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English Pages 304 [306] Year 2002
T RADIT IONS AND T RANSFO RMAT IONS IN LAT E MED IEVAL ENGLAND
THE NORTHERN WORLD North Europe and the Baltic c. 400-1700 AD Peoples, Economies and Cultures
EDITORS
BARBARA CRAWFORD (St. Andrews) DAVID KIRBY (London) ]O N-VIDAR SIGURDSSON (O slo) INGVILD 0YE (Bergen) PRZEMYSLAW URBANCZYK (Warsaw)
VOLUME 2
TRADITIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS IN LATE MEDIEVAL ENGLAND BY
DO UGLAS BIGGS, SHARO N D. MICHALOVE, A. COMPTON REEVES
BRILL LEIDE N· BOSTO N · KOLl'\T 2002
T his boo k is pri nted on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Traditions and trans formatio ns in late medieva l England / [edit ed] by Douglas Biggs, Sharon D . Michalove, A. Compton Reeves. p. ern. - (T he no rthern world; v. 2) Includes bibliographica l refere nces and index . ISBN 9004 1234 15 (alk. paper) I . England -Civilization- l 066 - 1485. Great Britain- History-Lancaster and York , 1399-1485. 3. Great Britain - History- 14th century. I. Biggs, Douglas, 1960- II. Michalove, Sha ron D . III. Reeves, Albert Compton . IV. Series. 2001 DA 135.Ti3 942.04-dc2 1
2001043 156
Die Deutscbe Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnalune Traditions and tran sforma tions in late medieval England / by Douglas Biggs ; Sharon D. Micha love ; A. Compton Reeves. - Leiden ; Boston ; Koln : Brill,200 1 (T he nort hern world ; Vol. 2) ISBN 90-04-12341 -5
ISSN ISBN
1569- 1462 9004 1234 15
© Copyright 2002 by Koninklyke Bn1lNV, Leiden, TheNetherlands All rights reserved. No part ofthis publication mqy bereproduced, translated, stored in a retrievalsystem, ortransmitted in any form or by a'!Y means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording orotherwise, without prior umtten permissionfrom the publisher. Authorization tophotocopy itemsJor internal orpersonal use isgranted by Brill pnnnded that the appropriatefees are paiddirectlY to The Cop)'right Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject tochange. PRINTED IN THE NET H ERLAND S
CONTENTS List of Contributors List of Illustration s List of Abbreviations Introduction Local Girls Do It Better: Women and Religion in Late Medieval East Anglia J oel T. Rosenthal
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x Xlll
xv
..
The Use of Gunpowder We apons in th e War s of the Ro ses Kelly DeVries
21
T he Breton Gentleman and his Home in the Late Middle Ages: R ecent Resear ch and Fieldwork Michael Jones and Gwyn Meirion-fones
39
H en ry IV and his JP's: The Lan castrianization of Justice, 1399-141 3 Douglas Biggs
59
The Failure of Conflict Resolution and the Limits of Arbitratio n in King's Lynn , 1405-1 416 Michael D. Myers
81
Margaret of Anjou and the Loveday of 1458: A Recon sideration Helen Maurer
109
Bishop John Booth of Exeter, 1465-78 A. Compton Reeves
125
Elizab eth Woodville and H er H istorian s A.]. Pollard
145
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CONTENTS
"Somme lordes & somme oth er of lower astates ": London's Urban Elite and the Symbolic Battle for Status Mark Addison Amos
159
Audi ences for Language-Play in Middle English Drama Matthew Boyd Goldie
177
Giles Daubeney: Hastings to H enry VII? Sharon D. Michalove
217
Retrieving the "Crown in the Hawthorn Bush": The Origins of The Badges of H enry VII Virginia K Henderson
237
Ind ex
261
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS MARK ADDISON AMOS is an Assistant Professor of English at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. His scholarship and publications focus on the relationship betwe en late medieval cultures and their literatures. He has written on medieval reading practices and early book production, representations of class relations, and the viability of applying modern theoretical approaches to medieval texts. His current project examines representations of women in secular and sacred texts of the later Middle Ages in England and France. DOUGLAS BIGGS is an Associate Professor of History at Waldorf College . His research int erests lie in the political history of late fourteenth- and early fifteenth- century England as well as the social history of elites. He has published widely on politics in the reign of H enry IV and on the members of that king's affinity. He is currcntly cngaged in writing a political biography of Henry IV. KELLY DEVRIES is an Associate Professor of History at Loyola Collcge in Baltimore, Maryland. His research interests center on medieval military history and military technology. His most recent publications include, Joan if Arc: A Military History, 77ze Norwegian Invasion if England in 1066, Irifantry Waifare in the Early Fourteenth Century: Discipline, Tactics, and Technology, and Medieoal Militory Technology. MATfHEW BoYD GOLDIE is an Assistant Professor of English at Rid er Univeristy. He is interested in political , social, feminist , and historical approach es to medieval literature and is developing two booklcngth proj ects, on authorial self-presentation in the fifteenth century and an anthology of medieval histori cal primary sources for use in the classroom. He has published on the poet Thomas Ho ccleve and on audience reactions to medieval drama. VIRGINIA HENDERSON is an Assistant Professor of Art History at Auburn University-Montgomery. H er research interests include late medieval architecture and the functions of image in medieval art. Currently, she is working on a book on the Chapel of Henry VII .
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LIST OF CONTRIBUI'ORS
GWYN MEIRION-JONES taught Geography at City Guildhall U niversity, London for many years, and is curren tly Special Professor in the Department of Archaelogy, University of Readin g. His main research interests conce rn medieval, especially civil, buildings and among his publications are The Vernacular Architecture if Brittany (1980) and Manorial Domestic Buildings in England and Northern France (edited with Michael J on es, 1993). MICHAEL JONES is a Professor of History at the Uni versity of Nottingham in the United Kin gdom . His research interests focus on Medieval French political, military and social history 1100-1500, especially the duchy of Brittany; political, military and social history of medieval England 1300-1 500 ; medieval buildings (archival aspec ts). He has published widely on the topic of Breton history throughout his career. These include, Ducal Btittany , editing volume 6 of th e New Cambridge Medieval History, and The Creation if Brittany: A Late Medieval State. H ELEN MAURER received her PhD from the University of California at Irvine. She is an indep endent scholar and the non-fiction librarian of the Rich ard III Society, American Branch. SHARON D. MI CHALOVE is cur re ntly assista nt to th e cha ir in th e Department of History at the U niversity of Illinois at Urbana/Champagn e. Sh e also serves as a n adj unc t assista n t professor in th e Dep artment of Edu cation al Policy Studies whe re she specialized in the history of medieval and ea rly modern educa tion. She has published widely on the reign of Henry VII . MICHAEL D. MYERS is an Adjunct Assistant Professor of History at the U niversity of Illinois at Urban a/Champagne. Hi s resear ch interests center on urban studies, specifically on Kin g's Lynn. He has published a number of articles on Lynn and also on Marjory K empe. ANTHONY J. POLLARD is Professor of History and the Director of the Ce ntre for Local Historical Resear ch at the University of T eeside in the U nited Kin gdom . His research interests lie mainly in the northern part of England in the latt er half of the fifteenth century. H e has published widely including, The Wars if the Roses, Richard III and the Princes in the Tower, North-eastern England During the Wars if the Roses, and Late Medieoal England, 1399-1405.
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A. COMPTON REEVES is an Emeritus Professor of History at Ohio University. He has published a number of books and articles in his long career including, Pleasures and Pastimes in Medieoal England, Lancastrian Englishmen, The Marcher Lords, and Puroeyors and Puroeyance fir the Lancastrian and Yorkist Kings. He currently divides his time between Athens, Ohio and Arizona.
is a Professor of History at SUNY-Stony Brook. His research interests include family history, women's history, social history , the life cycle, and memory and testimony-with emphasis on medieval and early modern Europe. He serves as the co-editor and co-founder of the journal Medieual Prosopography. Professor Rosenthal has published widely throughout his career and his most recent publications include; OldAge in Late Medieval England, Late Medieval England (1377-1485): A Bibliography if Historical Scholarship, 1975-1989; Women, Marriage, and Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory if Michael M . Sheehan, and Medieoal England, An Encyclopedia.
JOEL ROSENTHAL
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Illustrations to "The Breton Gentleman and his Home in the Late M iddle Ages" !?y M ichael j ones and Gu!yn Meirion-jones (pp. 39-57): 1. R econstru ction of the twelfth-century motte of Lezkelen, Plabennec (29), by J ob Iri en , Bulletin de la societe archiologique du Finistere 109 (198 1), fig. 7. 2. Ston e-cladding of the motte of Lezkelen . 3. The origin al twelfthlthirteenth century ground-floor hall of the Priory of Le Bregain en La Boussac (35). 4. The manoir of Coadelan, Prat (22), with the late thirteenth/early fourteenth-century towe r-bloc k to th e right, two supe rim pose d halls in the centre, and seventeenth-century additions to left. 5. The late fourteenth-century donj on of Le Grand Fougeray (44): surrounding fortifications were razed in more recent centuries and the site landscap ed. 6. The residenti al donj on at Oudon (44), licensed in 1392. 7. T wo thirteenth-century chimney stacks and remains of a hall now converted to agricultural use, Font enay, Chartres (35). 8. The late thirteenth/early fourteenth century logis at La Grand 'Cour, T aden (22), before recent restor ation. 9. The impressive manoir of La Roche J agu , Ploezal (22), rebuilt after c. 1400; not e put-log holes and corbels for external galleries. 10. The passe-plats in the lower hall at La R oche J agu. II . The fourteenth/fifteenth-century ground-floor hall, originally open to the roof, at Le T ehel, St-Symphorien (35).
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
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12. Simple armorial decoration on chimney-piece at La HauteMartiniere (35). 13. An elaborate wall-cupboard: the credence at Le Plessis-] osso, Theix (56).
14. The manoir of Le Boberil , Hermitage (35), showing use of stone, cob and wood. 15. The chamber-block at Lesneve, St-Ave (56), recently dated by dendrochronology to the mid-fifteenth-century. 16. The chiiteau of Hac, Le Quiou (22), showing three superimposed halls to the left and the remains of an earlier tower-block to the right, incorporated during the mid-fifteenth-century rebuild. 17. The mid-fifteenth-century upper (third) hall at L'Etier, Beganne (56). 18. The Renaissance facade of the chiiteau of Josselin (56). 19. The external facade of the porte-logis of Kerandraou, Troguery (22).
20. General view of the main late fifteenth-century legis and courtyard of Le Bois Orcant, Noyal-sur-Vilaine (35). 21 . The chambres of the lord and lady of Le Bois Orcant, linked by a spiral staircase. 22 . Evidence for unfulfilled seigneurial building plans at La Roche Jagu (22).
23. Flamboyant Gothic exuberance at Jossclin (56). 24. The ambivalent device A plus of Jean II, vicomte de Rohan (d. 1517), unsuccessful claimant to the ducal crown sculpted above.
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Illustrations to "Retn'eving the Crown in the Hawthorn Bush" by Virginia K Henderson (pp. 237- 259): I . Crowned rose-tree, original stained glass from the Chapel of Henry VII , Westminster Abb ey (Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster).
2. Interior of the Chapel of H enry VII , Westmin ster Abb ey, from the west (English H eritage. NMR). 3. Angel frieze of the Chapel of H en ry VII , Westminst er Abb ey (author). 4. Ulm workshop, Arma Christi with the Five Wounds, Buxheim Altarpiece, c. 1510 (Ulmer Mus eum, Ulm).
5. TIe Arrest if Christ, from the Prayer Book of Lady Margaret Beaufor t, Westminst er Abb ey Library MS . 39, f. 5v (Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster). 6. Anonymous Master, TI e Virgin and Child in the Hortus Conclusus, c. 1410 (Copyright: Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid). 7. Anon ymous Ra tisbon Master, The Madonna (Bayerisches Nationalmuseum , Munich).
if the Rose Tree, c.
1320
8. Petrus Christus, Our Lady if the Dry Tree, c. 1450-62 (Copyright: Mus eo Thyssen-Born emisza, Madrid). 9. Frontispiece of the M iroir des Dames, BL Ro yal MS 19 B.xvi, f. I v (By permission of the British Libra ry).
10. Cope commissioned by H enry VII (Victoria & Albert Mus eum. Copyright: V & A Picture Library). II. Crowned 'H', quarry from the original stained glass in the Chapel of H enry VII (Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminsters). 12. Frontispiece of the Chronique abregee, WAM no . W.306 , f. II (T he WaIters Art Museum, Baltimore).
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BIHR BJRL BL CCR CFR CIM CIPM CPL CPR DNB EETS EHR POPC PRO RP RS TRHS VCH
Bulletin if the Institute if Historical Research Bulletin if the John Rylands Library British Library, London Calendar of Close Rolls Calendar if Fine Rolls Calendar if Inquisitions Miscellaneous Calendar if Inquisitions Post Mortem Calendar if Papal Letters Calendar if Patent Rolls Dictionary if National Biograpfry Early English Text Soctiey English Historical Review Proceedings and Ordinances if the Pri1!Y Council if England, ed. N.H. Nicholas (7 vols., Record Commission, 1834-7) Public Record Office, London Rotuli Parliamentorum (7 vols., Record Commission, 1832) Rolls Series Transactions of the Royal Historical Soceity Victoria County History
INTRODUCTION In May 1998, the North American Branch of the Richard III Society, in conjunction with the Departments of History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and Ohio University, held its second conference on fifteenth-century studies. These academic conferences highlight the Society's commitment to the advancement of the study of fifteenth-century English history in the United States. The conference, "Traditions and Transformations in Fifteenth-Century England," was meant (like the first conference held in 1995) as a "prequel" to the annual International Medieval Congress at Kalamazoo, Michigan, enabling the organizers to bring together an international panel of speakers to participate in a discussion that tells us the "state of the art" in fifteenth-century history. This second conference built on the success of the first and attracted a number of attendees; both senior and junior scholars working in the period. A number of non-academic members of the Richard III Society attended as well, demonstrating the breadth of interest and popularity that fifteenth-century studies has in the United States. The third of these conferences was held in late April 2001. The title of the conference allowed for the incorporation of a diverse selection of papers, ranging chronologically from Henry IV to Henry VII, thematically from politics to art history, literature and dramatic studies, and comparatively with papers on both England and France. The participants were mix of both senior and junior scholars working in the period from the United States and Great Britain, achieving the diversity that had been hoped for. The papers in this volume are based on twelve of the fourte en papers delivered at the conference. Since we intended our sessions to serve as a working conference, none of the papers, as published, are exactly as they were presented. All our authors took the comments they received and revised and extended their contributions. Professor Joel Rosenthal of the State University of New York at Stony Brook presented a stimulating keynote address on the first evening. His remarks centered around the "silver" age of religious life and opportunities for wom en in fifteenth-century East Anglia . Not only does he argue that women found a variety of religious
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experiences in this period, but that many women partook in these and that they occurred in many diverse venues. It set a high level for the rest of the conference and even though his remarks were specifically about women and religion, many of the themes he touched on in his paper were echoed in other conference papers. Michael Jones and Gwyn Meirion:Jones take us to the noble homes of Brittany and argue through print and picture that even at the most modest levels of noble existence throughout the fifteenth century, there were definite physical characteristics which set these noblemen's homes apart from those of commoners. They also demonstrate that concepts of comfort, concerns for privacy, and social sophistication wer e readily apparent in the fifteenth century and serve as a prelude to the "golden age" of the sixteenth century. Kelly DeVries questions traditional historical notions about the lack of the use of gunpowder weapons during the Wars of the Roses , and argues that first the Yorkists and then the Lancastrians utilized a number of such weapons. Tony Pollard takes us through an historiographical discussion of Queen Elizabeth Woodville; that notable .femme fatale. He demonstrates how, unlike most other queens who have tended to be either deified or vilified by historians, in Elizabeth Woodville's case the two strains of scholarship have continued to exist alongside each other. Virginia Henderson searches for the origins of Henry VII's badge of the crown in the hawthorn bush, and argues that its origins were both Marian and Christological rather than based on the legend that Henry chose the badge after the crown had fallen into a hawthorn bush. Matthew Boyd Goldie explores the authority of Latin and English in drama of the period, while Mark Addison Amos discusses the urban elites' symbolic battle for status throughout the century. Also in the urban environment, Michael Myers argues against recent historiography which lauds the use of arbitration as a viable alternative to the expense of litigation. He demonstrates that in several cases in the city of King's Lynn, rather than produce a peaceful, dignified end to disputes , arbitration only extended and exacerbated tension among the forces involved and actually led to fragmentation, factionalization and conflict. Helen Maurer reassesses the role of Margaret of Anjou in the famous Loveday of 1458. She argues that this occasion was more than a meaningless charade, but was instead, from Margaret's point of view, an opportunity to preserve and expand her power and force
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Richard of York to accept a new political status quo. York's participation within the Loveday involved recognition of Margaret's power and an acknowledgement of his own subordinate place . Douglas Biggs argues that Henry IV deliberately controlled the appointments to the Justices of the Peace and placed large numbers of royal retainers in these offices to ensure justice functioned properly. Compton Reeves tells us all we would like to know about John Booth, Bishop of Exeter, and Sharon Michalove offers an interesting case-study which discusses the parallel careers of Sir Giles Daubeney and William Hastings as important councilors to their respective kings. It remains for the editors to thank the contributors for an excellent set of thought-provoking papers and for lively discussion during the sessions; the North American Branch of the Richard III Society for its support and aid; and, last but not least, to thank the Departments of History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and Ohio University for their sponsorship of the conference. The beautiful, peaceful, and secluded, venue of Allerton Park, the University of Illinois ' conference center made an ideal setting for the conference. June 2001
DOUGLAS BIGGS
Waldorf College SHARON
D.
MICHALOVE
University of Illinois at Urbana/Champaign A.
COMPTON REEVES
Ohio University
LOCAL GIRLS DO IT BETTER: WOMEN At'\JD RELIGION IN LATE MEDIEVAL EAST AN GLIA* J OEL
T.
ROSENTHAL
(State University of New York at Ston y Brook)
There are ma ny reasons to argue that, for wom en, the religious life an d opportunities of fifteenth-century East Ang lia (the diocese of Norwich) can be seen as a silver, if not qu ite a gold en age. Evidence for a high profile for wom en's activity is readily found , in any number of avenues, and the purpose of this paper is to offer an assessment of th e quality and quantity of thes e "va rieties of religious expe rience". Much of the evidence is positive; the conclusion we ultimately offer -the sum of disparate pieces- is that there was a great deal of activity, of interest, and of diversity. At th e same tim e I wish to point out that this positive assessme nt comes as the result of converging lines of inquiry and the historian's working assumptions; it is not a verdict that eme rges as an imp ersonal forc e of nature, br ooking no alternate interpretati on and with no dim en sion of human intervention. When we turn to wom en and religion in fifteenth-century East Anglia we actually have-in this single phrase-four sub-topics, four elements we have chosen to combin e into a single compound. They can be sepa ra ted, and each on its own can be problematized or deconstructed . This caveat is not
* This pap er was first presented as an after-d inne r talk a t th e Ri ch ard III Co nference at the Allert on Co nference Ce nter, University of Illinois, April 1998. My th anks to Sharon Michalove, who invited me to give the talk and served as genera l ho stess; also to Co mpton Reeves and Laura Blan ch a rd , who , with Dr. M ichalove, arra nged the conference, and Kelly Gritten , who helped see that it "worked" . Laura Blan cha rd tran scribed my origina l com ments and there by ena bled me to give the m what structure they now have. In ad dition, I acknowledge the ad vice and comme nts of a patient an d sympa the tic audience at the Allerton Ce nter , and of Ralph Gr iffiths, who works to keep fifteenth-century mat erial coming through the pipeline. This pap er draws heavily on the genero us advice and pu blished scholars hip of Ca role Rawcliffe; M arilyn Ol iva has also been supportive, allowing me to min e her though ts an d her writi ngs. Lastly, I pay trib ute to Roger Virgoe's lon g inter est in the East Anglian county commun ity; th is played a role in turni ng my tho ughts in that direction.
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to argue for a different or revisionist verdict at the end, but rath er to serve notic e of how our meth ods and unvoi ced assumptions guid e the dire ction of inquiry and the findings that seemin gly eme rge as logical consequence. If we problematize or uncouple our four elements we see that each one-women, religion , the fifteenth century, and East Angliais a contested field of play . It takes a particular, if an unexceptionable reading, to assemble them for our particular historical linkage. T hough th er e is nothing perv erse or cha llenging in focusing on wom en and religion in East Anglia in the fifteenth century, this union is one that we hav e put togeth er. Each element could be yoked to other histori cal subjects and qu eries: men and wom en, wom en in the twelfth or sixteenth century, wom en in the North, and so on . Though we think our union of the elements as being consona nt with the sources and the contemporary mentalue through which we know them, it behoves us to be explicit about our procedures and hypothe ses. We begin with "wome n." As the lead for "women in religion " this now poses little challenge or presents man y difficulties. After a long gen eration of "the new social history " and with three decad es of women's history behind us, surely women as a basic elem ent in historical inquiry stand on high ground, safe from shifting tides of fashion , let alone from ea rlier tides of denial and hostility. But even assuming this confid enc e in the acceptance of wom en 's history is not misplaced , we are still-and likely to rem ain-well short of a consensus on what criteria to use, what boundaries to acknowledge, what comparisons to offer when we set wom en's history in a specific historical context. Should we compa re women of different eras, as when we debate whether the fifteenth century was a "golden age" of opportun ity and ind ependence? Or do we contrast wom en with men: their range of alternatives when contrasted with fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons- a perspe ctive that makes class and social status key factors in our exploration? O r should we look at periodization along sex lines, as in "was there a renaissan ce for wom en ?" Or we can follow the path of gender studies and see sex-determined identity as a key to unravelling a n historical context for men as well as for wom en ?' Mo reover , these po sitions ar e tactical as well as ideo-
1 References in this paper merely hint at the body of pertin ent scholarship; like the pap er, the notes are mean t to be suggestive, not comprehensive. For "how to"
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3
logical and political; they take on meaning in the East Anglian context as they are linked to the sources and to our interpretation of social structure and interaction. If women 's history turns out to be a rotating body rather than a fixed star, can we smudge the element of "religion?" It is safe to assert that in fifteenth-century East Anglia there was one church, one theology. But this is a far cry from saying there is only one history of religion for that time , place , and sex. Recent scholarship gives us three main schools of thought regarding how people worshipped and related to their Church in the last medieval century. We have what I characterize as the Lollard-orientated, premature-Reformation school; if not for the M cCarthyite Lancastrians and their coup d'etat, England might have been freed of the shackles of Romish conformity a century earlier." A second school argues that popular support for the church was strong, with no reason to see the old faith as nearing its end. This came, not from popular protest or internal collapse , but solely through the intervention of a greedy monarch and the venal lieutenants with whom he shared the great pie of endowment and mortmain. ' A third school conc entrates on the privatization of worship, the domestication and embourgoisement of its
study wom en and pla ce th em in th e most useful and accessible social context: Caroline M. Barron , "T he 'Golde n Age' of Wom en in Medi eval London," Medieval Women in Southern England: Reading Medieval Studies 15 (1989), pp . 35- 58; Judith Benn ett , Ale, Beer and Brewsters in England: Women 's Work in a Changing World, 1300-1600 (New York , 1996), as the fullest sta teme nt of Benn ett's views on the topic; A. Vickery , "Gold en Age to Separate Sph eres? A Review of th e Categori es a nd Chronology of English Women's H istory ," HistoricalJournal 36 (1993), pp . 383- 4 14. On the qu estion of periodization a nd women 's history, J oan Kelly , "Did Women Have A Renai ssanc e?" in her JVomen, History, and Theory: 771e Essays qf Joan Kelly (C hicago, 1984), pp . 19- 50 (first publ ished in 1977); on gender, for an earl y consideration , Joan Wall ach Scott , Gender and the Politics of History (New York , 1988). 2 I apologize for a cha racterization that puts such distingui shed scholar s as Anne Hud son and Margaret Aston into a parti san ca mp. Among their seminal work s, including some volumes of collected pap ers: Margaret Aston , Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion (London, 1984); Anne Hudson, The Premature Rejormation: 117diflite Tests and Lollard History (O xford, 1988); Lollards and their Books (O xford, 1985); Heresy and Literacy, 1000-1 530 (O xford, 1994). The partisan school of writing began with John Foxc's Acts and run s through items inspired by the 600th-anniver sary (of Wycliffe's death) as Edwin Rob ert s, ] ohn 1l7clijJe: Morning Star of the RifOlmation (Basingstoke, 1984). " This "conserva tive school" is well represent ed by JJ . Scari sbrick , The Reformation and the English People (O xford, 1948); Eamon Duffy, The Stripping qf the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400-1 500 (New Haven and London, 1992); John Bossy, writing from a different perspective, explicate s this approach in var ious writin gs, "Book
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trappings and practices. This view sees little heterodoxy or diversity in belief but many signs of cha nge in the religious practices of the literate middle classes and their social sup eriors .' Thus religion too is a coat of many colours, and the colours as likely to clash as to be complime ntary. At least "East Anglia"-Norfolk and Suffolk, the diocese of Norwich- seem s straightforwa rd; th e social and political constru ction there goes ba ck to the late eleventh century. But in talking about the wom en of East Anglia, or their religious activity, we privilege a regional unity determined by th e administrative boundaries of churc h and state , and we give special weight to links binding the counties as a regional economy and culture; one bishop, one sheriff. Vve are buying into the idea of a county community- one of religiou s culture as well as of urban oligarchies and aristocratic retinues.' This approach posits that ties within East Anglia were stronger than , for example, those between north-western Norfolk and Lincolnshire, or southern Suffolk and Essex. We turn thumbs down on Ip swichColchester links, and we view with disfavour odd glances from Norfolk toward Cambridge and Ely. Whil e this may be defen sible provincialism, it is a point we should make explicit."
and Baptism: Kin ship, Co mmunity and Christiani ty in Western Europe from the Four teenth to the Sevente enth Centuries", Studies in Church History 10 (1973), pp. 129- 43, and "T he Social Histo ry of Co nfession in the Age of Reform ation ", Transactions if the Royal Historical Society 5th Series, 25 (1975), pp . 2 1 ~38. { Colin Richm ond , "Religion and the Fifteenth-Century English Gentlema n", in The Church, Politics, and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century, ed., R.B. Dob son (Gloucester, 1984), pp . 193-208; also, "The English Gent ry and Religion , c. 1500", in Religious Beliif and Ecclesiastical Careers in Late Medieval England, cd., Christopher H arp er-Bill (Woodbridge, 1991), pp . 131- 43. Richmond 's view has been responded to, fairly directly, by Christine Ca rpe nter , "T he R eligion of the Gentry in Fifteenth Cen tury England", in England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings if the 1986 Harlaxton Confirence, ed ., Daniel William s (Woodbridge, 1987), pp . 53-74. 5 The relevant papers of Roger Virgoe are now collected in East Anglian Society and the Political Community if Late Medieval England: Selected Papers if Roger Virgoe (Norwich, 1997), especially the first 6 papers in the volume. An entire issue of Journal if British Studies 4/ 33 (O ctober, 1994), is devoted to "Vill, Gu ild, and Gent ry: Forces of Community in Later Medieval England" . Th e introduction is by Maryann e Kowaleski, with articles by Chri stine Carp ent er, Elaine Clark, Christopher Dyer, and Gervase Rosser: J.R. Madd icott , "T he County Community and the Making of Public Op inion in 14th Ce ntury England", Transactions if the Royal Historical Society 5th series, 28 (1978), pp . 27- 43. 6 J.L. Bolton , The Medieoal English Econom y , 11 50~ 1500 (London, 1980); Mauri ce Keen , English Society in the Later Middle Ages, 1348-1 500 (London, 1990); A.R . Bridbury, "English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages", Economic History Review 2nd
WOMEN AND RELIGION IN LATE MEDIEVAL EA ST ANGLIA
5
Last comes chronology. C an we think of "the fifteenth century" as a haven of certainty and exac titude? If the calenda r indicates that it ran from 1400 th rough 1499, or 140 I through 1500, the nets of scho larly inquiry fall less precisely. The cano nical dates of "T he Oxford Hi story of England" (1399- 1485) are too familiar to need a gloss, too entrenched to be swept away. Whil e 1399 is close to 1400 and important on its own , the terminal boundary rem ain s ill-defined, and the work of Lander , Elton, Harriss, and Coop er ha ve raised doubts about when and why the century should be brought to an end as a working unit. Should we opt for Bosworth, or Edward IV 's new monarchy, or H enry VII's new monarchy, or H enry VIII's new monar chy, or the Reformation parliament?" And if we escape the grip of the political paradigm we gain room to maneauver at the price of even wider variation. Larry Poos looked at different topics, set within dates det ermined by social and demographic forces, and T anner's survey of th e church in Norwi ch ran from 1370 to 1532.8 For us there seem to be no powerful ties between chronology and wom en in religion; we acce pt the calendar's century , but as a logical convenience rather th an as a causative factor. T o imp ose control on the data, which will run all over the place if we relax our grip , we focus on three areas of women 's religious expe rience . The first is regular life: the nunneries of Norfolk and Suffolk. We can look at qu estions of quality and qu antity abo ut this
series, 34 (198 1), pp. 1- 24: Dorothy M. O wen, cd ., The Making qf King's Ly nn: A Documentary SUTV/)' British Academy, Record s of Social and Economic H istory, n.s. 9 (London, 1989): j.S. Roskell, History qf Parliament: the House qf Commons, 1386-1 421 (4 vols., Stro ud, 1992); the introductions for each borough (volume 1) contain demograp hic and political as well as biographi cal information . 7 j.R. Lander, " Edward IV: T he Modern Legend and A Revision", reprinted in his Crown andNobility, 1450-1 509 (London, 1976), 159- 170 (first published in History, 1956); G.R . Elton , Tudor Revolution in Government: Administrative Changes in the Reign qf Henry VIII (I st ed., Cambridge, 1953); j.P. Cooper, Land, Men and Belief: Studies in Early Modem History, ed ., G.E. Aylmer and j .S, Morrell (London, 1983); G.L. Harri ss, "T homas Cro mwell's 'New Principle' of Taxation" , English Historical Review 93 (1978), pp. 72 1-38, and oth er pertinent work by Harri ss, see the Harriss' bibliograph y as listed in Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieual England, cd., Rowena Archer and Simon Walker (London, 1995). " L.R. Poos, A Rural Society ofler the Black Death: Essex, 1350-1 525 (Cambridge, 1991); No rma n P. T ann er, the Church in Late Medieval Nonoich, 1370-1532 (T oronto, 1984). T he pap ers from the first fifteenth-century conference were published as Fifteenth Century England, 1399-1509, ed., S.B. Chrimes, C.D. Ross, and R.A. Griffiths (1972; 2nd ed., Stroud, 1995). Clearly, Henry VII was being claimed by the late medievalists, with S.B. Ch rimes covering his reign.
6
JOEL T. RO SE NTHAL
ancient institution, as well as some historio graphical issues. The second covers wom en of specific and individual not e: hereti cs, eccentrics, mystics, upper class patron s, and oth ers of sufficient note to make the historical record. And the last deals with "avera ge" wom en of the upp er class and the int eraction s and reciprocities between the faithful and th e institutional church, with some Paston women as our case studies. How do we survey the state of wom en 's regular religion in the diocese; how do we compare and contextualize and remain fair to contemporary views and standa rds? When Eileen Power assessed the health of late medieval wom en 's regular life she fell back on compari sons with the great (er) days of the twelfth and thirteen th century. Accordingly, she thought of small and impoverished houses; poor descendan ts of thos e of an ea rlier day- as they also appeared when held against men 's hou ses of the day. But recent assessmen ts have argued that this is invidious, failing to look at the diverse purposes and goals of fifteenth-century regular religion and at odds with the role they played in and for their com m unities." Som e quantitative considera tions ma y help ; or rather , which qu antitat ive considerations should we rely on ? If we simply count houses we find that in the fifteenth century the re were II such in the diocese: five of Ben edictine nuns , one of Cistercian nuns, three of Austin canonesses, on e of Gilb ertines, and one of Fran ciscan nuns (Poor Clares).!" What does this number signify? A total of eleven wom en 's
9 Eileen Power , M edieval English Nunneries, c. 12 75 to 1535 (Cambridge, 1922): ch. xi ("T he aide Daun ce" , pp . 436-74) for a strongly negative judgem ent about the fifteenth-century nunne ries. On p. 460 Power suggests tha t we "attempt a statistica l estimate of the moral condition of the Lincolnshire nu nneries" between 1 4 30 ~ 1450 , years covered by extant visitation records; she does give the East Anglian houses high marks, based on the visitation of 1514. But her whole approach is countere d by Robert Gilch rist in several works that have helped focus my com ments in this paper: Gender and Material Culture: TIe Archaeology if Religious Women (New York, 1994), a nd Contemplation and Action: TIe OtherM onasticism (London, 1995). For the ea rly days of the East Anglian houses, Sally Thomp son, Women Religious: TIe Founding if English Nunneries afler the Norman Conquest (O xford , 1991). 10 T he relevant East Anglian houses are: Redlingfield and Bungay in Suffolk, Carrow, Thetford , and Blackborough in No rfolk (Benedictine nu ns); Should ham , No rfolk (G ilbertine); C rabh ouse in No rfolk an d Campsey Ash and Flixton in Suffolk (Austin ca nonesses); M arham , No rfolk (Cistercian nun s); Bruisyard, Suffolk (Poor Clares). The houses are as listed by Marilyn Ol iva, TIe Convent and TIe Community in Late Medieoal England: Female M onasteries in the Diocese if Norwich, 1350 -1 5 40 (Woodbridge, 1998), p. 13; VCH, Norfolk (vol. 2, Lon don , 1906) and VCH, Suffilk (2, Lond on, 191 1); David Kn owles and R . Neville Hadcock, eds., Medieval Religious
WOMEN AL"1 Isaiah 4:2. ",5 Provo 11:23.
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VIRGINIA K. HE NDERSON
in its regen eration and asserts his right ful place in the line of English kings." The same concept is represented on the richly embroide red cope that was commissioned by H enry VII, form erly at Stonyhurst College, Lan cashire but now at th e Victoria and Albert Museum in London." T here, mirror-image br an ches of a rose tree flourish abundantly from the point at which a crowned portcullis was hung above its conspicuously lopp ed lower limb s (fig. 10) The idea of renewal and rebirth th at is encoded in T udor imagery is reinforced by th e fact th at th e rose-tree of th e Tudors was a hawthorn, for during the Middle Ages, the Crown of Thorns-itself a symbol of suffering, but also one of promise-was thought to have been made from its bran ch es." The underlying theme of the rosetree, in fact, coordina tes especially well with the conception of H enry VII as the red eem er-hero of the Cadwaladr myth and the longawaited saviour of England, a n idea th at was populariz ed prior to his accession to the crown, as well as during the early years of his reign.59 Given the medieval propensity to read historical events as the work of Go d's hand, it would have been easy eno ugh, certainly retrospectively if not at the time, to int erpret the difficult years of H enry VII's exile in Brittany anagogically as a form of preparation through trial and suffering for his eventual victory tha t was analogous, on a human scale, to the trials of Ch rist. Thus, both ideologically and biographically, the biblical imagery of regeneration and divin e approbation was especially suited to the needs and purposes of the first Tudor king.
50 T he idea of regen eration that is symbolized by the han ging of a king's shield on a limb of the Dry Tree had bee n used earlier in a mid-four teen th-cent ury poem about Frederick II (1 194- 1250). Art hur G raf, Roma nella memoria e nella imagina zioni del medio evo (T urin, 1883), II: 502-503. 57 Lisa Mon nas, "New Docum ent s for the Vestment s of H en ry VII a t Stonyhurst Co llege" , TIle Burlington Mogazine 131 (1989), pp . 345-49. The cope was moved to the Victoria and Albert in the spring of 1999. 58 Margaret B. Freema n, The Unicorn Tapestries (New Yor k, 1956), p. 129. Both the Cro wn of T ho rns a nd the co ncept of renewal are integral, for exa mple, to the legend of the H oly T horn and the famo us hawthorn tree of Gla stonb ury; see Hu gh Ross William son, The Flowering Hawthorn (New York, 1962), pp . 2-6, passim. 59 Ingulph's Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland, pp . 446- 47; Bernard Andre, Historia Regis Henrici Septimi, in Memorials ofKing Henry the Seventh, ed. J. Gairdner, Rolls Series, vol. 10 (London, 1858), pp . 9- 11; Elissa R. Hencken, National Redeemer: Owain G/yndwr in Welsh Tradition (Ithaca, 1996), p. 53; Sydn ey Anglo, "T he British History, in Ea rly T udor Propagan da" , Bulletin of the J ohn Rylands Library 44 (196 1- 62), pp. 24, 27; Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, pp . 40 -47 .
THE ORI GINS OF T HE BAD G ES O F H ENRY VII
255
Essentially th e sam e idea of restored kingship th at was represent ed in th e fronti spiece of the Miroir des dames and on the cope in London was conveyed in th e images of the T udors in the stained glass window which was designed for th e church of the Observant Fran ciscan s at the royal pal ace at Greenwi ch . In a genealogical scheme of royal saints and kings and qu eens th at denoted the royal lineage of the Tudor king, according to the notes of instruc tion s recorded for the window , itself long lost, H enry VII, Elizab eth of York, Lady Margaret, and Princess M argar et wer e to be represented as half-length figures with identifying scrolls laid across th em at th eir waists. Below th e scrolls and suspended fro m the branch of a tree, as in the illuminated fron tispiece of the Miroir des dames, a shield was to be depicted th at bore their respective coats of arms with th e roots of th e tree expo sed below it. GO Significantl y, relative to th e biblical imagery cited above, in both of the T ud or images, the roots of th e tree were-or in th e case of th e stained glass, were int ended to be-a conspicuou s elem ent , for they suggested not only that the tree thrived, but tha t it derived from the deeply set roo ts of the just and tru e stock. Indeed , th e images served to affirm th e Tudor claim of legitimacy. It is th e conce pt of the regen erat ed tree also which lies behind th e motif of the distinctive " H " that was used , usually togeth er with an " R", as a device of H enry VII, particularly in the quarries of stained glass (fig. I I). T he re the T udor dragon was portrayed as a figure literally injected into a severed tr ee.?' Just as the Virgin and C hild were gra fted, so to speak , onto th e Dry Tree, as th ey were in C hr istus's painting , so the Tudor bran ch was gra fted to give life to the severed line of English royalty. T he image of th e dr agon gra fted onto th e tree resona tes at th e same time with nu an ces of th e redeem er-hero from th e Cadwaladr myth. Thus, in effect, the symbols of the cro wned " H" and th e flourishin g rose-tree represent visually two conceptions of th e progressive stages in the regen eration of the dead tree of Paradi se." Togeth er with th e rose br an ch, th ey
BL Egert on MS 2341. Ii' T he red dr agon was gra nted to H enry VII 's father Edm und T udor as his royal beast by H en ry VI , half-b roth er of Ed mun d. Its use as th e roya l beast of H en ry VII , toget her with the greyho un d of Rich mond , reinforced th e idea that his cla im to th e thro ne stem m ed from H enr y VI via his Tudor lineage. For th e significance of the greyho und , see H. Stanford London, "T he Greyhound as a R oyal Beast" , Archaeologia 97 (1959), p . 157; Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, p. 35. I;; Both the crowne d rose-tree and the "H " with the gra fted d rago n a re combined lill
256
VIRGINIA K. HENDERSON
assert the divin e sanction of H enry VII and the legitimacy of the Tudor claim to the crown. Indeed , the them e of regen eration th at is signified by the rose and the rose-tree in Tudor imagery is precisely what underlay the design of the fount ain that once stoo d in the centre of the inn er courtyard at the Palace of Richm ond. Royal beasts ado rne d the upp er parts of the fountain above bran ches of roses, according to the herald who describ ed the fountain in 1503, and from the roses them selves, "the moost purest wat er" poured forth. " On the surface, it was a spectacular fountain that mad e clever use of Tudor symbols. Its basic concept, how ever, was derived not only from medieval concep tions of the Fountain of Paradise, from which the wat ers that fed the Tree of Life flowed. It was derived also from the conce pt of the wounds of Christ, which, often represent ed as red roses as we have seen, were conceived as the Wells of Life from which the blood of salvation , or the wat er of life, flowed. Like the embroidered motif of the yeome n of the guard, this was another seemingly secular object that was permeated with sacred symbolism. Whil e its symbolic significance ma y have been lost for most in the splendour of the object, the metaphorical potential of the imagery ma y well have been grasp ed by the herald, who describ ed the palace at Richmond as "this erthely and secunde Paradise"." If the Tudor symbo l of the flourishing tree, which bore variously the flower or the fruit of the hawthorn, was a new image among royal bad ges, th e conce pt th at it represented and the use of the sources from which it was derived were not new at all to royal ideology. As a reference to the biblical revitalized tree of the righteous, the motif of the rose-tree was particularly well suited to the Tudor int erpretation of the ill-fated reign of Richard III and the victorious return of Henry Tudor to England, and perhaps it was chosen for that reason alon e. The device of the regenerated and thriving tree, however, would have been particularly rich in meaning and resonance for Henry VII in relation to the mythology that had develop ed around th e royal saint King Edward the Confessor, to whom
on an ea rly sixteenth-ce nt ury boss in th e choir at \Vinchester Cathedral. Illustrat ed in C J .P. Cave, "T he Bosses of the Vau lt of th e Qu ire of Winchester Ca thed ral" , Archaeologia 76 (1926), plate XXXII, fig. I. 63 Antiquarian Repertory 2 (1808), p. 314. 6;
Ibid.
T HE ORIGINS OF THE BADGE S OF H E NRY VII
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he was devoted. " The visual im agery of th e flowering tree parallels th e verbal imagery used in th e Vita Edwardi Regis to describe Edward the Confessor's selection as th e king of En gland following the death of Cnut in circumsta nces that had striking historical and biographical parallels to thos e of Henry VII. Sign ificantly, as youths and potential heirs to th e throne, both kings had been sent into exile for th eir safety, Edward to Norm andy and H enry to Brittany. Accord ing to the Vita, Cnut reigned until He who taketh away kingdoms according to His will cut down both this king and his stock. Cut down, I say, because He preserved among his seed the one to whom He had thought to give the sceptre of the English kingdom ... so God's kindness, sparing the English after the heavy weight of his rebuke, showed them a flowerpreseroed fr om among the root qf their ancient kings and both gave them the strength and fired their minds to seek this flower for the kingdom as well as for their salvation." The account could just as easily have been used to present the Tudor interpretation of the demise of Richard III and th e acce ssion of H enry VII. On his deathbed , aga in acc ording to the Vita, Edward prophesied that England would be cursed again by God and devastated with in a year and a da y after his death. Reli ef would come, however, acc ording to th e king 's vision in th e Vita, which borrows its im agery in part from Daniel, "at a tim e wh en a green tr ee, if cut through the centre of its trunk and th e part carried th e space of three acres from its stock, is joined by itself to its own stump without human hand or any oth er aid and begins anew to grow gree n and bear fru it from th e original love of its growing together". " O ne has to wonder , th en , if th e ch oice of th e flourishing hawthorn tree was more than just a coincide ntal response to th e Edwardian hagiography.
63 In addition to countless offerings made to Edward the Confessor throughout his reign , H enry VII counted the royal saint among his "accustomed Avouies", acco rding to his will, and requ ested that a silver-gilt statue of him be placed on the altar within his own chantry chapel, or tomb enclosure , in the Lady Chape l. He also requested that a votive figur e of himself, which he dedicated to God, the Virgin, and the Confessor, be placed on the shrine of St. Edward in Westminster Abbey. Astle, pp . 3, 34-36. 66 Frank Barlow, cd ., The Life qf King Edward who rests at Westminster, attributed to a Monk qf St. Bertin, 2nd cd. (O xford, 1992), pp . 10-1 3. Italics added. 67 Barlow, pp . 118-1 9.
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V IRG IN IA K . H ENDERSON
H en ry VII could not have been unaware of th e significanc e of th e devices he adopted , m ost espec ially because th ey wer e so closely allied with his own devotional preferences. Likewise, his mother Lady M argaret, who wa s intimatel y involved in th e reign of her son, could not have missed their meanings, given her rigorous and all-co nsum ing inv olvem ent in devoti onal practices and piou s undertakings.f" By virtue of its multi-layer ed M arian and Christologi cal significance , the sym bol of th e rose conveye d as well the divin e favour of th e Tudors. As with the French Aeur-de-lis, whi ch symbolized th e Trinity, th e English adoption of th e rose was unquestionably a monarchical appropri ation of a sacred symbol. Additionally, it was an appropriate counterpart or response to th e Fr en ch royal em blem, whi ch had been used since at least the thirteenth century to convey th e divine favour of Fren ch kings. Indeed , certain parallels ca n be drawn between the impli cations of th e imagery of the frontispi ece of a m anuscript copy of Guillaume de Nangis's Chronique abregee (figs. 12) and th e fronti spiece of th e Miroir des dames discu ssed above .F' Like th e Fren ch illumination that used the lily, or a stem of lilies, to represent a genealogical tr ee in th e ce ntre of th e paradi sical garde n, th e Tudor frontispiece, effectively, turned th e cro wne d rose-tree into a J esse-Tree emblem . Like th e Tree of Life, th e J esse Tree underscor ed th e sac re d nature of kingship and allude d to the fulfilment of prophecy th at th e newly flowering dynasty rep resented ." What ever th e Tudor bad ges came to represent in subseque nt yea rs, clearl y th e source of th eir imagery was M ari an and Christologi cal a nd, in keeping with th e tr adition of m edi eval symbo lism, th eir significance wa s multi-layer ed ." Although perhap s th e m eanings of
Hend erson , "In the Image of the King" , cha p. 6; J on es & Unde rwood, passim. Walters Art Gallery W. 306, f. II ; BN MS fr. 2598, f. I; BL Royal MS 19 B.xvi, f. Iv. Although the express use of the lily to convey divine favour seems to stem from the thirt eenth century , it had been used as a royal symbol since the ninth century. For a comprehensive discussion of the symbolism of the lily, see Sa nd ra Hindman a nd Gab rielle M. Spiegel, "T he Flour-de-Lis Fronti spieces to G uilla ume de Na ngis 's C hron iq ue Abr egee: Politi cal Icon ograph y in the Lat e Fifteenth-Centu ry Fran ce" , Viator 12 (198 1), pp . 38 1-407. 70 For Hen ry VII and sac red kingship , see Hend erson , "In the Image of the Kin g" , pp . 214- 47. 71 Ang lo has decried as a loss of "all sense of proporti on " the suggestion mad e by two Elizabetha n scholars that , because the rose was associa ted with the Virgin, it was used in tha t sense, in particular, to allude to the virgin qu een of England . Add itionally, he declared as absurd the idea that tbe crowned rose an d its legend R VTILAN S ROSA SINE SPINA, which app ea red on several coins issued by Henry ';H b'l
THE O R IG INS OF THE BADGE S OF HENR Y VII
259
cert ain sacred sym bols were era sed from En glish memory during the late sixteenth and seventeenth cent uries as a result of the R eform ation and the efforts of th e iconoclasts, th ey were very mu ch intact in th e era of H en ry VII. In fact, the image of th e crown-encircled rose-tree may have given rise to th e legend of the hawthorn bu sh of Bosworth, rather tha n the reverse. Quite po ssibly, the legend was devised in the seventeenth century, or later , to provide a histori cal and political explana tion for the Tudor badge, which to post-medieval, Protestant eyes, no long er familiar with the resonan ces of medieval Catholic symbo lism, looked like nothing more than a tr ee and a crown. "
VlII in 1526, referred to the Virgin . Rather tha n recognize that H enry VlIl was simply proceeding in the tradition of the symbols he inh erited , Anglo objected that the connota tion of virginity an d imm aculate conception impl ied by the sacre d symbol was ludicrous for H enry VIII. H owever absurd or hypocriti cal it may seem though , H enry VIII endowed a pr iest at the shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham from 1509 until 1538, when it was suppressed. He main tain ed a candle the re, as well, th rough March 1538, and is reputed to have made a barefoot pilgrimage to th e shrine. H e too th en , aside from dynastic tradition, would have had his own reasons for displaying a clea rly ident ified Ma rian rose if he chose to do so. Ind eed , Anglo seems to have confused the significan ce of the symbo ls as he believes they were perceived ultimat ely by the gene ral public with the significance tha t they might have held for those th at selected them . Anglo, Images cf Tudor Kingship, p . 128; Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic qf the Reign cf Henry VIII, II: 1442, 1451, 1458; V: 309; XlII : 146, no. 373; 535, no. 1280, f. 12; j.C . Dickinson , The Shrine o] Our Lady qf Walsingham (C ambridge, 1956), pp . 42-43 . 72 Vol taire, for exa mple, did no t perceive the significance of the symbolism that was associate d with the fleur-de-Iys in the M iddle Ages. From his perspective, "la fleur de lis est le resultat d'un e fantaisie de peint re". Ano the r French author of the mid-sevent eenth cent ury though t th e fleur- de-lis repr esented a transform ation of the bees on th e tomb of Ch ilderic. Braun von Stumm, pp . 43, 54.
INDEX Acigne,44 Agincourt, battl e of, 25 Alencon, 26 Alnw ick, William, bishop of Lincoln, II , 185 anchoresses/anchorites, 10, 12, 14 Appilton, Robert , 90 arbitra tion, Essay 5 Aries Praedicandi, 184 - 88 , 216 Arthur, Pri nce of Wales, 231 , 246 Aru nd el, ea rl of: see Thomas Fitzalan (d. 1415) Arundel, John, bishop of C hichester, 129 Arundel, T ho mas, archbishop of C ant erbu ry, 87 , 197-98, 199 Aslak, Walter , 35 Aub igny,44 Auch , 39 Aum ale , duke of: see Edwa rd of No rwich, alias Edward of York (d. 1415) Austin ca nonesses, 6 Bagot , William , 63 Bale, Robert , 30 Bar et , William , 90 Barforth, Robert , 138 Barnet , battl e of, 33 Basset famil y, 224 -25 Baxter , M ar gery, 12 Beau ce, 39 Beau champ, Thomas, ea rl of Warwi ck,64 Bea uch amp, William, Lord Abergavenny, 66, 67 Beaufort , Edmund , duk e of Som erset, 28 Beaufort, H en ry C ardinal, 172 Beaufor t, H en ry, duk e of Som erset, 120, 121, 122 Beaufort, M argar et, countess of Richmond, 140, 217 , 2 19, 222 , 245, 255, 258 Beaufort, Thom as, ea rl of Dorset , 100, 101, 102 Beaufo rt fam ily, 241 Beaumont, Henry, Lord, 67-68
Beaumont, J ohn, Viscount, 118-19, 224 Bedford, duke of: see J ohn of Lancaster Bedfordshire, 64 beguin age, 12, 18 Belleyeter e, Edmund, 90, 93 Ben edictine nuns, 6 Berkeley famil y, 36 Berk shire, 64 Berwick, 25 Beverley, collegiate churc h of, 128 Bien Assis, 49 , 50 , 5 1 Billyng e, William, 244 - 45 Bilneye, John, 95, 101, 102, 103, 104 Black Death, 8 Blackbo rou gh , 6n Blor e H eath, battl e of, 30, 3 1 Bocking , John, 121 Bodi am C astle, 24 Bokenham , O sbern, 13 Bon aventure, 246 Bonville, William, Lord, 36 Booth, Edmund , 126-27 Booth, H am ond, 127, 138, 143 Boo th , J ohn, bishop of Exete r: affiliation with C ambridge University, 127, 134, 143; govern me nt service, 132-34, 140 ; episcopa l caree r, 134- 43; monumental brass, 143; pre-episcop al caree r, 127- 32 Booth , Lawr ence, bishop of D urh am ! archbishop of York , 113, 118, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 135, 139, 140, 143-44 Booth, Peter, 127 Booth, Sir Rob ert, 126 Boo th , Robert, dean of York , 143-44 Booth , Sir William, 126, 143 Booth, William , bishop of Co ventry and Lichfield ! a rchbishop of York , 125-26, 127, 128, 129, 134 Booth fam ily, 125-27 , 128, 138, 144 Bosworth, battle of, 5, 34, 2 18, 226 , 237, 239, 247, 249 , 25 1, 259 Botekesham , Robert , 90 Boulogne, 26
262
IND EX
Bourdeilles, 24 Bourgchier , Humphrey, Lord Scales, 36 Boveton , Nicholas, 235 Bracciolini, Poggio, 172, 174 Brandon, J oh n, 93 Bray, Reyn old , 219, 227 Braybroke, J am es, 221 Brelidy, 44 Bridgettines, 7 Brittan y, 24, Essay 3, 2 18, 219, 222, 225, 239, 24 7, 254 Bruisyard, 6n , 8 Brunham , J ohn, 90 Brunham , Robert , 93 , 100, 10 I , 102, 103 Brunton , Thomas, bishop of Ro ch ester , 170 Bru yn , Harry, 30 Bryccham , Willia m, 90 Brygge, T homas, 93 Buckingham , duke of: see H en ry Stafford ; Humphrey Sta fford Buckingham shir e, 64 Bungay, 6n , 8n Burgh , T homas, 225 Burgu ndy , duk e of: see Philip the G ood Burnell, Hu gh , Lord, 66 Burn et, Robert , 115 Bushy, J ohn, 63 Byngham , J ohn, 235 Byron , Nic ho las, 128 Ca de 's Rebellion, 29, III Ca dwaladr , 254, 255 C aen , 26 Ca ister Castle, 36 C alais, 23, 26, 117, 118, 21 7, 2 18, 229, 230, 232, 235 Ca lle, Ri chard , 17 C alm ady, Steph en, 235 C ambridge, 4, 134 Ca mbridge U niversity, 12 6~2 7 , 134 Ca mbri dges hire, 128, 134 Camp sey Ash, 6n , 8 Ca nterbury , 24 Ca pel, William, 232 C arcasson e, 23 Carisbro oke Cas tle, 24, 35n Ca rrow, 6n, 8, 9n Carte, T ho mas, 150 -51 , 152 Ca xton, William , 17l , 242- 43 Cely family, 168
cha ntries, 19, 141 , 239 Chartres, 26 C hauc er , Geoffrey, 185 , 186 , 190, 200, 205 Ch erb ou rg, 26 Ch eshire, 126, 127 Christ and the Doctors, 195~9 7 , 199 , 215 C hristus, Petrus, 25 1-52, 255 C inqu e Port s, 65, 73 Cistercian nuns, 6 Clar en ce, duk e of: see George of York; Thom as of Lan caster Clifford, J ohn, Lor d, 120 Clifton , Robert , 128 Clisson , 49 Clopt on , Walter, 69n , 71 Cn ut, 257 Coadelan, 4·5, 46 , 47 Co bha m, Eleanor, 155 Cobham, J ohn Brook e, Lord , 228 Co kayne, J ohn, 70 Co kfeld, John, 90 C olchester, 4 C olpeper, Joh n, 71 Colville, J ohn, 74 C ompiegne , 27 C onisborough Cas tle, 36 Cooling Castle, 24 Cornwall, county of, 139, 141, 219, 224 , 229 Cornwall, John , 75 Courtenay, Edward , ea rl of Devon , 64 Co urt enay, Peter , bishop of Exeter , 135, 136 Courten ay, Richard, bishop of Norwich, 95, 96, 100, 101 Courten ay, Thomas, earl of Devon , 36, 135 C ourtenay famil y, 135 Co vent ry, 113, 116 Crabho use, 6n , 9n, 19 C rawford, Anne, 146 C recy , battl e of, 24 Cressyngham , J ohn, 90 C rowland C hronicle, 154- 55 C urso n, J ohn, 74 Dartford, 29 Daub eney, Giles: family, 2 1 7 ~ 18, 219 , 224 ; land holdin gs, 219 ; service to Edw ard IV , 217-18; service to H enry VII , 218- 35 De la Feillee, D am e Isab eau , 52
IND EX
D e la Pole, William , duk e of Su ffolk, 126 De la W arr e, Thomas, 130 De Mil emete, W alt er , 23 De Nangis, Guillaume, 258 De Vitry, J acques, 185 D e Voragin e, Jacobus, 24 2-43 De W aurin, .leh an , 33 Den court, J oh n, Lord, 68 Den is, Hugh , 221 Derb y, ea rl of: see Thomas Stanl ey (d. 1504) Derbyshir e, 61 , 66 , 67, 68, 75 D espen ser , Thomas, ea rl of Glouc ester , 63 D evon , earl of: see Ed ward Courtenay; Thom as Courtenay De von shire, 64, 139, 140, 142, 219 , 224, 229 Din an , 43, 46 Dispen ser , Hen ry, bishop of Norwich, 9 1 Dissolu tion of monastic hou ses, 10 Domfort, 26 Dorset , ea rl of: see Thomas Beaufort Dover C astle, 23, 24, 65 , 73 dr am a , 13, 18, Essay 10 Du Perrier, Tristan , 52 Dudley, Edmund, 23 2 Dudley, Willi am , bishop of Durham, 144 Dutton famil y, 126 Edmund of York , 31 Edward III, king of England , 23, 24 , 25 , 37 , 59, 22 7 Edward IV , king of England, 5, 3 1, 32, 33 , 36, 1 31 ~34 , 140, 145 , ISH !; 21 7 ~ 18, 220 , 222 , 225, 229, 230 Edward V , king of England, 152 , 156 , 218 Edward VIII, king of Eng land, 147 Edw ard, duke of York , 63, 65 Edward, pr ince of W ales (d . 1471), 112, 113, 114, 116, 144 Ed ward of Norwich, duk e of Aumale, 63 Edwa rd th e Co nfessor , 256-57 Egr emont, Thomas Percy, Lord, 120 Elizab eth of York , qu een of England, 222 , 25 5 Ely, 4 Empson , R ich ard, 232 'Englysch Laten ', 189 -91
263
E nnaratio, 181-8 3 Erpingha m, Thomas, 73 Essex, 4 Essex, county of, 65 , 66 , 67 Exeter , 141, 142 Exeter, duk e of: see Hen ry Holl an d (d . 1475); John Holland (d . 1400) Exeter C ath edral, 114, 127, 136- 39 Exeter dioc ese, 135- 36
Falaise, 26 Fas tolf, John, 18 Fau conber g, Lord: see William Ne ville Fermour, John, 235 Fitzalan, Thomas, carl of Arundel a nd Surrey, 64 , 65 Fitzwilliam, Edmund, 36 Flixton, 6n , 8 Fontenay, 48 Fran cis I, duk e of Brittany, 54 Fr ancis II , duk e of Brittany, 54 Franci scan friar s, 248 , 249 Franciscan nun s, 6 F ran ciscus, Andrea s, 162-63 gao l delivery, 76, 228 G art er , Order of the , 227- 28 Gasco ign e, Thom as, 115 G ascoign e, William, 69n , 71 Gaylon , Ro ger , 92 , 93, 95, 96 , 98, 99 gent ility 165-67 G eorge 'of York , duk e of Clar enc e, 152 , 153, 157 , 229 Gilb ertine ca nonesses, 6 Glou cester , duk e of: see Humph rey of Lan caster; Rich ard III Gloucester, ca rl of: see T homas Despen ser (d. 1400) Gloys, J am es, 17 Gower, John, 190 Grammatica, 181, 184 G ray's Inn , 125 G regory, William , 3 1 Grene, H en ry, 63 G rey, Edmund, earl of Kent , 36 G rey, Ri chard, Lord of Codnor , 66, 67 Grey, William , bishop of Ely, 129 Guildford, Ri chard, 221 , 22 7 guild s, 100, 103, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174, 186 H ac, 46, 54 Haddon H all, 47
264
IND EX
Hales, John, bishop of Coventry and Lichficld, 131 Hallyate, William, 95 Hals, John , 113 Hampshire, 139, 232 H arfleur, 25 Harrin gton family, 37 Has tings, William , Lord , 37, 152, 155, Essay II Hennebout, 23 Henry IV, king of England , 25, 27, Essay 4, 230 Henry V, king of England , 7, 25- 26, 65, 78, 94, 133 Henry VI, king of England, 26, 27, 28, 29, 36, 112, 113-24, 126, 133 Henry VII , king of England , 5, 34, 37, 47, 150, 151, Essays II and 12 H erefordshire, 66, 67 H eron , John, 22 1 Hill, J ohn , 69n , 71 Holland , H enry , duke of Exeter, 120, 122 Holland , John, duke of Exeter , 63 Holland, Thomas, duke of Surre y, 63 Hornby, Thomas, 70 Hornby, William , 70 Hornby Castle, 37 hospitals, 7n, II , 19 household furn ishings, 52, 53 Howard , John, Lord , 66 Hu elgoat Forest, 50 Hume, David , 149-50 Humphrey of Lancaster, duke of Gloucester, 65 H ungerford , Thomas, 75 Hun te, Thomas, 93, 104, 105 Hu ntingtonshire, 75 Inventaire General des Monuments et des Richesses Artistiques de la Fran ce, Region de Bretagne, 42- 43 Ipswich, 4 J ames III , king of Scotland , 134 Joan of Navarre , qu een of England , 155 John IV, duke of Brittan y, 46 John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, 60, 69, 70, 71 John of Lancaster, duke of Bedford, 65, 102, 103, 104 John of Salisbury, 213 Jos selin Castle, 40, 55
Judde, John, 29-30 Judgment, 193-95, 20 I Julian of Norwich , 10-11 , 12, 18, 19 Justice of the Peace, Essay 4, 104, 228, 234 Ka therine of Aragon , qu een of England , 218, 231, 246 Kemp e, Margery, 10-11 , 186 Kempe, Thomas, bishop of Lond on, 129 Kenilworth , 29 Kent, county of, 65, 67 Kent, earl of: see Edmund Gr ey Kerandraou, 55 Kerangar , 51 K erouart z, 56 Kerouzere, 56 Kervengu in, 49 Keyes, Roger , 137 King's Lynn, Essay 5 Kirby Muxloe Castle, 37 Kirkeby, Thomas, 138 Knox, John, 157 La Grim aud ais, 50 La Gu erche, 41 La Motte Glain , 48 La Roche J agu, 50, 5 1, 55, 57 La Salle, 47 Lacy, Edmund, bishop of Exeter , 141 Lakynghith e, John, 98, 99, 100 Lan caster, duke of: see John of Gaun t (d. 1399) Lancashire, 125, 128, 130 Langley, Edmund, 131 Langley, Ralph , 131 Langley, Thomas, bishop of Durham , 90, 125-26, 130 Langton, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbu ry, 138 Largoct, 46, 47 Launay Bazouin , 50 Le Boberil, 50 Le Bois Orcan , 43n , 55-56 Le Bregain , 45, 46, 53 Le Faouet , 49 Le Fretay, 55 Le Grand'Cour, 48, 53, 55 Le Grand Fougeray, 46 Le Granil, 53, 54 Le Molan t, 48 Le Plessis Beauce, 50 Le Plessis Jos so, 48, 53
IND EX
Le Pord or, 48 Le T ehel , 53 Leicestersh ire, 67, 68 Leland, j oh n, 131 Leon, 43 Lesneve, 53, 54 L'Etier , 54 Lezkeien , 44 L' Her mitage, 52 Lincoln Cathedral, 138 Lincoln, 4, 6n , 65, 66, 67, 68 Lland aff diocese, 135 lloyd, Ow ain, 137 Lollardy, 3, 11-1 3, 14, 2 15, 216 Lond on , 12, 97, 109, III , 113, 120, 121- 23, 127, 143, Essay 9, 208 Louis de Bruges, earl of \Vinchester, 140 Louviers, 26 Lovell, T homas, 22 1, 224 , 227, 232 Luddyngton , William, 71 Ludford Bridge, battle of, 30 Lumley, Ralph, Lord, 66 Lydgate, john, 190, 208, 244 MacG ibbon, David, 147-49, 152 Maille, 48 Man chester, collegiate churc h of, 130-32, 135 Man cini, Dominic, 148, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156 lvlankind, 177, 178, 189, 191, 202ff Marc'h allac'h , 55 March ienn es, 23 Ma rga ret of Anjou , queen of England, 29, 33, Essay 6, 126, 153, 225 Marh am , 6n, 8 Markh am , j ohn , 69n, 71 lvlary Magdalen, 199-202, 213, 2 15 Meau x, 26 Melton , William , 180-81 Melun , 26 Micheiettes, 28 Middl esex, coun ty of, 139 Midilt on , Thom as, 90 Military Revolution thesis, 22 Mirk , john, 185 Miroir des dames, 253, 255, 258 Mont agu, marquis of: see john Neville Mont ague, j ohn, earl of Salisbury, 63 Mon tereau , 26 Montgom ery, Nicholas, 75 Mon t-Saint-Michel, 28
265
More, T homas, 150, 152, 153- 54, 156, 157 Morla ix, 50 Mort agu e, 23 Mortimer's C ross, battl e of, 30 motte, 41, 43, 44, 45, 49 Mowbr ay, j ohn , duke of Norfolk, 35, 36 Nayler, john, 141 necrom an cy, 155 Neville, Ann e, qu een of England, 144 Neville, Cicely, du chess of York , 112 Neville, Geor ge, bishop of Exeter / arc hbishop of York, 134- 35, 137 Neville, john, marquis of Mon tagu, 33 Neville, Ralph , earl of Westmorland , 63, 64 Neville, Richa rd , ca rl of Salisbury, 30, 31, 117, 118-19, 120, 122, 228 Neville, Richard, ea rl of Warwick, 30, 31,32 , 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 134-35, 225, 233 Neville, William , Lord Fauconberg, 36 Neville family, 116, 118, 122 No rbury, john, 73 No rfolk, county of, Essay I , 67 No rfolk, duk e of: see j ohn Mowbray Northa mpton, ba ttle of, 30, 3 1, 36 Northampto nshire, 128 Northumberland, county of, 64, 65 Northumberla nd, ea rl of: see Hen ry Percy (d. 1408); Hen ry Percy (d. 146 1); Hen ry Algernon Percy (d . 1527) Norwich, 5, 8, 10, II , 12, 24, 35, 97 Norwich diocese, I , 4, 7, 10, 17 No tting ha mshire, 60, 66, 73, 75, 130 nunner ies, 5- 10, 14 Oldhall, Edmund, 104, 105 Oldhall, Rob ert, 140 Old ovini, Battesta, 34 Oudon , 46 Oxford, 97, 186 Oxford Uni versity, 115, 140, 184 Oxfordshire, 67 pageantry/display, III , 113, 121- 23, 144, 167-7 3, 226 Park er , J ohn, 26 Par sons, j.C., 146, 149 Paston , William , 104, 105 Paston family, 6, 14-18, 32, 35, 36
266
IND EX
Paul II, Pope, 131 Percy, H enry, ea rl of Northumberland (d. (40 8), 63 , 64 Percy, H enry, ea rl of No rt humbe rland (d. 1461), 120, 121 Percy, H en ry Algern on , ea rl of Northumbe rland (d . 1527), 22 1 Percy, H en ry 'H otspu r', 63 Percy, Ralph , 120 Percy, T homas , carl of Worcester , 63, 64 Per cy family, 122 Petypas, Bartholomew, 89-92, 94 - 97, 99 , 102, 105 Pevensey Cas tle, 71 Ph ilip th e Go od , duk e of Burgundy, 26 Pickenh am , William , 17 Plou escat, 49 plut ocracy, 161-62 Poitou , 39 Poor Clar es: see Franciscan nun s Po rtchester , 24 Pou an ce, 4 1 Powd erhorn Cas tle, 36 Poynin gs, Edw ard , 228 Qua rr Abb ey, 24 Queenborough Cas tle, 23, 24, 37 Quclennec, G eoffroy d u, 49 Quesnoy, 23 Questember t, 49 Quirnper , diocese 0(; 48-49 Raglan , 46 Ratcliffe, Rich ard , 227 Rcdlingfield, 6n , 8 Reed , Barth olom ew, 228, 229 Reed , John, 70 Rcmp ston , Thomas, 73 Rennes, 23, 39 Revolt of 1400 , 66 Rh ys ap T homas, 228 Richard, duk e of York, 27, 28, 29, 30, 109 - 10, 112- 13, 116, 117, 118, 120, 122- 23 R ichard of York , son of Edw ard IV , 152, 154 Ri chard II, king of England, 24 -25, 27, 59, 66, 70, 78, 133, 230 Richar d III , king of Engla nd, 33, 34, 144, 150ff, 218 , 220 , 222, 225, 226, 227, 253, 256 , 25 7 Richard III Society, xv, xvii, 143
Ri chmond, arc hdeaconry of, 129- 30, 137 Richmond Palace, 256 Rieux fam ily, 47 Roh an , du e de, 40, 4 1 Roos, William , Lord of Haml ake , 67 Ross, C harles, 145, 146 Rou en , 26 Ru ssell, J oh n, Lord , 67 St. Alban s, first ba ttle of, 29, 109, 115-1 6, 117, 122 St. Alban s, second battl e of, 30, 3 1 Sain t-Am and, 23 St. Am and, Alma ric, 74 St. D avid 's diocese, 135 St-Florent-les-Sa um ur Abbey, 45 St-M alo , 46 St. Paul 's Cathedra l, 122, 127 , 132, 239 Saint-Riqu ier , 26 Saint-Va lery, 23 Saint-Valcry-sur-S omme, 26 Salisbury , earl of: see John M ontague; Ri chard Neville Salm on , J ohn, bishop of Norwich , 9 1 Saltwood C astle, 24 Sandwich , 11 9 Scales, Lord : see Humphrey Bourgchier Scot , Robert, 75 Scotland, 134, 232 Sha kespe are, William , 153, 158 ships, 38, 235 Shirwo od, John , bishop of Durham , 137- 38 Shouldha m, 6n Shrewsbu ry, earl of: see George Talbo t; J oh n Talbot Shropshire, 64, 66 Sidn ey, Phillip, 145, 149 signe t seal, 133 Simp son , Wallace, 147 Skernc, William , 70 Smi th , William , 22 1 Som erset, county of, 219, 224, 226, 228 , 229 , 232 , 233, 234 Som erset, duke of: see Edmu nd Beaufort (d. 1455); H en ry Beaufort (d. 1464) Southa mpton , 24 Spenser, J ohn, 105 Spycer , John, 93
IND EX
Stallard, earl of: see Ed mu nd Stafford (d . 1403); H enr y Stallard (d . 1483) St afford , Edmu nd , ea rl of Stafford, 64 Stafford , H en rv, earl of Stafford/duke of Buc king ham, 121 , 152, 155, 157 , 2 18, 225 Stafford, Hu mph rey, du ke of Buckingh am , 121 Staffordshire, 64 , 66 , 229 S tan ley, George , Lord Strange, 226 Stan ley, Thom as, ca rl of D erb y, 234 S ta nley , William , 227, 23 0 Stanley family, 37 Stap ledon, Walt er , bishop of Exete r, 136, 140 Sto ke, battle of, 34 Stran ge, Lord : see G eorge Stanley Stra tfor d , Lauren ce, 148- 49 Stri ckland, Agn es and Elizab eth , 149, 152, 153, 157 St ub bys, J ohn, 137, 138 S uflolk, co un ty of, Essay I , 66, 67 Suffolk, du ke of: see \ Villiarn de la Pole Surrey. co unty of. 64. 134. 143 Surrey. d uke ~f: ~ee 'rho l~as Holla nd Su scinio C astle, 45, 48, 54 - 55, 56 Suso, H einr ich , 250 , 25 I Sutton , Anne, 145 T albot, G eor ge , carl of Shrewsbury, 228 T albot, J o hn , ea rl of Shrewsbury, 36 Talbot fami lv. 36 Tewkesbury: battle of, 33 77te Castle if Perseverance, 2 10 77le Trial if J [al)' and J oseph, 195- 96 , 2 12 T hetford , 6n T ho mas of Lan caster , duke of C lare nce , 65, 166 Tirwhit, Ro bert, 70 T ott ington , Alexander , bishop of Nor wich, 93 T ournai, 23 lower -houses (maisons-fortes}, 45 , 46 T ow er of Lon don, 23, 36 , 229 T owton , ba ttle of, 30, 32, 135 T rccesson , 48 T reh orerueuc, 50 T roloppe, Andrew , 3 1 T ro njoly, 48 T udor, H en ry: see H enr y V II
267
Tudor, J asper, 222 Tudor, M argaret, 255 T utbu ry Castle, 229 T ylneye, J oh n, 95-96 Ullerston, R ichard , 199
Van nes, 49 , 248 Ven abl es fam ilv, 126 Vergil, Polyd o re, 154, 155, 15 7 Visser-Fuchs, Livia. 145 Wakefield , battle of, 30 W alpole, H or ace, 149 - 51 Walsingh am , II , 15 W arbeck, Perkin, 228 W arkworth , 25 Warkworth , J ohn, 33 \Varwi ck, ea rl of: see Thom as Beau ch amp (d . 140 1); R ich ard Ne ville (d . 14 71) W arwickshire, 64 , 66 , 67 , 229 Watcr ton, Hu gh , 75 W at c rton . Rob ert , 75 Watirden, Ri ch ard , 93 W at ird en , Thomas, 89 - 96 , 99 , 102, 103, 105 Webber. H enr y. 136- 37. 141 W eir, Alison , i4 6 . \\'elles, J oh n , viscount, 226 W esenham , J ohn , 105, 124 \Vest, R ichard , Lord de la W are, 131 Westm inster Abb ey. 238ff Westm orl an d , county of, 65 W esrmorl and , ca rl of: see Ralph Ne ville (d . 1425) \ Vhctham stcd e, J ohn, 3 1 Wh iteh all, 133, 140 W iggenhall, J oan , 9 n Wight, Isle of, 35, 36 Willou ghby, Willi am , Lord , 66 , 67 Wil tshire, 65, 75 Winch ester, 24 Winch ester d iocese, 135 Wi nd sor Castle, 133, 239 \ Vingfield , R obert , 35 Wisdom, 192- 93, 194, 195, 199, 20 1 Wood , C .T. , 146 \Vood\'ille, Eliza beth, q ueen of En gland , Essay 8 \\'orcester, ea rl of: sec Thomas Per cy (d . 1403)
268 Worcestershire , 65, 66, 67 Worsley, Seth, 129 Wymondh am, John, 17 Wynter, Edm und, 104, 105 Wyntworth, J oh n, 90, 93, 95
York, 25, 135, 144, 154- 55 York Minster (Cathedral Church of
INDEX
St. Peter of York), 128, 129, 130, 132, 138, 144 York, duke of: see Edward (d. 14 15); Richard (d. 1460) Yorkshire, 7, 10, 12, 60, 65, 67, 128, 129 Zouche, John, Lord, 227