Trade, Ideology and Urbanization: South India, 300 BC to AD 1300 0195638700, 9780195638707

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T radc, Ideology and U rbani%ation

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Go i.nscriptions in Takua Pa, Loboe Tiwa and other places. Tht> guild inscriptions also refer to the area of their operation as covering 18 pa{{i'!as (emporia), 32 vaf.a..rpurams (growing markets), and 64 /uu!igattava[am (periodic fairs). While the numbers may be treated as conventional, references are available to a number of towns falling in these three categories, although their identification is rendered extremely difficu-lt-threco changes in place names or the possibility that many of them declined ~. hence, are not recorded in present day reports. 118 All the-economic development outlined above brought about an important innovation in societal organization, which helped to accommodate the craft groups and artisans, as well as lower categories of agricultural workers within the vertical division of the Right and Left Hand castes (Valangai and ltfangai). This was a root paradigm 119 for social division of all the non-brtihma1Ja and non"'Vi/ji{a occupatioAal groups and other tribal elernents brought in as agricultural workers and menial service men. The improvement in the economic status of some of these castes, especially the weavers, produced rivalry for social mobility and enhanced ritual status. This is expressed in their attempts to be upgraded within this paradigm from the left hand (lower) to the right hand (higher) status groups. It is against this background that frequent occasions of conferring special privileges on the artisan communities (the anuloma rathaluiras and kammtiJ.as) 120 by the merchant organizations, temple authorities and local chiefs have to be viewed. The major factors in the urbanization of the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, described as 'temple urbanization', 121 were thus provided by organized commerce through the nagaram, the Five Hundred, the Cittiramili and other merchant bodies, crafts organizations, initially of a local nature (and later of a supralocal nature from the fourteentb century AD), and a tripartite social stratification (brtihma1Ja, vilftl.a and the Right and Left

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O..ut>iew / 57

hand castes). The context in which these features are highly visible was provided by multiple-temple centres, single large temple centres, some of which were also pilgrimage centres, and finally, the royal centres. It may also be noted that many of these socio-economic groups were accommodated in the tintmatfaiviljigam122 of the temple centres in acknowledgement of their economic importance. This is especially so in the case of weavers (-cum-traders) who were economically more powerful than the others. Assessing the impact of money on the commercial organization and the nature of urbanism in this period is one of the most vexing problems confronting numismatic studies. Available numismatic data is perhaps the least capable of providing clues to the degree and effect of monetization, despite the fact that a fair number of Co!a coins in gold and copper and a few in silver arc known and inscriptional references to coins arc fairly numerous. In the centuries before the rise of the Co!as, the evidence of money as a medium of exchange is hardly available. The Par.i9ya region seems to have used Arab money along with a dynastic issue, of which very few specimens have survived. Money was used sporadically and as one medium of exchange based on equivalence with paddy. 123 Under the Co!as, the currency was 'not based on any uniform groups of coins with fixed ratios between different denominations and mctals'.1 24 The problems in the study of CO!a and Par.i9ya coins have been succinctly stated in several studies on South Indian coins. Paddy seems to have been the overall basis of an exchange system, in which coins were used at various levels with purely local forms of equivalence. Presumably, the nagaram and itinerant trade brought money into more frequent use, but despite the references to money gifts to temples, to cesscs being paid in cash, and land prices determined in terms of money in the late Co!a period, no useful analysis of the monetary system can be made at the present state of numismatic studies. On the whole, monetization in the pre-Vijayanagar period was on a low key, and hence its impact on urbanization. is difficult to assess. The ·processes outlined above fall into two distinct phases. The end of the Pallava-Par.i9ya period, i.e. mid-ninth century AD,

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would represent one level of 'systemic integration', and the end of the Cola period another, the transmutation of these levels involving changes in the structure and patterning of society. 125 The brahmadqa and the temple in the first phase, with their sabhti and iir and the temple in the second phase, with the nagaram in addition to the sabha and iir, are the chief instruments which helped in the restructuring of society. The nagaram network and the intersection points of the nagaram and itinerant trade conducted the intra-regional and inter-regional commerce, resulting in the emergence of several urban centres of different degrees of importance, with temples as their nuclei. They also brought together the royal/political centres and the ports that were consciously developed by royal policy into a tight economic and political web.

III The above discussion of the processes of urbanization in early medieval South India has led us to a rather inconclusive state, namely that no single autonomous, causative factor can be identified in the nexus of social, economic and political transformations which resulted in the emergence of urban forms. 126 It has also led us to a final question, namely, what was the one curiously persistent factor which seems to permeate all activities, all institutional change and afford a 'consensual focus for social life', rural or urban, that which commands a sort of priority? The answer would seem to be that it was the act of validation through an ideology in order to achieve institutional permanence and socio-political dominance. Such an ideology, for early medieval South India, was provided by the concept of bhakti, or devotion, and the instrument of authority through which it was expressed was the temple. One may see this ideology and the power structure it sustained as the determinants in the ultimate character of the city and in the 'specific complexes of domination', which the cities 'restlessly express'. 127 Our study of a major urban complex of the Cola period, viz., Kugamukku-Pa.!aiya~ai, has shown that even where trade and commercial activities were major factors, the presence of

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Pf.aus oj Urbanization: An Owrvilished through religious heads and monastic lineages. A new alliance was forged with powerful monastic heads, authority

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TraJ•, JJ.ofogy anJ Urbanization

was shared but dominance remained strictly at the political level of the state, exemplified by its kingship. Some of the sacred centres became supra-regional pil~rimage centres (Tirupati, Tiruva1:11~iimalai, Kiiiicipuram and Srirangam) where the question of dominance was resolved by the re-affirmation of the deity's supremacy, as evidenced by the Sthalapurli1Jas. The multiple loci of power and militarization, rending the fabric of the unitary culture of the Co!a period, left the old ideological appaµtuses incapable of preventing the gradual secularization of political power, although the ceremoniaV political cer¢e still retained the traditional symbols of validation. Seculitrization first appears in the physical demarcation of the roy;tf centre through special ramparts from the sacred complex, the sacred aspects of the earlier ideological traditieri domi'nating the religious complex, and the ceremonial and military aspects of the new urban forms dominating the royal residential or administrative complex, as in Hampi. 162 It is also seen in the greater emphasis laid on ceremonies like Mahanavami centering round the royal person rather than the tutelary deity. The processes are not easy to discern, but the differentiation of political and religious authority is expressed through the increasing dependence of political power on a balance of forces between the secular and sacral leadership. The dichotomy was not between the rulers and ruled, for it was now replaced by a quadripartite division, in which cultural, religious and politico-military elites were opposed to lower rural (peasant) and urban (predominantly artisan and merchant) groups.163 Hence the differentiation in sacred and secular domains. The entry of the European companies with their joint stock formation introduced a further element of change in the seventeenth century AD, followed by colonialism, when the factory replaced the temple as the nucleus of a different type of urban centre in the coastal areas.

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References This is seen in the following works: P. Niyogi, Contributions to tht &anomic History of Northern India: From tht Tmth to the Twlfth CmtJtry AD, Calcutta, 1962, chapter v on 'Towns and Townplanning'; K.C. Jain, Ancimt Cities and Tuums of Rajasthan: A Study of Cullllrt and Civz1isation, Delhi, 1972; O.P. Prasad, 'A Study of Towns in Karnataka on the Basis of Epigraphic Sources', Indian History Congrts1 (IHC) Prrxmiings of the 38th Session (19n), 151-60 and 'Two Ancient Port Towns ofKamataka', Indian History Congress (IHC) Procadings of the 39th Session (1978), 55-61. In works on economic history also a similar tendency is seen, e.g. G.R. Kuppuswamy, &anomic Conditions in Kamataluz, AD 973-AD 1336, Dharwar, 1975; as also in works on historical geography see P.K. Bhattacharya, Historical Geography of Madhya Pradesh from Early Records, Delhi, 1977. Some attempt at understanding the causative factors in urban growth in early Tamilaham is made by T.K. Venkatasubramanian see 'Growth of Urban Centres in Early Tamilakam', IHC, 43rd Session, Kurukshetra, 1982. 2. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, 'Trade and Urban Centres in Early Medieval India', Indian Historical Revit11J (/HR), 1974; vol. 1, no. 2, idem 'Urban Centres in Early Medieval India: An Overview', in Sabyasachi Bhattacharya and Romila Thapar (eds), Situating Indian History, New Delhi, 1986; Champakalakshmi, 'Growth of Urban Centres in South India: Ku

z

Ramanathapuram

Karur

Di.strid

No. of Coins & lssutn

Ramanathapuram 4 + Valentinian II: Arcadius: Unidentified: Tiruchirapalli

AV:

Gold AR: Silver AE: Copper and other metals PMC: Punch-Marked Coins

Mttal

Associaud Finds

AE 2+ 1 I

AR

1

Augustus:

m

..,,

Ta/ult

Excav a tions

I

(PMC)

AR ?

External Trade: Evidence from Early T arnil Texts

O

ne of the major categories of sources for the study of early historic Tamil society and economy is the corpus of Tamil literature known as the 'Sangam' literature. It is a remarkable collection of poems containing evidence of early South Indian trade with the West Asian and Mediterranean regions and the Southeast Asian countries. 'Sangam' literature was not the product of a particular social or religious group, nor was it sponsored as a court literature by a ruling elite. It was also not intended to be a record of the activities of any one group. Composed at various points of time over a long span of about six hundred years, and authored by people of various levels-princes, chieftains, peasants, merchants, potters, smiths, carpenters and brtihma,,as, Jains and Buddhists, the poems deal with disparate social groups. Yet, they admittedly provide useful insights into the society and economy of the early Tamils. To use this corpus as a source of historical evidence, however, clear perspectives on the nature of its poetry need to be evolved, for it represents oral poetry of a heroic age. Being bardic literature in praise of heroes and patrons, its concern with various aspects of society and economy was incidental. Given to conventional, stylized and symbolic language, its preoccupation with stock-phrases and stereotyped expressions makes historical interpretation a hazardous exercise. The need for the use of Semiotics to interpret the signs and symbols of this heroic poetry has also been stressed in recent writings on early Tamil society and economy. This apart, it defies all attempts at an acceptable chronology, only relative chronologies based on internal evidence being possible within the six hundred years- 300 BC to AD 300-for which it serves as the source material. Furthermore, the systematic collection of these poems

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TraJ•, JJ,ofogy and Urianization

into anthologies, with invocatory verses and colophons, took place several centuries after their composition (i.e. c. 7th-8th centuries AD) with the express object of attributing them to a Tamil Sangam of great antiquity and to providing them a legitimacy from the world view of the Purai:iic religions. Pioneering works used the disparate references to trade, both internal and external, centres of exchange, items of trade and trading groups, as direct and collective evidence of a single period and structure, as they did for other aspects of society and economy in this period. To them, trade was an isolated phenomenon, not necessarily to be discussed as a part of the soci~onomic processes. Much of their interpretation of the 'Sangam' poems was heavily dependent on the medieval commentaries, themselves the product of a different social milieu. The new approaches have adopted a more sophisticated methodology derived from anthropological and ethnographic studies for reconstructing what is generally understood to be a 'tribal' society in the process of transformation. Yet, what needs to be emphasised is the fact that the evidence from the 'Sangam' works on trade is often impres~ionistic and quantitat.ively less significant than on other aspects ofsociety and economy. Hence, it has been found necessary to situate the references in specific contexts, geographic and ecological, and seek corroborarive evidence from other sources like classical accounts, epigraphic records, albeit limited, and archaeological evidence, which, in t~e Tamil region, is not as illuminating as in the Deccan, to arrive at a more meaningful method of synthesising the data on trade and its impact. The classical accounts, i.e. Graeco-Roman works, it must be admitted, are significant both because they are datable and because they provide us with valuable data on the Indo-Roman trading network and on the ports, marts, exports and imports of the Tamil country. As Maloney• points out, 'the p:iundane character of the Greek works causes them to be a useful supplement to the Indian literary sources'. The chronology of the Sangam works, on the other hand, has for long been a keenly debated aspect of Tamil history. Studies in the language and literary forms of these works have made serious attempts to evolve a .relative chronology and the

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Extuna/ Tradt /

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most satisfactory exercise is that of Kamil Zvelebil,2 which has been used in various . studies on early historic society and economy. What the present essay is concerned with is to analyse the data from this literature from the point of view of the developmental processes of trade, its mechanism and organization and the emergence of exchange networks in such early societies, as a result of contact and interaction with the outside world. The epics, Silappadikaram and Ma,,imilcalai, which belong to the post-Sangam phase of early Tamil literary activities, also have a very important bearing on early trade and hence are used in this essay to understand the nature of this trade. As mentioned earlier, the 'Sangam' works represent collec•""'-\ tions of oral poetry of a heroic age whose signs and symbols j need to be decoded through semio-logical methods. A contextual application of this method has resulted in some meaningful appraisals of the ecological basis of the socio-economic differences in the zones called tiTJai-a concept which dominates the poems and refers to a 'situation' which explains the different socio-economic milieux. This approach has led to more successful attempts to provide basic understanding of the forms of production and economic organization in these eco-zones and the processes of change in some of them, 3 pointing to at least two broad phases of development: from a primitive and archaic to a more advanced stage of farming, the latter phase also marking an incipient urbanism, the processes of urbanization showing that the impetus to the growth of urban centres in certain lif!ais or eco-zones (like manttam and ntital) was provided by maritime trade activities and interaction with foreign traders. 4 The concept of the tif!ai is in many important ways, a pointer to the nature of early exchange between the subsistence level production systems in these zones. How this inter-ti'!ai exchange5 was later brought into a wider system of long distance trade presents an interesting facet of the impact and ramifications of the western trade with South India. The most fruitful exercise would, hence, be an attempt to identify products of different eco-zones which figure in inter-regional and western trade. As a point of illustration, forest and hill products were exchanged for the exotic-luxury items of western trade. To

a

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TraJt, JJ10/agy anJ Urbanization

locate their source or regions of origin and the nature of control over them and their movement to the ports of export should be an important concern of any study which seeks to understand the links between inter-ti'!ai exchange and the wider trading networks in this period. Before the details of this symbiotic exchange between ti'!ais and the identification of the articles of trade coming from different zones are taken up, it may be pointed out that the nature of the evidence from the 'Sangam' works shows that the trade contacts between the Roman empire and Tami).akam cannot be discussed in isolation from the South Indian contacts with the other parts of the South Asian region and with Southeast Asia, all of which participated in these early commercial activities linking the Mediterranean countries with the South Asia and far eastern countries of Asia. Another point that needs to be stressed is the fact that there are hardly any direct references in the Sangam works to the Romans per se and Roman trade. These works make no distinction between Greeks, Romans and West Asians-all of whom were involved in this trade. The term Yavana, which occurs in the context of foreigners and their trade activities, refers to them in general. It also occurs in other contexts, as referring to those Yavanas who were permanently settled in the region as guards of palaces and royal camps, where the ruling chief was guarded by the 'fierce looking' and brave 'Yauanas'. Being ignorant of the local tongue and having no local sympathies they made ideal gatekeepers.6 The Silappadikiiram1 says that, impressed by the stern discipline of the Yavana soldiers, the Tamil kings employed them as guards of the fortress gates. The more significant among the references to Yavanas are those on their settlements in important trading and commercial centres like Puhar and Muci~i. 8 That they were most likely Romans is indirectly attested by the Roman pottery and other associate finds in excavations. That such settlements or Yavana suburbs are invariably found on the coast, especially in the big emporia of trade, is no less important in understanding the nature of their contact and interaction. The Yavanas would also seem to have moved across important trade routes, as indicated by the distribution of Roman coins and pottery in areas like Pudukkottai and Coimbatore.

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Extema/ Trade/ 179

..

The Roman contact was an important factor in the external trade of the Tamil country from about the times of Augustus (27 BC to AD 14), although a considerable antiquity has been assigned to the commerce between the Tamil country and the west.9 It perhaps started as a mere 'trickle' or sporadic trade or unscheduled exchange, and gradually became a fruitful commerce in which spices, pearls, gems, cotton fabrics and other 'oriental' exotics we1.! traded for Roman gold and wine and other assorted articles for well over two centuries. 10 The Graeco-Roman 'discovery' of the secret of the monsoon winds (Hippalos), a 'discovery' which was probably made progressively in successive stages, is believed to have introduced a change or spurt in this activity. Traffic based on monsoon winds could have become popular by early first century AD as it is known to both Pliny and the Pmplus. Thus, when hopping coastal trade was replaced by direct sailing to the western coasts, i.e. from Egypt to the ports of Kerala coast, these ports would have become centres of direct trade with the west. More significantly, this led to the establishment of Roman t.rading settlements in a few Tamil ports. Hence, the South Indian ports would seem to have become independent centres of trade 'free from Borygaza's economic dominance', i.e. the dominance of the Gujarat coast, and even led to the dominance of the Malabar ports, at least initially 'over the commercial network'.1 1 It would seem that the foreign merchants maintained a force of cohorts at Muziris (Muci!i) to protect their trade.1 2 This is perhaps indirectly confirmed by the Patir!J1ppaLtu, which refers to a Cera king, Imayavaramban Ne

z

~

(Tirundveli)

Rijarijicaturvcdinungalam. Cciavaomahadrncaturvcdimangalam. (Mannarkoyil Ambasamudram and SCrmadrn)

•

•

Two ;,~ into wban com plcx. Two """"""" and CO!a-Piit?-4ya vicucaJ centre. Multi-temple complex (sec Table IV, nos 43, 44 and 91). Merchant body of Five Hundred. An E!ivirappattat?-a (warehouse of the merchant body) founded in this urban complex (sec Table VI, no. 23).

0

,;;-

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Table ill

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Bra.hmadeyas ~ Devadanas as

CJ

Taniyurs*

0

~ ....~

No. Old Historical Unit Period I (Modem DistricJ) 600-850

1150-1250

12501350

Paduviir Kottam . .. (North Arcot}

Avaninaraya~a

Brahmadeya into Taniyiir

3.

Ur.r.ukka~~kkonam (Chingleput}

~3 n

z

985-1150

2.

0 !!!. ,,a

Gl

850-985

Other ReittJant Information Brahmadeya made into Taniyiir

:xi

)>

Period V

Uttiramcriir (Uttiramcrur}

~

::5

Period IV

Ka.\iyiir Ko~~am (Chinglcput}

< m

~ .0 :;·

Period III

I.

c

"'o -~

Period II

4.

Amur Ko!\am and Ka!attur Ko~~am

(Chinglcp.ut}

c.m./ Kavidippakkam (Kavcrippakam) Tiraiyan Eri/Uttama Co!a Caturvcdimangalam (Tcnncri)

Brahmadeya into Taniyiir

Vanavanmahadcvi Caturvedimangalam and Tirukka~ukku~r.am

Brahmadeya & Devadana into Tanry#r. Also had a Na,garam

s.

KalattUr Kottam .. • (Chinglcput)

Maduranuh Caturvcdimangalam (Madurantakam)

Bralrm4Jb;ya into Tanifir

(North Arcot)

IUjamalla Caturvcdimangalam (Brahmadcsam)

Brahmadeya into Taniyiir

0

.§:

.."

cc

N

6. Damar Konam

~

CJ 0,....

7.

Cakkaramiidiir (Sakkara· malliir)

Taniyiir

oQ n

Damar Kottam (North Arcot)

8.

Ka).iyiir Ko~~am (North Arcot)

Siva~amar:ii

Caturvcdimangalam/Aparajita Caturvcdimangalam Vikramabharar:ia· Caturvcdimangalam

Bralrm4Jb;yas into Taniyiir

Brabmad.t;ya & Dnxulana into Taniyiir. Also a N11&aram

-

9. Mar:iayif·Ko~am c

z

(Panma-na~u)

Aparajita Caturvcdimangalam/Tiruviiral-

m

< :»

(North Arcot)

puramfR.ajamarttar:i~a-

~o

~ .§

~

o~

..,,

-::r:n

~

;;: g C>

)>

z

~

Caturvcdimangalam ~atriyasikhamai;iipuram/

Kulottunga-CO!apuram (Takkolam)

•

0

Table ID Cont'd

'£

"' N

"'

0.

"'

~

No. Old Hisfl»itAJ Unit PnWd I (Modern District) 600-850

CJ 0 ,..

-

PnWtl II 850-985

Period III 985-1150

~

()Q

10. Paduwr-Kottam .. • Miyir.u Ni4u (Nonh Arcot)

~

-

Tiruvallam,/Tiklcilivallam,IVanapuramir (Tiruvallam)

Ptriotl IV 1150-1250

PnWtl V 12501350

OtbtT Relevdnt Information T11n!Jir ' . Sa1va sacred ccntrc into T1111;_,ir

11. A9r.ii Na4u (Nonh Arcot)

Tiruva~alai

12. Panaiy\ir Na4u (South Arcot)

Brahmadciam and EJ?i;iiyiram

o~

13. R.a,iendrasimha VaJani4u (South Arcot)

Viraniriyar_la c.m/ U4aiyargu4i (Ki«umannirkoyil)

-;;

14. Irung!appa4i (South Arcot)

Va!avanmahadcvi c.m. (Va!aiyamidcv.i,I E!umbUr)

Br~into

15. Ning\ir Ni4u (fanjavur)

Pcrumbarrappuliylir (?)

T1111iyir

c z

•

< m ::»

~o

~ .§~

.,, "'

3: g n ~ Cl

)>

z

(Tiruvai;u:iimalai)

Brlllmuu/e.y11 into T-tlir. Vllilli~r BrlllmuuJe.ytZ into T-tlir

T-tlir

•

16. 1Ujuraya-Va!ani~u

TiNvdlarai .. ..

Br~into

(T1Ni:hirapalli)

(Tiruve!!a!ai)

T1111!1ir

17. Viglir

0

-

Ni~u

{Pondichcrry)

£

N

.,."

AJ.agiyaoo!a c.m./Vigiir (Bahiir)

Br~ into

Tribhuvana (mahidevi) Caturvcdimangalam (Tribhuvani)

Brtlitmatliy4 into Tatr!Yir

Jananitha c.m. (Villupuram)

Br~into

IUjidhirija

Br~into

Caturvcdi-

Tatr!Yir

T•11!1ir

~

CJ 0

a

18. Vi!upparaiya

ni~u

(Pondichcrry)

~ 19. Vivaliir ni J>

z

• For Other

T•11!1"r,s Sec Table IV, nos 30, 31 and 60.

mangalam (Mannirgu J>

z

~

12. Vinagappi4i alias Madurintaka va!ani4u, Scnkunra nidu -·· . (South Arcot)

Vilaiy\ir nagaram; Ca1.1pai alias Virarijcndrapuram. Nittavinoda

C:Ojapuram Qambai)

.

13. Mctur nl4u; Munaippa4i (South Arcot)

0

Tirunlval\ir; IUjidittapuram (Tiruni-

"

•

N

:! CT

~

~ 0

~

n

c

~ < m ;n

~~ ~

0 !!!.

.,,:;: ""g )>

z

14. Nenmali na4u? (Tanjavur)

Kanapuram (near Kon\ir)

IS. Poypi na4u (Tanjavur)

Adittapuram (Tillaisthanam)

16. V(M)irai Kiir_ram (Tanjavur)

(Tiruppayanam) (Tuuppa!anam)

17. Poygai 1li4u (Tanjavur)

Sivapuri (Tiruvaifi!u)

18. Arllittu-k•• kiig.am ki!ar kii!!2m (Tanjavur)

ParaltCsaripuram aliu Tuuvcdikudi • (Tiruvidiku4i)

19. Tiraim\ir nadu • (Tanjavur)

Ttraimiir (Tiruvi4aimarudiir)

.

!!!o

Cl

..

manalliir~

'9.

-n;;

..

~

•

•

..

•

M11~,,,

in

Period II

•

•

..

..

..

..

..

..

Did it also serve u one of the ,,.,.,,_ for Ku4am\ildcuPa1aiyarai? (See Table I, no. 1)

0

'£

"' "'"

Table IV Cont'd

C'>

No.

N

~

~

0

Q

-

00

rv

c

Old HistoricAJ Unit (Modun Distria)

Pm'od I

Period II

Period Ill

Period IV

Period V

600-850

850-985

985-1150

1150-1250

1250-1350

20. Kunra-k-kUrram al.ias .Uttunga va!ana4u (Tiruchirapalli)

Pc.rumpaJ.uvlir, Avanikandar· papuram (Melappal.uvlir)

•

21. Van na4u (Tiruchirapalli)

Yalikai;i4apuram (Valikai;i4apuram)

•

•

•

•

--

z

•

< m

:;D

!!!o ~ ,g -·

•

~

0 '!!.

.,,;;:: "'g

-n -

~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

. 22. Ka!akku9i nadu (Tirunclvcli)

•

Karavandapuram (Ukltiranko!1ai)

Other &kvant Information

•

Sankarappa4i nagaram, Ma.'!igriim;zm, v_aJanjryar, Tziai Ayirait11 Aini11i!!JIVtlr and Kanma!ar artisans; SuradaJam in Period IV; Left Hand 98 castes in Period IV A~ . ipoJ.il ..

PHASE I

.

0

.c

N

"'

~

CJ 0 c OQ

-

n

23. Arnir .... nadu in Tiruvenga9a ko~tam in Perumb~app04i

(Chittoor) 24. Padina4u in Gangaiko~9aco!a·

va!ana9u in Mudikondaoola. .. . mandalam .. (Coimbatore) 25. Panaiylir ni9u

in Rajaraja va!ana4u (Nonh Arcot)

c

z < m

::0 !!)o

~.§ ~

-

0 "-

.,,

-

~

:;: g n ~ ::i:: (;) )>

z

•

Tirukkalani . alias I Mummucil . CO!apuram (Ka!ahasti)

•

•

Sankarappa9i nagaram

Mu9iko~9aco!a·

•

•

Joint donations by merchants of the Ganga and Kongu regions in Period III; Hoysa!a military station in Period IV

•

•

puram alias Dcsi-Uyyakko~4aco!apa!!a~a (Mu9iko~9an)

Arumo.l.idcvapuram near Karandai alias Tiruppa!ambiir (Karandai)

0

,;;-

Table IV Cont'd

"'~ N

!'l

CJ

No.

0

~ ....~

26.

O/Jl HistoricAJ Unit (Modern District)

Period/. 600-850

Period JI 850-985

Perumba~ppigi

in Tu nigu in

Period Ill 985-1150

Period W 1150-1250

Period V 1250-1350

Rajasrayapuram (Mclpagi)

•

•

Sundarac0\apuram alias OOi

•

•

Other Rdevant Information

Jayango~gaco!ama~galam

(North Arcot) 27. Ollaiyijr I

z

~

(Sunda-

28. lrun.iO nigu in Madurantaka va\anigu (Ramanathapuram) 29.

-

(Salem)

.

Vanavan madcvipuram (Sauur)

•

T usiyijr (near T1n1cceng64u)

•

Pearl merchants

0

'!:.

"',,, "a N

'"'

C') 0

c

-

()Q fV

30. lriyUr nigu or ~criyiir nigu in Oymi nagu (South Arcot)

Olokamadevipuram (Olagipuram)

•

31. Puraiyiir nac;iu (South Arcot)

Paravaipurarn (Panayavaram)

•

32. Tirunalliir nac;iu in 6yma oigu in Jayangoz:i9acolarnandalam . . (South Arcot)

Vayiramcghapuram; Jananathapuram (Vayirapuram)

•

33. Ambar nadu in • Uyyakkoi;ic;lava!anac;iu (faojavur)

Arnbar, Koyil Tirumakijam; Vikzamacola. puram (Ambar) (Koyil Tirurni!am)

•

lrumuc;ii co!apuram (?)

•

.

c

z

< m

:n

!!? 0 ~? ~

0 '!!.

"'

..., g :;:

-n

;!; Cl J>

z

~

34. U:rnba!a nac;lu (fanjavur)

•

•

Also Taiftr. Wav· ing centre from the 13th century Also T1Z11iy#r

•

Reference in Pallan· .. koyil copper plate of Sundara co!a

0

'£

"'"

Table IV Cont'd

N

""'

~

() 0,...

oQ n

-

c

z

No.

Old Histori(Jt} Unit

Period II 850-985

Period III 985-1150

Period IV 1150-1250

Kiihii.r alias Virudarijabhayankarapuram Kiihiir

•

36. Milalai .. nidu .

Naganpac;li;

•

Another nagaram called Vikramadittan Tirumuduku~r.am is mentioned in local inscriptions

•

Sittum Pariiana· .. nagaram (cloth merchants) and Saliya (weavers)

Viranaraya~pu-

ram, llaiccikudi (Manambac;li)

:xi

--

,, ;;: g

-

::i:

Gl :l>

z

Other R.eleNnt InfOT1f1Jllion

35. TiNnra!2iyllr na4u in ~atriya sikhima~i va!anac;lu (Tanjavur)

!!!o ~.ii -· o~

n

Period V 1250-1350

(Modmt Distrid)

(Tanjavur)


ric4J Unit (Modern District)

61. Mifki niccfu (South Arcot)

c

~

< m

~ .0 :;·

0 !!!. ,,a

~3 n

::5 Gl

)>

z

Period II

. Period III

600-850

850-985

985~1150

Period W 1150-1250 Vanavan ma· hidCvipuram (Manjalruppam)

62. Puraiy\lr niccf u (South Arcot)

Bhuvanarnil,likkapuram (Vtkravi1.1ccfi)

63. Vcnnikhirram . .... in Suttamalli va!a· naccfu (Tanjavur) .

.

Tiruvcnni .. Tiruvcl.ll.li (KOvil Vc1.11,li)

64. Arumo!idm va!anaccfu (Tanjavur)

Ottaikku4i alias Edirilico!apuram (Ku!ikkarai)

:xi

"'o -~

Period I

Period V

Other &kwtnt

1250-1350

InfomutJion

65. Vinda!iir ni~u (Tanjavur)

"'

" N

:! CT

~

~ 0

n

66. Arvala Kiig:am in RajCndraro!a Valanidu . (Tanjavur)

Ve!!iyi4u nagaram (Tiruttengiir)

67. Mangala lii4u (Tanjavur)

Vi4aiyapuram alias Virudarajabhayanlcara puram (Tiruvi4aiviyil)

68. Ttraimiir ni4u (Tanjavur)

Tribhuvanavsrapuram (Tribhuvanam)

.

c

~ < m ;n

!!!o

~~ ~

0 !!!.

.,,:;: "'g

-n;;

Cl )>

z

~

. maru.

.

Caturvedimangalam; Rajcndrapuram alias VinavanKu!atnlr

0

~

Rajaiildli-

•

'

. •

Reference is from a Pallavariyanpenai in. . scnpnon

0

'£

"' "'" N

~

~

C'> 0

Q

-

Table IV Cont'd

00

rv

No.

Olli Hislorial Unit (Modem Distria)

PtrioJ I

PtrWtl II

PtrioJ III

PtrWtl IV

PtrioJ V

Other IWl:rJ.uit

6()()..850

850-985

985-1150

1150-1250

1250-1350

I nfol"lfl4liqn

69. Umba!a na4u (fanjavur)

lUjcndraiingapuram (?)

•

Mentioned in an inscription of VCdiraQyam

70. Vcngala na4u (Tiruchirapalli)

Vaiijiminagaram; Mu4i-

•

Vaiiji or Karuviir dates from the preChristian era. An early CCra capital

•

Mentioned in in· scriptions from Tirumuldciidal .

c

z

< m

:;D

!!!o ~ ,g -·

ko~4aco!apu-

~

0 '!!.

.,,;;:: "'g

-n -

ram (Karuv\lr or Karii.r)

~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

71. Adaniir niQu Tattaikkalanidu .. . . in Kuala . niidu . (firuchirapalli)

Madurantakapuram (firu· muldciiQal)

Cittaniir) (Sattaniir)

•

Mentioned in inscriptions from TirumullU4al

"

72. Ollaiyiir Kur.r.am or Ta~aikka)anadu . in KCrala. nataka valanadu ' . (Tiruchirapalli)

'

73. I4aiya~!'I na4u

Tirumai.umcdu (Tirumai;iamC4u)

•

Vai;iiya Nl8aram

Tiruppaiiiiiili (Tiru ppangili)

•

Vai;iiya ugaram

KOdai;i4arirnapuram (VeMiir)

•

Weaving centre

0

.g: N

,,.

CJ

0 0 00 ....rv

(Tiruchirapalli) 74. Vadavali . .. nidu .

(Tiruchirapalli) 75. Mi!alai Kiirram-

Kil.. Kiiru .. (Tiruchirapalli) 76. Karai va!i na4u

(Coimbatore)

c z

,,

z

77. Va4aparappu

na4u (Madurai)

.

Sangramanalliir (Ko!.umam) CcranirayaJJapuram (CCranariyai.u puram)

0

,;;-

"'fil !'l

Table: IV Cont'd

CJ 0

~ ....-

No.

~

c

~

< m

:xi

"'o -~ ~ .0 :;·

014 Historical Unit (Modem District)

::5 Gl

)>

z

Period II

Ptriod Ill

850-985

. 985-1150

Pniotl IV 1150-1250

Ptriod V 1250-1350

78. Ten Kallaga nal;fu (MadUJ'ai)

Vikrama co!apunm;

79. Kil-kundiru .. .. nal;f u? (Ramanathapuram)

~cmbiya narayai:iapu' ram; Sc!iya narayai:iapuram (Alakapuri)

0 !!!. ,,a

~3 n

Pniotl I 600-850

80.

Anma

nal;f u (Ramanathapuram)

Other Rdeoant Information

Nagaram and A;_,.,npol_il. Was this Daipa~tai:wn centre founded by (Vikramanga- Vikrama CO!a, i.e. lam) Period ID?

Scmmaram alias Kulajekharapuram (Devadanam)

81. Kil-kundiru .. na4u? (Ramanathapuram)

0

'9. N

0

•

)>

z

~

MaQigai N"8aram? Levying minagaram tolls on merchandise alias Vantai.. minagaram (Angamangalam) PaJ.14yapu ram (Marandai)

gu~ppi~Q i·

nagaram (IUdhipuram)

N"8aram and Siliya (weavers)

.

88. Tenkarai nadu (Tirunelveli) 0

Piilam alias • Rajarajapu.ram (Singiku!am)

'£

"' "'"

89. Kil.. Vcmba nadu . (Tirunclvcli)

N

~

~

C'> 0

Q

-

00

90. Kil.. Ycmba nadu . (Tirunclvcl i)

Kulaklchara. puram 1n Tirunclvc1i (Tirunelveli)

91. TiruvaJ.udi Ya!ani9u (Tirunclvcli)

MadurOdayapuram (Yc!!iir)

92. Kurumarai .. - nidu . (Tirunclvcli)

Yindaniir alias Avani-

rv

c

z

< m

:;D

V"lo

~ ,g·

0 '!!. .,,_ ~

-n3: g ~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

' (Srivallavapuram)

Nqar11m for the urban complex of martti~9apu­ Mannarlroyil, Amram basamudram, etc. (s« Table I, no. 2) (Yindaniir)

0

'£

"' "'"

Table V

N

~

Trculing Centn1, Fair1, etc. {Other than Nagaram}

~

C'> 0

Q

-

00

No.

rv

1.

Obi Historiul Unit (Mot/em Distria) Muma ni4u {Dharmapuri)

PtrioJ I ~850

PtrioJ II 850-985

-

PtrioJ Ill 985-1150

•

PtrioJ IV 1150-1250

PtrioJ V 1250-1350

Kudirai Sirigai {horse trading). • Sungam or tolls in Period IV. Merchants from COia . region in Period IV

•

Trade centre, merchants from COia . region and Kcrala

(Hosur)

z

< m

:;D

!.

~

.,,0 ,..'!!.

-;;::n g -

AIOOir ni4u {Tanjavur)

~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

3.

Va9aparisira ni4u (Coimbatore)

Talaiccanga4u {Talaichchanga9ii)

lnfomUUion

•

c

!!!o ~ ,g -·

Odxr&kvtmt

Anniir (Manniyiir)

•

Trade and commercial centre

4. Cevvlir nic;lu

Tiruppu~o!i·

(Coimbatort)

}'Ur (Aviniii)

Tapc;llir nic;lu (Dhannapuri)

Atiyaminko~~i (Adha-

5.

0

'9.

" N

:!

Trade and commercial centre

•

manko~~i)

CT

~

~ 0

6.

-

Niva! Tiva!am (?)

-

-

chants)

•

Fair. (Inscription from PipiniyakanahaJ!i mentioning the distance to Niva! Tiva}un)

•

•

(Dhannapuri)

Snurai:iapa!!i (?)

Horse trading (rtference in BCribi inscript.ion)

Kinanidu • (Pudukkottai)

Perai}'Ur (Pmi}'Ur)

•

Horse trading. Malai.,a!ankuc;li (set· tlement of Malaiyi!is from Kerala) in Kina nic;lu~ alias Viruda-

(Dhannapuri)

~ n

7.

8.

c

~ < m ;n

!!!o

~~ ~

0 !!!.

.,,:;: "'g

-n;;

Cl )>

z

~

Trade centre. Cilai ceni (cloth mer-

rijabhayankara

nlanidu

• 0

'£

"' "'" N

~

~

C'> 0

Q

-

00

rv

Table V Cont'd c

z

< m

No.

:;D

V"lo

~ ,g

.

0 '!!. .,,_ ~

-n3: g ~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

9.

OU/ Historiad Unit (MoJmi Distrid) Kua!aiinga va!ana~u

(Ramanathapuram)

Period I

PnWi II

600-850

850-985

•

•

PnWtl Ill 985-1150

PnWtl IV 1150-1250 Aruviyiir alias Dai Uyyavanda pa\tanam (Tirupputtlir)

PtrioJ v 1250-1350

•

Other Rtlttwrt lnfomutilln ~..... ,

to have been

a trade centre even from the early CO!a (Period II) times

Table VI Centre•

AaaociateJ with Merchant BoJiea anJ Other Organizations

0

-

'£ N

~

"'"

No.

~

C'> 0

014 Hisloriatl Unit

PtrioJ I

PtriotJ II

Ptriotl Ill

PtriotJ JV

Ptriotl V

6()()-850

850-985

985-1150

1150-1250

1250-1350

•

•

(Motlan Dislria)

Q

1.

Urattiir Kurram (Pudukkottai)

Kodumbahlr • • (Ko9umbijiir),

rv

2.

Kana na9u

Muniyandai (Muniiandai)

-

00

--

(Pudukkoitai)

3. (Ramanathapuram) 4.

c

:;D

0 '!!. .,,_

-n3: g ~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

5.

(Kamudi)

Mai:iigrimam The Five Hundred (Aii\i\u~ruvar)

CittiramC!i Pcriya Nadu . and merchant

bodia TirucccngOc:fu (Tiruchengo9u)

Padinei:i Vi,aya (the 18 Vifaya or regions)

Sc1a ni9u (Salem)

SClam (Salem)

Mai:iigrarnam of

V"lo ~

•

•

Kilkarai PUndurai .. nidu (Salem)

.

z

< m

~ ,g·

OtlNr RelerJtmt Jnjomution

Kodumbiliir • •

0

,;;-

"'~ N

!'l

CJ 0

~ ....~

Table VI Cont'd No.

6.

Old Historiud Unit (Modem District) Ve~ niQu

(Tanjavur) c

Period I 600-850

Period II 850-985

--

Other Re/nJant Information

7.

Nalliir na9u (Tanjavur)

Tiruccelliir in Rajakcsaricaturvcdimangalam (Koyil Tevarayanpettai)

The Five Hundred

8.

Ki!ar Kiir.!am (Tanjavur)

Tirucc6!!'11tu!ai (Tiruchchiittu!ai)

The Five Hundred

0 !!!. ,, ;;: g

n

Period V 1250-1350

Tisai Ayirattu Aiiiiiii!!'lvar (The Five Hundred of the Thousand Directions)

:xi

~

Period W 1150-1250

Tirunallam (Koncririijapuram)

z < m

!!!o ~.ii -·

Period Ill 985-1150

~

-

::i:

Gl

)>

z

9. Kurukkai nadu . Nallarnir nadu .... . (Tanjavur)

0

'9.

cc N

Tiruvtlvikkudi . . of VigCI vigugu caturvcdi mangalam

Nanadcii, Tiiai Ayirattu Aiftf11irru.•. var Valanjiyar

-

(Tiruvi~akkugi)

~

z

~

14. Puliy"Ur I

z

~

hamlet of Rijarajacaturvedi mangalam (Ambasamudram)

23. Mu!!i na~u {Tirunclvcli)

CCravan mahadCvi caturvedimangalam ' (SCrmadCvi)

24. Mulli .. nadu {Tirunclvcli)

Tiruvauivaram; Rijarija Er.ivirappana1.1am (Tiruvalisvaram)

Ainnu!r.uvar (Sec Table I, no. 2)

•

Munrukai .... Mahascnai 1 as protectors of the ' local temple

0

'£

"' "'" N

~

Table VI Ccnt'd

~

C'> 0

Q

-

00

rv

No.

Old Historical Unit (Modnn Distria)

25. Natta[~pp6kku (firunclvcli)

Period I 600-850

Period II 850-985

Period Ill 985-1150

Period W 1150-1250

PHASE II

< m

:;D

!!!o ~ ,g -· ~

0 '!!.

.,,;;:: "'g

-n -

26. Kcra!asinga va!ana9u (Ramanathapuram)

N rpasekhara caturvcdi mangalam; Aruviyiir • (Sivapuri)

27. Vila . nadu . (Tiruchirapalli)

Tiruvarangam • (Srirangam)

~

:::i:

Gl J>

z

Other R&wnt lnfomullion Aiiiiiiirruvar. Valaiijiyakkuricci, a hamlet, mentioned even in Pai:i9ya inscriptions of the I0th century

Vijayanarayas:ia caturvedimangalam (Vijayanirayai:iam)

c

z

Period V 1250-1350

Ai ii iiii.... rruvar Dharrnapoiil

•

AiyapoJ.il; Reference to a Rajendraco!apuram

28. Vanji na~u (Coimbatore) 0

'9.

cc N

Aiyapo.l.il (also weaving centre)

30. Va9a paiisara na9u (Coimbatore)

Tirumuruganpiil;iQi

Aiyapo,l,il, Kaikko!as (weavers) .

31. Na9uvilmalai Perumur naQu (North Arcot)

CakkaramUdur; Vijayapa·

Qillival (31 of 1931; Sil, XIII, 259). K. Vcllaivaranan, PanniTll, 98. The earliest inscriptions of the temple belong to the late CO!a period and date from about the middle of the twelfth century AD. 265, 266, 267 and 270 of 1927 (1926-7). They record land and money endowments. 157 of 1908 (1908-9). 271 of 1927 (1926-7). 2of1915 (1914-15). 524 to 528 of 1921 (1920-1). 17of1908 (1907-8); 256of1927 (1926-7). 0

98.

99. 100. 101. 102.

103. 104.

105. 106. 107. 108. 109.

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J6.f / TroJ,, IJ1ol"8Y on.I Url.anuation 110. 24 of 1908 (1907-8). The image is now kept in the Tanjavur An Gallery. 111. The sculptures of this temple arc a veritable trcasurchousc of Saiva iconography and include, among others, representations of the stories of the Saiva n4yaniin as narrated in the twelfth century Saiva hagiological work, the Periya l'tiriil!ll1fl. See 1919-20, part n, for illwtrations and descriptions. The Tribhuvanavirdvara temple in Tribhuvanam {Map 10-5), built by Kulottuoga III, is similar in architectural design and sculptural style. 112. 24 of 1908 {1907-8). 113. 21 and 23of1908 {1907-8). 114. Ariyappac;laiyiir (also pac;laivic;lu), Mu.iappac;laiyiir, Puduppac;laiyiir and Pampappac;laiyiir arc four villages around Pa!aifi!ai representing the sites of the old cantonments, all located within a radius of about two miles. Pac;laivic;lu or pac;laiyiir means a place where an army is stationed. 115. 239 of 1907: Sil, xm, 7. 116. Nilalcanta Sastri, The CO(as, 354ff. 117. Ibid., 157. 118. Sil, u, 66, 69 and 70. 119. Tiruvilangic;lu copper plates, Sil, m, part m, 205, Tamil text, II. 6-8. 120. Smaller Leiden Grant, Epigraphi4 /ndiul, vol. xxu, 268. 121. Nilalcanta Sastri, The CO(as, 318. 122. Ibid., 394. 123. 262 of 1927 {1926-7). 124. 264 of 1927 (1926-7). 125. 263of1927 {1926-7). 126. 257 of 1927 (1926-7). 127. 260 of 1927. 128. 261 of 1927. , 129. The non-br~ Saiva religious heads of these ""'tfazs and their lineage arc mentioned in the thirteenth-fourteenth century inscriptions. 218, 392 and 586of1908; 1908, part n, 104-5; 108 and 109of1911, part o, 75; 1915, part n, 113. 130. 199ofl907:S//,XJX, 9l:m, 124, TheinscriptionsofNandivarman III, believed to be kept in an underground cellar, were re-cngrawd at the time of the reconstruction in stone by the early COJas. 131. S/I, 10, 202; v, 716; XIII, 270; XIX, 91 etc. 132. Sil, xm, 7. 133. 208of1907: Sil, XJX, 390; 261 of 1907 (1907-8) etc.

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lmpaia/ PoU>U and Uri,,,,, GrounJ. / J6s 134. 132of189S: Sil, n1, 72; 228 and 2S7 of 1907; 148 of 189S: Sil, v, 772; Sil, v, 719; 216 of 1907: Sil, Xln, 270: 244, 2S3 of 1907. 13S. 262o(1907: Sil, v, 717; 198of1907: Sil, XIX, 90; 193of1907: Sil, XIX, 248; 147 of 189S: Sil, v, 711. 136. 147of189S: Sil, v, 711; 219of1907: Sil, XIX, 162: 239of1907: Sil,

Xlll,

7.

137. 138. 139. 140.

2S3of1907 (1907-8). ISO of 189S: Sil, v, 714. 208 of 1907: Sil, XIX, 300. 1S4of189S: Sil, v, 718; 214 of 1907: Sil, 111, 202, 203; 233 and 306 of 1907. 141. 221 of 1907: Sil, XIX, 344. 142. 246-8of1907 (1907-8). 143. 219 of 1907: Sil, XIX, 224; 279, 281 and 294 of 1907; 133 of 189S: Sil, v, 697 and 698; 270 of 1907; 2S9 of 1907: Sil, v, 701. 144. 8. Stein, 'The State and the Agrarian Order', in B. Stein (ed.), fuays on So.th lnditz, New Delhi, 1976, 80-8. 14S. I am thankful to N. Scthuraman of Kumbhakonam for providing me with this map. 146. This belief is strengthened by the fact that till recently copper coins of the Cajas could be purchased by the weight in the vessel shops of Kumbhakonam. 147. 71 of 1897: Nilalcanta Sastri, The C-o{as, S9S. 148. A large co-operative association of weavers is located at Dirisuram. 149. The bronzes under worship in the temples of Kumbhakonam and other centres of this urban complex arc mainly of the COia period, and occasionally their consecration is referred to in the temple inscriptions. ISO. The major groups arc the royal family and the elite. represented by the officers, w?ams, leading 'IJi/filfzs, and caste groups like llrilmut'!'U attached to various temples, religious groups like Jains, Saivas and Vai~.,avass, occupational groups like the KlliH0{41 and """!rfti!is, and a host of other groups attached to the temple in the capacity of tenants, temple scrvanu, dancers, musicians, drummers, etc. Even the Malaiya!ar and Simha!a~ arc known to have been· in residence in TiruvalamcuJ.i and Tirunagmaram respectively (21S of 1911: Sil, xm. 197). 151. Nuclear areas as relatively autonomous economic units, where human and material resources were mobilized to satisfy not only the basic rcquircmcnu of subsistence, but also of sophisticated

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J6£/ Tr.uk, JJ1ol"!Y anJ U..l.a.nizotion and complex politicai religious and social institutions, particularly in the COJa period, arc highlighted by B. Stein in 'Integration of the Agrarian System of South India', in R.E. Frykcnbcrg (ed.), lAnd Control 11nd Socitd Stnu:t#rr in lndiA, Wisconsin, 1969, 186ff. 152. T11nryiir (tlllJ-Juir.-) means a separate settlement or village. Several such lllniyiin arc known to have been created mainly due to their expanding economic activities. Q!litc a few of them, like Tribhuvani (Pondichcrry), Mannirgu4i (Tanjavur district) and Chidambaram (South Arcot district), were centres of considerable importance, where urban development centred round the local temples or an original brllhmlllkytt. To such centres, many smaller villages came to be attached as ~llis. See Y. Su~ barayalu, Politiazl Gtogrqby, 92-4. 153. M. Abraham, 'The Ayyavolc Guild of Early Medieval South India', M.Phil. Dissertation, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1978, App. A.

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f mpuia/ Powu anJ Uri.an Growth / J67

KAVERI DELTA

Hinterland Of I

~mUkku - PA~lylr•I I

-

• • •

1UliR4 I(

NTG41 •

.

'

•llAlt II ,,,,~·

\ •

Alltl(l(A1' YU

----.....__....----- -------·-~

I(

_

(

~~~·~· ...• ••J.-vu• • ...

MUCH(MOl.A •

"ii'.

l cgmd PAMIUIM Ill

........ __.......... -.. ~ M\llltS

Map 9: The Ka'IXri Delta - The Hinterland of Klll!amukku-Pa/;aiyar.ai

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Index Abrams, Philip 4 Abul Feela 228 Achchapuram Su Mahipalakula- kalapera!am Adampakkam 399 Adam's bridge 139 ~dams, Robert McC. 37 A