being renamed ‘Neighbourhoods and Sustainability’, providing further evidence of governance arrangements that support mainstreaming sustainability. Regional scale GCC has been effective at forming, facilitating and participating in partnerships across the Clyde Region to help deliver aspects of environmental sustainability via large scale strategic initiatives including

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management of water and flood risk (Metropolitan Glasgow Strategic Drainage partnership), economic and environmental regeneration (Clyde Gateway), green networks (Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network), marine and coastal planning (Clyde Marine Plan) and climate change adaptation (Climate Ready Clyde). Figure 13.1, below, illustrates examples of local, regional, national and international scale policies and activities. Cities benefit from collaborating with the peri-urban and rural areas surrounding the metropolitan core in order to address climate risk at the ecosystems level. Ecosystems transcend administrative and political boundaries and therefore city-centred approaches can miss important risk reducing opportunities whereas regional planning may enable resource sharing and acknowledge the scope of the socio-ecological system systems at risk (Tompkins and Adger, 2004). National scale Current UK and Scottish legislation sets out national ambitions through frameworks and targets on a range of environmental and planning topics related to the content of this chapter. In the context of climate change, this includes the Climate Change Adaptation Framework, the 2008 Climate Change Act and the Climate Change Scotland Act. The Climate Change Delivery Plan (2009) provides details on targets and reporting duties but delivery is through the local Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation plans created by local authorities Figure 13.1: Sustainability-related policies and activities occurring at city, city‑region, national and international scales

International

• 100 Resilient Cities (100RC) – Rockefeller Foundation • Connecting Nature – European Union • Climate Change (Scotland) Act • Public Bodies Climate Change Reporting Duties • Scottish Climate Change Adaptation Programme • Openspace Standards (Scottish Government)

National City-Region

• Climate Ready Clyde • Metropolitan Glasgow Strategic Drainage Partnership • Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network • Glasgow City Wide Adaptation Action Plan • City Deal Innovation and Regeneration • Open Space Strategy

City

Source: Authors

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to meet local targets and thereby create a climate resilient Scotland. To support this, there is a Climate Change Risk Assessment for Scotland (CCRA) which describes, and where possible quantifies, the impacts from climate change facing Scotland up until 2100, based primarily on the UK Climate Projections. The Scottish Climate Change Adaptation Programme addresses the impacts identified for Scotland in the CCRA. The second Scottish Climate Change Adaptation Programme for 2019–2024 will be released in 2019. It will use an outcomes-based approach, aligned with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and Scotland’s National Performance Framework. Mechanisms Specific strategies often include, or are supported by, action plans that serve as deliver mechanisms to help implement goals outlined in strategy documents. For example, the Glasgow Resilience Strategy has a 49-point action plan embedded within it, where key environment related targets are identified. This includes reference to improved access to quality greenspace, reduction in amount of people living near vacant and derelict land and addressing global climate change via place-based solutions (with two discrete actions). Importantly for each action there is clear identification of the delivery partners required, both within the city and beyond (GCC, 2017a), showing how the GRS acknowledges the importance of multi-level governance to address environmental challenges in the city. The city also is very active in creating thematic projects to help deliver environmental improvements and goals outlined in their sustainability and/or resilience strategy. For example, they established the ‘Stalled Spaces’ project to specifically address the problem of vacant and derelict land (VDL). This project has piloted innovative temporary uses (e.g. green gyms, active play, popup sculptures, outdoor education and growing spaces) for underutilised open space, vacant land and sites earmarked for development. Between 2011 and 2016, over 22 hectares of land have been brought into temporary uses (GCC, 2017a). Other notable examples are Glasgow’s innovative approach to open space opportunity mapping. Efforts like the developing Open Space Strategy (OSS) (GCC, 2018a) are key opportunities to enhance both the city’s natural environment and examine how it can address some of the chronic social issues through better place-making, making additional areas attractive places to live work and invest in, beyond just resilience, ensuring Glasgow does indeed ‘flourish’.

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Scrutiny and accountability The success of these environmental and greening improvements is often measured against clearly defined metrics for air and water quality, public access to quality open spaces, biodiversity values, habitat lost or created, quality of life, deprivation and sustainable growth. Specific strategies and action plans also often have evaluation process built into them. For example, the Glasgow Resilience Strategy’s actions will be evaluated via two key means: 1) via the ‘Resilient Glasgow Forum’ (at network of partners within and beyond the city council) and 2)  by developing a ‘Monitoring and Evaluation Framework’ where the reports will be fed through core partnership groups at city, regional and national levels (GCC, 2017a). One of the planned environmental metrics for the evaluation framework was improvement in the number of people with access to quality greenspace and a decrease in the number of people living within 500 m of vacant and derelict land (GCC, 2017a, p  6). It has not been possible to find evidence of reporting against these planned targets, but it is nonetheless encouraging that systematic monitoring and evaluation targets where established. These metrics are often required to identify how local government are delivering on national (Scotland-scale) or UK-wide policy requirements, such as biodiversity action plan targets. For example, all public bodies across Scotland, including local governments, are required to account for (and reduce) their carbon and waste budgets and report on their mitigation and adaptation progress as part of the Public Bodies Climate Change Reporting Duties mandated by the Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009. The Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 introduced a new duty for all public bodies to exercise their functions in a way that is best calculated to contribute towards the greenhouse gas reduction targets and the Climate Change Adaptation Framework. Whilst it is a legal requirement, there is currently little incentive or disincentive to submit a high-quality report and crucially, no retribution for organisations not submitting a reporting or submitting a poor response. Greater stringency for the reporting requirements, such as improved evaluation criteria for measuring the quality of organisations actions would improve the level of scrutiny, as has been advocated at the global scale (Berrang-Ford et al, 2019). Adaptation Scotland, a programme funded by the Scottish Government and delivered by sustainability charity Sniffer, provides training and resources to support public sector bodies to adapt. Their guidance ‘Scotland Adapts: A Capability Framework for a Climate

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Ready Scotland’ promotes a holistic adaptation through a ‘capabilitymaturity’ approach which draws upon the characteristics of welladapting organisations. Use of these resources including benchmarking progress against the Framework, could, for example, be used as a measure of the quality of public sector reporting returns in future. Enablers GCC has used partnerships to act as enablers of the sustainability and resilience agendas, and the use of high-profile projects, such as city deal funded greening initiatives like the Avenues project, to support their delivery. These partnerships have taken place at regional, European and international levels, and via partnerships with industry and academia, each acting as enablers in different ways. City as part of regional governance At the regional scale, the Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network Partnership (GCVGNP) is a good exemplar of the benefits that can delivered for multi-agency working (SDC, 2011). Here the city, along with seven other local authorities, and the Scottish Environmental Protection Agency (SEPA), Scottish Natural Heritage (SNH), the Forestry Commission Scotland (FCS), Glasgow Centre for Population Health (GCPH), Scottish Enterprise and Clydeplan co-deliver Central Scotland Green Network (CSGN) strategy (CSGN, 2011). Delivery of this strategy helps Glasgow meet National Planning Framework requirements for improvements in five realms: an environment for growth, balance (with climate change), health and well-being, engagement and nature across the central belt up until 2050. The multi-partner-supported CSVGN in turn acts as a further catalyst for driving change within GCC, as this regional-level organisation undertakes policy reviews and makes recommendations on best practice, which provide scrutiny of local-scale activities (e.g. Hislop and Corbett, 2018). Findings from these reports, could be used to assist GCC staff and councillors in enabling positive changes in Glasgow. City partnering with universities and research organisations The city is also embarking on innovative partnerships to help increase the range of multi-functional value that can be gained from assessing and measuring a wider range of benefits than previously considered. This can include things such as determining the economic benefits

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of low-quality greenspace as flood storage, or by extracting heat from Glasgow’s disused mines or rivers to generate electricity. For example, funding from the Natural Environment Research Council supported a collaboration between the British Geological Survey (BGS) and GCC to help identify planning and development risks from historic underground mines – taking planning into three dimensions and helping to de-risk development. This was then extended to explore if and how (warm) water trapped in the newly mapped disused underground mines could be used to provide heat and power for the city (BGS, 2019). Cities as part of European and international Initiatives Global trends in urban environmental and sustainability policy have seen a move away from urban sustainability approaches and a refocus on ‘urban resilience’ – the capacity of a system to maintain functionality in the face of shocks (Friend and Moench, 2013; Sharma, Singh and Singh, 2014). The phrase ‘urban resilience’ has been readily adopted by a wide range of academics, politicians and practitioners; in infrastructure (Labaka et al, 2015), climate science (Leichenko, 2011), data analytics (Cole, 2014), natural hazards (Godshalk, 2003; Pelling, 2003) and international development (Dodman et al, 2012). A key driver for a greater strategic focus on urban resilience in Glasgow in recent years was the Rockefeller 100 Resilient Cities initiative. 100 Resilient Cities, or 100RC, is an initiative that selected one hundred cities around the world committed to creating and enhancing resilience to the social, economic and physical challenges they face. Participating cities were supported to create a ‘city resilience strategy’ – an overarching document with specific short and long-term actions to increase the city’s resilience (100RC, 2015). Glasgow’s Resilience Strategy (or GRS) is structured around four ‘strategic pillars’ and fifteen ‘goals’, which set out the long-term trajectory for Glasgow’s resilience (GCC, 2017a). References to climate adaptation and the wellbeing of the natural environment can be found in the ‘Resilient Places Pillar’ alongside a wide range of current place-based challenges including vacant and derelict land, climate impacts, food access, fuel poverty and air quality (GCC, 2017a). This compares to more extensive coverage of social issues including health, housing, crime and inequality throughout the other ‘pillars’, illuminating a potential challenge in linking the importance of climate change and sustainability action in helping address broader social issues. The 100RC programme and other

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resilience strategies clearly set out goals that aim higher than simply maintaining the environmental and social status quo, but improvements are often based on an assumption that where short-term and chronic urban problems are addressed then quality of life will improve and therefore so too will the environment (Kirbyshire et  al, 2017). There is a need to ensure climate adaptation is mainstreamed across all activities to ensure the climate resilience of Glasgow. The GRS, however, provides an overarching framework that brings together previously siloed policy strands to create mechanisms to deliver improved environmental and social resilience.

Discussion: power, risk, people and transformation It is clear from the analysis of this chapter, that the city of Glasgow has made substantive progress towards mainstreaming sustainability and resilience through a series of concerted changes to governance arrangements, develop mechanisms for delivering actions and create systems for scrutiny and accountability. Alongside this, Glasgow has demonstrated substantive innovation through partnerships at regional, EU and international scale, as well as with local university and research bodies. These initiatives improve Glasgow’s capacity to deliver on sustainability, resilience and climate change goals to increase, and collectively act to enhance Glasgow’s profile as one firmly committed to becoming greener. To mainstream sustainability, the SDC (2011) also identified people as a key theme to aid mainstreaming. Whilst there are many extremely committed and innovative council staff who work tirelessly to deliver on resilience, sustainability and climate change, there is an urgent need for stronger political engagement with these topics. If there is stronger political leadership in Glasgow that is actively and passionately demonstrating the city’s commitment to delivering on sustainability, resilience and climate change, this enthusiasm and commitment can be harnessed to empower moral and social interest in driving forward proactive change. Mayors of other world-leading cities, notably Vancouver, Canada, have actively campaigned and worked towards making their city the world’s greenest (Affolderback and Schultz, 2017). This kind of political leadership, along with practical actions at high level such as the newly created Climate Emergency working group in GCC, playing a pivotal role in key regional partnerships and by supporting and encouraging youth through the 2050 Climate Group has the potential to act as a fulcrum to move from isolated initiatives to a bold, agenda-setting and action-taking city which is

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following through on their sustainability and resilience goals. One potential accountability measure of strong political leadership would be clear demonstration of a commitment by the city to prioritise the environment through actions such as climate change and climate change adaptation being added to the city’s risk register. Alongside political leadership is also the need for improved political powers. A vital part of creating resilience here will be ensuring the city has the appropriate level and range of powers to unlock opportunities. City powers are limited compared to international examples, such as US cities (see America’s Pledge Initiative on Climate, 2018). Lastly, there is also a need to recognise there are strong behavioural issues influencing decision-making from political through to local government staff levels (Naylor et al, 2019). These have been identified as second-order risks (Kuklicke and Demeritt, 2013) where the more immediate social and reputational risks (i.e. where a decision to move a road inland due to sea level rise is seen as politically unpopular) become prioritised over management of the first order risk (sea level rise impacts on road infrastructure) (Naylor et  al, 2019), thereby reducing long-term resilience to environmental risks (Brown, Naylor and Quinn, 2017).

Conclusions To transition from a post-industrial city to become a sustainable, green and resilient city, Glasgow has significant ground to cover. Exemplary achievements must be replicated more widely across the city, to help bring about city wide transformational change. To further optimise these benefits, the city needs to work across sectors and scales to identify opportunities to further support transformative initiatives at the city and city region scale. For example, greenspace, biodiversity and access to nature are known to provide significant health and economic benefits (ten Brink et al, 2016). Yet parks and open space budgets are under some of the most intense pressure with austerity. Innovative means of reallocating funding across sectors – healthcare, parks and biodiversity could aid improvements in health that could ultimately reduce healthcare costs. For example, green prescriptions and the green exercise for health partnership are a step towards these links (Robinson and Breed, 2019). Mechanisms such as the ‘windows of opportunity’ technique (Brown, Naylor and Quinn, 2017) and measures to proactively encourage all regeneration and development projects to be as multi-functional and joined up with neighbouring initiatives (i.e. thinking outside of the red planning line) as much as possible, to

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ensure that delivering sustainability and resilience goals can be achieved in the most efficient and effective means possible. Through continued partnership working, and by creating space for every project to deliver greater multifunctional goals, along with changes in multi-scale governance arrangements to create better ‘windows of opportunity’ for transformative change (Brown, Naylor and Quinn, 2017), Glasgow will more rapidly achieve its sustainability, resilience and climate change targets. This can include adopting innovative strategies such as applying New York Cities ‘Dryline Concept’ (Krzepisz, 2018), as part of current city deal funded projects and future regeneration efforts along the River Clyde – these types of approaches would help ensure the city is more future-proofed and resilient to a changing climate, helping the city demonstrate proactive infrastructure and land use planning decisions that align with predicted climate change risks (e.g. Hansom et  al, 2017) and emerging statutory policies (e.g. Clyde Marine Plan Preconsultation Draft). Bold, transformative efforts such as these will, in turn, help reposition Glasgow from a post-industrial city to a greener, sustainable city where its industrial past is less notable than at present. Transformative changes will hopefully emerge as an outcome of the recently declared Climate Emergency in the city. There is also a moral argument to be made: ‘viewing climate change as a moral, rather than a technical resource scarcity issue can help to provide more impactful climate change framings’ (Brown, Adger and Cinner, 2019, p 61). The same can be argued of sustainability, urban greening and resilience initiatives – what are the moral consequences of not taking action now? Strong political leadership can potentially use this moral argument to empower and engage the cities’ residents, businesses and institutions to collectively work to help Glasgow make bold, proactive decisions and to achieve its ambition of becoming a world leading ‘green city’ – with all of the social, economic and environmental benefits this would have for nature and its residents. Glasgow will not evolve beyond a post-industrial city whilst its historical legacy remains a blight on the physical environment and influences the socio-economic outcomes of its residents. Climate change action, however, offers an opportunity to improve the wellbeing of its citizens both now and in the future, making Glasgow a fairer, more prosperous and resilient place to live, work and play. Note 1

Larissa Naylor greatly appreciates funding from a NERC Knowledge Exchange Fellowship (NE/M010546/1) and NERC Green Infrastructure Innovation project (NE/N017404/1). Staff within the open space and

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sustainability teams at Glasgow City Council are thanked for their indepth knowledge and support with some of the research and knowledge exchange that underpins this chapter.

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Friend, R. and Moench, M. (2013) ‘What is the purpose of urban climate resilience? Implications for addressing poverty and vulnerability’, Urban Climate, 6: 98–113. GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2017a) ‘Our Resilient Glasgow – A City Strategy’. Available at: https://www.100resilientcities.org/ wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Glasgow-Strategy-PDF.pdf (accessed 2 October 2019). GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2017b) Glasgow City Council Strategic Plan 2017 to 2022. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/ CHttpHandler.ashx?id=40052&p=0 (accessed 19 August 2019). GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2018a) Glasgow Open Space Strategy, Consultative Draft. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/ CHttpHandler.ashx?id=9478&p=0 (accessed 19 August 2019). GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2018b) Sustainable Glasgow. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/index.aspx?articleid=18318 (accessed 15 January 2019). GCC (Glasgow City Council) (2019) Sighthill TRA. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/sighthill (accessed 24 February 2019). Gencer, E. A. (2013) ‘Natural Disasters, Urban Vulnerability, and Risk Management: A Theoretical Overview’, in Gencer, E. A. (ed) The Interplay between Urban Development, Vulnerability, and Risk Management, Mediterranean Studies 7, Berlin: Springer-Verlag, pp 7–43. Godshalk, D. R. (2003) ‘Urban hazard mitigation: creating resilient cities’, Natural Hazards Review, 4(3): 136–43. Golembiewski, J. (2012) ‘Salutogenic design: The neural basis for health promoting environments’, World Health Design Scientific Review, 5(4): 62–8. Hansom, J., Maxwell, F., Naylor, L. and Piedra, M. (2017) ‘Impacts of sea-level rise and storm surges due to climate change in the Firth of Clyde’, Research Report 891, Scottish Natural Heritage, Inverness. Available at: https://www.nature.scot/snh-commissioned-report891-impacts-sea-level-rise-and-storm-surges-due-climate-changefirth-clyde (accessed 19 August 2019). Hislop, M. and Corbett, A. (2018) Green Infrastructure Policies in the CSGN – A Review of Local Authority Policies on Green Infrastructure in Built Development, Glasgow: The GCV Green Network Partnership.

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National Records of Scotland (2016) Population projections 2016-based population projections by council area in Scotland. Available at: https://www.nrscotland.gov.uk/files/statistics/council-area-datasheets/glasgow-city-council-profile.html (accessed 2 October 2019). Naylor, L. A., Brady, U., Quinn, T., Brown, K. and Anderies, J. M. (2019) ‘A multiscale analysis of social-ecological system robustness and vulnerability in Cornwall, UK’, Regional Environmental Change. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-019-01530-7 (accessed 12 October 2019). Pelling, M. (2003) The Vulnerability of Cities: Natural Disasters and Social Resilience, London: Earthscan. PMG (People Make Glasgow) (2019). Available at: https:// peoplemakeglasgow.com/greener (accessed 15 January 2019). Redman, C. L. (2014) ‘Should sustainability and resilience be combined or remain distinct pursuits?’ Ecology and Society, 19(2): 37. Robinson, J. and Breed, M. (2019) ‘Green prescriptions and their co‑benefits: integrative strategies for public and environmental health’, Challenges, 10(1): 9. Scottish Government (2011) Christie Commission on the future delivery of public services. Available at: https://www.gov.scot/ publications/commission-future-delivery-public-services/ (accessed 19 August 2019). SDC (Sustainable Development Commission) (2011). Governing for the Future – the opportunities for mainstreaming sustainable development. Available at: http://www.sd-commission.org.uk/data/ files/publications/SDC_SD_Guide_2011_2.pdf (accessed 2 October 2019). Seto, K. C., Fragkias, M., Güneralp, B. and Reilly, M. K. (2011) ‘A meta-analysis of global urban land expansion’, PLoS ONE, 6(8): e23777. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0023777 (accessed 2 October 2019). Sharma, D., Singh, R. and Singh, R. (2014) ‘Building urban climate resilience: learning from the ACCCRN experience in India’, International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 6(2): 133–53. SIMD (Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation) (2016) Scottish Government. Available at: http://www.gov.scot/Topics/Statistics/ SIMD (accessed 19 August 2019).

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ten Brink, P., Mutafoglu, K., Schweitzer, J.-P., Kettunen, M., Twigger-Ross, C., Kuipers, Y., Emonts, M., Tyrväinen, L., Hujala, T. and Ojala, A. (2016) ‘The Health and Social Benefits of Nature and Biodiversity Protection – Executive Summary. A report for the European Commission’ (ENV.B.3/ETU/2014/0039), London/ Brussels: Institute for European Environmental Policy. Termeer, C., Dewulf, A., Rijswick, H., Van Buuren, A., Huitema, D., Meijerink, S., Rayner, T. and Wiering, M. (2011) ‘The regional governance of climate adaptation: a framework for developing legitimate, effective, and resilient governance arrangements’, Climate Law, 2: 159–79. Tompkins, E. L. and Adger, W. N. (2004) ‘Does adaptive management of natural resources enhance resilience to climate change?’, Ecology and Society, 9(2): article 10. Available at: http://www.ecologyandsociety. org/vol9/iss2/art10/ (accessed 19 August 2019). Tucker, M. J. (2008) ‘The cultural production of cities: rhetoric or reality? Lessons from Glasgow’, Journal of Retail & Leisure Property, 7(1): 21–33. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.rlp.5100083 (accessed 19 August 2019). UNDESA (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division) (2019) World Urbanization Prospects: The 2018 Revision (ST/ESA/SER.A/420), New York: United Nations. United Nations (1987) United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) Bruntland Report, ‘Our Common Future’, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. United Nations (2015) Sustainable Development Goals. Available at: www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/sustainable-development-goals (accessed 19 August 2019). Walsh, D., McCartney, G., Collins, C., Taulbut, M. and Batty, G. D. (2016) ‘History, politics and vulnerability: Explaining excess mortality in Scotland and Glasgow’. Report published by Glasgow Centre for Population Health, NHS Health Scotland, University of West of Scotland and University College. London. Available at: http://www. gcph.co.uk/assets/0000/5988/Excess_mortality_final_report_with_ appendices.pdf (accessed 19 August 2019).

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Conclusion: beyond the post-industrial: narratives of time and place Rebecca Madgin and Keith Kintrea The post-industrial city is a set of emerging urban forms and functions that appears to be significantly different from the industrial city of the past two centuries to warrant separate definition. At the same time, it is not yet sufficiently articulated to justify a name and a nomenclature of its own that defines it in a manner other than as reaction to cities of the recent past. The use of ‘post-industrial’, then, represents both a sense on the part of observers that we have crossed a significant boundary, and that the precise nature of the terrain on the other side is still largely unknown. (Shaw, 2001, p 284)

Glasgow’s transformation The transformation of Glasgow, as depicted in the chapters in this book, is moving beyond characterisation as post-industrial. However, it still contains many elements that are attributable to the 20th century as the city was marked by economic decline, social deprivation and spatial divides against which urban policy largely failed to make much on an impression. But Glasgow, as the chapters demonstrate, is evidently not just a hollowed-out relic of industrialism. In the current century, its population has started to grow through the positive balance of migration and many key socio-economic indicators show that in measurable ways people in Glasgow are less deprived than they were, even if there is still some catching up to do with other cities. Glasgow sits in a relatively prosperous city-region of more than 1.5 million people (depending on which boundaries are chosen) and it is ranked approximately in the middle of the Globalization and World Cities Index for 2018 (Globalization and World Cities Research Network, 2019), which measures its business connections with 700 other cities around the world. Glasgow sits alongside regional cities in other developed countries such as Adelaide, Rotterdam and Osaka, ahead of some European capitals, although behind some other large UK

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regional cities, including Birmingham, Manchester and Edinburgh. However, Glasgow is not a city that has succumbed entirely to the full grip of neoliberal ‘austerity urbanism’. Certainly it is evident that its regeneration strategy has been shaped primarily to attract global capital, and it is enveloped within a deregulated financial system and flexible labour market like the rest of the UK. But Scotland’s (and Glasgow’s) consistently centre-left politics has retained strong welfare elements in the city, including a large non-profit housing sector and comprehensive education, where quasi-market elements are subdued. However, what is not so clear is how secure Glasgow’s transition to a new future ‘beyond the post-industrial city’ really is. The key questions that arise from this edited collection concern how cities like Glasgow can be understood, four decades after the shift to an urban service economy, the stabilisation of regeneration methodologies, and the entrenchment of neo-liberal urban policy amid rampant globalisation. In this context, is it a retrogressive step to continue to think of and theorise cities using the same tropes that were current at the end of the 20th century? Alternatively, does the constant reference back to a city’s industrial legacy inhibit new, and arguably more appropriate, frameworks of analysis? More specifically, in the discourse of the ‘Urban Age’ that has attracted so much popular and academic attention, where do cities such as Glasgow, a small provincial city in the context of global urbanisation, sit? Finally, in what ways do cities like Glasgow help us to develop theoretical and conceptual frameworks that are able to satisfy Robinson’s (2016) call for a theory rooted in local context but that can also support the creation of fresh questions and therefore different ways of knowing within the field? This final chapter foregrounds the ways in which a sustained examination of the transformation of one city can provide the stimulus to question whether, for example, the traditional Eurocentric theories remain relevant today even for cities within Europe, and whether cities like Glasgow can help us to develop reinvigorated understandings of cities moving through and beyond characterisation as post-industrial. To achieve this the chapter first re-examines ‘post-industrial’ and then moves on to consider where cities like Glasgow fit with key debates within the urban studies field. The chapter then turns to consider two analytical approaches to engage with the question of whether a city can still be characterised as post-industrial. Here we foreground how an analytically informed urban biography can open up a discussion on the particularities of place and time. We then conclude the chapter with some overarching themes that have resulted from the use of place and

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time as analytical categories. These themes, we argue, are central to an examination of whether cities are moving beyond being characterised as post-industrial.

What is the post-industrial? The term ‘post-industrial’ has become ubiquitous, used to describe everything from society, to the economy, to processes and to events. Part of the weakness of this all-encompassing term is that it is used to describe the trajectory of a diverse collection of cities, usually European or North American, since the latter decades of the 20th century. In consequence, its analytical and explanatory power is blunted both by its over use and its lack of precision within most academic, professional and general discourse. ‘Post-industrial’, then, is often used as a selfevident backdrop against which the travails of urban development can be set. As Shaw (2001), quoted above, has argued, the term is slippery and often defined to counterpoint the industrial city of the past. Stanton (2017) has argued that there remains considerable debate about what the post-industrial ‘is, or even whether it exists’ but that the notion of a ‘deindustrial divide’ can be characterised as ‘capital flight, plant closings, “liberalising policies”, and a mode of ‘revitalisation’ that very often converts former sites of material production or resource extraction into spaces of cultural consumption’ (2017, p 157). This definition builds on Bell’s seminal work which reminds us of the importance of time and process within examinations of the ‘postindustrial’. Bell stated that ‘… it is important to emphasize that a post-industrial society does not displace an industrial society, as the industrial society did not displace an agrarian society’ (1976, p 578). Bell’s work remains the clearest expression of what the ‘post-industrial’ is, stating that a city had to have the following characteristics for it to be classified as a post-industrial: 1. Economic sector: the change from a goods-producing to a service economy. 2. Occupational distribution: the pre-eminence of the professional and technical class. 3. Axial principle: the centrality of theoretical knowledge as the source of innovation and of policy formulation for the society. 4. Future orientation: the control of technology and technological assessment. 5. Decision making: the creation of a new ‘intellectual technology’ (Bell, 1973, p 14 in Shaw, 2001, p 288).

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Many of these characteristics, as can be seen in the chapters, have been achieved by Glasgow today. But rather than systematically apply Bell’s criteria to each chapter, which could be seen seen as reductive and simplistic, the remainder of the chapter considers what the book’s empirical content tell us about the concept and operation of the ‘postindustrial’ in the context of wider debates and emerging trends within urban studies. In so doing we call for the field to value place through the use of single-city biographies and time through conducting an analysis of linear and cyclical time within analyses of the process of urban transformation.

Glasgow within urban studies Urban studies is currently undergoing a re-evaluation of the traditional frameworks that underpinned its development as a field. This is seen through a number of key position pieces such as that by Brenner and Schmid, who in their call to rethink epistemologies of the urban, ask scholars to question ‘through what categories, methods and cartographies should urban life be understood?’ (2015, p 155). They asked this question as they believe the ‘intellectual foundations (of urban studies) … are today being profoundly destabilized’ (p 154). Others also contend that there is a perception of crisis in urban theory and that urban studies is an alleged ‘theory-free zone’ (Harding and Blokland, 2014). In addition to this, there are a number of emerging and contested positions that seek to explore the complexities of the city as a site or a process (Katz, 2015), whether there are universalist approaches to the city (Scott and Storper, 2015; Mould, 2016), the need to ‘provincialize’ Eurocentric and North America views, the role of scale (Wu et al, 2019) and the use of theoretical lenses such post-colonialism (Roy, 2018), feminism (Oswin, 2018) and affect (Anderson, 2017). However, whilst recent research has sought to question the existential foundations of urban studies through driving forward new ways of thinking and knowing, the role of cities like Glasgow to new undertandings of the urban remains unclear. Glasgow and other similar cities often seem to sit at the margins of theoretical debates, not least geographically as the desire to ‘provincialise’ European ways of thinking and sites of knowledge assumes greater prominence, but also in terms of the fascination with very large cities. However, an in-depth and multi-faceted examination of a city like Glasgow enables us to question whether the innovative concepts that drove much of the understanding of cities in the late 20th century, that is, the development of the post-industrial society,

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remain relevant as cities move through their recovery from the consequences of deindustrialisation. The next section of this chapter examines this through two key lenses – place and time. We first examine the value of single-city studies and move on to question the use of ‘time’ within the field and end with a discussion of the ways in which the chapters in this book say something about the broader processes entailed in moving beyond post-industrialism. Place One of the most fervent recent debates within urban studies concerns the growing emphasis on ‘planetary urbanism’ with its related focus on comparative, transnational and relational research (Ward, 2010; Kenny and Madgin, 2015; Robinson, 2016; Sandoval-Strausz and Kwak, 2017). There has been recently an increase in the both the volume of work on cities across the globe and in the ways of knowing about urban development. This has called into question the use of the urban biography in favour of using one or more cities to develop broader theoretical frameworks. Part of the assumed crisis of urban studies arises from the frustration of some scholars with a proliferation of studies of particular, located urban practices. Scott and Storper (2015) outline their fear that the field has begun to embrace what they term as a ‘new particularism’ that privileges the local and the specific over the universal. The tension between knowing the local and understanding the global, however, is not new as the field has traditionally ‘fluctuated between the “individualizing” tendencies of micro research on one city and comparative research focussing on multiple sites’ (Kenny and Madgin, 2015, p 12). Storper and Scott also identify a local focus and attendant ethnographic and qualitative methods of research as the ‘unfortunate influence of post-structuralist philosophy in urban studies’ (2016, p 1132). Instead they call for a universalist framework in which ‘all cities can be understood in terms of a theoretical framework that combines two main processes, namely the dynamics of agglomeration/ polarisation, and the unfolding of an associated nexus of locations, land uses and human interactions’ (2015, p 2). The aim of the book was not to use the empirical data to build a universal theory neatly wrapped up in a neologism but rather to bring together new knowledge on the city to ‘promote theory cultures which are alert to their own locatedness and sources of inspiration, open to learning from elsewhere, respectful of different scholarly traditions and committed to the revisability of theoretical ideas’ (Robinson, 2016, p 187). The intention of the book, therefore, has been to demonstrate that the analytically framed urban

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biography remains a relevant, useful, and important way to understand both processes and places and as a lens through which traditional analytical frameworks can be critiqued and developed. The particularity of place is revealed in an urban biography and in Glasgow’s case exposes the permissive nature of the ‘epic’ and ‘toxic’ that were outlined in the Introduction (Kintrea and Madgin). The Introduction argued that Glasgow’s development as an industrial city was highly distinctive. The combined forces of the market and municipal hubris rendered Glasgow simultaneously to be a source of wonder and an object of repugnance. The stark combination of ‘the epic and the toxic’ in Glasgow, its heroic policy failures, and its reputation burnished in popular culture official reports alike, meant that it was seen in the 20th century as a place apart. Collins and Levitt (this volume) show how national public policy towards Glasgow in the post war period effectively had written off Glasgow and sought to diminish the city by overspill, labour redeployment and the promotion of other locations. In the 21st  century, with Glasgow having been the subject of regeneration, the evidence of this book is that the epic and toxic have now become subdued, but not entirely so. Its epic engineering-focused industrial sector has significantly been replaced by a more broadly based economy (Patrick, Kennedy and MacLeod, this volume). Some of Glasgow’s epic elements have remained and emerged as assets in new forms. These include the surviving tenements and the historically privileged neighbourhoods, which have attracted new generations of urbanites (Livingston and Clark, this volume), and the legacy of its historic commercial and municipal buildings, on which both economic and community regeneration have been built (Madgin, this volume). Perhaps of all sectors, its housing story best illustrates the epic and toxic combination, but housing is moving on to a new, more nuanced narrative with at least some of its past demons exorcised (Robertson, this volume). However, an important part of Glasgow’s experience as it moves beyond its initial post-industrial regeneration, is that toxicity lingers on. On a host of social and economic indicators, in spite of substantial economic and social change, Glasgow’s score almost always sits well below regional and Scottish averages, most often occupying the bottom rank among the Scottish cities (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, 2019). In this book this is most starkly seen in the chapter on health by Baruffati and colleagues (Chapter  6, this volume) in which Glasgow’s experience remains resolutely toxic, with much of the explanation of ill health and early death lying with social,

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economic and political forces that stretch back into the middle of the 20th century. One of the benefits of conducting an analytically informed urban biography is that it enables an examination of the particularities of policy and power within a city. This is especially important in the context of the early 21st century where there is a tendency to assume that all cities are subject to the same forces of globalisation and neoliberalism, and therefore have the same kinds of outcomes. In that kind of analysis, policy at the city level is of little consequence except as a confirmation of neoliberal regulation. There are certainly elements of that approach in the understandings of Glasgow that are developed in this book, for example Collins and Levitt’s critique of neoliberal urban policy, Livingston and Clark’s more positive assessment of the same, and Robertson’s analyses of the impacts of financialisation on Glasgow’s housing. Nevertheless, this book holds to the idea that urban policy is relevant to cities – to their communities, their built environments, their spatial structures and planning, and the extent to which income through productive investment can be generated. Variuos contributors to this book have aimed to show this for Glasgow both historically and for a range of contemporary policy areas. How cities achieve change is a central question that runs throughout the book and can be considered in terms of long-term management strategies and in shorter-term and more nuanced changes. Time An urban biography also enables a fuller examination of time. The book was framed around a key question – to what extent is Glasgow moving beyond being characterised as post-industrial. In doing so we wanted to consider the concept of time as much as place. Whilst the spatial parameters of urban studies have widened, the temporal parameters have largely remained the same, with long-running processes and the historical context of cities largely ignored in favour of the recent past (but see Nightingale, 2012; Degen, 2017, 2018, as honourable exceptions). However, as many of the chapters of this book show, and especially the Introduction and Chapter 1 (Kintrea and Madgin, and Collins and Levitt), an analysis of time is crucial to understanding the complexities of the process of urban transformation. Part of the problem of foregrounding an analysis of a city’s transformation from one generalisable condition to another is that it ‘rests on the assumption that a discrete subsection of the temporal continuum is marked by some distinctive cultural qualities,

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institutions, or practices, and that the ends of periods should coincide with palpable and significant change’ (Donner, 2014, p 24). However, time per se does not facilitate the construction of a singular narrative in a linear and deterministic fashion. Rather time, whether it is linear or cyclical, long term or short term, is a useful lens through which the adaptive responses of cities like Glasgow to complex socio-economic challenges can be examined. The use of time within the chapters is multi-faceted. One demonstrates the entrenched and embedded problems associated with the health of a particular generation who lived through the period of de-industrialisation (Chapter  6, this volume) whereas another shows how a historical analysis of the political power held in Glasgow continually and consistently shaped its current policies and thus future development (Collins and Levitt, in Chapter 1, this volume). Other chapters demonstrate the impact of unforeseen ‘shocks’ to the system – such as the global financial crisis (Robertson, Chapter 7) or of global events that gave Glasgow a different socio-economic base (Patrick, Kennedy and MacLeod; Kay and Trevena; Chapter 2, this volume). White, in Chapter  10, this volume, has demonstrated the cyclical nature of time concerning the rise, fall and rise again of tenement style living as an urban design approach to the city’s entrenched housing problems. Many of the other chapters show how processes and practices have evolved over time to adapt to the particular needs of the present. Rolfe et al, in Chapter 9, this volume, give one example of the ways in which policy and practice have evolved over time to provide different levels of access for community groups. The authors demonstrate three different examples of community activism and how this is embedded in practices of managing change. This chapter could be read through the lens of ‘austerity urbanism’ (Peck, 2012), which denotes a particular period in time in which the retrenchment of the local state across many national contexts has fundamentally altered the type, nature and intensity of public sector response to urban crises and, in some cases, has resulted in the formation of different kinds of social movements. Madgin, in Chapter 11, this volume, focuses on the legislative context to explore how the era of austerity has ushered in different ways of formalising social movements that enabled a community’s figurative ownership of their urban space to be translated into literal ownership. What both Rolfe et al and Madgin demonstrate, together with Pollock and Robertson (Chapters 12 and 7 respectively, this volume), is how local conditions and local politics at particular times are able to shape what Wilson (2004) described as ‘contingent urban neoliberalism’.

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Glasgow is not sheltered from the process of neoliberalism and the insidious nature of austerity urbanism. The city is both an archetype of the rise, fall and reinvention associated with the economic vicissitudes of an industrial economy and of the struggle to reinvent itself in the light of severe global economic challenges and changing national and local policy trends. Glasgow therefore continues to evolve its responses to the de-industrial ‘legacy of persistent poverty, deprivation and physical decay’ (Evans, Lord and Robertson, 2018, p 74). A key question is the extent to which Glasgow has had, and has now, the power and autonomy to respond to broader socioeconomic, cultural and political shifts. Using time as a method of analysis enables us to consider the shifting power dynamics in the city. That Glasgow lacked power during the key era of its deindustrialisation is discussed in Chapter 1 (Collins and Levitt), where the authors show that Glasgow’s future was consistently marginalised or even denied in favour of regional and national agendas. The argument that cities can (and should) shape their own agendas is a key theme of current policy-oriented urban analysis from authors such as Florida (2017) and Barber (2013), as well as from economic writers including Glaeser (2011) and Storper (2013). In Scotland, the importance of this agenda is sharpened by two factors. The first is the acceptance that city-regions are the relevant agglomeration scale for global competition and urban management (e.g. Scott, 2012; Storper, 2013). As urbanisation has proceeded, cities have scaled up and densified over larger areas, which are interconnected. The second factor is that the narrow boundedness of existing administrative areas in Scotland are in many respects no longer relevant to urban economic and social life. In the policy arena, this narrative was opened up by the very uncertain trialling of a Scottish cities policy in the 2000s (Scottish Government, 2003) and particularly by the later notion that Scotland’s cities might collaborate to compete globally in a ‘cities alliance’ (Scottish Government, 2011). This debate is presently updated in a new prospectus for Scottish cities, in which the viability of a ScottishIrish super city is floated that would allow small cities to ‘borrow scale’ from one another and align themselves with urban agglomerations across the globe (Evans, Lord and Robertson, 2018). However, as the Introduction (Kintrea and Madgin) mentions, Glasgow’s progress towards developing capacity through agglomeration is significantly constrained. How Glasgow can respond is taken up in Chapter  2 (Waite), where the role of City Deals and the complicated story of devolution of urban governance to Glasgow is explored.

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Glasgow is situated within a devolved Scotland that has sought to centralise agencies, budgets and strategic planning, and that has a very weak focus on urban policy which means that Glasgow is disadvantaged against key competitors in the UK space economy. Docherty (Chapter 4, this volume) reveals the frustrations that exist in addressing longstanding egregious transport failures in a context of an awkward mix of agencies and responsibilities at different scales. On a wider canvas, while Waite (this volume) is able to note some emerging moves towards city-regional governance in Glasgow, unlike some large English cities, such as Manchester and Bristol, Glasgow does not have – and has no prospect of having – a city-region mayor with extended responsibilities. Glasgow stands at a crossroads in terms of its role as a Scottish city, its role as a UK city and its role as a player on the global urban stage. This is not to say that Glasgow lacks ambition to be a player in a bigger game as Chapter 2 attests (Patrick et al). Glasgow has also joined in with global collaborative initiatives such as the Rockefeller Foundation (Naylor et al, this volume), which is also an attempt to ‘borrow scale’. Glasgow is also allied with other comparable cities through its longstanding links with Pittsburgh and its membership of the Rockefeller Foundation, which demonstrates that Glasgow is looking beyond the region and the nation as part of its move to go beyond characterisation as ‘post-industrial’. However, Glasgow’s ability to shape its own future is substantially constrained by a city boundary that contains less than half of the city region’s population, the location of several major budgets outwith local government (e.g. health and policing), an inability to adequately manage and invest in its transport infrastructure (Docherty, this volume) and very limited financial powers so that it is dependent on the Scottish Government for most of its income. Several criteria on Bell’s checklist (above) have certainly been met and the current, 21stcentury version of post-industrial Glasgow of looks very different to that of the 20th century but it is difficult to escape the conclusion that moving very far beyond the post-industrial city is hampered by the current scaling of urban governance. The recent characterisation of Glasgow as a ‘proto-knowledge’ or more confidently a ‘knowledge city’ (Evans, Lord and Robertson, 2018) satisfies Bell’s ‘axial principle’ criterion. The case for this is evidenced by the shift away from industrial occupations and towards greater concentrations in the digital and financial industries as well as industries that developed out of the academic specialisms of the city’s universities (see also Patrick et al, this volume). However, by only

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focusing on absolutes rather than phases of adaptation we run the risk of failing to adequately understand how the city is changing and focusing only on what it can be labelled as. The evidence from the chapters suggest that to use the book to conjure up a neologism that suggests Glasgow has moved beyond post-industrial is inappropriate. Instead we should heed Hubbard’s warning that a simplistic ‘out with the old, in with the new approach’ (2006, p 248) can betray the fluid and complex processes that have defined the city’s gradual move from a de-industrial city to one that is moving through phases of what we have termed ‘adaptive responses’ to the entrenched problems wrought by the legacy of deindustrialisation. This is not a city that has shaken off this legacy over the course of four decades of urban policies but rather a city that is (and has been) in the midst of several overlapping responses to the entrenched issues of the past. We therefore call for more careful interrogation of the concept of post-industrial in the context of urban transformation. We argue that a move towards characterisation as a ‘knowledge city’ is too simplistic and that just as de-industrial and post-industrial overlapped, so too does the shift from post-industrial to ‘knowledge city’ that is being offered as one way to describe this latest urban epoch. Bringing time back into debates within Urban Studies provides one way into seeing how cities are in phases of urban development and enables us to think more carefully about the adaptive responses that characterise particular aspects of urban transformation.

Moving beyond the post-industrial Foregrounding time within a singular place enables a discussion of how cities have developed adaptive responses to the consequences of de-industrialisation. This conceptualisation moves us away from a narrow identification of characteristics privileged by Bell’s universalist approach, and towards focusing on processes, policies and practices that illustrate the phases and responses of a given city and aligns with Robinson’s call for locally informed theoretical positions (2016). In turn we believe this enables a consideration of how Glasgow is adapting to its de-industrial legacy and how current global and local factors such as policy direction and availability of financial capital is informing these responses. Whilst we want to move away from using the book to ingrain a set of characteristics that can then be applied to other cities, the final section does consider the kinds of themes that have emerged from the chapters. In so doing we engage with Clark’s belief that ‘if every

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city is unique, it is because general processes combine in unique ways in each location’ (2011, p  221). Bell’s characteristics ring true for Glasgow but we suggest that underpinning this are three themes that have driven Glasgow’s transition to post-industrial and beyond. Within these themes are a series of continuities and differences that provide clues as to how the particularities of place and time have affected the city’s urban transformation. Firstly, the book has demonstrated the importance of considering scale (global – national – urban – local) in the context of the phases of urban transformation (Wu et al, 2019). This is primarily in the context of the political economy of the city which has fundamentally shifted since the latter decades of the 20th century. The tension between state and city remain in the context of a now devolved nation yet within this there are a series of differences. Questions concerning where cities are in their process of leaving behind their post-industrial legacy have to include an analysis of the scale of urban governance – and the interrelations between the global, the nation, the region, the city, the neighbourhood and the community. On a global scale the most noticeable shift, in rhetoric at least, is how Glasgow has changed its strategy from competing against similar sized European cities to considering joining them to compete on a global scale (Evans, Lord and Robertson, 2018). At a national level, the influence of the Scottish Parliament remains crucial and has affected the devolution of power down to the regional, the urban and the local/community level. The book has thus demonstrated significant shifts in how cities are managed and how geographic scale is informing this process. As such we suggest considering how scale impacts on urban governance is a crucial component of its move beyond being characterised as postindustrial. Secondly, the consequences of the unforeseen have run through the book. Within this we can see how the impact of globally influenced and locally specific events have worked to further entrench the legacy of the industrial and de-industrial period. Events that Bell could not have foreseen have fundamentally shaped the city’s transformation. The enlargement of the EU, the influx of economic migrants from across the world, the refugee crisis, the global financial crisis, the declaration of a Climate Emergency and the uncertainties around Brexit have and will continue to shape the ways in which the city can respond. Alongside this, the age-old problem of urban inequalities remains and forces us to question even more the ways in which a consumption-based economy produced by post-industrialism collides with austerity urbanism and how cities can respond to this in times of

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fiscal retrenchment. Arguably, then a key indicator of whether a city is beyond post-industrial or not is the extent to which a city can and the ways in which it has responded to a set of unforeseen global and local circumstances. Finally, the book has demonstrated that the old approach of embedding a singular narrative in time and place is not sustainable. Whilst the Glasgow marketing campaigns of the 1980s onwards have attracted huge attention on the international stage it is no longer enough to base the city’s future on a sanitised story of an imagined present. The rhetoric surrounding Glasgow as a knowledge city or a smart city or a resilient city and staking a future on adjectival urbanism is no longer sustainable. The city has multiple opportunities and challenges, more diverse stories than ever before, and an intersectionality that was not as evident in the latter decades of the 20th century. The traditional focus on defining the post-industrial in economic terms can no longer suffice. Instead the chapters in the book have demonstrated that the process of urban transformation is complex and does not occur in neatly bounded narratives or time frames. Rather, the single-city approach enables a much richer examination of a range of issues that contribute to whether the city has moved beyond characterisation as post-industrial. To conclude, Glasgow’s experience since the 1980s shows that ‘postindustrial’ should not be used as a backdrop or as a descriptor of a finite state that comes neatly bound with a set of universalist characteristics that can in turn be applied to other cities. Rather we see Glasgow as having been in particular stages of transformations that each require an in-depth investigation the different facets of the city which make up the subjects of the chapters. A longer book might have included additional themes, for example a concerted treatment of urban politics in Glasgow, and a consideration of the slow improvement of educational attainment among the city’s school leavers. A single-city study bringing together chapters from across disciplines and topics provides the empirical bedrock for a conceptual interrogation of whether the city has moved beyond post-industrial. We suggest that, whilst key legacies remain, there are enough differences in the type, nature and extent of urban development to conclude that the city is moving out of its post-industrial state. Whether this is universal or not can only be revealed through understanding the particularities of other places in similar times. We recognise that, whilst Glasgow’s jigsaw may contain the same pieces of those of other cities, it is the ways in which these pieces fit together and their size and relative importance that shapes its transformation. We conclude with the belief that the

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Index asylum seekers 145, 152, 161; see also migrants and migration Atkinson, R. 114 austerity policies 40, 132, 150–1 ‘austerity urbanism’ 286, 287 Avenues project 107, 267 Ayrshire 69, 75

Note: page numbers in italic type refer to Figures; those in bold type refer to Tables. 100RC (100 Resilient Cities) programme, Rockefeller Foundation 258, 268–9, 288 2050 Climate Group 269

B A Abercrombie, Patrick 8, 84 abolitionist movement 230; see also slave trade Abramovic, Marina 249 academic centres of excellence 47–8 Adaptation Scotland 266–7 Adger, N. W. 271 affordable housing 110; see also housing AFRC (Advanced Forming Research Centre), University of Strathclyde 47, 48 Agenda for Cities (Scottish Government) 68–9 AHRC Cultural Value Project 250 air pollution 257, 260 and road transport 87, 90, 92, 107 AirBnB 148 alcohol abuse 9 alcohol-related deaths 123, 124, 125, 128 Anderson Bell + Christie 211, 212, 212–13 Architectural Heritage Fund 233 Armadillo auditorium, Scottish Events Campus 49, 240 art; see also culture, role of in regeneration; public art ‘Artist Placement Group’ 244 ‘artwashing’ 246 Artworks Programme 245

Bailey, N. 33 Baker, Matt 243, 245 Bank of Scotland 34 Barber, B. 287 Barclays Bank 54 Baruffati, David 2, 14, 99, 121–38, 284–5, 286 BBC Scotland 46 Begg, David 91 Belfast, population health 127 Belfiore, E. 242–3 Bell, Daniel 10, 11, 281–2, 288, 289, 290 Berube, A. 114 BGS (British Geological Survey) 268 Birmingham 53, 54, 54, 115, 224, 244, 280 Blair, Tony 103; see also New Labour government, 1998 Blitzer Clancy and Company 261 Board of Trade 25 Booth, P. 242 Borén, T. 247 Borland, Christine 249 Boyle, R. 242 branding see place marketing and branding Brennan, T. 6–7 Brenner, N. 282 Brexit 290 Bristol, city-regionalism 288

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Transforming Glasgow British Geological Survey (BGS) 268 British Transport Commission (BTC) 84–5 Brown, Katrina 249, 271 Brown, Keith 71, 73 Bruce, Robert 8, 84 Brundtland, Gro Harlem 257 BTC (British Transport Commission) 84–5 Buchanan Galleries Shopping Centre 105 Buchanan, Roderick 249 Buchanan Street 56, 58, 81 Build-to-Rent developments 148 built environment 11 contaminated land 58, 257 physical regeneration 56, 57, 58 and public health 258 vacant/derelict land 8–9, 56, 57, 58, 141, 257, 258, 259, 263, 265, 266 see also regeneration; urban renaissance Burns, Sir Harry 259–60 Burrell Collection 2, 104 bus transport 81–2, 86–7, 87–8, 89, 90, 93, 94, 107; see also transport Business Birth Rate enquiry, Scottish Enterprise 51 Business Gateway 52 Business Location Service 53 Business Register and Employment Survey 2016 41 business services industry 44, 51 ‘Buy-to-Let’ mortgages 147, 150 Bynner, Claire 15, 99, 179–98, 286

C Caledonian railway company 83 Call and Contact Centre Association 46 Call Centre Association 53 Campbell, Graham 229 Campbell, Steven 248 Canal and North Gateway infrastructure project 72, 72

Carmona, M. 202 Castle, Barbara 86 Castlemilk 184 Cathcart Circle railway 83, 85 Cathkin relief road infrastructure project 72, 72 CAVs (connected/autonomous vehicles) 93 CBHA (community-based housing association) movement 183 CCRA (Climate Change Risk Assessment for Scotland) 265 CDAs (Comprehensive Development Areas) 204, 208, 213 Celtic Connections music festival 104 Central Scotland: A Plan for Development and Growth (Scottish Development Department) White Paper, 1963 25 Central Scotland Green Network (CSGN) strategy 267 Centre for Cities 54, 55, 64, 115 Centre for Contemporary Art 249 Centre of Imaging Excellence, Queen Elizabeth University Hospital 48 Checkland, Sydney G. 6, 9, 39, 40, 44–5, 56 Chhotray, V. 95 China, migration from 161 Christie Report (Scottish Government) 261 Cinner, E. 271 ‘Cities Agenda’ 34 ‘City Centre Strategy,’ 2014 (Glasgow City Council) 58 City Deal; see also city-regionalism; Glasgow City Region City Deal City Development Plan 2017 (Glasgow City Council) 207, 222–3, 223, 224, 231, 235 City Halls 230 City of Architecture and Design, 1999 48, 104, 244 City of Visual Arts, 1996 48

296

Index City Plan 2003 (Glasgow City Council) 224 City that Disappeared, The (Wordsall) 8 City that Refused to Die, The (Keating) 1–2 city-regionalism 14, 19, 61, 62–3, 287, 288 deal-making in 70–4, 72 definition and context 63–5, 66, 67, 67 issues and challenges 74–6 population 65, 66, 67, 67 Scottish policy context 68–70 see also Glasgow City Region City Deal Clapham, D. 143 Clark, Julie 14, 99, 101–19, 284, 285 Clark, T. 289–90 climate change 257, 258, 261, 263, 264 as a moral issue 271 risk assessments 260, 265 Climate Change (Scotland) Act 264, 266 Climate Change Act 2008 264 Climate Change Adaptation Framework 264, 266 Climate Change Delivery Plan 264 Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Plans 264–5 Climate Emergency group, Glasgow City Council 269 Climate Ready Clyde 264 ‘cluster analysis’ 46 Clyde Arc 106 Clyde Gateway 34, 58, 107, 108, 241, 261, 264 Clyde Marine Plan 264 Clyde Valley Regional Plan 1946 (Abercrombie Report) 8, 84 Clyde Valley Regional Planning Advisory Committee 23 Clyde Waterfront 34, 58, 240 Clydebank: Enterprise Zone 53 Clydeplan 64, 69, 267

Clydesdale Bank 53 Coalition Government, 2010 70, 150–1 coastal planning 264 Coley, Nathan 249 Collins, Chik 14, 19, 21–38, 284, 285, 286, 287 Coming of Post-Industrial Society, The: A Venture in Social Forecasting (Bell) 10 Commonwealth Games, 2014 34, 49, 58, 104, 106, 148, 241 communities: changing nature of 180 community empowerment 180–1 community activism 15, 99, 179–82, 192–5, 286 democratic participation activism 179, 183–4, 185–8, 189–92, 193 Dowanhill, Hyndland and Kelvinside case study 184, 185–8, 192, 193, 194 Govanhill case study 185, 189–92, 193–194 historical context 182–4 Oatlands case study 184–5, 188–9, 192–3 political activism 179, 182–3 self-help activism 179, 183, 188–9, 190–1 see also Govanhill Baths community arts movement 243 Community Councils 183 Dowanhill 185–8, 192, 193 Community Empowerment Act 2015 181, 193, 194, 231 Community Orchard (Currie) 246 Community Planning partnerships 183 Community Shares 233, 234–5 community-based housing association (CBHA) movement 183 commuting patterns 64–5; see also Glasgow TTWA area compact neighbourhoods 103, 107–8 competition, between cities 11–12, 13

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Transforming Glasgow ‘comprehensive development’ 201, 208, 209, 216, 221 CDAs (Comprehensive Development Areas) 204, 208, 213 ‘Comprehensive Urban Renewal Exercise’ (CURE) 28 connected/autonomous vehicles (CAVs) 93 Connectivity Commission 91–2, 94, 94 Conservative governments: 1970-1974 27 1979-1997 29 see also Coalition Government, 2010 contaminated land 58, 257; see also sustainability ‘contingent urban neoliberalism’ 296 Contribution of Culture to Regeneration in the UK, The (Evans and Shaw) 240 Coombes, M. 63, 64 Cowan, R. 229 Creating Places (Scottish Government) 202 ‘creative city’ concept 239, 240, 242 ‘creative class’ concept 239, 240 ‘Creative Clyde’ 2 creative industries 44, 46, 58 Creative Industries Policy and Evaluation Centre 250 Creative Tensions: Optimising the benefits of culture through regeneration (London Assembly) 246–7 Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 203, 204–6, 205, 207, 214, 215–16, 245 CSGN (Central Scotland Green Network) strategy 267 culture, role of in regeneration 13, 15, 21, 49, 105, 108, 115, 199, 249–50 cultural regeneration 239–40, 242–7, 243 culture and regeneration 240, 247–9 culture-led regeneration 13, 240–2

Cumbernauld New Town 23 CURE (‘Comprehensive Urban Renewal Exercise’) 28 Currie, Amanda 246 Currie, Ken 248, 249 cycling 89–90, 91, 92, 94, 106, 107 CZWG 205

D Daiches, David 1, 9 Damer, S. 143 de Genova, Nicholas 159 deindustrialisation 10–11, 12–13, 28, 126, 162, 180, 181, 222, 287 Glasgow 6, 12, 22, 28–9, 39, 124, 126, 127, 128, 131, 194, 195, 283, 287, 289 Delano, D. 257 ‘Delivering the Young Workforce’ initiative, Scottish Government 56 ‘democratic deficit’ of Scotland 131 democratic participation community activism 179, 183–4, 185–8, 189–92, 193; see also community activism ‘dependency culture’ 33 Designing Places (Scottish Executive) 202, 209 Devlin, V. 1 digital technology industry 44, 46, 58 district heating 261, 268; see also sustainability Docherty, Iain 14, 19–20, 81–97, 288 Donachie, Jacqueline 249 Douglas, Stan 249 Douglass, Frederick junior 229 Dowanhill Community Council 185–8, 192, 193 Dowanhill, Hyndland and Kelvinside community activism case study 184, 185–8, 192, 193, 194 drug-related deaths 123, 124, 125, 128 Drumchapel 8, 114, 183–4

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Index Drumchapel Opportunities 55 Dubowitz, Dan 245

E East Dunbartonshire 64, 65 East End 241 contaminated land 58 Eastern European migrants 169, 170, 173–4 sporting facilities 49 urban regeneration 34 East Kilbride New Town 23 East Renfrewshire 64 Easterhouse 8, 114, 183–4 Eastern European migrants 15, 159–60, 173–4 employment and workplace 162–5 Govanhill 169, 191, 194 housing 165–9 neighbourhoods and belonging 169–72 see also migrants and migration economy of Glasgow 2, 14, 19, 39–40, 59, 286 employment growth 40–1, 41, 42, 43, 44 growing the business base 51–4, 52 physical regeneration 56, 57, 58 sectoral balance 44–8, 45, 47 skills range and levels 54, 54–6 tourism and events industry 44, 46, 47, 47, 48–51, 50, 58, 104, 226, 242 Edge, N. 13 Edinburgh 53, 54, 54, 75, 280 education 2, 10, 291 Elder and Cannon architects 211, 211 electronics industry 53 emigration see migrants and migration Emirates arena 49 employment 59, 131 fast employment growth 40–1, 41, 42, 43, 44 by local authority 42

manufacturing industry 12 migrants 162–5 service industry 12 see also unemployment employment agencies, and migrant workers 163, 164, 166, 173 energy efficiency 261; see also sustainability energy industry 44, 47, 47 engineering industry 5–6, 39, 44, 47, 47, 48, 58 England, city-regionalism in 62, 71 English Core Cities 71 Enterprise Zone, Lanarkshire 53 Entrepreneurial Scotland 52 Entrepreneurial Spark 52 Environmental Art course, Glasgow School of Art 244 environmental sustainability see sustainability Esche, Charles 249 ethnic businesses 169, 174 ethnic diversity: Birmingham 161 Glasgow 132, 145, 161, 189–92 Liverpool 161 London 161 Manchester 130, 161 EU (European Union) enlargement, 2004 160, 161–2, 163, 290 Eurocentral 53 European Champions League Final, 2002 104 European Championships, 2018 49, 104 European City of Culture, 1990 13, 33, 48, 104, 239, 247 European migrants 145–6; see also Eastern European migrants Evans, G. 240

F families with children, in the private rental housing sector 112, 112

299

Transforming Glasgow Farmer, E. 68 FCS (Forestry Commission Scotland) 267 Festival Unit 242 financial crisis, 2007/2008 34, 40, 46, 140, 147, 153, 286, 290 financial services industry 44, 46–7, 47, 51, 53–4, 56, 58 financialisation, of housing 140, 146, 147, 148, 153, 285 Finnieston 2, 108 fires 105 First Planning Report to the Highways and Planning Committee of the Corporation of the City of Glasgow 1945 (Bruce Report) 8, 84 ‘Five Spaces’ 244 flood risk management 264; see also sustainability Florida, R. 239, 287 Forestry Commission Scotland (FCS) 267 Foster + Partners 240 Frank, B. 257 Fraser, A. 9 Fraser of Allander Institute 70

G Gallery of Modern Art 48, 248 gang violence 9–10, 106 Garavelli, D. 229–30 GCPH (Glasgow Centre for Population Health) 121, 122, 128–31, 133, 267 GCVGNP (Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network Partnership) 267 GDA (Glasgow Development Agency) 51, 53 gender, and deindustrialisation 12 gentrification 3, 102, 108, 114, 240, 241, 242, 246 GHA (Glasgow Housing Association) 142, 150, 207, 261

and Pollokshaws TRA (Transformational Regeneration Area) 212, 213 and the Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership 206–7 Glaeser, E. 287 Glasgow Action 31, 59 Glasgow Airport 47, 48, 51 transport connections to 93–4 Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network 264 Glasgow and Clyde Valley Green Network Partnership (GCVGNP) 267 Glasgow and District Railway 83 Glasgow Bus Partnerships 89 Glasgow Central Area: historical context 5–10 maps xx, 103 Glasgow Central Low Level railway 86 Glasgow Central railway 83 Glasgow Centre for Population Health (GCPH) 121, 122, 128–31, 133, 267 Glasgow Chamber of Commerce 46 Glasgow Employer Board 55–6 Glasgow City: employment rate 41 maps xix, 103 Glasgow City Council 53 and asylum seekers 145 City Centre Regeneration team 105 ‘City Centre Strategy,’ 2014 58 City Development Plan 2017 207, 222–3, 223, 224, 231, 235 City Plan 2003 224 Climate Emergency group 269 Glasgow Economic Strategy 2016–2023 60 and Laurieston TRA 210, 211 and Pollokshaws TRA 212 Scottish Living Wage promotion 55

300

Index sustainability, environmental and climate change policies 258, 260–1, 262–9, 264 Sustainable Glasgow 258, 261, 262–9, 264 and the Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership 206–7 transport policies 84, 95 Glasgow City Marketing Bureau 49, 104 Glasgow City Region City Deal 4, 48, 56, 58, 59, 62, 64, 71–4, 72, 88, 107; see also city-regionalism, and Glasgow Glasgow City Region Economic Strategy 56, 60 Glasgow Community Safety Services 189–90 Glasgow Corporation: abolition of 28 housing developments 26–7 ‘overspill’ policies 23–4 transport policies 84, 95 Glasgow Development Agency (GDA) 51, 53 Glasgow District Council 28, 29, 30, 204 Glasgow District Subway Company 83 Glasgow Eastern Area Renewal Project 28 Glasgow Economic Commission 46–7, 59 Glasgow Economic Leadership Board 47, 59 Glasgow Electrics railway 85, 86 Glasgow Employer Board, Glasgow Chamber of Commerce 55–6 Glasgow Film Office 46 Glasgow Garden Festival, 1988 2, 33, 48, 104 Glasgow Guarantee programme 55 Glasgow Harbour project 58 Glasgow Housing Association see GHA (Glasgow Housing Association)

Glasgow Life 241 Glasgow Resilience Strategy 265, 266 Glasgow Royal Concert Hall 48, 105 Glasgow School of Art 105, 248, 249 Environmental Art course 244 Glasgow: Scotland with style marketing campaign 49, 104, 241 Glasgow Triptych (Currie) 248 Glasgow TTWA area 64, 65, 67, 67 map 103 Glasgow Works 55 Glasgow 1990 240, 244, 248, 249, 250 Glasgow’s Miles Better marketing campaign 1, 30, 104, 241 Glasgow’s Resilience Strategy (GRS) 268 Glasgow’s Women’s Library 249–50 Glenrothes New Town 25 ‘global cities’ 11, 159 globalisation 11, 12–13, 22, 101, 164, 173, 191, 195, 280, 285 Globalization and World Cities Index 279 Go, F. 226 GoCA (Govanhill Community Action) 233 ‘Golden Z’ of shopping streets 105 Gomme, A. 221, 223 Gorbals Art Project 245 Gorbals, the 140 public art programme 244–6 see also Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals; New Gorbals Housing Association Gordon, Douglas 249 Gordon-Nesbitt, Rebecca 248 Gough, Piers 205 Govan 6–7, 141 Eastern European migrants 169, 172 Govan Initiative 55 Govanhill: community activism case study 185, 189–92, 193–4 Eastern European migrants 169, 191, 194

301

Transforming Glasgow Govanhill Baths 191, 222, 231–3, 235–6 funding 232–4 GBCT (Govanhill Baths Community Trust) 231–4 Govanhill Community Action (GoCA) 233 Govanhill Residents Group 189–92, 193–4 governance: and city-regionalism 75 and post-industrialism 12 and sustainability 262, 267 and transport 89, 90–2, 92, 95 weakness of 3–4 Govers, R. 226 Gray, Neil 229, 241 Great Rent Strike, 1915 182 Greater Manchester 62, 74, 91; see also Manchester green spaces 199, 258, 263, 264, 266, 270 greenhouse gas emissions: and road transport 87, 90, 92 see also air pollution; climate change Grieve Inquiry 141 Growe, A. 68 ‘growth areas’ 22–3, 26, 27, 28, 31, 129 GRS (Glasgow’s Resilience Strategy) 268

H Hadid, Zaha 240 Hall, P. 68 Harding, David 244 Hargreaves, Roger 104 Harrison, J. 68, 74 Hastings, Annette 15, 99, 179–98, 286 Hatfield, J. 228 health 2, 9, 14, 99, 121, 259, 284–5, 286 and the built environment 258 Commonwealth Games, 2014, health legacy 106

Glasgow and West Central Scotland 121, 125–7 excess mortality explanatory model 128–31 future trajectory and policy implications 131–3 Scotland 121, 122–5, 127–8 socio-economic inequalities 122–3, 126–7, 128–32 see also life expectancy; mortality rates healthcare industry 53 ‘healthy-migrant’ effect 130 Heisenberg 245 Heritage Lottery Fund 226, 233 heritage-led regeneration see urban conservation high rise housing 7, 141, 144, 145, 150, 183, 201, 203, 208–9, 212 higher and further education industry 47, 54 Highway Plan for Glasgow 1965 85 historic environment see urban conservation Historic Environment Scotland 231–2, 233 Home Ornaments (Wright) 246 home ownership see owner-occupation homelessness 152 hotels 49, 51 Houses in Multiple Occupation 147 housing 6–7, 14–15, 99, 139–40, 284 accrued capital 147–8 Build-to-Rent developments 148 compact neighbourhoods 103, 107–8 Eastern European migrants 165–9, 173 financialisation 140, 146, 147, 148, 153, 285 Glasgow District Council Housing Plan, 1984 30 high rise 7, 141, 144, 145, 150, 183, 201, 203, 208–9, 212

302

Index housing associations 30, 140, 142, 143, 146, 168 impact of policies on population health 129–30 mixed-tenure developments 202–3, 203–4 Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 203, 204–6, 205, 207, 214, 215–16 mortgage lending 109, 140, 143, 147, 153 and the ‘overspill’ policy discourse 22, 23–4, 26 owner-occupation 109, 110, 139, 142–3, 147, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 184 PBSA (Purpose Built Student Accommodation) 148 peripheral estates 8, 29, 31, 44, 85, 103, 130, 141, 142 private rental housing sector 109–10, 111, 111–12, 112, 113, 132, 139–40, 146, 147, 147, 149, 150, 165 public sector housing developments 3, 7–8, 26–7, 139, 141, 153, 280 public/social rented sector 3, 109, 110, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 165, 167, 168, 173 single-occupancy households 110, 132, 146 single-parent households 132, 146 and social stigma 143 suburban 7, 139, 150, 152 tenure structure changes 109–10, 139–40, 146–9, 147 working-class 2–3 see also tenement housing Housing (Scotland) Act 2014 149 Housing Benefit 151 Howson, Peter 248 Hoyler, A. 74 Hubbard, P. 289 Hull 71

I ‘iconic’ buildings 13 IFSD (International Financial Services District) 2, 46, 53–4, 58 immigration see migrants and migration Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 161 India, migration from 161 information and communication industry 44 information technologies, and postindustrialism 10–11 Ingram Square 225–6; see also Merchant City innovation districts 48 Inquiry into the Scottish Economy, Scottish Council (Development and Industry) (Toothill) 25 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 262 International Financial Services District (IFSD) 2, 46, 53–4, 58 Inverclyde 41, 64 Inverkip infrastructure project 72, 72 Invest Glasgow team 53 inward investment 22, 24–5, 26, 29, 30, 35, 40, 46, 51, 52–4, 69, 92, 223, 224 IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) 262 Ireland: migration from 161, 169 see also Scottish-Irish residents Irish Catholics, religious discrimination against 144 Irvine New Town 25 Italian Centre, Merchant City 244 Italy, migration from 161, 169

J Jacobs, J. 103 Jeffrey, M. 245 Jones, P. 92

303

Transforming Glasgow

K Kay, Rebecca 15, 99, 159–77, 286 Keating, Michael 1–2, 12, 30 Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum 49 Kennedy, Gordon 14, 19, 39–60, 284, 286, 288 Kenny, N. 283 Kingsley Long, H. 9, 244 Kintrea, Keith 1–18, 143, 279–94 Kippen, Hugh 15, 199, 257–77, 288 Kneebone, E. 114

L Labadi, S. 223 Labour-Liberal Democratic Coalition government, Scotland 34 Lanarkshire 53 Landry, C. 239 Latham, John 244 Laurieston TRA (Transformational Regeneration Area) 203–4, 207, 208, 210–12, 211, 215 Leeds 115 Lees, L. 243 legacy 199 Levitt, Ian 14, 19, 21–38, 284, 285, 286, 287 life expectancy: Glasgow and West Central Scotland 125 Scotland 122, 124, 132 see also health life sciences industry 44, 47, 47, 58 ‘lifestyle drift’ and health 133 light railways 88–9; see also transport Lighthouse Centre for Architecture and Design 48–9 Liverpool 49, 54, 54, 115, 127, 129, 130, 224 Livingston, Mark 14, 99, 101–19, 284, 285 Livingston New Town 25

Local Development Companies 55 Local Housing Allowances 151 localism 62, 69, 70 ‘loss of community’ 180, 194 low carbon industry 47, 47 Low Emissions Zones 92, 93, 107 Lowndes, S. 248

M MacFarlane, G. 206 Mackenzie, Mhairi 2, 14, 99, 121–38, 284–5, 286 Mackintosh, Charles Rennie 241 Maclean, John 229 MacLeod, David 14, 19, 39–60, 284, 286, 288 Madgin, Rebecca 1–18, 15, 199, 221–38, 279–94 Making the Most of Glasgow’s Cultural Assets: the creative city and its cultural economy (Landry) 239 Manchester 53, 54, 54, 115, 130, 224, 225, 280 city-regionalism 62, 70, 73, 74, 288 population health 127, 129, 130 see also Greater Manchester manufacturing industry 3, 5–6, 12, 44, 48 advanced manufacturing 47 marine and coastal planning 264 marketing see place marketing and branding Mary Mary gallery 249 masterplans 202, 209, 210, 211, 212 Matheson, Gordon 46 Matthew, Robert 204 Maver, I. 9 Mayfest 247 mayors, city 70, 73 and sustainability 269 McArthur, A. 9, 244 McCartney, Tom 245

304

Index McColm, E. 71 McConnell, Jack 242 Melhuish, C. 243 Merchant City 2, 108, 222, 224–6, 240, 244 marketing and branding 226–31, 227, 236 slave trade and abolition 229–30, 230 Tontine project 48, 52 Merchant City Voices 230 Merchant’s Hall 229 Metropolitan Glasgow Strategic Drainage partnership 264 migrants and migration 15, 99, 159–60, 161–2, 185, 290 European 145–6 from Glasgow 33 and housing 145, 151 and the labour market 12 from Scotland 24 see also Eastern European migrants Miles, Malcolm 240, 250 Millan, Bruce 28 ‘Millennium Spaces’ 244 mining, planning and development risks from 268 Modern Apprenticeships 55 Modern Institute, The 249 Moffat, Sandy 248 mortality rates: Glasgow and West Central Scotland 125–6, 127, 128–31 Scotland 122, 123, 124–5, 127–8 see also health mortgage lending 109, 140, 143, 147, 153 motorways, urban 8, 26, 58, 81, 85, 86, 88 Mulholland, Neil 248 Mullen, S. 229, 230 Munro, Sarah 241, 244 Murtagh, Ellie 15, 199, 257–7, 288 Music of Black Origin awards 104

N NASS (National Asylum Support Service), UK Home Office 145 National Health Service (NHS) 261 National Manufacturing Action Plan (Scottish Government) 48 National Manufacturing Institute for Scotland (NMIS) 48 National Planning Framework 69 Natural Environment Research Council 268 Naylor, Larissa A. 15, 199, 257–77, 288 neoliberal policy discourses 22, 28–31 neoliberal regeneration 206, 207, 214, 229, 241, 280, 285 NESTA 250 New Glasgow Boys, The 248, 249 New Gorbals Housing Association 108, 205 and Laurieston TRA 210, 211, 215 New Image: Glasgow (Moffat) 248 New Labour government, 1998 103, 202, 206, 241 New Life for Urban Scotland programme 32, 184 new towns 22, 23, 25, 29, 39, 141 inward investment 53 Scottish New Towns, The: Maintaining the Momentum (Industry Department for Scotland) 32 Newcastle 225 NHS (National Health Service) 261 night-time economy 105, 226; see also restaurants/bars NMIS (National Manufacturing Institute for Scotland) 48 No Mean City (McArthur and Kingsley Long) 9, 244 North British railway company 83 North Lanarkshire 64

O Oakley, K. 242, 250

305

Transforming Glasgow Oatlands community activism case study 184–5, 188–9, 192–3 Oatlands Development Trust 188–9, 193 office space 53, 56 O’Neill, Mark 242 open spaces 199, 258, 263, 264, 265, 266, 270 OSS (Open Space Strategy) 265 O’Sullivan, F. 246 ‘Our Common Future’ (Brundtland report) (United Nations) 257 ‘overspill’ policy discourses 22, 23–4, 26, 84 owner-occupation 109, 110, 139, 142–3, 147, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 184

P Paavola, J. 95 Pacific Quay 46, 58 Pacione, M. 64–5 Page/Park architects 210 Pakistan, migration from 161 Parr, J. 63–4 Patrick, J. 9 Patrick, Stuart 14, 19, 39–60, 284, 286, 288 PB (Participatory Budgeting) 233–4, 234–5 Peck, J. 286 pedestrians 81, 91, 92, 94, 106, 107, 206 People Make Glasgow marketing campaign 49, 104, 161, 236 People’s Palace 248 peripheral housing estates 8, 29, 31, 44, 85, 103, 130, 141, 142; see also housing Pinder, D. 246 place 283–5 place marketing and branding 226, 291 Glasgow: Scotland with style campaign 49, 104, 241

Glasgow’s Miles Better campaign 1, 30, 104, 241 Merchant City 226–31, 227, 236 People Make Glasgow campaign 49, 104, 161, 236 relevance of 230–1 resistance to 229 ‘planetary urbanism’ 283 Poland, migration from 161–2, 169–70; see also Eastern European migrants policy discourses impacting Glasgow 22–3 effect of alternative policies 25–36 ‘enterprise’ and ‘personal responsibility’ 22, 31–3 neoliberal 22, 28–31 ‘overspill’ 22, 23–4, 26, 84 ‘redeployment’ 22, 24–8, 29, 31, 39, 141 political activism 179, 182–3; see also community activism political leadership, and sustainability 269–70 Poll Tax resistance 182, 192 Pollock, Venda Louise 15, 199, 239–56, 286 Pollockshields 108 Pollok 8 Pollokshaws TRA (Transformational Regeneration Area) 203–4, 207–10, 212, 212–13, 215 Pooley, C. 82 population and demographic patterns 5, 65, 66, 67, 67, 107, 108, 132–3, 279 and housing 144–6 and sustainability 260 Porter, L. 241 Porter, Michael 46 ‘post-creative city’ concept 240, 250 post-industrial: as a concept 281–2 moving beyond the concept 289–92 Post-Industrial City, The (Touraine) 10 post-industrialism 4, 10–14, 21–2

306

Index Potential of Glasgow City Centre, The (McKinsey & Co.) 48 poverty 3, 101, 116 changing distribution of 113, 113–14 and welfare reform 132, 150–1 Pratt, A. C. 247, 250 precision medicine industry 47 Preston 71 Prince’s Regeneration Trust 233 Private housing (tenancies) (Scotland) Act 2016 112 private rental housing sector 109–10, 111, 111–12, 112, 113, 132, 139–40, 146, 147, 147, 149, 150, 165 public art 243, 243–7; see also culture, role of in regeneration Public Bodies Climate Change Reporting Duties 266 public sector employment, Glasgow 3, 40 public-private partnerships 59, 202

Q quantum engineering industry 47 Quantum Imaging Centre, University of Glasgow 47 Queen Elizabeth Square 245 Queen Elizabeth University Hospital 47, 48, 94, 94 Queen St Low Level 85 Queen Street Station 83

R rail transport 83, 85–6, 87, 88, 89, 93–4, 107; see also transport; underground railway railway locomotive industry 5, 6, 39 rapid transport systems 93–4, 94 Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITS) 148 Red Clydeside 182, 192

Red Road 183 ‘redeployment’ policy discourses 22, 24–8, 29, 31, 39, 141 regeneration 34, 101–2, 284 CDAs (Comprehensive Development Areas) 204, 208, 213 Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 203, 204–6, 205, 207, 214, 215–16, 245 Laurieston TRA 203–4, 207, 208, 210–12, 211, 215 neoliberal 206, 207, 214, 229, 241, 280, 285 overview of 1–4 physical regeneration 56, 57, 58 ‘placemaking’ policies 202–3, 214–15 policy discourses 22–3, 28 Pollokshaws TRA 203–4, 207–8, 208–9, 210, 212, 212–13, 215 Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership 203–4, 206–7, 214–15 see also culture, role of in regeneration; urban conservation; urban renaissance of Glasgow REITS (Real Estate Investment Trusts) 148 religious discrimination 144 Renfrewshire 41, 64, 65 Renfrewshire Council 48 research organisations, sustainability partnerships with 267–8 resilience 259, 261, 265; see also climate change; sustainability restaurants/bars 108, 115; see also nighttime economy ‘Restore Govanhill’ Facebook campaign 191, 193 retail industry 56, 58, 105, 226 Review of Scottish Cities (Scottish Executive) 40 ‘Right-to-Buy’ 143, 153 Riverford Road 212, 212–13 Riverside Museum 58, 240

307

Transforming Glasgow Riverside Transport Museum 49 road transport 8, 85, 87, 90, 92, 92 urban motorways 8, 26, 58, 81, 85, 86, 88 see also transport Robertson, Douglas 14–15, 99, 139–57, 284, 285, 286 Robertson, S. 228 Robinson, J. 280, 283 Rockefeller Foundation, 100RC (100 Resilient Cities) programme 258, 268–9, 288 Rodríguez-Pose, A. 61, 63 Rolfe, Steve 15, 99, 179–98, 286 Roma migrants 191 Rookie Oven 52 Royal Bank of Scotland 34 Royal Concert Hall 49, 240

S Saatchi, Charles 249 Sassen, S. 11, 159 Sauchiehall St Business Improvement District 58 Sauchiehall Street 105 Savitch, H. 10–11, 12 Schaefer Caniglia, B. 257 Schmid, C. 282 Schwab, Klaus 48 Scotland: city-regionalism 62, 63, 68–70, 71, 73, 74 employment rates 41 Growth Deal 70 inward investment 53 local government reorganisation 28 regional economic planning 24, 29 ‘Scotland Adapts: A Capability Framework for a Climate Ready Scotland’ (Adaptation Scotland) 266–7 Scott, A. 61, 283 Scottish and Southern Energy (SSE) 261 Scottish Asian residents 189, 190, 191

Scottish Borders 69 Scottish Cities Alliance 4, 69 Scottish Climate Change Adaptation programme 265 Scottish Council (Development and Industry): Inquiry into the Scottish Economy (Toothill) 25 Scottish Development Agency see SDA (Scottish Development Agency) Scottish Development Department: Central Scotland: A Plan for Development and Growth White Paper, 1963 25 Scottish Enterprise 46, 261, 267 Business Birth Rate enquiry 51 Scottish Environment Protection Agency (SEPA) 267 Scottish Event Campus 2, 49, 58 Scottish Executive: Designing Places 202, 209 Review of Scottish Cities 40 Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre (SECC) 2, 49, 228, 240 Scottish Government: Agenda for Cities 68–9 Community Empowerment Act 2015 181, 193, 194, 231 Creating Places 202 ‘Delivering the Young Workforce’ initiative 56 housing policies 110 National Manufacturing Action Plan 48 sustainability, environmental and climate change policies 261 and the Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership 206–7 transport policies 89, 91, 95 Scottish Homes: and the Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 204 Scottish Household Survey 108, 112, 112, 144–5, 147

308

Index Scottish Housing Quality Standard 149 Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation 44 Scottish Living Wage promotion, Glasgow City Council 55 Scottish National Heritage (SNH) 267 Scottish National Party (SNP) 34, 68, 71 Scottish New Towns, The: Maintaining the Momentum (Industry Department for Scotland) 32 Scottish Office 3–4 impact of policies on population health 129–130 policies impacting Glasgow 22–3, 25–6, 27–8, 29, 30, 31, 33, 35–6 regional economic planning 24–5 Scottish Parliament: influence of 290 Local Government and Communities Committee 73, 75 Scottish Power 261 Scottish Socialist Party 182 Scottish-Irish residents 189 SDA (Scottish Development Agency) 28, 30, 31, 68 and the Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 204 and Merchant City 225 SDC (Sustainable Development Commission) 262, 269 SDG (Sustainable Development Goals, United Nations) 259, 265 SECC (Scottish Exhibition and Conference Centre) 2, 49, 228, 240 Seifert, S. 247 self-help community activism 179, 183, 188–9, 190–1; see also community activism SEPA (Scottish Environment Protection Agency) 267 service industries: and deindustrialisation 10–11 Glasgow 3, 12

Services to Software 46 Sharp, J. 244 Shaw, D. 11, 279, 281 Shaw, P. 240 Sheffield 115 Shettlestone 169–70 shipbuilding industry 5–6, 39 short-term lets 148 Sighthill 183 single-occupancy households 110, 132, 146 single-parent households 132, 146 Skills Development Scotland 41, 55 Skillseekers programme 55 Skyscanner 52 slave trade 229–30, 230 slum clearance 7, 39, 130, 139, 141, 150 Smith, R. 68 SNH (Scottish National Heritage) 267 Sniffer 266 Snowowska, Monica 245 SNP (Scottish National Party) 34, 68, 71 social deprivation 9, 27–8, 44, 55 and the built environment 258 and health 122–3, 126–7, 128–32 and unemployment 13 social enterprises 52 Social Impact of the Arts Project (Stern and Seifert) 247 social instrumentalism 241, 242 Social Sculpture 248 Social Strategy, Strathclyde Regional Council 86 ‘Social Support and Migration in Scotland’ research project 160–1 Sorcha Dallas gallery 249 Source One Veolia 261 ‘South Clyde Growth Corridor’ 94 South Lanarkshire 64, 65 South Side: Eastern European migrants 169, 174 ‘South West City’ project 89–90 Southampton 71 South-East Asia, migration from 169

309

Transforming Glasgow Spalding, Julian 248 Spence, Basil 204 sporting events 13, 49, 104, 115, 241 SPT (Strathclyde Partnership for Transport) 68, 88 SSE (Scottish and Southern Energy) 261 SSE Hydro arena 49, 115, 240 SSHA 143 St Enoch Shopping Centre 105 ‘Stalled Spaces’ project 265 Stamp, Gavin 85 Stanton, C. 281 starter homes 143 State of the English Cities report, 2006 47 Stern, M. 247 Stevini, Barbara 244 Stirling, Calum 243, 245–6 Stoddart, Sandy 244 Stoker, G. 95 Stonehouse New Town 86 Storper, M. 61, 283, 287 Strathclyde Business Park 53 Strathclyde Partnership for Transport (SPT) 68, 88 Strathclyde Regional Council 28, 29, 68 Social Strategy 86 Structure Plan, 1980 8 transport policies 86–7, 95 Stratified Medicine Scotland Innovation Centre, Queen Elizabeth University Hospital 47 Streetland Arts Festival 190–1 Stuart, James 23 student population 105, 115, 144–5, 149, 151, 184, 226 PBSA (Purpose Built Student Accommodation) 148 suburban areas 4, 7, 8, 64, 65, 101, 103, 109, 115, 139, 150, 152, 207, 208 poverty in 113–14 transport 81, 83, 87, 88, 90, 93–4, 107 suicides 123, 124, 125, 128

Sunderland 71 sustainability 15, 199, 257–9, 269–71 city-scale progress 261–2, 264 and European/international initiatives 264, 268–9 governance arrangements 262, 267 mechanisms 265 national scale progress 264, 264–5 past pressures 259–60 and political leadership 269–70 post-2010 initiatives 260–1 present pressures 260 regional governance 267 regional scale progress 263–4, 264 scrutiny and accountability 266–7 university/research organisation partnerships 267–8 Sustainability Strategy (PMG) 258 Sustainable Development Commission (SDC) 262, 269 Sustainable Development Goals, United Nations (SDG) 259, 265 Sustainable Glasgow (Glasgow City Council) 258, 261 evaluating progress 262–9, 264

T tenement housing 2, 3, 6–7, 102, 108, 140, 142, 150, 199, 201, 203, 284, 286 Crown Street Regeneration Project, the Gorbals 203, 204–6, 205, 207, 214, 215–16 Glasgow District Council Housing Plan, 1984 30 Laurieston TRA 203–4, 207, 208, 210–12, 211, 215 Pollokshaws TRA 203–4, 207–10, 212, 212–13, 215 Third Eye Centre 249 Thompson-Fawcett, M. 205 Tiesdell, S. 206 time 285–9 tobacco industry 228, 229

310

Index Tollcross 169–70 Tontine project, Merchant City 48, 52 Toothill, J.N. 25 Torres, Felix Gonzalex 249 Touraine, A. 10 tourism and events industry 44, 46, 47, 47, 48–51, 50, 58, 104, 226, 242 Townscape Heritage Initiatives 226 trade unions 12, 182 Tradeston Bridge 106 Training and Employment Grants scheme 55 Tramway 249 tramway transport 82–3, 84–5; see also transport Transforming Communities: Glasgow (TC:G) partnership 203–4, 214–15; see also Laurieston TRA (Transformational Regeneration Area); Pollokshaws TRA (Transformational Regeneration Area) Transmission gallery 248 transport 3, 8, 14, 19–20, 81–2, 288 active travel 106–7 challenges and opportunities 88–90 future directions 93–4, 94 governance issues and lessons 89, 90–2, 92, 95 historical development 82–6 inheritance 87–8 Strathclyde policies 86–7 see also bus transport; light railways; road transport; tramway transport; underground railway Transport Act 1968 86 Transport Bill 2019, Scottish Parliament 89 Transport Scotland 87, 88 TRAs (Transformational Regeneration Areas) 207, 263 Laurieston TRA 203–4, 207, 208, 210–12, 211, 215 Pollokshaws TRA 203–4, 207–10, 212, 212–13, 215

Trevena, Paulina 15, 99, 159–77, 286 ‘Trust’ exhibition 249 tuition fees 151 Turnbull, J. 82 Turner Prize 104, 241, 249 Turok, I. 13, 33

U UEFA Cup final, 2007 104 UK: city-regionalism 62, 63, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76 employment rates 41 underground railway 81, 83, 85–6, 87, 88–9, 106; see also transport unemployment 6, 25, 55, 56, 59, 131–2 male 5 peripheral estates 8 and social issues 13 spatial dimensions of 13 see also employment UNESCO cultural festivals 13 Universal Credit 132, 151 universities: sustainability partnerships 267–8 tuition fees 151 see also student population University of Glasgow 47, 48, 58 University of Strathclyde 47, 48, 261 Upper Clyde Shipbuilders 182 ‘Urban Age’ discourse 280 urban conservation 15, 221–2, 235–6, 284 benefits of historic environment 222–4, 223 economic benefits 222, 223, 224–31, 227, 230 funding 222, 233–5 social benefits 222, 231–3 see also urban renaissance Urban, Florian 205 Urban Initiatives 209, 210 urban motorways 8, 26, 58, 81, 85, 86, 88

311

Transforming Glasgow urban regeneration see regeneration Urban Regeneration Company 34 urban renaissance 14, 99, 202, 241, 242 active travel 106–7 changing distribution of poverty 113, 113–14 city centre revitalisation 104–5 compact neighbourhoods 103, 107–8 drivers of change 109–14, 111, 112, 113 housing tenure structure 109–10 private rental housing sector 109–10, 111, 111–12, 112 reflections on 115–16 safe environment 106 urban structure 102–4, 103 see also regeneration; urban conservation ‘urban resilience’ 268; see also resilience urban studies 282–3 and place 283–5 and time 285–9 Urban Task Force 103, 104, 206 Urban Union 108, 210, 211, 213 Urban Village Forum 206, 209 US Environmental Protection Agency 261

V vacant/derelict land 8–9, 56, 57, 58, 141, 257, 258, 259, 263, 265, 266 Vickery, J. 241, 242 Vigorous Imagination, The (Currie, Howson, Campbell and Wisniewski) 248 violent crime 9–10, 106 violent deaths 123

Wales 70 Walker, D. 221, 223 walking 81, 91, 92, 94, 106, 107, 206 Walsh, David 2, 14, 99, 121–38, 284–5, 286 Walton, Stacy 249 Wanderer, The (Stirling) 243, 245–6 Wannop, U. 68 water risk management 264 welfare benefits: Eastern European migrants 165 reform of 132, 150–1 West Central Scotland Plan 68 West Dunbartonshire 41, 64 West End 186 Eastern European migrants 169–70 When Work Disappears (Wilson) 13 Whisky Bond 52 White, James T. 15, 199, 201–19 Whyte, Bruce 2, 14, 99, 121–38, 284–5, 286 Wilkes, Cathy 249 Wilson, D. 296 Wilson, William Julius 13 Windfall exhibition 248–9 Wisniewski, Adrian 248 women: Great Rent Strike, 1915 182 ‘Women in Profile’ 250 Wordsall, F. 8 Worker’s City activism 3 Workers City campaign 229 workplace segregation, and migrants 164, 165 World Badminton Championships, 2017 49 World Gymnastics Championships, 2015 49 Wright, Daphne 246 Wright, Richard 249

W wage profiles 65 Waite, David 14, 19, 61–80, 287, 288

Y Young, C. 247

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