Tourism: changes, impacts and opportunities [New ed.] 9780130994004, 0130994006

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CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES GEOFFREY WALL and ALISTER MATHIESON This new text builds upon the success of the classic Mathieson & Wall original Tourism: economic, physical and social impacts to provide a comprehensive and rigorous examination of the consequences of tourism. The authors address the nature of tourism and tourists and the economic, environmental and social impacts that result from their activities. It provides a unique blend of theoretical principles and practice for a balanced approach to tourism.

CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES

KEY FEATURES new approaches to impact assessment are considered as well as a rethinking of tourism impacts uses international case studies and models to illustrate key concepts wide range of examples from both the developing and developed world incorporates the latest insights and literature contains new chapters on frameworks for analysis and sustainable developments contains an extensive bibliography and subject, place and author indexes to permit easy access to information This text will be essential reading for students, academics and practitioners of tourism, leisure, hospitality, geography, management, business studies and the wider social sciences.

WALL and MATHIESON

Geoffrey Wall is Professor of Geography at the University of Waterloo, Canada. Alister Mathieson is Dean, School of Hospitality, Recreation and Tourism, Humber College Institute of Technology and Advanced Learning, Toronto, Canada.

Cover image © Stone/Getty Images

TOURISM

TOURISM

www.pearson-books.com

GEOFFREY WALL ALISTER MATHIESON

TOURISM CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES

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Tourism: change, impacts and opportunities

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We work with leading authors to develop the strongest educational materials in tourism, bringing cutting-edge thinking and best learning practice to a global market. Under a range of well-known imprints, including Prentice Hall, we craft high quality print and electronic publications which help readers to understand and apply their content, whether studying or at work. To find out more about the complete range of our publishing, please visit us on the World Wide Web at: www.pearsoned.co.uk

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Tourism: change, impacts and opportunities GEOFFREY WALL AND ALISTER MATHIESON

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Pearson Education Limited Edinburgh Gate Harlow Essex CM20 2JE England and Associated Companies throughout the world Visit us on the World Wide Web at: www.pearsoned.co.uk First published 2006 © Pearson Education Limited 2006 The rights of Geoffrey Wall and Alister Mathieson to be identified as authors of this work have been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. ISBN: 978-0-130-99400-4 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress 10 11

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Typeset in 10/13pt Palatino by 35 Printed in Great Britain by Henry Ling Ltd., at the Dorset Press, Dorchester, Dorset The publisher’s policy is to use paper manufactured from sustainable forests.

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Contents

List of figures

viii

List of tables

ix

Preface

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Acknowledgements

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Publisher’s acknowledgements

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1 Introduction Organization Some research issues Impact studies Relationships between leisure, recreation and tourism Definitions of tourism Describing tourism: implications for impact assessment Commentary

2 Frameworks

1 3 4 5 8 11 15 17 19

The dynamic element The destination element The consequential element Tourist decision-making Purchasing tourist products The tourist profile Spatial relationships Summary and implications

22 33 38 39 42 44 49 50

3 Understanding change

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Evolving perspectives Spatial and temporal factors Destination characteristics Types of tourism

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Contents

The state of knowledge Factors contributing to and mediating impacts Summary

4 Economic consequences Economic characteristics of the tourism industry Tourism and economic development Advantages of tourism Conditions for development The realities of tourism and economic development Economic benefits and costs Tourism and the balance of payments Currency flows Tourism and national economic growth (Gross Domestic Product or GDP) Economic multipliers Income generation and the distribution of tourist spending Tourism and employment Tourism and entrepreneurial activity Tourism and economic structure Economic impacts of special events and specific tourist industry activities The economic costs of tourism Economic indicators of the future of tourism Summary

5 Environmental consequences Tourism–environment relationships Tourism and the environment: a symbiotic relationship Tourism and environment in conflict Impacts of tourism on ecosystems Impacts of tourism on built environments Tourism and competition for resources: tourism in rural areas Conclusions

6 Social consequences Tourist–host interrelationships Social impacts of tourism Framework for the measurement of social impacts Tourism and social change: euphoria to xenophobia Tourism and moral conduct Tourism and religion

62 65 67 68 73 77 83 85 88 89 90 102 106 109 120 125 136 141 143 145 150 152 154 157 160 168 187 195 213 217 220 223 226 227 232 242 250

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Tourism and language Tourism and health Summary Cultural impacts Tourism and cultural change Intercultural communication Culture as a commodity Authenticity of the tourist experience Tourism and material forms of culture Tourism and non-material forms of culture Conclusions

7 Sustainable developments Sustainable development The status of tourism planning and management Points, lines and areas Impact assessment and monitoring Analysis versus involvement Community-based tourism, stakeholders and partnerships An evaluation triangle Conclusions

8 Conclusions

253 255 258 259 263 267 271 271 272 280 284 288 289 293 296 298 306 307 308 311 313

Planning for tourist impacts Impact research and planning Summary

316 317 324

References and bibliography

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Index

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List of figures

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 5.1 5.2 6.1 6.2 7.1

A conceptual framework of tourism Determinants of tourism demand The new consumers The travel decision-making process Tourism GDP share by industry Distribution of the tourist dollar in Florida 1968 Measures of tourism employment Tourism employment by industry Tourist-generated entrepreneurial activity Stages of entrepreneurial activity Theoretical accommodation zones in a coastal resort Tourism and environment Host attitudinal/behavioural responses to tourist activity A cultural tourist typology A framework for conceptualizing and evaluating ecotourism

20 23 31 41 108 123 130 132 138 139 201 218 229 268 309

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List of tables

3.1 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 5.1

5.2 6.1 6.2 7.1 7.2

Common relationships between accommodation types and other aspects of tourism systems: a perspective from Bali Structure of the balance of payments Hypothetical example of the relationship of the travel account and tourism balance to the balance of payments Economic significance of tourism: TSA measures Import propensities by type of establishment Estimated contributions of tourism to GDP (as %) Tourism income multipliers from selected destinations and regions Local income coefficients – Edinburgh Tourist multipliers in Gwynedd, 1973 Income multipliers of Gwynedd, Lothian and Skye Total income generation for Edinburgh Total income and output generated within Gwynedd by tourist expenditure: 1973 (June–Sept.) Edinburgh: Total employment multiplier at the city level (per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) Edinburgh: Components of the employment coefficients at the city level (per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) Labour compensation and productivity (1992) Direct and indirect incidental costs of tourism to a community – alternative life-quality costs and fiscal cuts A summary of impact indicators associated with construction of mountain resorts from Australian environmental impact statements Applications of visitor management techniques Index of tourist irritation Social impacts: future research priorities Some measures to control the character and intensity of recreational use to meet desired management objectives Eight challenges in undertaking EIAs for tourism

66 91 95 100 103 108 114 116 117 117 120 121 128 129 132 146

193 210 228 286 295 304

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Preface

It is now more than twenty years since we produced our first collaborative work on tourism (Mathieson and Wall 1982). We are grateful that this work was well received and are somewhat surprised that it has stood the test of time so well and is still widely used and quoted. This is both encouraging and disappointing. It is encouraging because it suggests that we were able to articulate ideas that have retained their relevance for almost a quarter of a century. It is disappointing in that, in spite of the voluminous literature on tourism that has been produced since, there appear not to have been major breakthroughs that have invalidated our earlier work. We believe that the resilience of the earlier work is rooted in part in the simple three-fold division into economic, physical and social impacts which, although not perfect, has served well as an organizing framework. This feature is retained in the present volume. However, much has happened since the preceding volume was published – in the world, in tourism and in academia – and, of special relevance here, the volume of both published and unpublished material that is now available on tourism has grown exponentially. In preparing this volume, we wanted to build upon the success of the preceding book and, from this perspective, this work can be viewed as a new edition of its predecessor. However, we believe that it is more than this. We wanted to update not only the literature but also the ideas, and in this we have been successful to the extent that it is a new book with a new title. In some cases original tables have been retained because they still illustrate fundamental points and have not been superseded in the literature by publications using more recent data. At the same time, the original work was published prior to the availability of materials on satellite accounts, the tourism cycle of evolution, ecotourism, sustainable development and other such concepts. Our own ideas have also evolved in the intervening years. For example, while we still use the word ‘impacts’ frequently, for a variety of reasons that are explained in the text, we now often discuss ‘consequences’, for destination areas and their residents are not simply ‘impacted’, they actively seek tourists and investors. In order to reflect the evolving state of knowledge, we have not only incorporated new materials in the key economic, environmental and social chapters, we have also included two new chapters on ‘Understanding change’ and ‘Sustainable developments’. In preparing this volume, we hope that we have drawn attention to the farreaching implications of tourism so that the great significance of tourism can be x

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better appreciated, so that more informed decisions can be made concerning its planning and management, and so that the benefits of travel can be shared more equitably between those who visit and those that live in the places that are visited.

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Acknowledgements

Many individuals have unwittingly contributed to this book through sharing their ideas with us as colleagues, students, practitioners, tourists and residents of destination areas. They are too numerous to thank individually and, indeed, it is not possible to isolate exactly their specific contributions. Nevertheless, we are acutely aware that this work incorporates the insights that numerous people have shared with us over a long period of time. In particular, we wish to recognize the University of Waterloo and the Humber College Institute of Technology and Advanced Learning, which have been our institutional homes during the culmination of this endeavour. We acknowledge that we have worn out the patience of a number of editors who have continually urged us to complete this book. Perhaps they can take some satisfaction in knowing that we did finally produce another manuscript. We thank the editorial staff at Pearson for their encouragement and efficiency when we finally gave them something to work with. We take pleasure in knowing that when we attend another international conference, workshop or event and are asked when the next edition will be forthcoming, we can say truthfully that our manuscript has been completed.

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Publisher’s acknowledgements

We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material: Figure 2.2 from The determinants of tourism demand: a theoretical perspective The Economic Geography of the Tourist Industry pp. 79–97, edited by D. Ioannides & K.G. Debbage, published by ITPS Ltd (Uysal, M. 1998); Figure 2.3 from Progress in Tourism, Recreation and Hospitality Management, Vol. 1 edited by C. Cooper, © John Wiley & Sons Limited. Reproduced with permission (Poon, A. 1989); Table 3.1 in Journal of Sustainable Tourism, Vol. 1 (1) pp. 38–47, published by Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications (Wall, G. 1993); Table 4.3 from Tourism Satellite Accounts: Credible Numbers for Good Business Decisions, published by the Canadian Tourism Commission (2002); Table 4.8 and Table 4.11 from Tourism in Gwynedd: An Economic Study, published by the University of Wales press (Archer, B.H., Shea, S. & Vane, R. 1974); Figure 4.3 in Tourism Economics Vol. 5 (4) p. 394, © 1999 IP Publishing Ltd, reproduced by permission (Heerschap, N.M. 1999); Table 4.15 reprinted from Practical Tourism Forecasting Frechtling D.C. © 1996 with permission from Elsevier; Table 5.2 from Integrated Heritage Management, reproduced by permission of The Stationery Office Ltd (Hall, C.M. & McArthur, S. 1998); Table 6.1 from Heritage Canada, Vol. 2 (2) pp. 26–27, published by the Heritage Canada Foundation (Doxey, G.V. 1976); Figure 6.2 from Cultural Tourism: The Partnership Between Tourism and Cultural Heritage Management Fig. 9.1 p. 140, © 2002 The Haworth Press Inc. (McKercher, R. & du Cros, H. 2002); Figure 7.1 reprinted from Ross S. and Wall G. Ecotourism: towards congruence between theory and practice, Tourism Management Vol. 20 (1), 123–132 © 1999 with permission from Elsevier. In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material, and we would appreciate any information that would enable us to do so.

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Introduction

Tourism is the temporary movement of people to destinations outside their normal places of work and residence, the activities undertaken during their stay in those destinations, and the facilities created and services provided to cater to their needs. The study of tourism is the study of people away from their usual habitat, of the establishments which respond to the requirements of travellers, and of the impacts that they have on the economic, environmental and social well-being of their hosts. It involves the motivations and experiences of the tourists, the expectations of and adjustments made by residents of reception areas, and the roles played by the numerous agencies and institutions which intercede between them. Tourism is a luxury and a voluntary activity. Until recently, participation was restricted to the select few who could afford both the time and money to travel. Increased leisure, higher incomes and greatly enhanced mobility have combined to enable more people to partake of tourism. Improvements in transportation, the proliferation of accommodation, and the growth of inclusive tours and other forms of relatively cheap vacation travel have further extended the opportunity to travel for pleasure. Today the majority of people in the developed world and increasing numbers in developing countries are tourists at some time in their lives. Tourism is no longer the prerogative of a few but is an accepted and accustomed, even expected, part of the lifestyles of a large and growing number of people. Tourism is of major economic and social significance. More than 720 million tourists spend $480 billion (US) annually in places outside their own countries (World Tourism Organization 2004) This is one of the largest items in the world’s foreign trade. With a world growth rate in international visitor arrivals of approximately 5 per cent per annum, tourism has been one of the fastest growing economic activities globally and it has proven to be resilient to political violence and natural disasters, rebounding quite rapidly once these have passed. It is the most important export industry and earner of foreign exchange in many countries. The significance of tourism has been recognized in both developed and developing countries. This can be seen in the establishment of sophisticated and well resourced government departments of tourism, widespread encouragement and sponsorship of tourist developments, and the proliferation of small businesses and multinational corporations contributing to and deriving benefits from the tourism industry. There is widespread optimism that tourism might be a powerful and 1

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beneficial agent of both economic and social change, some even advocating that it might be a force for world peace. Indeed, tourism has stimulated employment, investment and entrepreneurial activity, modified land use and economic structure, and made a positive contribution to the balance of payments in many countries throughout the world. At the same time, the growth of tourism has prompted perceptive observers to raise many questions concerning the social and environmental desirability of encouraging further expansion. Do the expenditures of tourists benefit the residents of destination areas? Is tourism encouraging prostitution, crime and gambling? Does tourism rejuvenate or erode the traditional arts and crafts of host cultures? Do governments direct their development priorities to satisfy the needs of tourists rather than residents? Are residents financing expensive tourist facilities through their taxes? Is tourism contributing to the destruction of the very resources which initially attracted the tourists? Are there saturation levels beyond which further growth in tourist arrivals creates more problems than benefits? What is being done to calculate these levels and to ensure that they are not exceeded? As the impacts of tourism appear to be inevitable, what strategies are available to plan and manage these, mitigating the negative effects and maximizing the positive? The unprecedented growth of tourism that occurred in the second half of the last century has prompted a host of such questions, and answers are only now beginning to emerge. As tourism continues to expand, questions concerning associated economic, environmental and social effects will continue to become more pressing. Adequate answers to such questions are predicated upon systematic and rigorous research which also continues to grow. Although university study programmes on tourism have grown substantially in number, research on tourism has been highly fragmented, with researchers following separate and often divergent paths and often confined specifically to single disciplines. Impact-oriented research has been equally specialized, emphasizing specific types of impact to the exclusion of others and usually lacking multidisciplinary approaches and analyses. The value of such studies would be enhanced if they could be placed in a broader context. There have been few attempts to integrate the findings of the diverse studies of the impacts of tourism, yet any assessment of the costs and benefits of tourism requires a full consideration of all the likely consequences. This volume, a revised and expanded version of the authors’ earlier work (Mathieson and Wall 1982), is a bold attempt to synthesize the findings of research on the impacts of tourism and to present them to the reader in a systematic fashion. The strengths and weaknesses of existing approaches to tourism impact studies will be identified, and topics which have yet to receive detailed examination in the literature will be pointed out. The materials assembled in this book are largely taken from published sources and emphasize the impacts of mass tourism in resort areas as opposed to the less apparent, scattered effects of individuals travelling in areas lacking a 2

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reputation for tourism. However, the selection of materials is guided substantially by the authors’ considerable collective experiences in tourism education, tourism planning and the operation of international tourism businesses. The value of this book will not lie in the originality of the ideas which are presented (although the conventional wisdom will be challenged in some places), for it will be necessary to draw heavily upon the work of others; rather, as one of the most extensive attempts to access and collate the numerous studies of the consequences of tourism, it is hoped that this work will provide a balanced introduction to the topic. By drawing attention to the diversity and complexity of these impacts and the conceptual and methodological difficulties inherent in their measurement, alternative frameworks have been developed by the authors that now require more detailed empirical analyses for testing and validation (see Chapter 2). An objective evaluation of the consequences of tourism is required if government agencies, planners, developers and businessmen are to appreciate the full implications of their actions. If some of the myths concerning the nature of tourist impacts can be dispelled, then the way should be open for a re-examination of the true potential of tourism as a contributor to the economic, environmental and social well-being of reception areas. Thus, it should be possible to encourage types of development which confer many of the ‘blessings’ of tourism without the associated ‘blights’.

ORGANIZATION Widely accepted procedures for investigating the impacts of tourism have yet to be established and few studies attempt a comprehensive examination of a broad range of types of impact. In economics, frameworks and impact methodologies have been applied to tourism with some consistency but in the measurement of social and environmental impacts, procedures for investigation are more diverse, and widely accepted common methodologies and frameworks have yet to emerge. For the purposes of this work, the consequences of tourism are grouped into three major categories: economic, environmental and social. This distinction is somewhat artificial for, in reality, the boundaries between the categories are indistinct and their contents merge. For example, money may be spent in an attempt to reduce unacceptable environmental change. This, in turn, may have repercussions for the availability of jobs and, hence, on social well-being. Similarly, tax revenues earned as a by-product of tourism expenditures may be spent to promote more tourism, to clean up the environment or to improve social services. Ultimately, therefore, this threefold division must be justified pragmatically. However, most studies of the consequences of tourism focus primarily on only one of these three types of impact so that the organization into three major impact domains reflects the present status of research. Just as there is overlap between the impact domains, there is also little consensus as to what should be included within them. For example, some economic 3

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studies focus upon income generation; others stress the creation of employment, whereas many reports are devoted to balance of payments questions. Such variations in emphasis hamper the comparison of findings of different investigations, frustrate the establishment of a body of theory, and contribute to inconsistency and contradiction in study conclusions. For this study, environmental impact assessment checklists and social and economic indicator tables were consulted as a guide to the allocation of subject matter to each impact domain. This procedure also enabled topics favoured by researchers to be distinguished from those which are largely unstudied. However, while a three-fold division into economic, environmental and social impacts constitutes the major organizing framework of this book, it is not rigidly imposed. There are occasions when, for the sake of clarity and in tune with the multi-faceted nature of tourist phenomena, aspects of one type of impact will be mentioned in conjunction with those of another impact domain.

SOME RESEARCH ISSUES Rapid growth of tourism has given rise to increasingly pronounced economic, environmental and social effects. However, until recently, attention concentrated on the more obvious economic impacts with comparatively little consideration being given to the environmental and social consequences of tourism. In part, this was caused by the difficulty in quantifying the environmental and social impacts which, in turn, has hindered the establishment of widely accepted methodologies. The relative neglect of these latter topics has occurred in spite of increasing anxiety about environmental problems evolving from the continued manipulation of the environment, and in spite of expanding awareness of the increasing significance of tourism. The economic emphasis of much early research is a reflection of the optimism with which tourism was generally viewed in the 1960s. Great interest was expressed in the potential of tourism to contribute to economic development. Tourism was widely acclaimed as generating a multitude of beneficial effects upon such economic indicators as balance of payments, income, employment and tax revenues. While there is an element of truth in this perspective, and some types of tourism may stimulate environmental preservation and benefit residents of destination areas, contemporary tourism, however, is on a massive scale, which may pose substantial environmental and social risks and costs. Recognition of the far-reaching consequences of modern tourism has prompted a reorientation of tourism research. There has been a noticeable shift towards a more balanced perspective incorporating a critical examination of the costs, or negative impacts, of tourism. An increasing number of such studies adopt an environmental and, particularly, a social or cultural perspective but the majority of such investigations are of relatively recent vintage. The potentially serious psychological, social and cultural effects of tourism were given prominence in 4

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the seminal works of Young (1973) and Turner and Ash (1975). Following these pioneering statements, a number of other authors illuminated some of the negative impacts of tourism (Cohen 1978, Graburn 1976, Pizam 1978, Smith 1977). These have included the modification of traditional cultures, increases in prostitution and crime, and the pollution of beaches. The literature has proliferated in the last quarter of a century but much of the work has reinforced earlier insights and new breakthroughs in knowledge have been difficult to achieve. As tourism has grown in volume and diversity, the consequences of tourism have become increasingly complex and contradictory. For example, the commercialization of culture, through the marketing and sale of artifacts, may revive traditional art forms or modify them so that they are scarcely recognizable. The associated influx of money into a local economy may distort occupational stability and contribute to a breakdown in family and community cohesion. On the other hand, the commercialization of culture may lead to the creation of a ‘phony folk culture’ but, at the same time, create jobs and thereby alleviate existing unemployment problems. These early, largely negative perspectives on tourism have also been challenged, leading to more nuanced interpretations and a need to rethink what the impacts of tourism might be (Wall 1996c). Residents of tourist destinations often want tourists to visit, and destinations seek and promote tourism development. They want to enhance their lifestyles through acquisition of better jobs, higher incomes, higher tax revenues and other spin-offs of tourism, and they may accept that there will be some adverse social and environmental consequences. Thus trade-offs are likely to be involved and these will vary with each destination and the circumstances of its residents, and with the varying types of tourism development and tourist activities. This balanced perspective has been discussed by such authors as Wall (1996c), Van Lier and Taylor (1993), Butler (1996), Archer, Cooper and Ruhanen (2005) and Glasson, Godfrey and Goodey (1995). It will, therefore, be necessary for assessments of tourism to increase in breadth, depth and sophistication as the forms of tourism proliferate and as the diversity and intricacy of impacts are magnified.

IMPACT STUDIES Evaluations of the impacts of tourism reflect the status of impact research in general. Recent environmental legislation, and demands by society for environmental impact statements for projects which significantly affect the environment, and the introduction of such concepts as sustainable tourism development have stimulated interest in impact research and emphasized the need for the development of sound analytical procedures. Given the varied requirements of impact assessments and their recent rise to prominence, it should not be surprising that there is a paucity of methodological guidelines or frameworks for undertaking investigations of the impacts of tourism. 5

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Environmental impact statements of any kind are extremely difficult to make (Wall and Wright 1977: 3–5). Five reasons for this can be highlighted. First, human beings have been living on and modifying the earth for thousands of years so that it is extremely difficult to reconstruct the environment before the intervention of humans and, hence, to establish a base level against which to measure changes. In many tourist destination areas public use has existed for long periods of time so that it is now almost impossible to reconstruct the environment minus the effects induced by tourism. However, failure to establish baseline data will mean that it will be impossible to fully assess the magnitude of changes brought about by tourism. A second difficulty concerns the problem of disentangling the role of humans from the role of nature. Even without the intervention of humans, the environment would not be unchanging, but would be in a perpetual state of flux. This leads to further difficulties in defining a base level. The problem is compounded because many impacts of tourism result from normal environmental processes whose actions are speeded up by the intervention of humans. For instance, weathering and erosion are natural processes but they can become major problems when exacerbated by human activities. The processes remain unchanged but the flows of energy are radically altered. A related problem is the difficulty of differentiating between changes attributable to pre-existing processes and changes induced by the influx of tourists. Tourism has emerged as a forceful agent of change and creates impacts which are clearly the product of tourist developments: resort landscapes, the construction of theme parks and the generation of related employment and income are obvious examples. In many cases, however, it is exceedingly difficult to isolate the principal causes of change. It may be difficult to determine whether changes are directly attributable to tourist development or whether tourism is only one among a number of agents of change. In Tonga, for example, the increased demand for imported foodstuffs has resulted from an increasing population, inadequate agricultural production to feed the people, and demands imposed by international tourism. The extent to which tourism has contributed to the deep-seated social and economic problems emanating from this situation is not accurately known. Tourism, undoubtedly, has been one important contributing factor but it may also be a highly visible scapegoat for problems which already existed prior to the advent of modern tourism. It certainly is easier to blame tourism than it is to rectify the problem through addressing the conditions of society and environment. Thirdly, the complex interactions of tourism phenomena make total impact almost impossible to measure. Many of the impacts of tourism are manifested in subtle and often unexpected ways. In other words, primary impacts give rise to secondary and tertiary impacts and generate a myriad of successive repercussions which it is usually impracticable to trace and monitor. Cross-impacts are a direct

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result of the interactive nature of economic, environmental and social phenomena. Interactions between components of each of these impact domains induce further changes which reverberate through the system, creating a complex array of impact flows. For example, organized safaris to national parks in Africa can modify the feeding and breeding habits of wildlife. Preservation of wildlife may be in the interests of tourism developers and may have economic benefits to countries endowed with this resource. However, the establishment of national parks has forced the rapidly growing African population to farm in areas of low fertility where agricultural production may be barely sufficient to feed the population. Special impacts occur to particular groups of people, such as racial or cultural minorities, or to unique types of wildlife or vegetation. The distinctive characteristics of such groups and environmental components can make them extremely attractive to the tourists but also highly vulnerable to impacts from tourism activity. A fourth obstacle stems from spatial and temporal discontinuities between cause and effect. For instance, erosion in one location may result in deposition elsewhere, destruction of key elements of an animal’s habitat may lead to population declines throughout its range, or development of new facilities may divert tourist traffic away from existing locations. A considerable time may elapse before the full implications of an activity are apparent. Thus, there are great difficulties in establishing both temporal and spatial constraints for undertaking impact studies. A fifth methodological issue is the selection of impact indicators. What indicators should be used and what do they really mean? For example, what is the significance of prostitution and an increased crime rate when compared with traffic congestion or an expanded tax base? In other words, it is a challenge to identify the variables that best indicate the changing situation and, in consequence, of what to measure. A related problem is the assigning of weights to the selected indicators, as indicators of impact vary in their significance to the impacted system, and devising means of combining disparate measures into a composite index of the magnitude of impact is fraught with difficulty. Problems such as those which have been discussed above have restricted the scope and accuracy of research results and have encouraged investigators to narrow the focus of their research. There has been a tendency to examine impacts from selected activities, in particular regions or destinations, in isolation from the broader tourism phenomena of which they are a part; to concentrate on primary impacts to the exclusion of secondary and tertiary impacts; to measure the more tangible, quantifiable impacts, such as economic impacts, to the neglect of the less readily measured social and environmental impacts; and to stress positive impacts or benefits, and to overlook undesirable consequences or costs (although the emphases may be changing and differ between groups as governments and industry representatives continue to stress the benefits whereas academics often highlight the costs). Future examinations of the consequences of tourism for host

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Introduction

communities will continue to be concerned with the types and magnitude of impact and whether they are predominantly beneficial or costly to the destination area. In addition, it will be necessary to give greater attention to the scale of impact, for the spheres of influence of tourist development vary and their consequences may be viewed differently depending upon whether they are assessed from a local, regional, national or international perspective. At the same time, it will be appropriate to give greater attention to the assessment of who gains and who loses. Costs and benefits of tourism are not evenly distributed. What may be a benefit to one group or individual within a community may be a cost to the neighbours. Investors in tourist developments and associated service industries may gain at the expense of other residents of the destination area, who may suffer increased crowding, congestion, noise, pollution and modified lifestyles. Furthermore, tourism is dynamic, and impacts and their significance are constantly changing owing to modifications of the goals of both the tourists and their hosts, fluctuations in the processes shaping the economic and physical environments, and technological changes and other developments in the tourist industry itself. This implies that impacts will change through time and space, and periodic monitoring will be desirable.

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN LEISURE, RECREATION AND TOURISM Discussions of recreation and tourism are plagued by imprecise terminology. Although there is a considerable body of literature which attempts to clarify the meanings of such terms as recreation and leisure, universally acceptable definitions have yet to be derived. The problem is compounded by the indiscriminate use of words such as pleasure, fun, spare time and enjoyment which are often used as synonyms for recreation and leisure and as substitutes for each other. In the interests of clear thinking it is desirable to make a distinction between the meanings of leisure and recreation. Leisure can be regarded as a measure of time: it is time remaining after work, sleep and necessary personal and household chores have been completed. It is the time available for doing as one chooses for enjoyment, well-being and personal growth and satisfaction. Leisure may thus be defined as ‘discretionary time’. Recreation embraces the wide variety of activities which are undertaken during leisure. Outside of professional circles, there has probably never been one word or phrase in common circulation to describe that time which we think of as leisure. People talk about concrete, discrete activities, such as watching television, skiing or going to the cottage, and not about tourism, recreation or leisure. Leisure, recreation and tourism are abstractions from common experience, abstractions which only those who stand aside from that experience can perceive. The language is that of the academic and the planner rather than the participant (Cunningham 1980). 8

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Relationships between leisure, recreation and tourism

The simple distinction between leisure as discretionary time and recreation as activity is difficult to implement, for many activities include both obligatory and discretionary components. For instance, without food we would die and eating is a necessity; it is also a popular form of recreation from which many people derive great pleasure. Similarly, gardening and attending conventions are activities which can be both enjoyable and a chore. Such difficulties have prompted some authors to argue that leisure and recreation are states of mind and that they are best defined in psychological terms (Driver and Tocher 1974). While one can be sympathetic to this viewpoint and can acknowledge that individuals recreate for a wide variety of reasons and may even derive different satisfactions from the same activity, psychological definitions have their own inherent difficulties. The designation of areas for excitement, danger or relaxation is uncommon among recreation and tourism planners and site managers, who usually operate on the basis of activities, designating areas for camping, skiing or hunting. However, the psychological definitions do serve to remind us that opportunities to recreate are not provided in and for themselves; they are made available to enable participants to achieve a wide range of satisfactions. Tourism, recreation and leisure are not the prerogative of any one discipline. Recreations in the home, such as reading and watching television, are probably best studied by sociologists and psychologists, although economists may be interested in associated spending patterns. While recognizing that other disciplines have important roles to play, it is suggested that the geographer is in a position to make a distinct and significant contribution to the understanding of tourism and outdoor recreation. Tourism and outdoor recreation are land uses. They are in competition with agriculture, forestry, mining, housing, industry and a variety of other functions for the same scarce resources of land and water. Tourist and recreation facilities such as ski areas, resorts, parks and swimming pools have service areas comparable to those of stores or ports, and tourism and recreation create patterns of movement analogous to those associated with commuting or migration and susceptible to analysis by similar methods. From these examples alone it should be evident that the concepts and methods of the geographer are appropriate to analyses of tourism and recreation and have the potential to further the understanding of these phenomena. Tourism and outdoor recreation have three basic aspects: the supply of facilities, the demand for participation, and the intervening distances that must be overcome to bring the consumer to the place of production. Supply and demand interact to produce the pattern of tourism and outdoor recreation, which may be defined as the spatial and temporal incidence of tourism and outdoor recreation. These patterns have associated economic, environmental and social impacts and give rise to planning and management problems and opportunities. Interactions between supply and demand occur at a variety of scales reflecting the time available for tourism and outdoor recreation and the distances that 9

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Introduction

can be traversed during that time. When only short periods of time are available, as, for example, in the evening, recreation, of necessity, takes place in or relatively close to the home. In contrast, during vacations, when several days of leisure may be juxtaposed, it is possible to travel long distances. There is thus a continuum from recreation in the home to recreation at considerable distances from the home base, the latter often being associated with the acquisition of temporary accommodation. It follows that tourism can be regarded as an extreme form of recreation which is distinguished by relatively long lengths of stay away from home and relatively large distances travelled (Britton 1979). The literature generally focuses on either recreation or tourism but, it is argued, they are aspects of the same phenomenon which can usefully be considered together: after all, recreationists and tourists may be found together at the same sites doing similar things. The existence of the recreational time–distance continuum draws attention to the fact that the temporal distribution of leisure may be as significant as its quantity. If, for example, the working week were reduced by several hours, it would make a great deal of difference to patterns of recreation if these hours were distributed evenly across the week, added to the weekend, or accumulated towards a longer vacation. Other things being equal, the larger the size of the unit of leisure, the smaller are the distance constraints, and the greater is the freedom of locational choice of the potential participant. However, such time–distance relationships are further modified, particularly on long journeys, by the availability of money, for wealthy travellers may increase their time at a destination by substituting fast but expensive air travel for cheaper but slower ground transportation. The difficulties of distinguishing between tourism and other forms of recreation have been recognized by most recreation and tourism texts and are succinctly summarized by Shaw and Williams (2002). Distinctions between tourism, recreation and leisure which may once have existed are fading in the post-modern world. It is difficult to isolate the activities and demands of tourists as opposed to those of participants in other forms of recreation. Tourism and recreation often share the same facilities and compete for space and finance: facilities, such as theme parks, may be established to attract tourists and also to cater for recreationists; local demand for new recreational facilities (for example, artificial ski slopes) may be prompted by experiences gained as tourists abroad; measures adopted to improve the environment and to conserve and restore national park landscapes and historic monuments benefit both recreation and tourism. The demands and effects of recreation and tourism are, therefore, closely interrelated. Burkart and Medlik (1974: 10) described the confusing situation as follows: tourism represents a particular use of leisure time and a particular form of recreation but does not include all uses of leisure time nor all forms of recreation. It includes much travel but not all travel. Conceptually tourism is, therefore, distinguished in particular from related concepts of leisure and recreation on the one hand, and from travel and migration on the other. 10

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Definitions of tourism

Attempts to differentiate between recreation and tourism on the basis of motivations, activity types, modes of travel and distances travelled have met with mixed success. One way of classifying tourism and recreation is through the examination of the availability and use of leisure. According to Lawson and Baud-Bovy (1977: 4) leisure is of four types: 1. Daily recreation uses facilities in close proximity to one’s home or place of work and for short periods during the day. 2. One-day recreation encompasses excursions to the fringes of urban areas or further into the countryside but within easy reach of home. No over-night stay is required. 3. Weekends and short holidays may be spent with some frequency relatively close to one’s residence in second homes or other temporary accommodation. 4. Long holidays involve fewer distance constraints and may be taken in one’s own country or abroad. From this perspective, tourists would be included in the ‘long holiday’ and ‘weekends and short holiday’ classifications, although not all people assigned to these groups would, of necessity, be tourists. Tourism, then, is but one of a range of choices or styles of recreation expressed either through travel or a temporary short-term change of residence. Tourism, on its modern scale, is a relatively new use of leisure. Marked and rapid changes in technology and in social, political and economic systems have enabled people to pursue new and different forms of recreation and have magnified the importance of tourism. Tourism is an evolutionary development in the use of leisure and represents an expanded opportunity for the exercise of choice in the selection of recreational activities.

DEFINITIONS OF TOURISM Before one can examine tourism phenomena and assess their effects on economic, environmental and social environments, it is necessary to devise appropriate definitions. Frechtling (1976: 59) stated that definitions for tourism research should: 1. Be discrete and unambiguous and must clearly define one activity or entity as distinct from all others, i.e. there should be no confusion over what is included in or excluded from a category; 2. Facilitate measurement as much as is consistent with other objectives; 3. Follow established usage as closely as possible. In other words, in developing definitions reference should be made both to major travel studies and to everyday language. This should facilitate comparison of results with those of other studies, aid continuity in research and permit a cumulative body of knowledge to be developed. 11

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The above principles have been poorly adhered to in the research which has been undertaken to date. In fact, in early research there were almost as many definitions of tourism as there were studies of the phenomenon (Cohen 1974). An early survey of eight travel and tourism studies conducted by Frechtling (1976) yielded forty-three different definitions for the three terms of traveller, tourist and visitor. Such results indicate the lack of coordination in travel research and hamper comparisons between travel research data. Commentaries on the difficulties and implications of definitional inconsistencies have been presented by Theobald (2005a), Chadwick (1994), Shaw and Williams (2002) and Smith (1990). In measuring and assessing impacts of tourism, it is fundamental to define tourism and its major component: the tourist. ‘Tourist’ is derived from the term ‘tour’ which, according to Webster’s International Dictionary (1981: 2417), means: ‘a journey at which one returns to the starting point; a circular trip usually for business, pleasure or education during which various places are visited and for which an itinerary is usually planned’. Similarly, the Oxford English Dictionary (2005: available online) defines the tourist as: ‘one who makes a tour or tours; especially one who does this for recreation; one who travels for pleasure or culture, one who visits a number of places for their objects of interest, scenery or the like’. Dictionary meanings of the term ‘tourist’ have been expanded and complicated with the rise of tourism research. Ogilvie (1933) was one of the first to incorporate additional meaning through use in social science research. He described a tourist as any person whose movements fulfil two conditions: 1. That the person’s absence from home was for a relatively short period; 2. That money spent during absence is money derived from home and not earned in the destination visited. Cohen (1974: 529) commented that Ogilvie’s definition: ‘translates the contention found in other definitions, namely that the tourist is a traveller for recreation or pleasure, into economic terms: the tourist is, economically speaking, a consumer and not a producer’. In his analysis of definitions, Frechtling (1976: 60) outlined four basic criteria used in their formulation: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Purpose of trip; Mode of transportation used; Length of stay; Distance travelled.

It is generally agreed that the former two criteria, on their own or together, are insufficient for practical contemporary definitions and attention has been concentrated on the latter criteria. Length of stay is a principal component of the United Nations definition which requires that tourists stay in excess of twenty-four hours but less than twelve months. The 1963 United Nations definition will be discussed 12

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Definitions of tourism

in more detail below. Some definitions are dominated by a distance criterion. For example, the National Tourism Resources Review Commission (NTRRC) defined a tourist as: ‘one who travels away from his home for a distance of at least 50 miles (one way) for business, pleasure, personal affairs or any other purpose except to commute to work’. The US Census Bureau has settled for a similar definition but has extended the minimum distance to 100 miles, and Statistics Canada and the Canadian Tourism Commission use 80 kilometres. Cohen (1974) has also reviewed the literature which attempted to define the ‘tourist’. He identified six major dimensions: permanency, voluntariness, direction, distance, recurrence and purpose. He defined the tourist as: ‘a voluntary, temporary, traveller, travelling in the expectation of pleasure from the novelty and change experienced on a relatively long and non-recurrent round-trip’ (Cohen 1974: 533). This definition has the merits of being both concise and comprehensive but for the collection of data it is necessary to be even more explicit, and precise time and distance constraints must be established. In 1963 the United Nations sponsored a conference on travel and tourism in Rome. The conference recommended definitions of ‘visitor’ and ‘tourist’ for use in compiling international statistics. For statistical purposes the term ‘visitor’ describes any person visiting a country other than that in which they have their usual place of residence, for any reason other than following an occupation remunerated from within the country visited. This definition covers: 1. Tourists who are temporary visitors staying at least 24 hours in the country visited and the purpose of whose journey can be classified under one of the following headings: (a) Leisure (recreation, holiday, health, study, religion and sport); (b) Business, family, mission, meeting. 2. Excursionists who are temporary visitors staying less than 24 hours in the country visited, including travellers on cruise ships (International Union of Official Travel Organizations [IUOTO] 1963: 14). It is a practical definition based on duration of stay rather than tourist motivations and in that regard is more easily measurable and more objective. Although not perfect, the growing standardization and acceptance of this definition has made comparison of tourist flows and tourist expenditures between jurisdictions less difficult. This has encouraged the development of cumulative data sources, international and inter-regional data banks and the beginnings of longitudinal and comparative research analysis. In 1968 IUOTO (now the World Tourism Organization) approved the 1963 definition and has encouraged countries to use it. Leiper (1979: 393) noted that one consequence of this definition is that statistical data on international tourists include trips for purposes beyond the popular use of the word. For example, most people do not consider business trips as tourism. Nevertheless, the United Nations terminology has received widespread acceptance and, in the context of this book, 13

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Introduction

it has proved useful in locating literature specifically pertaining to tourism. A main feature of this operational definition was its provision for internationally accepted categories to which expenditures could be attributed so that economic comparisons between countries and regions could be made. According to the United Nations definition, a tourist may be classified, in the terminology of Lawson and BaudBovy (1977), in both ‘weekend and short holiday’ and ‘long holiday’ recreation. ‘Daily’ and ‘one day recreation’ participants can be grouped under the ‘excursionist’ category. However, this differentiation fails to distinguish between impacts of tourism as opposed to impacts of other forms of recreation because both leisure groups may be participating in similar activities at the same locations. As contemporary tourism is a mass phenomenon and is highly concentrated in particular destinations, its effects are likely to be more pronounced than those of excursionists, although the impacts of the latter are likely to be very similar in kind. The 1963 definition has been the standard for a long time although not all countries have applied it and therefore there has not been a standard language of tourism statistics. During the 1990s, a number of organizations including Eurostat, the WTO, OECD and UN Statistic Division, realizing the problem, commissioned a task force to attempt to find a standardized solution and redefine the original technical definition. Their work culminated in 2000 with the adoption of the UN Standardized Commission of the Tourism Statistic Account: Recommended methodological framework (Eurostat et al. 2001). After ten years of scientific and intellectual cooperation, consensus emerged on the development of Tourism Satellite Accounts including a reformulation of the technical definition of tourism, which has now been accepted worldwide: Tourism comprises the activities of persons traveling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business and other purposes not related to the exercise of an activity remunerated from within the place visited.

where the persons referred to in the definition of tourism are termed ‘visitors’, a visitor being defined as: Any person traveling to a place other than that of his/her usual environment for less than twelve months and whose main purpose of trip is other than the exercise of an activity remunerated from within the place visited.

Other terms which require definition are ‘international tourist’ which includes those individuals travelling across an international border and who remain away from home for at least twenty-four hours, and domestic tourists who are those individuals travelling within their own country but who remain away from home in excess of twenty-four hours. Statistical definitions of the tourist in a domestic setting (travelling within the country of residence) have varied among countries and regions, but have generally included three major elements: distance, purpose of travel and length of stay. 14

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Describing tourism: implications for impact assessment

The above discussion is undertaken from a demand-side perspective. In other words, tourism is defined on the basis of who is to be counted as a tourist. In contrast, tourism can also be defined from a supply-side perspective, in terms of the establishments that cater to tourists. This is an important perspective that is touched on below in the discussion of tourism as an industry and is returned to in Chapter 4 where it is the basis of recent economic studies of national tourism accounts.

DESCRIBING TOURISM: IMPLICATIONS FOR IMPACT ASSESSMENT As noted earlier, the demand-side definition of the World Tourism Organization is now widely accepted (Gilbert 1990) and they have also supported the development of national tourism accounts through the application of supply-side definitions. In the growing body of literature on tourism impacts, other more holistic approaches have also been used to describe or define tourism. As with previous operational definitions, these have also generated much debate within academic circles. Although the debates continue, these approaches have highlighted the composite and complex nature of tourism which has been mirrored in the methodologies used and conclusions drawn in tourism impact studies. These viewpoints are discussed briefly below. Views of tourism as a phenomenon, as an industry or as an institution have been advocated by various researchers (Chadwick 1994, Gilbert 1990, Lundberg, Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995, Smith 1988). Such definitional debates are further testimony to the complexity of tourism and its components, their interrelationships, their dynamism and the imprecision of boundaries. Most agree that tourism encompasses travellers (tourists) away from home, the businesses and the people serving or providing goods and services to tourists, and the complex interactions and the consequences that occur throughout the entire travel experience (from pre-trip through to post-trip). However, different aspects of the phenomenon are emphasized in the approaches that follow. First, tourism is an activity in which people travel away from home, primarily for business or pleasure, and stay overnight. Goods and services are provided to the tourists by a multitude of businesses and receive the expenditures of travellers in return for those goods and services. The tracing and measurement of tourist expenditures throughout the economy and their impacts on incomes, tax revenues and employment have been widely proposed. Secondly, tourism can be viewed as an institution involving millions of interactions. It is an institution with a history, a body of knowledge and a constituency of millions of people who feel they are part of the institution (Lundberg, Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995: 5). Thirdly, conceptualizing tourism from the supply side has led to the common practice of regarding tourism as an industry. Although not an industry in the 15

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Introduction

conventional sense (with an homogeneous product or similar activity produced by a group of independent firms, with a common production process and locationally confined markets), it may be described at least as a composite industry beginning with primary inputs (land, labour and capital), a transformation into intermediate inputs (physical plant such as resorts, parks, etc.), further processing to create intermediate outputs (guided tours, festivals and cultural performances) and final consumption by the tourist, with a final output: experiences (Davidson 2005, Smith 1998). Smith (1988: 183), using a supply-side definition, described tourism as an aggregate of all businesses that facilitate business, pleasure and leisure activities away from the home environment. Smith’s (1988, 1998) approach is echoed in the definitions of tourism lodged by the US Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation (1978: 217 in Smith 1998: 31) and by Powell (1978 in Smith 1998: 31) that describe tourism as both an industry and a response to a social need where the amalgamation of businesses, organization, labour and government agencies combine to produce goods and services to create the tourism consumers’ experiences. The literature on tourism as an industry has a strong technical orientation. This is because it is necessary to define tourism in a way that is consistent with national accounting procedures so that it can be measured in the same way from time to time and from place to place, and to facilitate comparison between tourism and other sectors. Other sectors are not defined on the basis of the characteristics of their consumers but, rather, in terms of the attributes of their producers. The designation of tourism as an industry was strongly supported by businesses involved in supplying goods and services to tourists. The resulting definitions strive to be consistent with the definition of ‘tourists’ proposed by the World Tourism Organization and discussed earlier in this chapter but focus on the supply side. The aim is to permit relatively easy measurement of the magnitude of the industry, to track trends and to compare performance with other sectors. According to Davidson (2005: 26), additional advantages of an industry designation include the following: 1. It provides political legitimacy of tourism and its role in economic development, suggesting that it should be considered at the same level as other industries in the budgeting, funding and planning processes. 2. It allows for the establishment of a sound framework to create, analyze and publish accurate economic data on tourism. As a result, the performance of tourism and its relative contribution to the economy can be taken more seriously. 3. It enhances the self-identity of those involved in tourism by specifying their clear association. Davidson also cautioned that the designation of tourism as an industry has associated limitations. Firstly, many planners and policy makers know tourism does 16

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Commentary

not fit well the traditional definition of an industry and this may be used to discredit those who suggest that it is an industry. Secondly, many of the traditional methods of measurement and analysis used in other industries do not have applicability in tourism. Thirdly, many businesses receive income from both tourists and non-tourists and disentangling the total receipts to determine the proportion that is tourist expenditure is impossible, although guidelines can be made to facilitate the making of consistent estimates. Given the composite nature of tourism, it is still difficult, therefore, to provide accurate results that state the size, benefits and impacts of the tourist industry per se. A further caution of the use of an industry designation, which is really the reverse of one of the main advantages, is the narrow focus. Public funding is often not limited to one industry, and attempts to secure funding by tourism in competition with other areas, such as public health or education, are often unsuccessful. Tourism can, therefore, usefully be viewed as being a ‘sector’ that is connected to and has impacts upon many industries. Nevertheless, the supply-side approach does have its merits, particularly since many economic impact studies adopt this perspective when examining the impacts of tourism on a destination, particularly at the national level. Finally, tourism as a phenomenon: this approach to tourism is based on the premise that attempts to describe tourism as an activity, an industry or even a product have been too narrow in focus. Critics of these approaches have argued that owing to the complex nature of tourism, its widespread distribution and its far-reaching consequences, it is more realistic to regard tourism as a phenomenon. Tourism involves the tourists, the destination and its people, and the routes and means by which they are brought together. Tourism is both an economic and a social phenomenon that is an agent of change in these areas as well as for the environment. Although this approach lacks precision and has fewer immediate practical or technical applications, it contextualizes more accurately the consequences of tourism as being the result of a complex array of relationships and interactions. Since the focus of this book is on the consequences of tourism for destination areas, it is necessary to define the domain in which impacts occur. A ‘destination area’ is a place having characteristics which are known to a sufficient number of potential visitors to justify its consideration as an entity, attracting travel independent of the attractions of other locations. The natural and human-made features, infrastructural characteristics, economic structures, and the attributes of the host populations of destination areas are of interest here.

COMMENTARY The objective of this book is to assess the consequences of tourism for destination areas. The book is partly descriptive in that it presents some of the viewpoints and findings of other authors, partly remonstrative in that it criticizes the approaches 17

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and methods frequently employed in tourist impact research, and partially cautionary as it draws attention to the lessons to be learned from existing tourist development and discusses possible means for their amelioration. The book is divided into eight major chapters. Following this introduction, the second chapter outlines conceptual frameworks for the tourism phenomenon and tourist decision-making. It is suggested that the magnitude and types of tourist impacts are outcomes of the items presented in these frameworks. The third chapter provides additional broad insights into the challenges that face those who wish to understand the consequences of tourism. The next three chapters constitute the major part of the book and successively examine the economic, environmental and social impacts of tourism. Each of these chapters examines relationships between tourism and components of the sub-system in question. The penultimate chapter is concerned with what might be done about the consequences of tourism. The discussion is placed in the context of sustainable development and considers some of the planning and management implications of the materials in the preceding chapters. The final chapter presents broad conclusions and recommendations derived from the preceding discussions.

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2

Frameworks

Tourism is a multi-faceted phenomenon that involves movement to and stay in destinations outside the normal place of residence. A conceptual framework of tourism is presented below. This framework emphasizes some of the major components of tourism and also places the consequences of tourism into a broader context. Tourism is composed of three basic elements: 1. A dynamic element which involves the decisions to travel to a selected destination or destinations and the multitude of social, economic and institutional factors affecting these decisions; 2. A stay in the destination, including interaction with the economic, environmental and social systems of the destination; 3. A consequential element, resulting from the two preceding components, which is concerned with effects on the economic, environmental and social sub-systems with which the tourist is directly or indirectly in contact. Thus, tourism is a composite phenomenon that incorporates the diversity of variables and relationships to be found in the tourism travel process. Some of the major variables and their interrelationships are presented in a conceptual framework (Figure 2.1). Impacts of tourism are viewed as being more than the results of a specific tourist event, activity or facility, although there a number of studies that have measured the economic effects of specific staged events or specific tourist activities (see Chapter 4). Impacts emerge in the form of altered human behaviour, which stems from the interactions between the agents of change and the sub-systems on which they impinge. Certain reservations are in order in considering the conceptual framework. It has not been devised as a tool for predicting demand or for developing strategies to promote and market tourism products. The purpose of devising a framework, as has already been stated, is to illuminate tourism as an amalgamation of phenomena and their interrelationships. All variables within the framework will not assert the same degree of influence (i.e. have equal weighting) nor can they all be readily quantified. Nevertheless, the framework has sound conceptual assumptions from an impact perspective because it explicitly recognizes: 19

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Frameworks

Fig. 2.1 A conceptual framework of tourism (Source: After Mathieson and Wall 1982)

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1. Sets of variables and their interrelationships and the ways in which they influence the nature, direction and magnitude of tourist impacts; 2. That impacts linger and interact with each other; 3. That impacts operate continuously and may be cumulative, changing through time with changing demands of the tourist population, with structural and developmental changes in the tourist industry itself and with the destination’s abilities and strategies to market and manage tourism; 4. That impacts result from a complex process of interchange between tourists, host communities and destination environments; 5. That assessment of impacts should encompass all phases of the travel experience, including initial preparations, the journeys to and from the destination, the stay, and post-trip recollections; 6. That tourism impacts are often artificially abstracted from the broader system for analysis for pragmatic reasons but are actually linked to a number of other agents of change impacting the destination (Wall 1996d); 7. That studies of impacts may yield contradictory findings, with the saliency of impacts varying according to the perspectives held on the role that tourism has in the destination; 8. That tourism impacts will undoubtedly involve a series of aggregated and disaggregated measures with different types of impacts being measured in different ways. It is therefore unlikely that a single summary measure of tourism impact will be attained. The framework also recognizes that impacts result from processes of change. Impacts of tourism are not point events which result from a specific, identifiable cause, such as a particular tourist facility, service or event. Although the establishment of hotels, souvenir shops, ski trails, theme parks and game reserves are events in that they are created at a particular point in time and have certain immediate consequences, they actually represent only a part of the broader processes of the changing uses of leisure and destination development. Impacts of tourism refer to the net changes brought about by the process, or sequence of events, of tourist development. There is no inevitability in the tourist development process as it can stop, change direction, modify its character and produce outcomes that are unexpected and difficult to predict. Changes may be stimulated from within the tourism system, owing to changes in the motives, attitudes, knowledge and aspirations of tourists or residents, or from alterations in the tourist plant. On the other hand, changes may be precipitated by outside forces over which those involved in tourism have little control. Such factors increasingly include the political and economic stability of home and destination areas, energy requirements and availability, exchange rates or even variations in weather and climate. With the advent of the 2003 Iraq 21

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Frameworks

war, and global terrorism activities and epidemics, some writers have turned their attention to the effects of these on demand and the subsequent recovery strategies adopted by the impacted destinations. The literature, as noted by Sonmez (1998: 417) has several foci, including terrorists’ motivations for targeting tourists, the impacts of terrorism on demand, and the possible behaviours of tourists to minimize their risks from extreme events. Tourism is dependent upon the expenditure of discretionary time and money, and any variations in the availability of these will have repercussions for the tourism industry. Since individuals exercise their choices in varied ways, the tourist market is highly fragmented and the impacts at particular destinations are diverse. However, the diversity of tourist impacts must be identified and the types of tourism stimulating change and the contexts in which these changes occur must be assessed if a greater understanding of the impacts of tourism development is to be achieved. The following sections will address the characteristics of the dynamic, static/interactive and consequential elements of tourism, indicate interrelationships between them, and show the significance of those relationships for impact research and sustainable tourism policy development. Furthermore, understanding the dynamics and complexities of tourism in the context of this framework will permit longitudinal comparisons and improve greatly the quality of impact analyses and their utility in policy-making.

THE DYNAMIC ELEMENT Demand The demand for tourism is the total number of persons who travel, or wish to travel, to use tourist facilities and services at places away from their places of work and residence. Like recreational demand as a whole, the demand for tourism consists of three major components: 1. Actual or effective demand is used synonymously with participation and refers to those people who currently possess the wherewithal and willingness to travel to tourist destinations and use their services and facilities. 2. Potential demand includes those persons motivated to travel but who are unable to do so because of temporal or financial constraints. 3. Deferred demand includes those people who could travel, if motivated, but they do not do so because they either lack the knowledge of opportunities, facilities, or both. Potential and deferred demand may be considered together as suppressed demand. The subject of demand has received considerable attention in the literature on tourism but, unfortunately, the terminology is often used imprecisely. Suppressed demand is extremely difficult to measure and, in consequence, is often ignored. 22

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The dynamic element

Fig. 2.2 Generic determinants of tourism demand (Source: After Uysal 1998)

Authors frequently use the word demand when they are considering only effective demand, participation or consumption. Great care, therefore, should be taken in interpreting the literature on the demand to participate in tourism. Many writers have noted the economic and social influences on demand (Fridgen 1996, Johnson and Thomas 1993, Martin and Mason 1987, Schmoll 1977, Smith 1990, Middleton 2001) whilst others have designed and used sophisticated models to forecast demand (Archer 1994, Frechtling 1996, Quandt 1970, Song and Witt 2000). Most tourism, being a particular form of recreational behaviour, is largely influenced by the same determinants of demand as outdoor recreation. These have been well documented in the literature and are predominantly economic, social and technological in nature. A multi-disciplinary summary of these factors is provided in Figure 2.2. The main determinants include: 1. Rising per capita incomes, higher purchasing power and greater disposable incomes have enabled people to engage in more expensive forms of recreation, 23

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including tourism, and allowed them to travel greater distances from their homes or, in other cases, to acquire more frequent travel experiences. The growth in leisure time and, in particular, in structured paid holidays and dual family incomes have created a greater propensity to travel but have also posed schedulecoordinating challenges for families. The result has been a growing trend for shorter but multiple vacations in a year. 2. The desire to escape the pressures of everyday urban living, to experience a change of environment is best achieved by a physical change of place. 3. Increased mobility: sophisticated developments in transportation, particularly the automobile and the aeroplane, have made travel easier, faster and more comfortable. This has meant that distant tourist destinations have become more accessible to larger numbers of people. 4. Higher levels of education have increased the desire of people to see and experience new things, people and places, and has also increased their awareness of the means of doing so. A liberalization of attitudes towards leisure has been associated with this trend so that the ability to travel is now considered to be an integral part of modern lifestyles and consumption patterns. Furthermore travel contributes to an individual’s intellectual and sociocultural outlook and status. As a result travellers are more worldly and experienced, pursuing new and varied forms of tourism opportunity. 5. Demographic changes, particularly ageing populations and mature ‘baby boomers’, coupled with better health care and longer life expectancies, will see expanded travel opportunities for these two affluent market segments. The new elderly population will not be similar to previous generations of older people. It will be a generation of wealthier, healthier, better educated and extensively travelled individuals. This new group will be unlikely to accept the ordinary or familiar but will seek alternative types of tourism activity and will likely place additional pressure on more fragile destinations and communities. Plog (1991) and Butler (2003: 226) have provided detailed discussions and useful conclusions on the implications of these projections. Changes in the above generic determinants of demand have enabled more people to spend their leisure more freely and have been responsible for the rapid growth of tourist arrivals by extending the opportunity to travel. Increased tourist demand has also been stimulated by a number of more specific factors. These include: 1. The development and increasing use of multi-dimensional distribution channels, particularly travel agents and tour operators and their abilities to innovatively and competitively package and price a wide range of travel options for consumers. This removed much of the planning responsibility away from the tourist 24

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and reduced overall pricing as a result of bulk buying volume contracts. The rapid onset and increasingly widespread availability of the internet are also making it easier for customers to plan and purchase their own itineraries, and changing the roles of intermediaries such as travel agents. 2. The growth of chartered air travel, airline consolidators, budget airlines and the continued evolution of a globally deregulated airline industry. Deregulation in Europe and North America has blurred the distinction between scheduled and the chartered air travel. With further deregulation, expansion of global alliances, increased privatization of the industry and burgeoning competition, travel consumers will have a greater range of choices in destinations and product offerings (Morley 2003, Fayad and Westlake 2002). 3. The development of new and more sophisticated tools to sell the tourist product. The extensive use of the package tour has been particularly noteworthy. The marketing of travel, accommodation, food and sightseeing opportunities as a package has eased the planning concerns of the less experienced traveller, reduced costs through the acquisition of bulk rates and, thereby, greatly increased the volume of effective demand (French 1998). At the same time the growth of the package tour has tended to concentrate tourists into specific localities at specific times of the year, as is evident in such places as Hawaii, the coasts of Spain, Florida and the Caribbean. 4. Greater organization, sophistication and competitiveness within the tourist industry itself and its continued change as an increasingly important part of the global economy. This has occurred through the efforts of travel intermediaries, international tourist organizations, national and regional tourist boards, and the vertical and horizontal integration of companies involved in the travel and accommodation sectors. The tourism industry itself continues to undergo significant metamorphosis in response to changing consumer needs and preferences, technological innovation and market competition. Trends of horizontal and vertical integration in a globally competitive environment continue to dominate the industrial structures of the developed world. Further business consolidation is to be expected with the trend spreading to the less developed tourist destinations. In recent years, many of these sophisticated marketing organizations have placed a greater emphasis on ‘new’ forms of tourism where a greater focus has been placed on consumers’ interest, quality, innovation, distribution channels and strategic positioning. Again, the advent of the internet and sophisticated information and communication technologies have also widened consumers’ purchasing options and, at the same time, have stimulated organizations to reengineer their own marketing and distribution systems. These evolving developments continue to be characteristic of the global tourism industry and will be significant influences on the patterns of demand and corresponding impacts accruing to destinations. 25

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The above factors, collectively, have stimulated the growth of the tourist industry. They have enabled suppressed demand to be converted into effective demand. People are able to travel further and faster, more frequently and more cheaply. This has increased the volume of tourist traffic, stimulated the creation of new destinations, contributed to the rise and fall of others and concentrated people into existing resorts where saturation levels may have been reached or exceeded. The evolution of mass tourism and its characteristics have been well documented in the literature. But what will happen in the future? It is likely that the patterns of demand will change, and that growth will likely stabilize and its magnitude and distribution will be different. With these changes, there will also be new and varied consequences and new challenges in establishing sustainable patterns of development. Poon (2002: 9) saw future demand as being internally driven (new consumers and new technologies) and externally controlled or mandated (limits to growth and the establishment of new global best practice). New or alternative forms of tourism are already emerging – forms of tourism designed to be flexible, individual-oriented, promoting social and cultural understanding, and sustainable. Simultaneously, the industry is also evolving and adopting emerging best practices such as total product management, including customization and customer relationship management, segmentation, revenue management, quality management, employee empowerment and global strategic alliances. The ability of organizations and destinations to foster these ‘new’ tourism ideologies will undoubtedly bring new consequences. The development and use of new and rapidly evolving technologies will influence the ways in which these opportunities are embraced. Relationships between tourism and evolving technology have received considerable attention from researchers (O’Connor 1999, Poon 2002, Sheldon 1999) and the topic has become the focus of a new journal: Information, Technology and Tourism: Applications, Methodologies and Techniques. Under the umbrella of e-tourism, the University of Surrey in the United Kingdom has introduced degrees exclusively in this subject area. Sophisticated information and communication technologies have unquestionably facilitated the globalization of the industry, modified patterns of demand and both challenged and facilitated the suppliers of tourism services to match their output with the needs of their customers. On the one hand, technology has continued to encourage the trend towards mass tourism, reinforcing the effects of airline deregulation, vacation packaging, mass marketing and mass production of services. On the other hand, it has also provided greater flexibility to individual consumers, and it will continue to create new and more desirable forms of tourism. The impact analyses covered in this book are largely the results of mass tourism as seen in the last three decades. Although tourism is dynamic and its manifestations will change, lessons from the recent past can provide useful insights for destinations and policy makers as they adapt to and get involved in the newer forms of tourism. 26

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Forms of tourist travel Different tourists have different preferences, different behaviours and different interactions with a destination and its resources. In view of the often-posed question of whether tourism is, or may be a sustainable activity, Wall (2001a) advocated that we should ask: ‘What form or forms of tourism and in what circumstances might tourism be sustainable?’ These are questions that will be reiterated later in this work. Wall argued that adequate answers to such questions are dependent upon understanding the types of tourism, their relationship with other activities and their economic, sociocultural and environmental impacts. There have been numerous attempts by academic researchers to define tourist types and to conceptualize the processes of tourists’ behaviours and their acquisition of experiences. A series of tourism typologies have been developed based on tourist motivations, their traits and their characteristics (Cohen 1972: 167–8, Plog 1974, Smith 1977: 2–3, Wahab 1975: 2–3). Lowyck, Van Langenhove and Bollaert (1992) and Shaw and Williams (2000) have reviewed some of these and others, and have made suggestions as to their utility. Similarly, Swarbrooke and Horner (2001) have examined these typologies and practitioners’ attempts to adapt them in market segmentation analyses. A review of the most widely documented and discussed typologies will be provided. They come from two basic directions that, unfortunately, seldom meet. Thus, for example, the valuable categorizations of Cohen (1972) are not illustrated by data, and the market segmentation studies based on large amounts of data matched by data sets are usually informed by statistical theory rather than theories rooted in the social sciences. Unfortunately, the two types of study, which have as their main objective the categorization of tourists into meaningful groupings, do not often inform each other. Typologies based on purpose of trip as the main segmentation variable have been established by Wahab (1975: 2–3). Wahab produced a five-fold classification, which included recreational tourism, cultural tourism, health tourism, spot tourism and conference tourism, although distinctions between the categories are not always clear. Smith’s typology included Wahab’s first two categories plus historical tourism, ethnic tourism and environmental tourism (often now referred to as ecotourism). Cultural tourism, for example, informs tourists about other countries and peoples, their lifestyles, customs and languages. Historical tourism encompasses visits to ancient monuments, archaeological digs and other places of historical interest such as museums and battlefields. Again, there is overlap between components of the typology and, in many cases, the semantic differences do not appear to relate to real differences in the structure or content of tourism. The typologies of both Wahab and Smith assume that tourists travel to destinations for a narrow range of specific reasons. However, motivational research has shown that tourists may choose a destination for more than one reason and their 27

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on-site behaviour may not entirely reflect their initial travel motivations. The categories in these typologies do not reflect well what tourists themselves perceive to be their travel motivations, or their activities as indicated in the literature. For example, Smith’s cultural tourism category includes considerably more than the understanding of the vanishing lifestyles of traditional societies. As Ritchie and Zins (1978: 257) noted, cultural tourism also includes the acquisition of knowledge about peoples of contemporary societies, observed through art and crafts, work, religion, language, traditions, food and dress. Categories based on single travel motivations do little more than indicate very general tendencies in the choice of travel destinations. They do not explain the nature of tourist phenomena. Cohen (1972: 167–8) suggested a classification of tourists based on the assumption that tourist experiences combine varying degrees of novelty with elements of the familiar, the excitement of change mixed with the security of accustomed habits. Cohen’s typology recognizes the importance of individual motivations and also assumes that the degrees to which familiarity and novelty are experienced are influenced by tourist preferences and the institutional setting of the trip. He developed a four-fold classification of tourist experiences and roles as follows: 1. The organized mass tourist. This role is typified by the package tour in which itineraries are fixed, stops are planned and guided, and all major decisions are left to the organizer. Familiarity is at a maximum and novelty at a minimum and the safety and companionship gained from travelling with others is paramount. 2. The individual mass tourist. In this role, the tour is not entirely planned by others and the tourist has some control over their itinerary and time allocations. However, all of the major arrangements are made through a travel intermediary. Like the organized mass tourist, the individual mass tourist remains largely within the ‘environmental bubble’ of home country ways and mixes little with members of the host community. Familiarity is still dominant. 3. The explorer. Explorers usually plan their own trips and try to avoid highly developed tourist attractions as much as possible. In spite of the desire to mix with members of the host community, the protection of the ‘environmental bubble’ is still sought. Novelty now dominates but the tourist does not become fully integrated with the host society. 4. The drifter. Drifters plan their trips alone, avoid developed tourist attractions and live with members of the host society. They are almost entirely immersed in the host culture, sharing its shelter, food and habits. Novelty is dominant and familiarity disappears. Each of the four tourist roles represents one stereotypical form of tourist behaviour and an associated organizational setting. Because each role is associated with tourist groups of different sizes and with different degrees of integration with 28

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residents of the host community, the classification has implications for the impacts of tourism. The impacts of tourism research considered in this book are primarily the results of institutionalized tourism, or the combination of Cohen’s first two categories. Little is known of the effects of interactions of host society members with non-institutionalized tourists, i.e. explorers and drifters, as they are generally not dependent on specialized services provided by the destination. However, some specialized services may eventually appear as even drifters follow the suggestions of the same guidebooks, and local entrepreneurs respond by providing cheap accommodation and internet access (Cukier 2000). Tourists of the institutionalized type were described as ‘sightseers’ in a later article by Cohen (1974: 544). Sightseers normally only visit a destination once and visit a variety of places within the confines of one trip. The emphasis of sightseers is strong on travel and weak on sojourn. This tends to be the opposite of non-institutionalized tourists whom Cohen (1974: 544) called vacationers. Cohen’s typology has more apparent implications for destinations than that of Wahab or Smith. Institutionalized, mass tourism imposes considerable demands for the supply of facilities and services with which the tourist can readily identify. The standardization of facilities, the transformation of natural attractions, and the construction of artificial ones produce an ‘environmental bubble’ similar to the tourists’ accustomed surroundings. The claim of the Holiday Inn chain that patrons of their establishments will have ‘no surprises’ caters to the conservatism of many mass tourists. The development of similarity, even uniformity, in the tourist experience has important economic, cultural and infrastructural effects on destinations. It tends to encourage homogeneity in tourist landscapes. The extents to which the roles of tourists and hosts are pre-defined and social expectations are made known also largely determine the manner in which tourists interact with members of the host society. In mass tourism, social contacts tend to be both limited in number and superficial in content. Similar types of tourism will have different types of impact depending upon the nature of the societies on which they impinge. Although Cohen’s typology emphasizes the motivations and travel arrangements of tourists, it also implies that destinations respond differently in accordance with different forms of tourism. This classification is seemingly rigid in its boundaries, at least in terms of the polar opposites in which it is grounded, and does not account for the varying nature of experiences that are occurring with the increasing diversity in vacation types and also for the fact that tourist behaviour may not always be consistent. Other more recent typologies are worthy of consideration (Plog 1994, Westvlaams Ekonomisch Studiebureau 1986) and have been reviewed by Lowyck, Van Langenhove and Bollaert (1992). Although the various typologies have different names for tourist groupings and also vary in number of categories proposed, similar characteristics appear in each of the types profiled: looking for adventure, new cultural experiences, variety versus the routine of daily habits, the importance 29

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attributed to nature and authenticity, and seeking relaxation, sun, sand and sea. Similarly, Plog (1994) identified categories which covered the main dimensions of earlier typologies – venturesomeness, pleasure-seeking, self-confidence, playfulness, masculinity, intellectualism and people orientation. Typologies developed over the past two decades have all attempted to group together tourists based on their preference for a particular vacation experience. These classifications have consistently been based on tourists’ choice of destinations, behaviours during their stay and the level of ‘institutionalization’ (independent or package holiday) of travel arrangements. In many cases, they characterize specific trip types, rather than tourist types for individual tourists may fall into different categories on different vacations, or even on different days of the same trip. Notwithstanding the considerable debate over their empirical and conceptual validity, tourism typologies are useful in determining how and why people differ in their tourist behaviour. Typologies can be helpful in matching tourist types to destination choice and can have implications for decisions concerning the allocation of resources, the desirability of extending facilities and services within a destination, and the marketing segmentation strategies adopted by a destination. Clearly, the needs of tourists vary, as identified by the typologies, and they place correspondingly different demands on the resources of a destination. Although not formalized into a typology per se, Poon’s (2002) discussion of so-called new tourism versus the older mass tourism is rooted in the changing dynamics of tourists’ preferences for and potential behaviours in destinations and the ways that destinations and the tourism industry is responding to such changes. Such behaviours and responses are also reflected in a growing body of literature on alternative and niche tourism (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002, Swarbrooke, Beard, Leckie and Pomfret 2004, Shaw and Williams 2004, Higginbottom 2004a, Hall, Sharples, Mitchell, Macionis and Cambourne 2003, Hall, Sharples, Cambourne and Macionis 2004, Hudson 2003). It implies that understanding and managing tourism impacts cannot now be undertaken adequately in the sole context of traditional mass tourism. A broader perspective is required involving the convergence of five interrelated forces that Poon identified as: consumers, technology, management techniques, production practices and frame conditions (legislative or institutional factors). The characteristics of the so-called new tourist, Poon’s consumers, are represented in Figure 2.3 and these are fundamentally different from those characterized as mass tourists and they also differ in the features identified by the earlier typologies. The new tourist is the most important driving force of a new ‘alternative’ tourism. Old mass tourism was characterized by largely identical tourist behaviours and was a product of the industry itself in rigidly packaged holidays, shaped by the economics of mass production and consumption (Middleton 1991). Against the backdrop of changing demographics, changing lifestyles and changing values, the forms that new tourism takes will be largely dictated by the tourist themselves 30

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Fig. 2.3 The new consumers

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and their behaviours (Cook 1993). Figure 2.3 presents six key attributes of the newly emerging tourists: 1. They are more experienced travellers, more discerning purchasers and willing to seek novel, adventurous and niche-related activities. 2. They have changed values reflected in a desire for authenticity, a concern for environmental quality and a search for personal fulfilment. 3. They have changed lifestyles manifested in healthy living, flexible work hours, higher household incomes and travel is a way of life. 4. They are products of changing population demographics with an ageing population, smaller households, couples without children and those whose children who have left home. 5. They are more flexible and are characterized by spontaneous and more frequent travel purchases, less planning, less rigidity and markedly changed booking behaviours and specialized or niche product purchases. 6. They are more independent and need to be more in control of their travel decisions and want to embrace their own individuality. The above list emphasizes the growing diversity of contemporary tourists, their demands, motivations and consumption behaviours. It also provides a new platform from which to explore the relationships between tourist consumption and the social, economic and cultural fabric of the destination. The other four of Poon’s forces (technology, management techniques, production practices and frame conditions) will lead to the creation of an industry that is designed and managed to embrace and respond to the profile of the new and changing tourist: 1. Information and communication technological advances within the tourism industry have dramatically increased and broadened the travel choices for tourists and the means by which the industry and destinations are able to manage and market. 2. Production practices of industry will be characterized by a number of specific developments – the market will be dominated by a smaller number of tourism organizations (a function of the global trends of vertical, horizontal and diagonal integration), product design will be increasingly environmentally conscious, more flexible and individually customized, and increased competition will necessitate industry providers to be more sophisticated in segmentation, marketing and distribution. 3. Management techniques of industry suppliers will evolve to emphasize quality experiences, focus on customer loyalty and individual tourist needs and tastes, and be focused on maximizing yields and the mix of customers. The management 32

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focus of destinations will be on visitor management techniques maximizing the sustainability of the destination and tourism simultaneously. 4. The frame conditions refer to the political, social and economic environments that surround the tourism industry, including such factors as consumer protection laws, airline deregulation, immigration processes, global best practices, and growth and impact thresholds. This brief discussion of the dynamic element of the conceptual framework has identified some of the factors that have contributed to the growth and patterns of tourism. It has also examined different types of tourist travel arrangements and indicated that they have implications for the impacts of tourism, largely those of mass tourism. However, it is also important to note that impacts of tourism in the future will be different and will be the result of new forms of tourism. Impacts of tourism are not restricted in their causes to the dynamic elements, which have been discussed. They are also the outcome of the destination elements. They are the result of the interaction of the tourists with the destination area and its residents.

THE DESTINATION ELEMENT Carrying capacity Carrying capacity is the maximum number of people who can use a site without an unacceptable alteration in the physical environment and the social, cultural and economic fabric of the destination and without an unacceptable decline in the quality of the experience gained by visitors. There is now an extensive literature on the physical or environmental carrying capacity of recreational areas but this is not the place to review it for this has been done adequately elsewhere (for example, Mitchell 1979: 176–200; O’Reilly 1986 has provided specific definitions and discussions of physical, social and economic carrying capacity). However, several points merit emphasis. The concept appears to be applicable to natural, human-modified and built environments, although it has been largely applied to the former. There is an extensive literature on the topic, particularly with respect to recreation, although there is only a limited number of examples of the application of the concept in studies of tourism. While seemingly an attractive and useful concept, great difficulties have been experienced in its practical application, resulting in its partial abandonment and replacement by concepts such as limits of acceptable change and a variety of visitor and impact management systems. Carrying capacity remains an elusive concept and much debated concept. In discussions of sustainable tourism development it is recognized that tourism generates negative impacts, and carrying capacity has been cited as a useful framework within which these issues can be addressed (O’Reilly 1986, Williams and Gill 1994). Conversely, others have suggested that alternative, more flexible 33

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frameworks should be used (Lindberg, McCool and Stankey 1997). Butler (1999) argued that the definitions of sustainability and carrying capacity are intrinsically linked with the former, involving meeting the needs of the present without negatively affecting the needs of future generations, while the latter contains the notion of limits of use before there is significant decline in the quality of the resources or the experience of the user (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of sustainable development). Discourse on the carrying capacity concept has directed attention to the need for clear and precise statements of goals, and assessments of the extent to which those goals are being realized. Fundamentally, a recreation site or tourist resort does not have one set carrying capacity. The capacity will reflect the goals that have been established for the site or resort, and these should specify the nature of the experiences to be provided and the level of environmental modification which is unacceptable. These may be influenced by such factors as capital availability and managerial involvement. Measures of capacity in tourist areas can relate to approaching routes, to the resort area and its attractions as a whole, or to individual services and facilities (Hall 1974: 392). In each of these cases, capacity has economic, physical and social attributes which may be measured. Each capacity type will vary for different destinations depending upon the physical characteristics of the destinations, the types of use, and the goals that they are expected to satisfy. Each type of capacity will have a tolerance limit for each destination or facility. This limit marks a threshold of change beyond which tourist activity induces effects that are judged to be primarily negative. If such tolerance limits are not exceeded, then the effects of tourism will generally be positive. Capacities exist for each of the economic, physical (or environmental) and social sub-systems of the destination. Finding space for souvenir shops, restaurants, hotels and car parks may mean the appropriation of land occupied by businesses, shops and specialist functions catering primarily to the local market. On the publication of our previous work (Mathieson and Wall 1982), the second author received an unsolicited letter from the mayor of an historic town with a burgeoning tourism industry, bemoaning the fact that the town had three stores selling fudge, but no store selling shoes! Thus, the notion of economic carrying capacity – the ability to absorb tourist functions without squeezing out desirable local activities or dramatically increasing the costs of goods and services for local residents – can be developed. The wear and tear on historical buildings and the contamination of beaches by untreated sewage are examples of tourism impacts than can pass the physical carrying capacity. It is well known that host people’s levels of tolerance for the presence and behaviour of tourists has been surpassed in some locations, where visitors have been greeted with hostility: in such situations the social carrying capacity has been exceeded. As Wagar (1964: 21) has pointed out, carrying capacity is not an end in itself but a means to an end. Changes to tourist destinations are inevitable. Application 34

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of the concept of carrying capacity has the potential to be useful in assessing the acceptability of the degree and direction of change that are occurring. In this form, it is usually recognized that there is not one capacity than can be approached with impunity and exceeded at peril. Rather, capacity is a managerial judgement, and assessments of the appropriateness of such judgements will vary among stakeholders. However, decisions can be informed and potentially improved by the undertaking of research, and the need to modify decisions can be checked through the establishment of monitoring systems. Capacity levels and associated thresholds of change are influenced by two major groups of factors: 1. The characteristics of the tourists and the quality of their experiences; 2. The characteristics of the destination area and its population.

Tourist characteristics The characteristics of tourists which have implications for carrying capacity and the nature of impacts include the following: 1. The socio-economic and psychographic characteristics of visitors. These include age and sex profiles; income levels; availability of spending money; motivations, attitudes and expectations; perceptions of resource quality; racial and ethnic backgrounds, overt behaviours, and others identified earlier in the discussion on demand determinants. Together, these variables contribute to interpersonal style; 2. The level of use. Number of visitors, their distribution in space and time and, hence, visitor density are of obvious importance; 3. The lengths of stay and the seasonality of visitation; 4. The types of tourist activity; 5. The levels of tourist satisfaction. Each of the above visitor characteristics is important because they all influence the magnitude, frequency and kind of interaction with the physical attributes of the destination and its people. It is important to recognize that it is not simply a matter of numbers. If carrying capacity is viewed in this way, then the only management option is to manipulate the volume of use. However, it is often a matter of the types of activities that are undertaken and conflicts between users with different expectations rather than numbers per se, and this means that the range of management options is not confined to restricting the volume of use. Notwithstanding the limitations of the carrying capacity concept, tourism does generate impacts, both desirable and undesirable, and these impacts can reach 35

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thresholds which are unacceptable to either the tourist or the destination and its residents, or both (Buckley 1999c).

Characteristics of the destination area and its population Characteristics of the destination area and its residents that influence carrying capacity and tourist impacts include: 1. Natural environmental features and processes. These include topography; mountains, lakes, rivers and sea; soil, vegetation, flora and fauna; sunshine, temperature, precipitation, photosynthesis, erosion and other environmental processes. 2. Economic structures and economic development. This includes the level of economic development, the diversity and the interdependence of the economic base, the spatial characteristics of development, patterns of investment, the import– export characteristics of the revenue of the destination, and the costs required to deliver and manage tourist products and services. 3. Social structure and organization. This category includes the demographic profile of the host population; the strength of local culture; availability and quality of public amenities; the availability and utility of community facilities and services; patterns of social organization; the roles of women; religious affiliations; moral conduct; levels of health and safety; perceptions, attitudes and values towards tourists; language; traditions; and gastronomic practices. 4. Political organization. The political structure of the host country and of particular resorts is important. Such factors as the existence of capitalist or socialist principles; planning and zoning regulations; incentives and constraints; and the roles of national, regional and local tourist organizations influence tourist impacts. 5. Level and type of tourist development. This encompasses the degree of local involvement in the tourist industry; stage and rate of development; nature and diversity of attractions; types and quality of accommodation and local transportation; entertainment and eating facilities; and the role of travel intermediaries and local suppliers in the delivery of tourist services and experiences.

Discussion The capacity of a destination to absorb the demands imposed upon it by tourists and the tourist industry depends upon the interrelationships of the numerous, complex factors itemized above, particularly the characteristics of tourists and of the destination area and its people. For example, host irritations caused by the presence of tourists may be intensified in cases of concentrated use, such as package tours, by long periods of stay, by the continued demonstration of the material superiority of visitors when compared with permanent residents, and by the selection of activities which bring the host and guest into close contact. Host 36

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resentment is likely to be high in locations with a highly developed tourist industry but with only limited local involvement. Given the multiplicity of factors which influence the nature of capacities, it is difficult, if not impossible, to calculate absolute values for tourist carrying capacities. As a result, there have been few attempts to measure the carrying capacities of resort areas, particularly before they have been reached. Nevertheless, the concept is of importance because it suggests that both natural and human systems can be stressed by tourism. As such, it has implications for the planning of destination areas and for the regulation of visitor activities. Certain sub-systems may have low tolerance levels to tourist activity while others may be exceedingly tolerant. Identification of these, and knowledge of the consequences of exceeding tolerance levels, could lead to the implementation of preventative management controls and maintenance policies. Destination areas have limitations in the volume and intensity of tourist development which can be absorbed before deterioration becomes a major problem. The following important considerations are relevant to the use of the concept of carrying capacity in the search for sustainable tourist development: 1. Capacities change over time with changing goals and technologies and they will vary with different forms of tourism and for different types of tourist products. 2. Agreement on the type of desired environmental, social and economic conditions, and the indicators of each and the acceptable level of impact on each must be determined. 3. There needs to be a known relationship between the level and type of use and the impacts produced if capacity is to be used as a useful input to planning and management. 4. There must be a political, financial and legal framework as well as the desire on the part of the local planning agencies to place limitations on types of volumes of use. In the chapters which follow, it will be seen that some tourist areas have been unable to absorb tourist demands, and capacities have been exceeded. If this occurs, the very resources which attracted the tourists initially can deteriorate and in some cases be destroyed. However, it has been argued strongly that it is not realistic to regard capacity solely as an absolute unchanging number that is an indicator of the maximum acceptable level of use. It is more complicated than this. Nevertheless, there should be acknowledgment that the desire to adopt growth strategies should be tempered by the realization that tourism imposes stresses, particularly on environmental and social systems, and management of the resulting pressures on a destination will be required: this would be a fruitful outcome of the carrying capacity debate and a useful perspective on the assessment and management of impacts. 37

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THE CONSEQUENTIAL ELEMENT The concentration of tourists and associated facilities and services in destination areas gives rise to a variety of impacts. Impacts of tourism can be viewed as arising from the type or types of tourism, the characteristics of the tourist, the characteristics of the destination and its communities where tourism is taking place and the nature of tourist–host relationships (Wall 1999b). Economic impacts encompass the monetary benefits and costs that result from the development and use of tourism facilities and services. Environmental impacts include alterations to the natural environment, including air, water, soils, vegetation and wildlife, as well as changes in the built environment (Wall and Wright 1977). Social impacts are the changes in the way of life of residents of destination areas. Carrying capacity levels differ between the economic, environmental and social sub-systems of destination areas and also vary among the components of each of these three sub-systems. Therefore, a tourist activity can be economically desirable while also being socially and environmentally damaging. For example, a tourist activity may create jobs and income for residents but working hours may be such that family life, social behaviour and recreation are adversely affected. Tourist developments may be environmentally damaging but may also bring in considerable revenue, which, in turn, can be used to ameliorate pollution. The links between each category are so close that the measurement of and planning for tourist impacts is rendered complex and difficult. The development and implementation of measures which will mitigate the negative impacts of tourism and, at the same time, enhance its positive effects will undoubtedly involve trade-offs. In reaching such decisions, knowledge of the dynamics of tourist impacts and how these vary with different levels of use, different tourist activities, and tourist areas with different characteristics is imperative. Such information is not yet readily available in a systematic form and, as a result, planning for tourist impacts has usually been rudimentary. Recognition of the need to plan for or manage tourist impacts has arisen largely from the existence of negative impacts or crisis situations and has often only occurred when carrying capacities have been greatly exceeded. In some cases it has been necessary to restrict the use of tourist facilities, and barriers have been erected preventing access to points of interest. Stonehenge is a good example of this situation. The stones were beginning to suffer from visible wear and tear. This was not due primarily to wilful damage but, rather, was the result of the cumulative effects of thousands of feet trampling the foundations and thousands of hands touching the stones, particularly the shallow carvings. Faced with the dilemma brought about by the success of Stonehenge as a tourist attraction, it was decided that preservation was more important than complete freedom of access and, in May 1978, fencing was erected and a new system of viewing was introduced. Visitors are no longer allowed within the stone circle. They are free to wander 38

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around the outside of a perimeter fence and must keep to a pathway if they wish to get a closer look at the stones (Bainbridge 1979). The range of measures for modifying the impacts of tourism is large. Finance may be made available to rehabilitate historic sites and it is also necessary to repair more modern facilities suffering from the effects of over-use. Zoning regulations, building codes and design standards may be employed to ensure that new structures, such as hotels, are constructed in appropriate locations and are of acceptable appearance. However, to date such measures have usually been employed after the damage has been done. They have often been site-specific rather than reflections of an imaginative, general policy. They have usually been reactionary, discouraging unsightly developments, rather than positive and promoting excellence in design. Planning and management in the context of sustainable development will be considered further in Chapter 7. The organizational framework which has been presented in Figure 2.1 is an attempt to summarize some aspects of the dynamics of tourism. It stresses the linkages between tourist use, carrying capacities and the impacts of tourism. It recognizes that impacts in a destination change with time and with different forms of tourism and changes in tourist–host interactions. Furthermore, change associated with tourism may also be cumulative and only be of consequence on an aggregate and cumulative basis. For example, small enterprises may be developed but they may have little impact in isolation but, as part of an overall structure, they will likely have broader effects. They could even be the straw that breaks the camel’s back! Thus, destination areas have tolerance limits and this means that reactionary planning and management measures, though better than nothing, should ideally be replaced by preventative planning and growth strategies.

TOURIST DECISION-MAKING The conceptual framework that has been presented addresses some of the more important factors and relationships influencing impacts of tourism. Impacts of tourism result from the behavioural outcomes of the tourist decision-making process. Such impacts, ultimately, stem from the multitude of individual decisions to visit particular places and to participate in specific activities. It is appropriate, therefore, to give some attention to the decision-making processes and behaviours of travellers. This aspect of travel research has enjoyed considerable progress over the last decade. A number of earlier works adopted normative perspectives, which aimed at predicting visitor volumes and the overall impact of travel to a particular destination. Several models of this type are referred to by Jeng and Fesenmaier (2002). Recent developments in research on travel decision-making have adopted a more comprehensive and less static view of travel decisionmaking than previously and these perspectives will be introduced in the following discussion. 39

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The vacation travel market has become highly competitive and the range of travel options from which tourists choose is immense. Increased discretionary time and money have given the potential tourist flexibility in choice. Tourist destinations have responded by becoming more competitive in both the prices and qualities of the facilities and services which they provide. As a result, the factors influencing tourist decisions have become increasingly more complex. Early approaches to the study of decision-making were based on the concept of ‘economic man’. This approach assumed perfect knowledge and economic rationality in decision-making. In the case of tourism, this would mean that tourists would arrange themselves in space and time to optimize the benefits of travel within the constraints of the amounts of time and money available. However, tourist travel involves elements of uncertainty. For instance, the climatic conditions of destinations may not be fully appreciated and weather may be variable. The quality of services and facilities may be different from what was expected. Furthermore, tourist experiences are constrained by the characteristics of the destination and these may not be fully appreciated by visitors, particularly if they are visiting for the first time. The deficiencies of the normative, economic man, approach stimulated its replacement by a behavioural, or satisficing, perspective (Simon 1957). It was assumed that tourists, still acting rationally but on the basis of limited information, seek satisfactory rather than optimal experiences. Behavioural decision-making models reflect this different emphasis and recognize that decision-making behaviours are more complex, dynamic, sequential and multi-staged, and, according to Rostron (1972: 38), Gnoth (1997) and Mansfield (1992), are more able to replicate how people reach decisions and act upon them. A behavioural decision-making framework is presented for travel and tourism in an attempt to identify, understand and illustrate the factors influencing tourist decisions and behaviour (Figure 2.4). The studies in this area are scattered across many interdisciplinary journals and, until recently, it was not easy to get an overall perspective in this area. However, Pizam and Mansfeld’s (2000) state-of-the-art text draws together many of these studies into a comprehensive book that examines the relationships between travel motivation, destination choice and travel behaviour. The body of work in this area of tourism research can be categorized as follows: 1. Tourist motivation and motivational typologies as major determinants of tourist behaviour; 2. Destination choice and spatial behaviour models; 3. Examination of consumer characteristics and how they individually and collectively influence travel choices; 4. The perceptions, attitudes and expectations of tourists as decision-making variables and the satisfactions of tourists with tourist products and activities; 5. Destination image formulation, the factors influencing this and the corresponding influences on destination choices. 40

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Fig. 2.4 The travel decision-making process (Source: After Mathieson and Wall 1982)

To date, research on travel consumer behaviour has largely focused on motivations, tourism typologies, destination choice and the components of the decision-making process itself. Although this body of work has significant academic importance, there are challenges in using it in a marketing context or as part of a visitor management strategy. The remainder of this chapter summarizes the work done to date and presents a behavioural framework which recognizes that tourism impacts are the consequences of tourist decisions and their understanding can be used to provide marketing direction for destinations that wish to 41

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move in the direction of sustainable development. But first, some of the distinctive features of tourist products will be pointed out.

PURCHASING TOURIST PRODUCTS If viewed in economic terms, the tourist is engaged in a buying decision, spending money to gain satisfaction. In typical consumer product purchases, the buyer usually expects predominantly tangible returns. Furthermore, the decision is largely spontaneous and involves only a small part of the consumer’s assets (Wahab, Crampon and Rothfield 1976: 74). The buying decisions of tourists are unusual in several ways: 1. There is virtually no tangible return on the investment. Exceptions to this statement arise from business travel where contracts may be signed and financial transactions may take place. Tourists purchase souvenirs and gifts on their trips but these usually represent only a small proportion of total expenses. The tourist product is an experience rather than a good and the experience itself varies with the phases of decision-making – the anticipation phase prior to a trip will yield different experiences from both the consumption phase and the post-trip memory phase (Van Raaij 1986). 2. Expenditure is often substantial and may even be the emotional highlight of the year. The purchase of a tourist package involves much larger monetary outlays than most consumer purchases and involves a commitment to something that cannot be readily inspected prior to purchase. 3. Purchases are not usually spontaneous. Trips are normally carefully planned, particularly in terms of expenditure. Small purchases, such as gifts and souvenirs, may often be spontaneous but these usually have relatively little cost. Choices of destination, type of accommodation and mode of travel are usually much less spontaneous because of their considerable financial implications and because they are not decisions that are made frequently. 4. Unlike the cases of many other products, in the case of tourism, consumers visit the site of production, rather than the good being transported to the user. Distance is usually regarded as a disutility in most economic transactions but in the case of tourism there is often an interest in going the extra mile to see something new or exotic. Clearly, not all tourists are distance minimizers. In such circumstances, notions of intervening opportunity and distance decay may need qualification (Wall 1978). 5. Furthermore, the product is not consumed in the sense that most products are destroyed in their use, although the cumulative impacts of visitors may mean that the nature of the tourist product may slowly change. Unlike many products, which can be stored and sold at a later date, the tourist supplier has a highly 42

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perishable product which usually cannot be stored: if a hotel bed is not occupied on a particular night the rental opportunity is lost and cannot be replaced. 6. Vacation decision-making will likely also involve a multitude of many smaller often sequential sub-decisions reflecting the connectivity and multi-faceted nature of the tourism industry and the range of motivations of the members of the travelling party. Decisions on such matters as accommodation, mode of transport, entertainment and sightseeing are often made as independent decisions particularly with the advent of the ‘new’ consumer and their behavioural traits as noted earlier in this chapter (Dellaert, Ettema and Lindh 1998, Hyde 2004, van Raaij and Francken 1984). Some of these decisions are made in the place of residence while others will be made at the destination itself. 7. Tourism decisions also include widely varying degrees of perceived risk. Satisfaction with travel experiences is often determined by the quality of products and services that are delivered by a destination or supplier over which the tourist has no direct influence. The level of perceived risk is therefore closely related to the level of tourist involvement in and control over travel decisions. External forces beyond the control of the tourist and supplier such as war, terrorism and health scares can also alter decision-making and purchasing behaviours. The decision-making process that is outlined in Figure 2.4 involves five principal and interacting phases: 1. Felt need or travel desire. A desire to travel is felt and reasons for and against meeting that desire are weighed. 2. Information collection and evaluation. Potential tourists consult travel intermediaries for information, study advertisements and brochures, and talk to experienced travellers or friends and relatives and search web sites. Information is evaluated against constraints such as the time and money available, the costs of alternative trips, the accessibility of possible destinations, and domestic or home circumstances, and evaluated in accordance with the tastes, values and experiences being sought. 3. Purchase or travel decisions. The decision to travel precipitates a series of subsequent decisions, including choice of destination, mode of travel, length of stay and type of accommodation. The images of potential destinations are important to these decisions. The quality and range of services may be similar in a number of destinations but their images may differ. These differences may be decisive factors in the choice between travel opportunities. The images of destinations may differ greatly from reality. The larger the difference between image and reality, that is between expectations and satisfaction, the more likely is the tourist to be dissatisfied with their experience. Therefore, information made available to the tourist should have a firm basis in reality. 43

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4. Travel preparations and travel experience. Bookings are made and confirmed, funds are organized, clothing and equipment are arranged and, eventually, travel begins. 5. Travel satisfaction evaluation. During and following the travel and stay phases of the trip, the experience is evaluated and the results of these evaluations will influence subsequent travel decisions. Models of consumer behaviour have been adapted by tourism researchers and applied to tourism decision-making (Mayo and Jarvis 1981, Moutinho 1987). These and other approaches have been reviewed by Pizam and Mansfield (2000), Hudson (2000) and Swarbrooke and Horner (2001). Bearing in mind that the tourist product and its purchase may differ in some ways from other commercial transactions, it is now appropriate to turn to a more detailed discussion of the factors which influence travel decisions. With the exception of Middleton (1996) the model presented in Figure 2.4 is the only example attempting to link consumer decisionmaking to ways of understanding impacts of tourism that we are aware of. This is a descriptive model and requires further empirical validation. The components that are itemized in the framework and their interrelationships influence each of the five decision-making phases described above. The framework identifies a number of sub-decisions and the dynamic interactions between cognitive and behavioural processes. Cognitive processes generate a need to travel and create motivations, beliefs and attitudes towards travelling to meet these needs. The behavioural processes are those action-oriented decisions such as information search, destination image formulation and trip option evaluations linked against the backdrop of the tourist propensity to travel. In order to more fully comprehend these phases and their implications for travel behaviour, it is necessary to examine the framework in more detail. To facilitate this, the framework will be considered under the following headings: the tourist profile, needs, motivations, attitudes, trip features and destination attributes, travel awareness and information search, and spatial relationships.

THE TOURIST PROFILE The tourist profile can be viewed under two major categories: the tourists’ socioeconomic and behavioural characteristics.

Socio-economic characteristics of tourists Age, education, income, occupation, family size and family life cycle and previous experiences influence attitudes, perceptions and motivations and affect decisions. The individual characteristics of the household member play an important role in decision-making. Individual family members may value a vacation differently. 44

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This is particularly relevant in the socio-economic environment of working parents with more discretionary income and less time with their children or when children have left home. Family vacations and the role of family and children in vacation decision-making are important considerations in determining purchasing behaviour and the experiences gained in the destinations (Cullingford 1995, Myers and Moncreif 1978, Nichols and Snepenger 2000, Nickerson and Jurowski 2001, Zalatan 1998). Obviously, individuals with low disposable incomes are less likely to pursue travel arrangements that involve first-class airfares, expensive hotels and costly restaurants, than those who are wealthier. Few elderly travellers are likely to participate in mountain climbing or visit nightclubs. Relationships between socio-economic variables and participation in recreation and travel are well documented in the literature and no further consideration of them will be provided here. However, it should be noted that such relationships do not really explain recreational behaviour: it is not possible to predict what people will do merely from knowledge of their socio-economic characteristics.

Behavioural characteristics of tourists Mayo and Jarvis (1981) argued that as tourism can be considered as purposeful, planned and motivated behaviour, it can also be claimed that the internal forces of the person are the most influential on travel decisions. Assessing who is involved in the decision and when, and the influences on the decision makers are central to an understanding of travel behaviour and its potential relationship to impact analysis. The motivations, attitudes, needs and values of tourists are of crucial importance in contributing to their decision-making processes. Motivations to travel are related to expectations, needs and wants. These, in turn, reflect tourists’ personalities and socio-economic profiles. Although highly interrelated, for the sake of simplicity, these factors will be discussed separately. Needs

The need of an individual is a cognitive condition that arises from the lack of something, which, if present, would likely further the well-being of that individual. Needs may be emotional, spiritual or physical. Collectively, they are determinants of tourist motivation. An individual’s need for change, new experiences, adventure and aesthetic appreciation may all be satisfied by travel and tourist activity. From a tourist’s perspective, travel is a response to felt needs and acquired values with temporal, spatial, social and economic parameters. Once these needs or values have been translated into a vacation image, the motivation generated will, in turn, determine a behavioural response and, ultimately, the level of satisfaction (Gnoth 1997). Initial decisions of whether to vacation or not are also clearly related to the socio-demographic factors noted above but this aspect of travel behaviour is not well researched (Van Raaij and Francken 1984). 45

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Motivations

The question of why people travel was given little attention until the research undertaken by Lundberg (1971), Mercer (1976a, b), and McIntosh (1977). Wahab (1975: 44) and Plog (1974) described travel motivations as: ‘one of the most basic and indispensable subjects in tourism studies. Ignoring it or passing lightly over it would defeat the whole purpose behind tourist development plans’. In early times, people travelled for reasons which were more easily identified than the reasons inducing current tourists to travel. These included the search for food, water and shelter, for economic and territorial gain and religious devotion. Few people travelled for sheer pleasure. Modern tourists travel essentially for pleasure but may do so for a number of additional reasons. Crompton (1979), Dann (1977), Mannell and Iso-Ahola (1987) and Krippendorf (1987) have argued that, as a starting point, motives may be categorized into two dimensions: 1. Push factors that make one want to leave home, such as the desire to escape the daily living and working environment and the pollution and traffic congestion of cities; 2. Pull factors that influence where and how one travels and the behaviours within the destination, such as the attractions of the destination, to visit friends and relatives, or to play or watch sport. A number of early researchers provided more detailed classifications of tourist motivations (Gray 1970, McIntosh 1977, Thomas 1964). However, there was little agreement concerning the relative significance of each motivational component. Thomas (1964: 65) listed eighteen factors and Lundberg (1972: 128) listed twenty. Both inventories drew heavily upon the attributes of tourists’ personalities and personal value systems. Gray’s (1970) categorization was far less explicit. He dichotomized travel motivations to be either ‘sunlust’ or ‘wanderlust’. The former referred to the seeking of locations containing better amenities to those available at home. ‘Wanderlust’ referred to the experience of seeing new places, meeting new people and engaging in new and different activities. Over the past decade considerable attention has been paid to the motivations of tourists (Gnoth 1997, McCabe 2000, Ryan and Glendon 1998, Witt and Wright 1993). Tourist motivations are complex and there are many potential motivations influencing a person to travel and choose a particular destination or holiday arrangement. Some motivations may be predetermined, such as visiting friends and relatives or attending religious festivals or for health reasons. Furthermore it is likely that a tourist will be influenced by multiple motivations and these may not always be compatible. Motivations may be shared with other members of the family or a travelling group and they may have different weightings dependent on age, gender and social and cultural influences (Ryan 1997). Notwithstanding the multi-dimensional and subjective nature of tourist motivations and the associated 46

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difficulties in measuring them, Fridgen (1996) has identified common themes running through several academic attempts to classify or list tourist motivations. The common themes that he identified are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4.

The need to escape – a trip is change from routine; Travel motivations involve social exchanges; Travel motivations involve social and personal comparisons; People travel in search for novelty and exploration.

Although this is not an exhaustive list of travel motivations it does summarize those most commonly identified in the literature. These have also been discussed in the tourist typologies noted earlier in this chapter. Attitudes

Attitudes of tourists provide indications of the attractions of travelling and visiting distant places (Fridgen 1996, Murphy 1975: 216). Attitudes and behavioural intentions can be of value in predicting travel behaviours (Murphy 1985). They reflect past experience (Neulinger and Breit 1971: 108). For example, a visit to Rome to participate in the Easter celebrations at the Vatican may have been marred by large crowds, the commercialization of what the visitor hoped would be a meaningful spiritual occasion, and by language difficulties. The experience may have induced a negative attitude towards subsequent trips to Rome, particularly at Easter, and to religious festivals in general. This may deter the traveller from participating in similar trips in the future. Furthermore, tourists’ attitudes about a destination and residents’ attitudes towards tourist have considerable bearing on the nature of the interactions between them and the corresponding social impacts of tourism on a destination. Trip features and destination attributes

The combination of trip features and destination attributes constitute the information base upon which decisions concerning destinations, modes of travel and activities are formulated. Generation point characteristics (see below) place constraints upon these decisions. (For ease of presentation, trip features and generation point characteristics have been combined under the former heading in Figure 2.4.) A number of possible destinations may appear to satisfy the personal requirements of the potential traveller. Each alternative is evaluated according to its compatibility with a number of criteria. These criteria are presented below under the three broad headings of generation point characteristics, trip features and destination resources: 1. Generation point characteristics. Attributes of the place of residence, or generation point characteristics, include motivators or constraints regarding home, work and family. They might encompass willingness to leave work unfinished around 47

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the house, the responsibilities of taking children travelling, selecting destinations which all members of the family will enjoy, and making arrangements for the care of pets, for job replacements and for the welfare of family members in the absence of the traveller. Travellers may not select destinations at great distances because of these deterrents, nor will they stay very long if their jobs demand their services. 2. Trip features. These include such factors as distance, duration of stay in one or more destinations, time constraints, trip cost and value for money, types of holiday and packaging options, perceived risk and uncertainty at the destination, and confidence in the travel arrangements, travel intermediaries and distribution channels. 3. Destination resources. The features of potential destinations play an important role in the assessment of alternatives and in the final choice of one or more destinations. These include types of attraction, the expected availability and quality of services, environmental conditions, and the attributes of the host population and their political organization. In addition, the potential tourist is likely to consider the practical barriers of entering a destination (customs, immigration and security inspections), the accessibility of the destination and of other complementary attractions, and host attitudes towards tourists. As most of these features were considered in an earlier conceptual framework (Figure 2.1), it is not necessary to examine them in detail here. Travel awareness and information search

Potential tourists may be motivated to travel but unless they are informed of what opportunities are available, they may be unaware of the means of meeting their requirements. Awareness of destinations, facilities and services depends upon the availability and timing of information received and the credibility of its source. Information on the tourist product is transmitted to potential tourists through both formal and informal sources. Formal sources include magazines, travel brochures, advertisements on radio and television, and discussions with travel intermediaries. Informal sources refer to comments obtained from relatives, friends or other travellers. Nolan (1976: 7) noted that travel information received from relatives and friends was the most informative, but it ranked lowest in credibility. Information obtained from guide books, government tourist offices and automobile club trip-planning services ranked highly both in terms of quality and credibility. Crotts (2000) recognized that prospective tourists making decisions used two information sources, namely internal and external. Internal information is simply retrieved from memory based on prior experience with a destination or travel arrangement. In addition, it is likely that tourists will access external sources of information, which are similar to the formal sources identified above. The combined set of psychological variables (such as needs and motivations) and non-psychological 48

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variables or external factors (such as destination attributes and perceived costs of travel products) will contribute to the formation of cognitive images of destinations and tourism products. An image or impression is conjured up from the information, and influences subsequent decisions, as interpreted according to personal and behavioural characteristics, including aspects of perception, memory and personality (Gilbert 1991, MacKay and Fesenmaier 1997, Sirakaya, Sonmez and Choi 2001). The effects of image on tourist decision-making have received some research attention although many more equivalent studies have been undertaken for the marketing of other consumer products. Images and the variables that influence them have been described (Ashworth and Goodall 1988, Chon 1991, Ehemann 1977, Font 1997) but only a few researchers have attempted to relate these to vacation choice (Baloglu and McCleary 1999, Papatheodorou 2001, Perdue 2001, Um and Crompton 1992). The interrelationships between information, image creation, the decision-making process and spatial behaviour are largely unstudied from the perspective of understanding tourism impacts. Mansfeld’s (1992) theoretical synopsis is a useful summary of the sequential process of decision-making described above and the relationship of motivations to destination choice. As he noted, considerable theoretical and methodological advancement, building upon existing studies, is still needed in this area. After returning from the trip, tourists recollect and evaluate their total travel experiences. These experiences provide the bases for subsequent travel decisions, whether to the same destination or another. These decisions, and the resulting behaviour, give rise to impacts on destination areas which are the concern of much of the remainder of this book.

SPATIAL RELATIONSHIPS Tourism, by definition, involves the movement of people from their places of permanent residence to new locations. This means that decisions made in one location have implications for other places which may be far removed from the locations in which the decisions are made. The preceding discussion has concentrated upon the decisions made by tourists. However, numerous other people also make decisions concerning the deployment of tourist resources. In addition to the individual tourist who has to decide when and where to participate, and what forms participation should take, there are numerous agencies with a responsibility for monitoring, regulating and providing tourism and recreational opportunities. Other groups, such as travel intermediaries and advertising agencies, influence decisions. Governments and multinational corporations make most major investment decisions. The homes of most tourists, the head offices of most hotel chains and transportation companies are in the major cities of the developed world, and this is where the majority of crucial decisions concerning tourism are made. 49

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The concentration of decision-making in the large cities of the developed world has caused some authors to view tourism, both international and domestic, as involving metropolitan demands being met by peripheral supply and to suggest that the core–periphery concept could be of utility in tourist studies (Britton 1980, Christaller 1963). It has prompted charges of economic imperialism as the major decisions affecting the economies of destination areas are made in places beyond their control. These charges will be examined in more detail later. However, not all tourism is of the core–periphery type. In fact the major cities of the world constitute principal sources of tourists and are important destinations in their own right. Such cities as Paris, London and New York are among the world’s most popular tourist destinations. Most big cities are multi-faceted tourist attractions. They possess a wide range of facilities, including museums, art galleries, theatres, cinemas, restaurants, specialized shopping facilities, public buildings, sports stadiums and parks, which tend to be clustered in relatively small areas. Many of these are high-order functions which require large numbers of people for their sustenance, and which have difficulty surviving in areas of low population density. Large cities are also centres of communication. They are the foci of road, rail and air transport networks, which channel travellers in their directions, and the transportation and accommodation infrastructure which is required for the functioning of any city is also necessary for tourism. Tourism does not dominate the economies of big cities as it does in resort areas, but hotels are an increasingly important component of big city landscapes and are a sign of their significance for tourism (Hutchinson 1980, Page and Hall 2003, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson 1998, Vetter 1975, Wall and Sinnott 1980).

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS The two frameworks indicate that impacts of tourism are the outcomes of the interrelationships of a complex array of phenomena. The first framework is much more general than the second. It shows that impacts of tourism are the result of interactions between tourists and the destination area and its population. The economic, environmental and social sub-systems of the destination area have carrying capacities and the magnitude and direction of tourist impact are determined by the tolerance limits of each. Positive impacts are present until limits are exceeded when impacts become negative. The second framework is more specific than the first and focuses upon one important component of the former: the tourists and their decision-making processes. The decision-making process outlined in Figure 2.4 indicates that impacts of tourism are, in large part, the consequences of the decisions of tourists. It recognizes that impacts of tourism are dynamic, changing with corresponding changes in destination features, trip characteristics, and the personal and behavioural attributes of tourists. There is a spatial discontinuity between cause and effect, as most 50

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of the decisions are made in the urban areas of the developed world, and many of the consequences occur in the pleasure periphery. Preferences for destinations change. Accurate forecasting of travel patterns requires an understanding of the features of destinations that are appealing and stimulate people to visit. By recognizing and targeting the factors influencing tourist travel decisions, tourists that are likely to fit well with the goals and objectives for particular destination areas may be attracted and the costs of mitigating the negative effects of tourist development can be reduced or avoided. It has also been suggested that carrying capacity can be used and even manipulated as an approach to controlling the effects of tourist development. A decisionmaking framework has been presented in the belief that parts of the planning and management processes can be directed at tourists and the factors that govern their travel decisions. Middleton (1996) argued that visitor management will be needed to achieve a balance between multiple visitor segments, destination resources and residents. Furthermore, he suggested that it is necessary for managers to understand market forces and the power of marketing to influence the behaviours of tourists and businesses. Effective marketing management will therefore need to be informed by data on customer choices and the factors influencing such choices, segmentation, product design and quality controls. An understanding of decisionmaking processes may be used as an aid in planning in four ways as summarized by Schmoll (1977: 60): 1. Through marketing: through promotional schemes, tourists’ decisions may be directed in favour of particular destinations, accommodation types, modes of transportation and travel services. Traffic may be diverted away from areas that have reached saturation point by encouraging potential tourists to select alternative destinations; 2. Through the identification and manipulation of the factors that have a bearing on travel decisions, leading to the reinforcement of positive influences and the counteraction of undesirable influences; 3. Through the identification of areas requiring more research: improved knowledge should lead to more informed planning and management decisions; 4. Through the determination of criteria by which target markets, or market segments of special interest and value to a tourist enterprise or destination, can be identified. The later chapters, on economic, environmental and social impacts, provide a detailed examination of the consequences of tourist decisions on each of these sub-systems in destination areas.

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3

Understanding change

This book is about changes that occur in destination areas as a result of tourism. In contrast to the preceding work (Mathieson and Wall 1982) that forms a basis for this volume, the words ‘change’ and ‘opportunities’ have been added to the title, alongside ‘impacts’. There are a number of reasons for this. First, although the impacts of tourism are both positive and negative, they may be evaluated differently by different people and there may be considerable disagreement as to what is actually desirable or undesirable. Furthermore, it is often the negative impacts that attract the most attention and the word ‘impacts’ often has a negative connotation. However, change is desired by almost all stakeholders involved in tourism, whether it is a break from routine on the part of tourists, enhanced life opportunities through jobs and incomes on the part of residents, larger tax receipts by governments, or greater resources for preservation by heritage advocates. While change is often wanted and tourism is often embraced because of the benefits that it may bring, there is often, at the same time, fear of change. Thus, the word ‘consequences’ is used to refer to the changes that follow in the wake of tourism in the belief that it is a more neutral term than ‘impacts’. However, in line with common practice, the word ‘impacts’ and ‘consequences’ will be used interchangeably in ths book. ‘Opportunities’ is added in recognition that tourism can also be beneficial if harnessed with foresight. This book examines the consequences of tourism for the people and places which are visited. Of course, there are other consequences in addition to those which occur in destination areas. For example, tourism has implications for the tourists themselves, for the organizations such as travel agencies and tour operators which cater to their needs and wants, for investors who may live a long way from the locations in which tourism takes place, and for governments at all levels that may attempt to gain revenues through direct and indirect taxes on tourism. Thus, this is a partial discussion of the consequences of tourism. It focuses upon the repercussions of tourism that are manifest in destination areas. On the other hand, there has been a retreat from a focus solely on the impacts of tourism, although this continues to be the major theme of this book. There are several reasons for this. First, as indicated above, the word ‘impacts’ has come to have a negative connotation and is often associated with a focused and short-term perspective, as in the case of many environmental impact assessments of specific 52

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tourism projects. On the other hand, it is becoming recognized increasingly that balance, compromise and trade-offs between competing interests will need to be sought. Furthermore, there are cumulative impacts and a longer-term perspective may be desirable, involving the monitoring of changes. Secondly, communities seek to attract tourists and tourism developers so that tourism development is often actively sought rather than being imposed on communities by external actors. Furthermore, residents of destination areas are not passive recipients of tourism. Rather, they may choose to take advantage of the opportunities that tourism may bring or be active in their opposition to tourism development. Thirdly, impacts are both direct and indirect. This is most clearly articulated in economic assessments where visitor spending, perhaps in a hotel, is viewed as ‘direct’; the expenditures of the hotel on supplies to meet tourist demands is termed ‘indirect’; and changes in purchasing patterns resulting from the direct and indirect expenditures are called ‘induced’. Total impacts in this scheme are the sum of direct, indirect and induced impacts (see Chapter 4 for more details on economic multipliers and leakage). Similar phenomena occur in the environmental and social domains as initial impacts ripple through the respective systems and give rise to additional associated consequences. However, it is a Herculean task to trace all of the myriad direct and indirect, short-term and long-term consequences of tourism. Fourthly, tourism takes many forms and the communities in which it takes place have diverse characteristics. This means that the consequences of tourism are highly contingent, reflecting the specific forms and locations in which it occurs. This creates major challenges for generalization and suggests that it is important to consider both the type of tourism and the characteristics of the community before speculating what the consequences of tourism might be. Finally, a wide variety of initiatives is implemented to influence the impacts of tourism. These include planning, marketing, visitor management and the introduction of codes of conduct. These and other means of modifying the consequences of tourism will be examined in more detail in Chapter 7. Interest in sustainable development has drawn attention to economic and environmental impacts and to the frequent situation that economic gains often accrue at the expense of environmental costs (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of sustainable development). Proponents of sustainable development have often drawn attention to the need to consider both economic and environmental dimensions of impacts but the significance of sociocultural consequences has often been overlooked in discussions of sustainable development. If tourism, or any other phenomenon, is to contribute to sustainable development, it is necessary that initiatives be economically viable, environmentally sensitive, and socially and culturally acceptable. It follows from the preceding points that there are many factors that intercede between tourism as an agent of change and the outcomes that are felt by members 53

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of the communities in which it occurs. Many of these have been addressed in preceding chapters, largely viewing them as factors that intercede between the decisions of tourists and the resulting consequences for destination areas. The purpose of this chapter is to address these complexities further but from a more general perspective that questions the assumptions and approaches that commonly underpin studies of the consequences of tourism.

EVOLVING PERSPECTIVES Wood (1980) suggested that much tourism research on impacts has adopted an inappropriate paradigm which he called the ‘billiard ball’ assumption. Under this perspective, tourism is viewed as an external force which impinges upon a static community. The latter is then transformed into a new state, much like the balls on a table put in motion initially by the strike of a cue. Eventually, a new equilibrium is reached when the balls have stopped rolling. All of the above assumptions can be questioned. Tourism is not simply an external force, for tourists and investors in tourism are actively sought by destinations. Furthermore, communities are not static but are in a continuous state of flux. Many of the forces of globalization appear to have similar repercussions to tourism so that it is extremely difficult to determine what changes are attributable to tourism and what should be ascribed to other phenomena. Since these forces are acting at the same time in the same places, it is actually artificial to try to separate them, and Lanfant (1995) has argued that tourism is now so pervasive in some communities that it should be considered as an inextricable part of them rather than something apart. A further criticism of the billiard ball assumption is that residents are not passive in the face of tourism but respond in a wide variety of ways which influence the specific outcomes of tourism development. Dogan (1989), for example, identified five possible responses: resistance (associated with enmity and aggression against tourists); retreatism (avoidance of contact with outsiders, revival of traditions, and increasing cultural and ethnic consciousness as opposed to active resistance); boundary maintenance (the establishment of a well-defined boundary between external and local cultures and presenting the local traditions to outsiders in a different context so that the effects of the latter on the local culture are minimized); revitalization (traditions, customs and institutions formerly disappearing are revived and accorded new meaning when they have become tourist attractions); and adoption (new cultural expressions introduced through tourism are accepted and adopted by local people). Some early discussions of the impacts of tourism, such as that of Doxey (1976), attempted to categorize communities’ attitudes towards tourism. Thus, Doxey, on the basis of work conducted in Canada and the West Indies, suggested that communities go through a predictable series of stages as the volume of tourism 54

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increases. These stages are euphoria, apathy, irritation, antagonism and a final level when the community is undermined and its formerly attractive features destroyed. While simple and plausible as a possible, even common, circumstance, such ideas have received increasing criticism for two main reasons. First, the inevitability of the sequence of attitudes moving from positive to negative has been questioned, the opposite also being a possibility. Secondly, it may be misleading to view communities as having attitudes, even dominant attitudes, for most communities consist of people with varying views and these views may change over time. Bjorkland and Philbrick (1972, in Mathieson and Wall 1982: 139) suggested a useful four-fold classification of individuals who may be positively or negatively disposed to tourism, and who may be active or passive in the promotion of their views. Thus, four positions are acknowledged: actively for, passively for, actively against and passively against. Individuals may change categories over time as issues and circumstances change. This appears to provide a fruitful and dynamic way of moving from the simplistic classification of communities to incorporate the differences which exist within communities. However, although the framework has been available and cited in the tourism literature for many years, few researchers appear to have actually employed it in empirical studies. There is a need to test the utility of this framework in field situations. As implied in the preceding discussion, even if changes associated with tourism could be identified with certainty, they will not necessarily be regarded in a similar manner by different people with different values and different types of involvement in tourism. Thus, large numbers of visitors may be welcomed by the business community but resented by individuals who are searching for peace and quiet. Similar impacts may be ascribed different meanings or degrees of importance (salience) by different individuals in the community, or even by local people and researchers from elsewhere. For example, there is a tendency for some academics to bemoan changes occurring in the lifestyles in traditional communities while their residents may be seeking to enhance their quality of life and to enjoy the trappings of modernity. Thus, there may be insider (emic) and outsider (etic) perspectives on impacts and these may be different (Berno 1996, Brislin 1993). It may be useful for researchers to share their findings with their subjects, not merely because they deserve to be able to benefit from the research, but also because their interpretations of significance and cause–effect relationships may sometimes differ from those of the researcher who brings different life experiences to the situation. Somewhat similarly, many surveys show that a majority of residents of destination areas recognize that increased tourism will likely result in more litter. Fewer respondents will spontaneously mention changes in land values and, even if they do, it may not be clear whether land values will rise, perhaps because of increased business opportunities, or decline because of congestion or declining environmental quality. Furthermore, it may be wrong to suggest that litter is a more important 55

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problem than changing land values merely because more people acknowledge it in a survey. Litter is certainly an easier problem to deal with than land values from planning and management perspectives. A brief example of a change which has taken place in Bali, Indonesia, will provide an example of the difficulties in understanding the importance of specific changes. Balinese families make offerings to the gods three times per day. This is a task which is undertaken by women. The offerings ideally should consist of six flowers of different colours plus a small amount of rice and perhaps meat. The flowers would usually be picked from plants growing in the family compound and the offering is contained in a small tray made from parts of a banana leaf. It is placed on the family temple or on the ground in front of the family compound or business, or even on the dashboard of a car. Many people now purchase their offerings rather than make them themselves. This trend appears to have occurred since the rapid growth of tourism in Bali. However, it is not clear that it is a direct consequence of tourism. Perhaps it is a reflection of a rising standard of living so that money is now available to purchase offerings whereas it was not previously. The availability of offerings for sale has saved time for some women who would otherwise have had to prepare the offering. The change has created jobs for other women who make offerings on a commercial basis. Is the offering less valuable and the individual less religious because they have purchased the offering? If offerings are purchased routinely, then it is less necessary to grow a variety of plants in the family compound. Does the purchase of offerings have implications for ecological diversity? Many young Balinese now wear jeans rather than sarongs, although they still may wear a sarong for ceremonial purposes. Also, if they work in the tourism industry, they may spend much of their time speaking Indonesian or English rather than Balinese. Some people are unable to escape the fixed hours of tourism employment, so that they may be unable to attend village (banjar) meetings. They may choose to send money instead, thus acknowledging their obligation and maintaining ties with their village. It is not clear, even after discussions with Balinese friends and colleagues, which of these changes is most significant from a Balinese perspective. It is certainly vital to maintain one’s links with the home community, for cremations are organized through the banjar and, if one is not cremated properly, the prospects for future lives are not very good! Where change is occurring but the complex cause and effect relationships are incompletely understood and the significance of the changes are unclear, then the management of impacts and the provision of mitigation strategies and remedial measures are far from straightforward. It is suggested that there is a substantial difference between a fairly narrow focus upon mitigating impacts (although there is not a large literature on this topic in the context of tourism and few have returned later to assess whether or not mitigative strategies have been successful) and the more complex, iterative process of monitoring and managing change. 56

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SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL FACTORS The distribution of tourists is highly uneven in both time and space. It follows, therefore, that the consequences of tourism are similarly unevenly distributed. Some brief comments will, therefore, be made with respect to temporal and spatial scales to illustrate this.

Temporal factors Tourism occurs on many different timescales with the distribution of tourists varying markedly depending upon the time of concern. For example, in a twentyfour hour period, there will be times when many tourists will be participating in recreational activities, others when many will be eating and still other times when most will be asleep. In cruise destinations, peak visitation may last no more than a couple of hours when a large vessel disgorges literally thousands of passengers for brief shore experiences before gathering them together again to resume their journey onboard. Such periodicities have implications for the facilities that tourists patronize, their detailed local expenditures, the labour that is required to meet their needs, the settings in which they are to be found and their likelihood of interacting with local people. On a slightly longer timescale, many destinations have a weekly use pattern, with peak demand at weekends and on public holidays. It is at the weekends that traffic congestion is likely to be most serious and when parking lots are most likely to be full to capacity. These are also the times when the number of visitors may greatly exceed the number of residents, making the latter a minority in their own community. On the other hand, these are the times when most money is spent. Most destination areas also experience an annual cycle of activity with a peak season and an off-season which are separated by two shoulder seasons. Sometimes the seasonality is so marked that tourism facilities may actually be closed in the off-season and the operators may leave the community for other places, perhaps to take their own vacations. Climate is a major factor contributing to seasonality but it is not the only one. The incidence of school holidays and prescribed seasons, as for hunting and fishing, are others. Even in tropical locations that are warm year-round, there is seasonality because of the existence of wet and dry seasons, periods with greater storm frequency and, particularly, because of seasonality in areas of demand. Thus, for example, demand for vacations in tropical areas such as Florida, from northern latitudes such as Canada, is greatest in the northern winter when days in the latter are short and cold. However, tourism facilities in large cities often experience less seasonality than rural and resort areas because they are also patronized by local residents and business customers and because many of their attractions, such as museums, theatres and many sports events, are indoors and sheltered from the weather. 57

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Destination areas often attempt to reduce seasonality, particularly by attempting to stimulate greater activity in the shoulder seasons. They do this by reducing prices, attempting to attract visitors, such as senior citizens who have more flexible schedules, and by developing special events. Most of the effort so far has been placed on manipulating the supply side in an attempt to make destinations more attractive in off-peak periods. However, little is known about the willingness of potential visitors to switch their activities to such times. Such initiatives may reduce seasonality somewhat but they are unlikely to eliminate it completely. The various periodicities that are briefly outlined above are superimposed upon each other and the daily, weekly and seasonal trends interact in complex ways (Yan and Wall 2003). Thus, for example, operators of summer campgrounds in northern latitudes may make most of their income in about ten weekends in the year and may suffer badly if too many of these weekends are wet. In so far as the consequences of tourism are linked with levels of use, some regular temporal variations in the consequences of tourism may be expected. Thus, attractions and accommodations may be filled to capacity at weekends but underutilized in midweek, and campgrounds that are heavily utilized and degraded in the summer, may be able to recover somewhat during the off-season (LaPage 1974). Should one design for peak periods recognizing that this may be inefficient and facilities may be underused at other times, or risk the bad publicity that may result from degraded experiences and an inability to cope at the busiest times? Residents of resorts may require the incomes from the peak periods for economic reasons but may relish the slower pace of life that they enjoy at other times of the year. Such peaks and troughs are introduced here to emphasize that the impacts of tourism, whether economic, environmental or social, may vary greatly on a diversity of timescales that are often overlooked. Expanding the temporal frame of reference even more broadly, although tourism is often regarded as being a youthful area of study when compared to many others, it actually has a long history. Tourism has grown substantially in volume, particularly in the second half of the last century, and is expected to continue to grow. Recreational travel has now become an integral part of the lives of most westerners, and the middle classes of the developing world are increasingly availing themselves of the opportunity to travel. Thus, there have been longer-term trends in tourism than those just described above that also have implications for the consequences of tourism. Not only have the numbers of domestic and international visitors risen substantially, transportation systems, particularly the invention of the wide-bodied jet, have allowed tourists to travel farther, faster and to penetrate even the most remote locations. Space tourism may even be on the horizon (Collins, Kanayama, Iwasaki, Ohnuki and Hanayama 1994). In terms of constructions, the sizes of theme parks, the number of rooms in hotels, and the capacities of planes and cruise ships have increased enormously. At the same time, the number of pristine beaches, remote locations and isolated cultural groups has shrunk, 58

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putting greater pressure for development on those that remain. Partly as a reaction to such situations, forms of tourism have changed and may be expected to continue to evolve. Package tours and independent travel coexist, boutique hotels complement the offerings of the large chains, mass tourism still dominates but competes with an expanding array of alternatives, more people are booking through the internet and the market is said to be becoming increasingly fragmented. International borders that were, until recently, becoming more permeable are now becoming more difficult to cross (Timothy 2001) and climate change may be modifying many of the natural resources on which tourism depends (Hall and Higham 2005, Wall 1992, 1993c). All of these trends have implications for who will go where, for how long and for what they will do and, consequently, for the impacts of tourism. From the perspective of particular destinations, Butler (1980) has suggested that resorts go through a particular sequence of circumstances akin to a product life cycle. Thus, he identified a series of stages, from ‘exploration’ through ‘involvement’, ‘development’, ‘consolidation’ and ‘decline’ or ‘rejuvenation’. The driving force, according to Butler, is the number of visitors but, in association with this, the types of visitors, their length of stay, the ownership of tourism businesses, the architecture and environment, and resident attitudes and involvement may also be expected to change. Weaver and Lawton (1988) suggested that this is only one possible temporal sequence and Keller (1987) and Krackover (1985) have suggested consistent variations in the role of government, accessibility and length of stay as remote areas are developed for tourism. These studies are introduced here to draw attention to the fact that the consequences of tourism are likely to vary greatly with the stage of development. In a pristine setting at the onset of tourism, it may be reasonable to examine the impacts of tourism, and the consequences of tourism may be fairly clear at that point in time. In contrast, in a place like Niagara Falls which has been involved in tourism for approximately two centuries, it is difficult to imagine the place in the absence of tourism and, in consequence, it is particularly challenging to address the impacts of tourism and to determine what the place would be like in its absence. On the other hand, it may be feasible to assess the impacts of a particular new tourism initiative, such as a casino, in such a location. The studies that have been mentioned in the preceding paragraph are attempts to generalize concerning the trajectories that tourism tends to take. In contrast, few would deny that tourism is operating in an increasingly turbulent environment. Natural hazards (Mazzocchi and Montini 2001), wars, terrorism, health epidemics (see Chapter 6), aided by electronic media that spread the news almost everywhere instantaneously, are modifying flows of tourists and impacting the wellbeing of tourism destinations markedly and at short notice, making generalization and prediction increasingly difficult. Farrell and Twining-Ward (2004) have been highly critical of tourism researchers for their tendency towards linear thinking. Using an ecological analogy, they suggested that the systems that we are examining are not linear, that the stochastic nature of complex systems should be better 59

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appreciated, that thresholds of change need to be better understood, that different processes operate at different scales, that the consequences of change at one scale need to be considered at other scales, that surprise may be the norm, that risk assessments need to be undertaken and, in short, that most tourism researchers are operating on an outdated paradigm. Although, for example, it has long been recognized that there is no simple relationship between levels of use and environmental impacts (Liddle 1997), that increased levels of use and associated economies of scale may make new management strategies viable (Parker 1999), and some tourism researchers have used such notions as catastrophe theory in their studies (Faulkner and Russell 1997, Russell and Faulkner 1999), Farrell and Twining-Ward have articulated an important challenge. What is to be done when the past may not be a good guide to the future, and much of the research may be based on untenable assumptions?

Spatial factors Tourism is a global phenomenon. With more than 700 million international travellers recorded annually and many more domestic tourists, tourism is clearly a force which is of global significance and it can be viewed as being an important instigator of global change. The economies of many coastal areas, such as the Mediterranean littoral, and mountain areas such as the Alps, are now dominated by tourism and there are few areas of the world that are beyond the reach of tourists and are thus unaffected by tourism. Even the Antarctic, for example, attracts tourists and there is a growing literature on the implications of tourism for Antarctic ecosystems and the cultural relics left by the early explorers (Hall and Johnston 1995, Smith and Splettstoesser 1994). At the same time, tourism is very unevenly distributed and many, perhaps most, of the consequences of tourism are concentrated in destination areas. Thus, for example, while national statistics on numbers of visitors and their expenditures are frequently cited, in reality the bulk of these usually occur in a limited number of places where tourists congregate. Almost fifty years ago, Christaller (1963) viewed cities as core areas of demand and peripheral areas as locations in which these demands could be met. This view is perhaps somewhat simplistic, for the major cities of the world are among its most important tourism destinations as well as being the places of origin of many tourists. However, the significance of tourism in such places may be masked somewhat by the multiplicity of activities that occur there when compared with resort areas with economies that are dedicated to tourism. At the scale of the individual destination, there are ‘front regions’ where most tourists are to be found and back regions where few tourists penetrate and life may go on largely unchanged (MacCannell 1973). Even individual tourism enterprises, such as theme parks, hotels and restaurants, have ‘front regions’ where 60

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Destination characteristics

interactions between visitors and employees occur and ‘back regions’ which may be off-limits to tourists. This will be considered further in the section which follows.

DESTINATION CHARACTERISTICS In large cosmopolitan urban areas, tourists may simply blend in and it may not be immediately obvious who is a tourist and who is a permanent resident. In contrast, in small communities, particularly those that cater to international tourists of a different race, ethnicity and language from the residents, then tourists may be more immediately recognized. Similarly, the same increment of tourism may have more far-reaching consequences in a small, rural community that is new to tourism than in a large, urban area or resort with a long history of tourism involvement. Hosts and guests bring different expectations to the interactions which occur between them and the areas on which tourism impinges may respond in different ways to the threats and opportunities which accompany it. Thus, the local consequences of tourism may vary from place to place. In fact, Smith’s (1977) catchy ‘hosts and guests’ terminology hides the fact that not all residents of destination areas are true or willing hosts and, for some, tourists may be unwelcome intruders rather than invited guests. Residents and visitors are less emotive terms, and concepts such as entrepreneurs and customers or, more generally, producers and consumers, may reveal more about the economic or instrumental relationships which are often involved. When viewed from the perspectives of the tourists, destination areas are commonly places in which pleasure is sought. But the motivations of tourists are diverse and their expectations of and commitment to the places which are visited are likely to differ from those of permanent residents. While for some purposes it may be appropriate to count business travellers as tourists, most tourists are likely to be seeking leisure experiences while temporarily away from home. In contrast, for residents of destination areas, the communities which are visited are places of home, work and retirement. Even remote wilderness areas are commonly the sources of livelihood of indigenous peoples and have spiritual significance for them. Thus, tourists and residents bring different expectations to their involvement with the destination community and use it in different ways. Interactions between residents and visitors are concentrated spatially in the socalled ‘front regions’ and occur in specific settings such as transportation termini, hotel lobbies and places of amusement. In contrast, few tourists penetrate the ‘back regions’ of the community where life goes on largely in the absence of tourists (MacCannell 1976). For tourists who may have saved up for much of the year to be able to afford to go away on holiday, the experience of being a tourist is a special one and they are likely to behave differently than when at home, often getting up and going to bed later, eating and drinking more, dressing differently and possibly feeling more sexually liberated. In contrast, for many residents, interactions 61

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with tourists may be routine and often occur in what is a work setting for them. Interactions may be fleeting, lack spontaneity and may be carefully managed. The resident may be employed in servicing the needs of the tourists who may be operating in an unaccustomed environment. Thus, the interactions which do occur may be unequal and unbalanced, and embedded in complex power relationships. They also may be mediated by cultural brokers such as tour books or tour guides (see later in this chapter and Chapter 6). Such relationships have implications for the consequences of tourism. It may be useful to view tourism as involving the interaction of three types of cultures: the destination culture, the cultures of the visitors’ origins and a tourist culture reflecting the fact that tourists of diverse backgrounds often use common facilities, visit similar sites and exhibit many behaviours that are common to most tourists even though their cultural origins may differ. None of the three types of cultural expression is homogeneous and, furthermore, they interact in a diversity of ways. In addition, destination communities are not homogeneous: there are male and female, young and old, newcomers and long-time residents, those employed in tourism and those who are not, and the powerful and the powerless. Thus, tourism does not impact all members of a community equally and there are some who are in a better position to take advantage of the opportunities than others.

TYPES OF TOURISM Just as communities vary greatly in their characteristics and involvement in tourism, tourism itself takes many forms and, in fact, many have argued that the market for tourism has become increasingly fragmented into a wide variety of niches, each with its own clientele, desired locations, forms of organization and associated impacts. So-called mass tourism to coastal resorts and, to a lesser extent, to mountain areas for annual vacations, although still the dominant pattern, has diversified into multiple trips, of varying duration, to undertake a wide range of activities, both active and passive, in diverse environmental settings, with varied consequences. Ecotourism, cruise tourism and heritage tourism have each been suggested by various observers as being the fastest growing type of tourism, often on the basis of slender evidence.

THE STATE OF KNOWLEDGE The complexities associated with temporal and spatial scales, destination types and types of tourism that have been introduced in the previous sections mean that generalizations with respect to the consequences of tourism are difficult to make and exceptions are common. They are also the reasons why conclusions may differ from study to study. 62

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Two broad types of studies exist concerning the impacts of tourism: objective and subjective. No measures are truly objective, for observers always have to decide what is of interest and of relevance, how changes are to be recorded, and what the significance and implications of changes might be. Nevertheless, two main research emphases can be identified: measurement of the phenomena that may have changed as a result of tourism, and perceptions of the changes that have occurred according to the perspectives of those who have been affected by them. Thus, for example, in the case of environment, measurements using standardized techniques can be made of biochemical oxygen demand in watercourses or of species diversity or, on the other hand, residents can be asked if the quality of their environment has changed. Similarly, economic studies can be undertaken of visitor expenditures and associated economic multipliers and leakage, or residents can be asked if they are better off as a result of tourism. Although there are a large number of academic studies of the impacts of tourism, many of which are reported in this volume, the body of knowledge is less insightful and useful than might be hoped. First, there is often a lack of multidisciplinary perspectives. Not only are most investigations concentrated on one of economic, environmental or sociocultural impacts, they are often highly focused within these broad domains. The result is that the work is fragmented with only few attempts to paint a complete, or even a broad, picture. Many pieces of the puzzle exist but they do not fit together well: there is no apparent strategy for putting the pieces together and only a limited vision of the overall scene to which they might contribute. Secondly, there is often an inadequate specification of the types of tourism which are involved and the characteristics of the community in which impacts occur. If one researcher is discussing tourism on a beach, another is examining downhill skiing and a third is investigating visits to historic sites, it is no wonder that the results are different. It is an over-generalization to extend the findings to tourism as a whole. Failure to specify details of the precise nature of the tourists – their numbers, distributions, activities and other characteristics, as well as the settings in which tourism takes place – results in communication failures among researchers and between researchers and policy makers. Thirdly, most studies of the impacts of tourism are backward-looking: they examine the consequences of tourism after they have occurred. If measures of human dimensions of tourism are available, such as the numbers of tourists, their spatial and temporal distributions and their activities, such investigations can provide useful information on the relationships between levels of use and magnitudes of change. Unfortunately, many studies only measure the impact and not the phenomena which have caused the changes, reducing their managerial utility. Furthermore, such studies look at changes which have already occurred whereas the managers and policy makers are more likely to be interested in predictions of possible impacts so that undesirable consequences can be avoided or mitigation 63

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strategies put in place. The backward-looking perspective of academic researchers often gives rise to lack of practical relevance from the perspectives of the policy makers or practitioners. Where mitigation strategies have been adopted, there have rarely been efforts made to measure their effectiveness. In fact, surprisingly few efforts have been made to evaluate the effectiveness of tourism plans and other tourism initiatives of any kind, perhaps because public agencies often work to a political agenda and their masters may not wish to risk the embarrassment of learning that their policies and programmes have, with the benefit of hindsight, proven to be less than satisfactory. The results of the above emphases have considerable implications for the understanding of tourism impacts. Numerous studies are case studies which are not well embedded in a broader context so that knowledge is less cumulative than it might otherwise have been. Also, there may be a tendency to overgeneralize from specific cases to tourism as a whole with misleading consequences. For example, work in wilderness situations is often based on the assumption that the quality of visitor experiences will decline with increasing numbers of visitors (see the discussion of carrying capacity in Chapter 2). However, in urban situations, or in the case of special events such as festivals and sports extravaganzas, there may be considerable tolerance for high densities of use and large numbers of other participants and a festive atmosphere may contribute to enhanced satisfaction, crowding and deteriorated experiences only occurring at extremely high levels of use. One topic which has received surprisingly limited attention among tourism researchers is the role of culture brokers in influencing the behaviours of tourists and, consequently, their impacts. Travel agents, guide books and tour guides, for example, have substantial influences on where people go and what they do, particularly for package tourists, both at the macro-level of the entire trip and at the micro-level of specific sites. As such, they play a major role in determining the sizes and locations of expenditures, i.e. economic impacts, including leakage and commissions. Similarly, they influence the places which people visit, the environments in which they spend time and their activities in them, i.e. environmental impacts. They also mediate between visitors and visited, with social and cultural consequences. Given the potentially far-reaching implications of culture brokers in tourism, it is surprising that their roles have not received more attention from researchers attempting to explain current impacts and from policy makers wishing to ameliorate future negative impacts or enhance positive ones. A final deficiency of impact research which will be reiterated is the lack of attention to saliency, or the importance to be accorded to specific changes that are identified. For example, researchers of cultural change may comment negatively on particular changes which may be acceptable to those undergoing them and vice versa. As pointed out in the Bali case earlier in this chapter, the meanings of changes may in fact be obscure and difficult to determine, even for those experiencing them. 64

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Factors contributing to and mediating impacts

The above discussion suggests that there is much yet to be done if researchers’ knowledge of the impacts of tourism is to be enhanced substantively and the utility of findings to decision makers expanded. Yet in spite of this situation, the knowledge of ‘experts’ is used in various processes (such as in benefit–cost analysis and environmental impact assessment: see Chapter 7) in an attempt to improve decision-making and, ultimately, the quality of development. There is a gap between the level of knowledge and the requirements of the applications for which that knowledge is needed. This will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.

FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO AND MEDIATING IMPACTS Although we have been critical of the state of impact research, it is not difficult to identify in very general terms, some of the factors of relevance to the consequences of tourism. Indeed, some of these factors have been mentioned in the preceding chapters. At the broadest level, three groups of factors are suggested that are likely to be associated with consequences of different magnitudes and types but which are relevant across economic, environmental and social domains. 1. Types of tourism. It is evident that the numbers of tourists, their personal characteristics, their lengths of stay and the activities which they engage in have implications for destination areas. Using accommodation types as a proximity for types of tourism, Table 3.1 illustrates features commonly associated with different accommodation characteristics and, hence, types of tourism. 2. Community characteristics. The characteristics of the destination area are likely to modify impacts as well as the acceptability of similar impacts, because of such factors as resource base, level of development, availability of alternative economic opportunities and extent of local control, both actual and perceived. As an example, a relatively large number of visitors can blend into a large, cosmopolitan, urban area as compared with a similar number in an isolated village. 3. Nature of host–guest interactions. The frequency, locations, seasonality and spontaneity (or lack thereof) of interactions between residents and visitors are also relevant, as are the roles of culture brokers. Even in seemingly similar situations as identified by the three groups of variables just discussed, impacts may be modified by a variety of temporal factors. For example, places at different stages of development, whether identified by general measures of development or those related specifically to tourism, such as those associated with Butler’s (1980) tourism cycle of evolution, are likely to have differing abilities to accommodate and tolerate tourists. In many tourism locations it is the cumulative effects of many small developments and decisions, which 65

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Table 3.1 Common relationships between accommodation types and other aspects of tourism systems: a perspective from Bali Systems components

Five-star hotels

Guest houses

Visitor characteristics Group type Origin Length of stay Activities/motivations Income

Many packages Many foreigners Short Recreation High

Varied Varied Long Varied Varied

Economic factors Size Economies of scale Capital requirements Backward linkages Multipliers Employment – formal Employment – informal Foreign-exchange

Large Large Large Small Small Large Small Variable

Small Small Small Large Large Small Large Variable

Cultural factors Migration stimulus Host–guest interaction Degree of local control Harmonious scale

High Low, formal Low Rarely

Low High, informal High Often

Environmental factors Land Water Energy Waste disposal

High High High High

Low Low Low Low

needs needs needs needs

needs needs needs needs

Source: Wall 1993b

build upon each other and gradually change the characteristics of places and the lives of their residents, that may be of more concern than the attributes of any specific initiative. Also, a rapid pace of change may be as significant as the specific changes themselves for speed results in greatly constrained opportunities for residents to adjust and for planners to prepare themselves, their clients and their communities. Of course, tourism seldom takes place in a planning or policy vacuum and it must be assumed that such tourism plans and policies have implications for the manifestations of tourism although, as indicated above, there have been surprisingly few evaluations of the effectiveness of them. If it is conceded that all of the above factors are relevant to and modify the consequences of tourism, then one might expect that students of the impacts of tourism would document them as part of their studies. While much literature exists, few authors document the above factors thoroughly and consistently and, therefore, fail to specify adequately the context in which specific impacts occur. 66

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Summary

SUMMARY Tourism is of such magnitude that its consequences are extremely far-reaching, because of the sheer scale of the phenomenon as well as the speed of the many changes associated with it. In fact, it would not be difficult to make a case that tourism is itself a major agent of global change (as well as being affected by other forces of global change, such as those associated with climate, technology and politics). At the same time and somewhat paradoxically, it can also be argued that tourism is becoming so pervasive that it is part of the usual complement of activities found in many communities. As such, it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine what should be attributable to tourism and what is the result of other forces of change. Regardless, these changes have multiple and interlocking dimensions: economic, environmental, social, cultural, political, institutional. While a massive literature has grown on the impacts of tourism, research results have often been confusing and even contradictory and, as discussed above, based in an inappropriate paradigm, leading to the conclusion that legal requirements, for example to undertake environmental impact assessments, may be ahead of scholarly understanding. Perhaps a more manageable and ultimately more useful question is not ‘What are the impacts of tourism?’ but, rather, ‘In what circumstances (contexts) are particular consequences likely to occur?’ The following three chapters will address the first question, and some observation pertaining to the latter will be made in Chapter 7.

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Economic consequences

International and domestic tourists spent approximately $55 billion (Canadian) in Canada in 2000. This was approximately 5 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The Canadian Tourism Commission estimated that, directly and indirectly, these expenditures created 547,000 direct jobs for Canadians. Updated visitor arrival statistics for Canada, seasonal variations in tourism demand, major market trends and receipts from tourist expenditure can be obtained online at www.canadatourism.com or www.statcan.ca. The province of Ontario has Canada’s largest tourism industry and is a major gateway to Canada. In 2002, Ontario accounted for 43 per cent of Canada’s total visitors and 37 per cent of Canada’s tourism revenues. The industry provided 227,000 direct jobs and an additional 117,000 indirect and induced jobs, representing 8 per cent of the province’s employment. In the same year tourism generated $9.3 billion (Canadian) in provincial tax revenue (www.tourism.gov.on.ca). In places such as the Caribbean, Spain and Mexico, tourism is the largest earner of foreign exchange and the leading industry in terms of income and employment. In 2000, the Caribbean realized a healthy influx of international tourist arrivals of 1704 million visitors that accounted for US$19 billion in gross revenues. Correspondingly, investment in tourism infrastructure has also increased and represented 21 per cent of all investment in the region. In many countries, tourism is the largest earner of foreign exchange and its contribution to the GDP is often well over 15 per cent. Tanzania (17 per cent), Fiji (50 per cent), the Maldives (41 per cent) and the Bahamas (19 per cent) are examples of such countries (The Big Picture: Travel Industry Yearbook 2003, WTO and WTTC 2004). Globally, tourism in the widest sense, including direct and indirect impacts, generated US$4.2 billion of GDP, or 10.4 per cent of the total, and was responsible for 214 million jobs or 8.1 per cent of total employment. In many low and middle income countries, tourism contributes a substantial proportion of total export earnings: Kenya (15 per cent), Tanzania (24 per cent), Jamaica (35 per cent), Cyprus (48 per cent) and Greece (20 per cent) are examples (Sinclair 1998). These international tourism statistics only partially indicate the economic significance of the tourist industry. More tourists travelled and spent even larger amounts of money within their own countries. In Canada, for example, domestic vacations have been recorded annually since 1971, with associated expenditures comprising approximately two-thirds of total tourist expenditure. The economic 68

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contributions of domestic tourism are as, if not more, substantial than those of international tourism but there is a paucity of reliable statistics on expenditures because domestic tourists are more difficult to count. Therefore, it is not easy to define the magnitude of domestic tourism accurately. There is no doubt whatsoever that tourism has major effects on the economies of destination areas. Early research focused primarily upon the economic aspects of the industry and this emphasis has resulted in a proportionately large number of studies of these effects. The majority of early studies of the economic impacts of tourism were directed at international and national levels (Gray 1970, Peters 1969, Thuens 1976), although there are now a growing number of studies that examine regional and local economic impacts (Archer, Shea and Vane 1974, Vaughan 1977a, b, Wagner 1997, Wall and Knapper 1981, Walpole and Goodwin 2000, Zhou, Yanagida, Chakravorty and Leung 1997). Similarly, there are a growing number of studies that estimate the economic impacts of specific events and tourism initiatives (Getz 1992a, 1994, Hall 1987, 1992a). Nevertheless, in spite of recent increases, studies of the economics of tourism, particularly in North America, constitute only a small proportion of the larger body of literature concerned with the economics of leisure and recreation. The early studies of Ogilvie (1933), Alexander (1953) and Waugh (1962) offered introductory statements on the economics of tourism but they did not provide a detailed examination of the full array of economic effects. Since that time, the number of analytical works on tourism economics has increased substantially (Bull 1991, Eadington and Redman 1991, Ioannides and Debbage 1998, Lundberg, Slavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995, Sinclair and Stabler 1997, Tribe 1999, Vanhove 2005) and a new journal, Tourism Economics, is devoted to the topic. In addition, other journals such as Tourism Management include a broad range of related topics, such as the delineation and definitional characteristics of the tourist industry, managerial economics of various tourism industry sectors, factors influencing tourism demand, international and domestic tourism economic differences, the role of tourism in economic development of peripheral regions and developing countries, and the influence of supply and infrastructural changes on local economic impacts. This is just a sample of what could be a very long list. It is surprising, given the contribution that tourism makes to GDP, the balance of payments and employment, as well as the interest in the economics of tourism, that tourism is rarely given much attention in general courses and programmes in economics. However, discussions of the positive and negative economic impacts of tourism, covering a range of direct, indirect and induced effects as well as leakages, have also emerged (Archer and Cooper 1998, Eadington and Redman 1991, Fletcher 1989, 1993b, Frechtling 1994a, c). Economic modelling (primarily using input–output analysis but also more sophisticated general equilibrium models) has been used to quantify these impacts at a national level: see, for example, studies of the Bahamas and Bermuda (Archer 1995), Hong Kong (Lin and Sung 1983), 69

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Australia (Cooper and Pigram 1984), the Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996), China (Gang, Xu and Kruse 2003, Yan and Wall 2003) and Ireland (Henry and Deane 1997). A small number of similar studies have also been conducted at regional and local levels (West 1993, Witt and Martin 1987). Dwyer, Forsyth, Madden and Spurr (2000) have provided a useful discussion on the scope and statistical significance of these studies. Most studies have emphasized the economic benefits that accrue to destination areas. The development of tourist facilities and recreational opportunities has frequently been viewed as stimulating a major positive contribution to the national balance of payments, as a means of redressing regional disparities in incomes and employment, and as responsible for revenues gained from direct tourism expenditures and through taxes and levies. Until recently, only a few studies examined the economic costs of tourism. The costs of entering the tourist market, as well as the indirect costs to destination areas, have received much less attention (Fleming and Toepper 1990 summarized in Frechtling 1996, Jafari 1974, Pearce 1989, Turner 1976, Young 1973). Although there is an uneven emphasis within economic studies of tourism, a concentration upon economic questions has continued to occur at the expense of research on physical and social impacts of tourist developments. This is changing only slowly as a result of an expanding interest in such topics as ecotourism and cultural tourism (see Chapters 5 and 6). A number of factors have contributed to the economic emphasis of a majority of tourist impact studies and have also influenced their quality. First, when compared with physical and social impacts, economic impacts are relatively easy to measure. Physical and social impacts, particularly the latter, are difficult to subject to numerical analyses, for they are often composed of intangibles and incommensurables which are difficult to quantify. Comparatively few researchers have accepted the challenges posed by the qualitative aspects of tourist impacts. Furthermore, there are widely accepted methodologies for measuring economic impacts, but they are still in the early stages of development in the other social and environmental sciences. Secondly, large quantities of relatively reliable and comparable data have been collected on economic aspects of tourism. Data required to measure the economic costs and benefits of tourism, such as expenditures, employment and tax revenues, have been more readily available than for other tourist impacts. Many of these data have been collected routinely by government agencies. The increasing adoption over time of consistent and well-tested measurement and analytical techniques has enabled more accurate longitudinal and comparative analysis to be undertaken. Latham (1989, 1992), Chadwick (1994) and Lickorish (1997) have provided useful discussions concerning the statistical measurement of tourism, with particular emphasis on the collaborative initiatives being undertaken in Europe and North America to improve the quality and promote the harmonization of statistics and associated tourism indicators. 70

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Thirdly, recent research has advanced the application of economic assessment tools in tourism research. Economists have traditionally used input–output (IO) analysis to examine the impacts of tourism on the economy of regions and, at the same time, have been cognizant of their limitations (Archer and Fletcher 1996, Briassoulis 1991, Fletcher 1989, Johnson and Moore 1993). Other methodologies have also been used, including, multiplier analysis, linear programming, general equilibrium models and benefit–cost analysis (Archer 1991, Kottke 1988, Wagner 1997, Zhou, Yanagida, Charkravorty and Leung 1997). However, despite the growing sophistication of the models and the availability of large data sets, the data are often inadequate or inappropriate, so that the results may be unreliable and difficult to use to support policy and planning decisions. Indeed, Archer (1996: 704) commented that detailed data about the beneficiaries of tourist spending, transactions between industry subsectors and their payments for production, levels of employment and sales to other industry sectors are usually not available in the forms needed for analysis. The resulting need to constantly adapt existing data or collect new data at great expense has often diluted the accuracy of the model outputs. Finally, the emphasis on the economics of tourism, especially its benefits, reflects the widespread belief among agency personnel that tourism can yield rapid and considerable returns on investments and be a positive force in remedying economic problems. Governments, development agencies, financial organizations, planning departments, local councils and other groups that support and promote the tourist industry have often seen tourism as a means of counteracting the economic difficulties that they have been facing. It is not surprising, then, to find that most research on the economic benefits of tourism has been conducted, instigated or sponsored by such institutions. In Canada, at the federal level, such studies are undertaken by the Research Division of the Canadian Tourism Commission. Provincial governments also produce economically oriented publications through such departments as the Ontario Ministry of Industry and Tourism. In the United Kingdom, a large proportion of economic studies of tourism carries the names of the British Tourist Authority, which is primarily concerned with international travel, and the English, Scottish and Welsh Tourist Boards, which initiate and sponsor research at a regional level. Numerous former county authorities, including Gwynedd, Cumberland, Devon and Northumberland, have also undertaken economic studies of tourism (Archer 1973: 1). With the advent of a number of independent international agencies, economic consultancy firms and university departments interested in tourism, a broader view of tourism economics has emerged. Research emanating from the now-defunct Tourism and Recreation Research Unit of the University of Edinburgh, from the Department of Economics at the University College of North Wales, from the Department of Habitational Resources, University of Wisconsin (Stout), WTO, Eurostat and from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 71

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(OECD) and Economic Commission for Europe has been more penetrating and comprehensive. The establishment of associations to collect, organize, standardize and publish travel data has also increased the amount and quality of recent economic research in tourism. The US Travel Data Center aids in the planning of American tourism by increasing the quality and availability of data. The International Union of Official Tourist Organizations has also had a marked influence on the collection and dissemination of information on tourism. Eurostat in conjunction with the OECD and WTO has provided standardized guidelines for economic assessments that now form the basis of the highly useful Tourism Satellite Accounts adopted by several countries. As a result of such administrative and academic developments, research on the economics of tourism has moved beyond the documentation and description of economic benefits as indicated in tables of international travel statistics. Recent progress includes: 1. The measurement of secondary economic impacts and, more specifically, the delineation and assessment of direct, indirect and induced impacts; 2. The improvement of techniques for the analysis of travel data; 3. The initiation of research on the economic costs of tourism; 4. Evaluation of the positive and negative impacts of promoting tourism and its role in the economic development of developing countries. Recognizing that economic impact studies are popular vehicles for illustrating the benefits of tourism, it is very important that the quality and credibility of such studies are considered by those who advocate tourism development as well as those who have reservations concerning the benefits. For example, the investments in tourist-related infrastructures made by local authorities must be evaluated against jobs, tax revenues and entrepreneurial initiatives that result. Ideally, such studies should also be viewed and evaluated alongside social and environmental impact assessments. That being said, there are numerous and important uses for accurate economic impact assessments. These include their uses as inputs for: 1. Legislation to implement taxation policies and regulations which can be fairly imposed relative to other industries; 2. Community planners in the design, implementation and response to zoning variations and developmental prospects; 3. Public and private travel marketers in setting the level and direction of their promotional efforts and expenditures in response to changes in consumer travel preferences and expenditure patterns; 4. Tourism developers in determining the location, type and feasibility of investing in tourist infrastructure; 5. Planners and marketing strategists to forecast tourism demand more effectively; 72

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6. Planners and policy makers to determine the nature of the linkages within an economy and design investment strategies to mitigate leakages and stimulate intra-regional expenditures. This chapter examines the economic impacts of tourism as indicated in the literature. The first section describes some of the economic characteristics of tourism development. It is followed by a consideration of the role of tourism in promoting economic development. More specific economic effects of tourism are the subject of the third section, which is divided into economic benefits and economic costs. Inevitably, there are some overlaps between sections. Furthermore, the literature contains conflicting conclusions. Many authors, particularly government spokespersons in less developed countries, reveal underlying optimistic attitudes towards tourism. Others are more cautious and indicate a need to reassess the role that tourism might play in national economic development. Even though separate subsections are presented for economic benefits and economic costs, it will sometimes be appropriate to discuss costs alongside benefits to provide a more balanced assessment of the study of economic impact.

ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TOURISM INDUSTRY Tourism is often welcomed as an industry bringing desperately needed foreign exchange, employment and a modern way of life. To others, tourism raises the spectre of the erosion of traditional lifestyles, inflation, neocolonialist images of exploitation and overdependence upon an unreliable, single industry (Schneider 1976: 5). Examples in the literature support the arguments of both camps. Although, because of the heterogeneous nature of its facilities and services, some have questioned whether tourism should be regarded as a single industry, there are a number of unusual and unifying particulars of tourism which make it distinguishable from other industries and international transactions (Eadington and Redman 1991, Leiper 1979: 397–403, Pearce 1989, Ryan 1991, Schneider 1976: 9–10, Smith, S.L.J. 1998, Medlik 1998). First, tourism is an invisible export industry. As in the cases of banking and insurance, there is no tangible product that is shipped from one place to another. It is one of the few industries in which the consumer actually collects and consumes the service personally from the place where it is produced. (Others are health care and education, although the availability of correspondence and internet courses is changing the latter.) In consequence, the exporting destination incurs no direct freight costs outside its boundaries except where the transportation facility used by the tourist is owned by the destination. In developing countries this is seldom the case and tourism is sold free on board (f.o.b.). In developed countries, the exporter frequently owns airlines and tour operators and hence tourism is sold f.o.b. and c.i.f. (cost, insurance and freight). However, in both cases there may be substantial costs involved in marketing to an international clientele. 73

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Secondly, tourists visiting destination areas require ancillary goods and services, such as transportation facilities, water supplies, sewerage systems and retail functions. These have to be created, expanded or imported, depending upon the availability of existing supplies and the nature and magnitude of the tourist demands. Further, the vacation is often consumed en masse and frequently in concentrated areas with tourists having little consideration of local norms, culture or environments. Thirdly, tourism is a fragmented product, integrated with and directly affecting many other sectors of the economy (Gilbert 1990). Tourists use and consume a spectrum of components, some of which are purchased from firms specializing in tourism business, some from firms in other industries, and some are derived at no direct cost to the tourist. For example, tourist expenditure is injected directly into hotels, shops, restaurants and recreational facilities. Indirect benefits from tourist expenditures may be in the form of local tax revenues, improvements in the infrastructure of destination areas and extensions of community services. Demands by tourists for specific items, such as souvenirs, stimulate local entrepreneurial activity, providing additional local employment and income. However, tourists may pay nothing directly to enjoy a high-quality environment. The large number of forces at play and the interdependence of tourism products within an economy make the full measurement of economic impacts a highly complex undertaking. Finally, tourism is a highly unstable export. It is subject to strong seasonal variations, to pronounced and unpredictable external forces, to the heterogeneous nature of tourist motivations and expectations, and is highly elastic with respect to both price and income. Collectively, these factors promote a low level of customer loyalty with respect to destinations, modes of travel, accommodation units and travel intermediaries (Schmoll 1977). These factors are examined in more detail below: 1. The fact that the tourist product is highly perishable and cannot be stored and that tourist demand is highly seasonal lead to marked fluctuations in levels of activity in the industry. The rigidity of tourist supply and the high amounts of capital required to expand supply, coupled with the fact that supply cannot be readily moved (an exception is a cruise ship), mean that there is an inability to increase production beyond certain inelastic limits posed by destination supply, at least in the short term. This means that sufficient revenue must be earned during the peak season to offset a decline in patronage for the remainder of the year. The cyclical pattern of demand for tourist goods and services has obvious implications for employment and investment. 2. A recent and growing trend has been for tourists from developed nations to take multiple holidays in the same year, although the secondary vacations are often spent in domestic locations. This has mitigated, to some extent, the seasonal peaks in such tourist destinations as Mexico, Majorca, Morocco, the Caribbean 74

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and the Pacific region. Similarly, destinations such as Cuba have emerged as a major attraction during the winter for Canadians and in the summer for Germans and Italians. Resort areas such as Whistler and Banff in Canada have highly developed ski facilities for winter tourism but have also developed an attraction base and supporting infrastructure for summer visitors. Planned measures to offset the problems created by seasonality have tended to take one of two approaches: (a) Altering the rate of production of supply to correspond more closely with the peaks in tourist demand. Suppliers have two alternatives in selecting this option. They may attempt to meet peak demand at the expense of reducing the qualities of the services provided, or they may restrict supply at a level below the peak demand. The latter option may cause some tourist dissatisfaction but it ensures that tourists whose demands are met do not receive a diminished quality of services. Extensions of supply during peak periods stimulate further temporal concentration of demands leading to increased overloading at existing facilities. (b) Modifying the temporal distribution of demand to match existing levels of supply. There have been few successful attempts at dramatically altering the temporal incidence of demand. Staggering school holidays has achieved little in this respect. Off-season concession rates offered by airlines and hotels, and the off-season staging of business conventions have been more fruitful in extending the season. However, the complete success of these measures has been questioned because of the limits of price elasticity: price cuts need to be managed carefully if profitability is to be maintained. The effects of seasonality probably cannot be totally removed and seasonality is a factor with which the tourist industry must learn to live. 3. Tourism demand is subject to change from unpredictable external influences. Long-distance pleasure travel is a luxury. Political unrest at particular destinations, terrorist activities, changes in international currency exchange rates, energy shortages and unusual climatic events can cause tourist traffic to divert to new destinations with more amenable conditions. 4. Motivations of tourists are highly complex, often incompatible and vary greatly among travellers. As a result, many tourists seldom travel to a particular distant location more than once. Destinations have to assess which segments of the tourist market they are in the best position to satisfy, given the types and qualities of tourist product that they can create. The creation of product loyalty and the attraction of return visitors are particularly difficult when the lure of the unknown and exotic is beckoning. 5. Tourism is price and income elastic. This means that tourist decisions can be greatly influenced by small changes in price and income. Price elasticity is more easily identified than income elasticity because of its frequent and sudden effects. 75

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Demand theory implies that as per capita incomes rise, people have an increased propensity to travel and increase their associated expenditures. Studies by Strange and Redman (1982), Lee, Var and Blaine (1996), Martin and Witt (1988) and Smeral (1994) support this hypothesis and suggest that responses to changes in income are generally highly elastic, indicating that tourist expenditures rise at a higher proportional rate than income, supporting the claim that tourist goods and services are luxury products. Price elasticity with respect to tourist behaviour encompasses both prices of products and services at the destination, and transportation costs. Prices of services at the destination are influenced by the costs of production and supply at the destination and the exchange rates prevalent at the time of purchase. Uysal and Crompton (1984) and Peebles (1988) found that fluctuations in exchange rates and changes in prices in a destination are significant determinants of tourism demand. Similarly, variability in transportation costs should influence international travel, although this was not shown conclusively in the early studies (Uysal and Crompton 1984, Witt and Martin 1987). Today, destinations and commercial enterprises can see clear patterns of demand and customer loyalty behaviour being determined by variable pricing. Examples are the frequent airline price wars and the advent of low-cost and low-frills carriers along with the competitive pricing strategies of tour operators and hotels. Pricing strategies of destinations and in particular those of tourism product and service providers are more sophisticated in their approach. They are well researched in terms of their business impact and influence on patterns of demand and are well managed and monitored through the use of technical modelling and management tools (Morrison 1989, Vanhove 2005, Kimes 1999). Research on expenditure elasticity within destinations shows that tourists are influenced by exchange rates and destination prices relative to those in their home country (O’Hagan and Harrison 1984, Sheldon 1990). As destinations are core features of most tourism products, their characteristics, competitiveness and relative appeal will determine, in part, the nature and scope of impacts. They are usually multi-purpose places serving as residential, industrial and agricultural servicing centres in addition to catering to tourism. The interaction of the local economic sectors and the involvements of the public and private sectors create a fabric of interrelationships. These may appear to be seamless to the tourist but are critical in determining local impacts. Further, as globalization of the supply side of tourism progresses, the ties that have bound tourism enterprises to their national, regional or local roots will be challenged and likely weakened. Inherent in this scenario is the fact that these large tourist enterprises, often multinational in structure, will be less committed to destinations and may be in a position to play one destination off against another to preserve their commercial viability. Their loyalty to a destination and their actual and potential impacts upon it are, therefore, worthy of serious consideration (Swarbrooke 2001: 163). Not only are 76

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destinations facing competition from each other but from the demands for new forms of tourism. New destinations are evolving to cater to new markets, such as for ecotourism, health tourism, activity vacations and heritage tourism. These new forces are challenging well-established destinations, their infrastructures and their marketing programmes to adjust their future positioning in an era of globalization. Competitiveness has now become central to destination and tourism supplier policy and management. However as competition increases and tourism activity intensifies, tourism policy makers and managers will also require a means to monitor, control and enhance the quality of tourism products and, simultaneously, to protect resources (Goeldner et al. 2000, Ritchie and Crouch 2003). The volume of tourist traffic can be manipulated by international price and currency controls. By restricting the volume of currency which can be taken abroad and by means of import duties and export taxes, countries of tourist origin can create exchange rates for tourists which differ from those at which other foreign trade takes place. Somewhat similar subsidies, as in the case of duty-free concessions or tax rebates, can be made by destination areas to permit international tourists to purchase goods at what are essentially less than local prices. The characteristics of the tourist industry, which have been outlined above, serve as a partial foundation for understanding the nature of tourist impacts. They also go some way towards explaining differences between the impacts of tourism and some other forms of recreation. They also should alert the reader to a number of basic concerns in the development of tourism that are often overlooked by planners but which are of considerable significance in the assessment of the benefits and costs of tourism.

TOURISM AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Tourist development gives rise to different benefits and costs in different areas. Many of these differences are attributable to variations in the economic structures of destination areas, the institutional framework surrounding tourist development and their geographical locations. The most obvious distinction is that between developed and developing areas (formerly referred to as the Third World). Developing countries usually have low levels of income, uneven distribution of income and wealth, high levels of unemployment and underemployment, low levels of industrial development which are hampered by the small size of the domestic market, a heavy dependence on agriculture for export earnings, and high levels of foreign ownership of manufacturing and service industries. These trends have been associated with regional disparities in economic wealth within many of the developing countries, a substantial leakage of profits out of the country, high inflation and shortages of foreign exchange. Although many of these economic problems also plague developed countries, they have usually been caused by different economic factors. The rapid injection of tourist expenditures and foreign investments 77

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into developing countries often has rather different and more significant effects than if equivalent sums were expended in developed economies. The directions of monetary flows, the distribution of benefits, employment characteristics and income effects will vary greatly with the sources of tourists and investments, and with the nature and level of economic development of the destination. Tourism in developing countries is, in most cases, a relatively new activity which has grown to significant levels over a very short period of time. This has resulted in a heavy strain being placed upon local infrastructures and human resources. In some cases, the infrastructure is not adequate or of the quality to absorb the increase in tourist arrivals. In other situations, as in the case of India where a number of first-class hotels have been built, the relatively small absolute number of tourists may be insufficient to fully utilize the available facilities. In the latter circumstance it may be necessary to increase prices to offset the costs of underutilization. New tourist activity may be imposed upon traditional cultures with different standards of living and sociocultural backgrounds from those of the tourists with whom they interact. This is, in itself, responsible for numerous economic, physical and social impacts peculiar to the tourist industry. A considerable body of literature emphasizes export expansion as a major factor contributing to sustained economic growth. Within developing countries, it has been frequently argued that a transformation from a traditional agricultural economy to an industrial economy is required for modernization and economic development to take place. Such a transformation would demand enormous amounts of capital and foreign earnings or loans. However, many developing countries have a strong historical function of exporting primary commodities and the export of primary products has usually been insufficient to meet the financial requirements of the proposed economic transformation. This has encouraged governments in the developing world to turn to tourism as a means of acquiring the financial resources required for overall economic growth. Somewhat similarly, at a more local level, tourism has been viewed as a means of introducing new growth into declining rural economies in developed countries (Brownrigg and Greig 1976, Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998). In fact, in many developing countries, such as Kenya and many in the Caribbean, tourism is now the number one earner of foreign exchange surpassing the value of traditional agricultural exports (Dieke 2000: 17). Peters (1969: 10) summarized the views of the proponents of tourism as an agent of economic development as follows: The economic gap between rich and poor countries has widened over the past ten years. But to create new industries and to transform rural life in Asian, African and Latin American countries is a gigantic task. The relevance of tourism to this situation is that income from international travel can bring the foreign exchange essential for major investment. There is a widespread awareness of the potential benefits, but little has been done in practice to provide the means of expansion of tourism plans in most of the developing areas of the world. 78

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There is now substantial literature on the subject of tourism development, its rationale and theoretical constructs (Butler 1997, Dann 1999, Pearce 1989, Sharpley and Telfer 2002, Williams and Shaw 1998). Many researchers have focused on tourism and economic development in specific countries, such as Indonesia (Cukier 2002), Kenya (Sindiga 1996), Tanzania (Curry 1990), Philippines (Chon and Oppermann 1996), The Gambia (Dieke 1993, Thompson, O’Hare and Evans 1995), Fiji (Prasad and Tisdell 1998) and the Seychelles (Gabbay and Ghosh 1998). In addition to general arguments concerning the ability of tourism to produce foreign exchange, advocates of tourism have also been more specific in their claims. Proponents of tourist development in developing countries have argued that, not only can tourism relieve the shortages of foreign earnings constraining economic development, but it can also alleviate problems of urban unemployment and, in the long term, provide a price and income elastic substitute for traditional exports which face less secure futures (Diamond 1977: 539). As a result of such arguments, the case for the promotion of tourism as a strategy for economic growth has received widespread approval, particularly among policy makers in developing countries. In consequence, in many of these countries, the traditional agricultural economies are now giving way to tourism and, in doing so, making certain countries and regions more reliant on the tourism sector as a vehicle for economic diversification. Tourism, however, has not escaped criticism. Indeed, the challenge to the industry is a mounting one, growing continually in volume and insistence. Bryden (1973), Economist Intelligence Unit (1973), Perez (1974), Rivers (1974), Marsh (1975a, b), Turner (1976), Jenkins (1997), Brohman (1996) and Williams and Shaw (1998) are among those who have expressed reservations concerning the benefits of tourism. Most criticisms have not been concerned with the economic potential of tourism, an argument that continues to receive considerable support, but rather with the negative non-pecuniary effects of tourism. However, some recent researchers have also challenged the traditional economic viewpoints (Lee 1987). Dieke (2000: 14) cited a 1998 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development as follows: Leakages of foreign exchange earnings are a major obstacle to the positive contribution of tourism to development. Leakage is the process whereby part of the foreign exchange earnings generated by tourism, rather than being retained by the tourist-receiving countries, is either retained by the tourist generating countries or remitted back to them. It takes the form of profit, income and royalty remittances; payments for the import of equipment, materials and capital and consumer goods to cater for the needs of international tourists; the payment of foreign loans; various mechanisms for tax evasion and overseas promotional expenditures.

Accompanying the widespread economic benefits, there are a variety of unquantified physical and social costs, which may be of sufficient magnitude to support arguments against tourism’s further expansion (Britton 1982, Bryden 1973: 1). These 79

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criticisms are beginning to have impact upon governments and planners: tourism is still viewed by many as an important component in their plans for economic development but there is an increasing awareness of the need to plan for and ameliorate negative effects. This is not the concern of this chapter: these arguments will be considered later in the book. A large proportion of studies which examine the significance of tourism for developing countries have attempted to isolate ways in which tourism can contribute to the process of economic development. They include supplements to the national balance of payments, the creation of employment, the nature of infrastructural investments and the linked economies created, inter-sectoral linkages and the multiplier effects of tourist expenditure. Taken together, these studies offer powerful support to the arguments encouraging countries to promote their tourist industries. However, few studies have explicitly examined the underlying rationale for using tourism as a means of economic development, the successes and failures of countries using tourism for that end, and the problems and precautions involved in planning for tourism development. These factors are considered below. The following discussion is largely confined to tourist development in developing countries although many of the points have relevance to the developed world in a less extreme form. Some developing countries are already heavily involved in tourism and have considerable experience with its various manifestations. Many of these countries have exhibited marked economic successes. Turner (1976: 253) suggested that Mexico, for example, was able to avoid the industrial stagnation and inflation found in much of Latin America because of the buoyancy of the tourist industry. Tourism receipts permitted Mexico to import more than the other countries of that continent. By the 1970s, tourism had also emerged as a major export industry in Spain, Greece, Kenya, Tunisia and Morocco. In spite of persistent attempts to promote tourism, many developing countries have shown disappointing results. Diamond’s (1977) case study of Turkey indicated that the country is typical of those developing nations which are endowed with tourism potential but whose resources are grossly underutilized and mismanaged. Similarly, Thompson, O’Hare and Evans (1995) analyzed tourism in The Gambia, and Adu-Febiri (1994) studied Ghana revealing only marginal success in using tourism as a strategy for economic development. Although in The Gambia tourism represents 12 per cent of the country’s GDP, its role in overall economic development is unlikely to reach its full potential. The industry is severely constrained by high degrees of foreign ownership and the associated leakages, the low wage structure of tourism jobs, political and institutional barriers to tourism planning, and underfunded and poorly designed marketing strategies. In the case of Ghana, the apparent failure of tourism is not attributable to foreign ownership and control, as is often cited in the political economics of the developing world. Rather, the problem relates more to Ghana’s approach to tourism development and

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its desire to tap mass tourist demand. Adu-Febiri (1994) concluded that this type of tourism is not compatible with the country’s low capital accumulation capacity, unskilled labour supply, traditional entrepreneurial skills and the inexperience of local residents. The attraction of tourists, foreign capital and investment opportunities are also severely constrained in Ghana by the country’s political instability. A tourism development strategy designed to encourage other forms of tourism with smaller capital investment requirements and fostering local control may be possible, more appropriate and more socially acceptable. If tourist attractions are appraised on a global scale, it is evident that developing countries are often richly endowed with outstanding tourism assets. Popovic (1973: 189), Curry (1990) and Sindiga (1996), writing on East African tourism, predicted that once the tourist attractions are better known and sufficient facilities are created for less expensive travel and a more comfortable stay, they will enjoy an important share of the world’s international tourism. The natural resources of these countries are very appealing to the North American and European visitor: wildlife, coastlines, mountain and lake scenery and, above all, their amenable climate. The non-reproducible resources of climate and ocean beaches are essential ingredients in the provision of ‘sunlust’ tourism (Gray 1974: 387) and have already contributed to the growth of Caribbean, Spanish and Greek tourism industries. Parsons (1973: 129) noted, in reference to Spain, that the advent of tourism based on lowcost charter air travel and rigorous promotional programmes has enabled greater numbers of summer migrants to travel than were doing so previously. As a result, the resorts of the Costa Brava and Costa del Sol have become as well known to Europeans as the French and Italian Riviera and the historic and cultural centres of the continent’s capital cities. The same could happen in many developing countries, although not all are as conveniently located with respect to potential markets as Spain. The European and North American tourist searching for sun and the sand of warm beaches, but wishing to avoid crowding and congestion, may seek alternative destinations. Hence, many developing countries stand to gain both from their possession of natural resources which are in great demand, and from the social and environmental problems resulting from the crowded conditions found in many highly developed resorts. Many beach holiday packages to Bali (Indonesia), and Phuket and Pattaya (Thailand) are marketed emphasizing those places as being more attractive alternatives to older beach destinations such as Hawaii, Spain and the Seychelles. The former destinations now attract many European tourists who are prepared to travel long distances to seek beach holidays that were previously largely supplied by closer, short-haul destinations. The labour requirements of the tourist industry, at first sight, are often especially suited to conditions prevailing in developing countries (Mings 1969: 176). One of the first tasks of economic development is to find gainful employment for all those needing work. Developing nations are usually characterized by high

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unemployment and underemployment and the ability of tourism to use labour intensively is an important virtue of the industry (Gray 1974: 395). For example, based on an input–output study undertaken in Mexico, Bond and Ladman (1972: 46) noted that forty-one jobs were created by an investment of US$80,000 in tourism. This was twenty-five more than would have been created by the same investment in the petroleum industry and twenty-six more than in metal products. When compared with many other industries, tourism requires employees with relatively low levels of job specialization. Thus, it may be possible to absorb a large proportion of the work force from traditional sectors of the economy if they can be provided with some basic training. In the Mexican hotel industry, 50 per cent of jobs were non-specialized and, of the 42 per cent that were specialized (this excludes management and top-level administration), a large proportion only required a small investment in personnel training. However, it can also be argued that the ability of tourism to use large amounts of unskilled labour is only a temporary phase in the development of the industry. As the industry expands, it may become more reliant on labour with higher skills and, if these are not available locally, these are often imported from outside the region. Even in places with labour surplus, there may be shortages of skilled labour, particularly if local education and training programmes are not developed carefully. This situation is the case in Hainan, China (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006). Thus, even in areas with high unemployment, labour shortages can lead to higher costs per unit of labour output. Furthermore, as other sectors of the economy expand, the average level of skill required of the working population will increase and this will necessitate greater quantities of capital to sustain economic growth. One of the appeals of tourism as a vehicle for economic development lies in the rapid rate of growth in numbers of tourists emanating from developed nations and in the expectation that increased affluence in these nations will be reflected in faster rates of tourist generation (Gray 1970: 131). As total pleasure travel will expand with increased affluence, domestic capacity may become increasingly small relative to total demand and the ratio of foreign to domestic travel may greatly increase. Travel expenditures in developing nations are likely to benefit from this process. A further, more mundane, factor is that much of the publicity given by governments to tourism in relation to economic development is a reflection of their strong commitment to the travel industry. Competition between government departments for financial allocations and subsidies favours those who can promote a growth industry. There is, of course, a danger of exaggerating the potential of tourism and this will be discussed later. In summary, the availability of undeveloped resources, the nature of the labour market, particularly if it is one that can be trained appropriately, and the growth of the international travel market may give developing countries some advantages over more developed economies for the development of tourism. 82

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ADVANTAGES OF TOURISM What is it about tourism that gives it more appeal in developing countries than other avenues of economic growth? This question can be addressed through a consideration of both the advantages and disadvantages of trading on the international market primarily through the export of primary products (raw materials and foodstuffs), which is a characteristic feature of most developing economies. Tourism, as an invisible export, does have many advantages over exports of traditional goods and services (Bond and Ladman 1982, Mihalicˇ 2002, Vanhove 2005, Tribe 2005, Sharpley and Telfer 2002). These include the following: 1. Some tourism goods and services are not the subject of exchange within international trade, such as the natural tourism resources of a destination. They are, therefore, only indirectly sold in the tourist market. 2. Unlike tourism products, the price obtained for raw materials is governed by the World Market Price and is subject to the terms of international trade conditions and agreements. 3. Some products sold to tourists in destinations will yield much higher margins if sold locally due to higher pricing options and lower costs (no transportation and international distribution costs). 4. Some perishable products, mainly foodstuffs, may not be suitable for longrange export and, hence, it is preferable that consumption of such products by tourists takes place at the destination. 5. Export of raw materials is conducive to a high propensity to import manufactured products in order to meet changing and increasing consumption patterns. 6. Export markets of raw materials are unstable and susceptible to tariffs and import quotas. The tourist exporting country (i.e. the host nation) has a greater degree of control in establishing prices for tourist goods and services than it does for the export of raw materials. In exercising such control, the developing country is not subject to the vagaries of commodity exports which tend to be intensified in times of economic instability or decline (Ball 1971: 23). In this situation, countries are able to manipulate prices within the tourist industry as a way of providing incentives for foreign travellers to visit. 7. Developing countries involved in tourism are also favoured by the fact that tourism is highly income-elastic when compared with raw materials. Thus, slight increases in the incomes of potential visitors can lead to appreciable growth in tourist arrivals and receipts. On the other hand, larger increases in income are required to generate equivalent expansion in export earnings from the sale of raw materials. There is every indication that these relationships between income elasticity and sales will continue. 83

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8. Tourism, by complementing other export products, adds diversity to the export base of a country and, thereby, helps to stabilize its foreign exchange earnings. 9. Tourism has the potential to furnish foreign exchange to offset deficits created by growing demands to import scarce raw materials and manufactured goods. Tourism generally requires relatively little, by value, in imports for every unit of foreign exchange which it generates. Thus, a greater proportion of the foreign exchange earnings of tourism can, potentially, be used for investment in the development of manufacturing industries or in reducing the foreign earnings debt. The extent to which this is possible depends upon the ability of a country to supply the tourist industry from domestic rather than imported sources. 10. There are no trade barriers such as quotas or tariffs. For the most part tourist destinations have free and repeat access to the international tourist market. Although there are some exceptions to this, such as Americans travelling to Cuba, tourist demand is largely governed by market forces and not by government policy. 11. Tourism also has a network of backward linkages to other sectors of the destination’s economy. These opportunities include linkages to local agricultural suppliers (Telfer and Wall 1996, 2000), construction, souvenir vendors and entertainment. The extent of such linkages and, hence, the amount of development and entrepreneurial stimulus that tourism can provide depends on the diversity and maturity of the local economy, availability of local funding and investment, and the type and scale of tourist development itself. 12. Tourist development will bring about improvements to local infrastructure, services and facilities that will benefit both residents and tourists. It may also stimulate the protection of local natural resources that are often the main attraction of the developing destination. 13. Tourism development, particularly in developed countries, is characterized by the predominance of small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs). In Canada, the US and the UK they represent over 80% of all enterprises supplying tourist services. They are important in the economic structure of the destination because much of the revenue earned by SMEs is circulated throughout the local community in salaries and wages for local people, the purchasing of local products and tax revenues to local governments, thus providing a further stimulus to the local economy (Middleton 2001). In theory, then, tourism offers developing countries considerable potential for economic growth. The degree to which tourism can be an agent of development depends upon the characteristics of the country, the identification of realistic goals that are in line with these characteristics, and the ability to achieve these goals. Successful tourist development can only take place where the necessary conditions exist for the goals to be achieved. 84

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CONDITIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT Many authors have suggested that there has been a tendency for administrators in some developing countries to view tourism as an easy means of economic development and have also concluded that this is far from the case. However, in some developing countries and peripheral areas in developed countries, there are few realistic economic options and tourism may be one of very few viable opportunities. Such areas are often remote, lacking in a strong resource base and are large distances from markets but they may have some tourism potential if they have an amenable climate and attractive scenery (Christie 2002). Still, tourism will only flourish given the appropriate conditions. It is an industry that, like any other industry, requires sophisticated planning and organization if its full potential is to be realized. It has already been pointed out that potential tourists may readily substitute destinations as competition within the industry intensifies. Tourist choices of destinations, products and services and the factors affecting such choices are well documented and these have been discussed in Chapter 2, as well as in Pizam and Mansfeld (2000) and Baloglu and Brinberg (1997). The ability of destinations to compete globally depends largely upon the four following conditions: 1. The mixture, quality and prices of the facilities and services being offered; 2. The existence of a skilled and experienced organizational body and the quality and level of marketing in tourist-generating countries; 3. The geographical location of the destination area in relation to the main tourist generating regions, and the ability of the destination to capitalize on the advantages of being well located, or to ameliorate the disadvantages of being poorly located; 4. The nature and origin of financial investment. A fundamental requirement is that developing nations incorporate elements of stability within their development plans. Stability can be enhanced through the provision of a diversity of facilities and services which cater to a number of tourist types. These facilities must be comparable in quality and competitive in price with those of other destinations. Where a large proportion of tourist arrivals come from charters, tourist facilities and services must have the capacity to absorb large numbers of visitors. However, assuming that tourism is subject to large seasonal fluctuations in demand, it can be economically disastrous if excess capacity is created. The gains of additional patronage in the tourist season can be negated by gross underutilization of facilities in the off-season. In the case of charters, it is imperative that supporting infrastructural and service requirements are met to ensure the successful continuation of the package. The availability of local excursions and tours, shops en route, restaurants and souvenir stands, and high-quality water and 85

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sanitation facilities are just as important as luxury hotels constructed at the main entry and departure points. In other words, the total tourist package should meet the standards and expectations of the tourists. The likelihood of there being a coordinated set of complementary services and facilities will be enhanced by the existence of a skilled organizing, planning and marketing body. This is a second condition for successful tourism development. It is generally agreed that a government office of tourism is often the most appropriate organization to regulate and set the benchmarks for service quality and industry training. In marketing the product, effective economies of scale can be achieved through government advertising as opposed to individual efforts. Governments may also play a direct role in management and investment, particularly where tourism is a principal element of development plans (Wolfson 1967: 51). However, care should be taken concerning relationships between the public and private sector. Government activities should not preclude the involvement of the private sector, nor should the efforts of government be excluded, even where the private sector is active and experienced. Organizational bodies at all levels should attempt to coordinate developments and marketing initiatives so that opportunities for tourists are expanded and returns to the destination area are maximized. The functions of a government organization, such as a national tourist board, may vary from public relations and promotion to market research, and the preparation of development plans, to direct financial investment and the operation of facilities. Improvement of facilities for the training of local personnel for skilled jobs and for high-level management and executive positions should be a cooperative effort between industry and government (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006). The importance of cooperation between national organizations was stressed by Mitchell (1970) in his writings on East African tourism. He cited three major gains from this form of cooperation: 1. Activities such as tourism research, planning, promotion and education, and infrastructural facilities such as airports, roads and game parks all exhibit substantial economies of scale. It is suggested that gains from the provision of these services and facilities will be higher if they are organized and financed on a regional basis, rather than by individual governments. 2. The closest competition for tourist receipts among East African countries is from their East African neighbours. If individual countries of the region engage in outright competition with each other, this could lead to undercutting, and it is likely that gains would be less than if they cooperated. It is not suggested that competition be removed completely as it does stimulate the provision of quality facilities and services. Mitchell (1970: 14) and Richter (1989: 48) argued that, in the short term, cooperation redistributes benefits but at the expense of jeopardizing receipts to any one country. However, in the long term, cooperation will benefit all. 86

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3. The removal of administrative obstacles to travel makes touring more convenient and less costly. This facilitates the creation of package tours with attractive schedules that are conducted on a regional basis and can encompass the tourist attractions of more than one country. The third condition for successful tourist development is the geographical location of resources and markets and this has received a great deal of emphasis in research on industrial distributions. The topic has received much less attention in the context of tourism. However, this does not reflect a lack of importance of location for tourist development and, in fact, a suitable location is a major prerequisite of a successful tourist industry. The cost of transportation to and from the destination is a major expense in tourist packages and, therefore, the location of the tourist exporter in relation to tourist-generating countries is a significant factor in the total vacation package cost structure. The demand for travel to a resort depends upon the cost of travel to and from that resort and the costs of travel to competing suppliers (Gray 1974: 388). Location close to large markets, and the implications on transportation costs, has been an obvious influence on the growth of Spain, Mexico, the Caribbean, Italy and even Hawaii as major tourist destinations. Prior to the advent of long-haul jet aviation, it was those resorts closest to the touristgenerating countries that grew most rapidly (Turner 1976: 254). The fourth determinant of the success of tourism as a promoter of economic development is the nature and origin of investments. Most developing countries require more accommodation facilities, improvements and extensions to infrastructure, parks and protected areas, and upgrading of the quality of tourist services. These can only be achieved with substantial financial investments. Mitchell (1970: 9) established a high capital–output ratio of between 2.5 and 3.0 for tourism in Kenya. (A capital–output ratio of 3.0 implies that for every three units of capital input, one unit of output emerges.) Half of the capital was required for investment in hotels, tour operations and local air charter firms, 30 per cent for infrastructural developments such as roads, airports, public utilities and game reserves, and the remainder for training programmes and the support of miscellaneous industries supporting tourism. The nature of financial investments is as important as the amount. There is no doubt that favourable investment opportunities exist in tourism for both the public and the private sectors. Long-term investments can be particularly rewarding in functions directly serving the tourist market, such as accommodation. Nevertheless, private investors have been reluctant to invest in the creation of tourist accommodation in developing countries. This has been because of the seasonality in demand and because of the reluctance of potential investors to tie up large amounts of capital in fixed assets for long periods of time. Governments of both developed and developing countries, and institutions such as the World Bank, have attempted to overcome this problem by the provision of subsidies, tax and 87

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duty concessions, and by making available attractive long-term loans. The World Bank, in particular, has recognized the potential of tourism in developing countries by investing in East Africa, former Yugoslavia, Tunisia, Morocco, Nepal and Mexico. Investment in the form of long-term loans is highly desirable to destination areas because it provides an opportunity for local entrepreneurial activities and keeps most of the profits within the tourist exporting country. Investment in developing countries may also be in a more direct form. International hotel chains, car hire firms, tour operators and food chains frequently establish their own operations. It is common to find Hertz and Avis rent-a-cars, Holiday Inn and Sheraton Hotels, and McDonald’s and Coca-Cola in wellestablished resorts of developing countries. Although foreign investments of this type remove the demand for capital from the host country and permit the redirection of local capital to other avenues of investment, it is questionable whether they contribute greatly to local profits. Most of the benefits accrue to shareholders in the developed world. It is important that provision be made within the economic structures of tourist-exporting countries for indigenous investment and employment, and for purchasing policies that encourage a gradual replacement of the foreign control of the economy. The above discussion has examined some of the ingredients that determine the success of tourism as an economic development strategy in developing countries. In theory, tourism can make an important contribution to the early phases of economic development. Its role is likely to diminish in significance as more broad-based development takes place and as labour and production costs increase. Tourism should not be viewed as the principal, long-term source of foreign exchange, and at some point profits from tourism should be directed into other sectors of the economy. In future, it will also be necessary to investigate the extent to which the economic contribution of tourism feeds the development process and whether tourism itself develops as an isolated economic sector or enclave.

THE REALITIES OF TOURISM AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT This chapter is primarily concerned with the economic dimension of tourism, in particular the issues that surround the potential contributions of tourism to economic development. Concepts such as the balance of payments, GDP, employment and income generation are examined separately within this chapter, and numerous case studies are mentioned to illustrate them and their relationship to economic development. Detailed discussions of many of the concepts and approaches relevant to tourism and economic development, as well as case studies, can be found in Sharpley and Telfer (2002), Dieke (2000) and Pearce (1989). Measures have yet to be developed which indicate the performance of tourism as a contributor to economic development. Frequent mention is made of the role of tourism in generating employment and contributing to the reduction of balance of 88

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payments problems. However, these are not measures of overall economic growth, although they may be features that are significant to it. In the absence of a universally acceptable methodology for evaluating the performance of tourism as a catalyst of economic growth, it is difficult to draw conclusions on the topic. Other authors have expressed mixed opinions. Failures, or only marginal successes, have been noted for the West Indies by Perez (1974), for Ghana (Adu-Febiri 1994), the Gambia (Thompson, O’Hare and Evans 1995) and for Turkey (Clancy 1999, Diamond 1977, Tosun 1999). In contrast, success has been documented for Mexico by Ball (1971), Bond and Ladman (1972) and Jud (1974) as well as for the Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996, Gabbay and Ghosh 1998), Fiji (Prasad and Tisdell 1998) and Tanzania (Curry 1990). These examples reveal a diversity of experiences with tourism as an instigator of economic growth and they can also be used to point out a variety of demand and supply problems and other constraints affecting the development process. As noted, many studies analyze the economic impacts of tourism. Topical emphases vary with their importance to the economy of concern. In less developed countries, emphasis has often been on tourism as generator of foreign exchange. In developed regions such as Europe, employment generation, the distribution of spending, and regional development are commonly stressed. The multiplier effect is a widely considered process and multiplier analysis is a commonly used technique. This chapter examines these topics through presentation of several international, regional and local case studies to illustrate their measurement and application.

ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND COSTS The economic benefits of tourism include the contributions of tourism to: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Foreign exchange earnings and the balance of payments; The generation of income; The generation of employment; The improvement of economic structures; The encouragement of entrepreneurial activity; The stimulation of regional economies and the mitigation of regional economic disparities.

Much less is known about the economic costs of tourism than the benefits. Costs mentioned in the literature include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The danger of overdependence on tourism; Increased inflation and higher land values; An increased propensity to import; The seasonality of production and the low rate of return on investments; The creation of other external costs. 89

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The magnitude of economic impacts is governed by a multitude of factors. Some of the more pertinent ones include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The nature of the main facility and its attractiveness to tourists; The volume and intensity of tourist expenditures in the destination; The level of economic development of the destination area; The size of the economic base of the destination area; The degree of interconnectivity between the economic sectors of the destination in which tourist expenditures recirculate, including the ratio of the expenditures to the export of commodities and to capital movement; 6. The degree to which the destination has adjusted to the seasonality of tourist demand; 7. The type and pattern of travel arrangements purchased by the tourist. The above factors also determine whether the economic impact is predominantly positive or negative. The above lists provide a succinct inventory of economic benefits and costs and factors that influence them. The main benefits and costs will now be examined in greater detail, commencing with the balance of payments.

TOURISM AND THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS The potential contribution of tourism to the balance of payments as an earner of hard currency has been widely recognized. Data from WTO and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reveal that international tourism is the top export category in the world and, together with international fare receipts, constitutes approximately 8 per cent of world export earnings. Tourism is ranked among the top five export earners for 83 per cent of all countries and is the main source of foreign exchange for almost two-thirds of them. Few countries have escaped balance of payments problems over the last decade so that any industry that is likely to generate foreign earnings has been a candidate to receive government support through the provision of incentives. This, according to Young (1975: 43), has often occurred at the expense of other industries that have high import content or are not export oriented. Many countries with a strong dependence upon international trade have been heavily influenced by balance of payments considerations in formulating official policies regarding tourism. For example, the United Kingdom Tourism Act of 1969, which is no longer in force, placed an upper limit of £50 on spending money taken out of the country. New Zealand once had a similar policy. It is generally agreed that although these strategies had an effect on visitor arrivals in some destinations, they had little or no effect on the international liquidity position of the generating countries (Vanhove 2005: 178). The balance of payments has emerged as one of the most publicized of all the economic considerations with respect to tourism and its contribution to international 90

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Table 4.1 Structure of the balance of payments 1 Current account

All current transactions including earnings and expenditure on goods and services

A. Merchandise B. Invisibles

(trade) – visibles Transportation includes all foreign earnings from home country owned carriers and their disbursements overseas, and home country residents’ expenditure on foreign carriers and their disbursements to the home country. Travel Expenditure: personal expenditure in the home country and abroad. Income on investments: interests, profits, dividends. Private gifts: transfers in the form of gifts or family remittances. Other services: financial transactions in banking, insurance and brokerage, advertising agency expenses, telecommunications. All transactions between the home country and overseas residents.

C. Governmental 2 Capital movements

Long-term and short-term capital transactions, investment flows, trade credits and other capital flows.

3 Gold movements

In and out

To arrive at a balance of payments, a system of credit and debit items is established for each import–export type listed above. Source: Samuelson 1967

trade. It provides one of the most compelling economic arguments supporting tourism’s contribution to economic development. The early economic studies by Lickorish and Kershaw (1958), Peters (1969) and Gray (1970) gave accounts of the volume of international tourist receipts and their increasing proportion of the total value of world exports. However, only brief mention was made of the balance of payments effects of international tourist expenditures. More recent studies have been more thorough in their examination of balance of payments questions and have been more penetrating in their analyses and evaluation of available data (Airey 1978, Henry and Deane 1997, Sinclair and Gómez 1996, Thuens 1976, Tse 1999). A number of researchers have also furthered this area of research in their application to specific tourist destinations: Spain (Sinclair and Gomez 1996), China (Yan and Wall 2002), Brazil (Wagner 1997), Ireland (Henry and Deane 1997), the Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996) and Singapore (Heng and Low 1990). The balance of payments account for a country is a record of economic transactions during a period of time (usually a year) between residents of that country and the rest of the world. It takes into account the value of all goods, gifts, loans, foreign aid and gold coming into and leaving the country, and the interconnections between them. The structure of the balance of payments has three sections, as indicated in Table 4.1. Tourist expenditures, both within the home country and overseas, form part of the current account. The contribution of any economic activity to the balance of payments consists of currency outflow sold to overseas residents, and the secondary and tertiary effects of that activity (Airey 1978). 91

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The effects of tourism on the balance of payments consist of two components: 1. The effects of tourism within the home country, including the country’s own residents and visitors from overseas and the exchange figures from banks and financial institutions; 2. The effects of international tourism, i.e. the tourist activities of residents that take place outside of the home country. Some authors question the necessity of separating out the contributions of tourism in this way. However, it is important to know the effects of the tourist activities of foreign nationals visiting the country so that one can determine the role of foreign earnings in the balance of payments account. In some countries, foreign earnings from tourism may be very low and domestic tourism may even be a drain on the balance of payments if imports (such as whisky from Scotland or wine from France) are required to meet their needs and wants. The costs of servicing both foreign and domestic tourists may be so great, and the imported component so large that earnings from foreigners may be insufficient to offset these high costs. Countries are also interested in the effects of tourism beyond their boundaries. They wish to know if more money is leaving the country than is being brought in by international tourism. Airey (1978: 4–5) divided the effects of tourism on the balance of payments into three categories: primary, secondary and tertiary effects. Primary effects are direct, immediate and relatively easy to measure. They are the actual visitor expenditures made by foreign visitors within the visited country, and residents of the country abroad. They give rise to direct inflows and outflows of currency, respectively. Primary effects of tourism will only occur if travellers have crossed an international boundary. Primary effects, whether expenditures on accommodation, entertainment, shopping, transport or cars for export, are recorded and reported separately. This makes the assessment of primary impacts a relatively straightforward task. Secondary and tertiary effects are more complex, more difficult to measure and, in consequence, have been left out of most balance of payments assessments. Given the importance of tourism in balance of payments issues, it is surprising that little attention has been given to these effects. Secondary effects are the effects on the balance of payments of the direct tourist expenditures as they percolate through the economy. Secondary effects, therefore, do not require the initial visitor expenditure to have taken place in another country. They may appear in a number of different forms: 1. Direct secondary effects. Expenditures on overseas marketing, visible imports, commissions to travel agents, outflows in the form of interest and dividend payments to overseas investors, and airline operator disbursements on their crew’s overseas expenses are direct secondary effects. Airlines, hotel operators, 92

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and other tourist services have to import supplies from abroad to cater to foreign tourist demands and, therefore, incur payments to overseas suppliers. These are out-flowing direct secondary effects. 2. Indirect secondary effects. Earnings gained by the initial tourist services will be passed on to other suppliers of goods and services. Their production, in turn, may depend upon a supply of imported goods whose purchase requires an outflow of currency from the home country. For example, an airline gives a domestic company the contract to supply the goods for onboard services. In doing so, it passes part of the initial tourist expenditure on tickets to a supplier of food and drinks. They, in turn, may have to import certain foods or necessary goods and this creates an outflow of currency from the home country. This secondary transfer of initial tourist expenditures is known as an indirect secondary effect. 3. Induced secondary effects. As expenditures permeate through the economy they will generate payments to producers of tourist goods and services, and their employees, in the form of wages, salaries and rents. The proportion of the labour force that is of foreign origin will determine, to a large extent, the proportion of these payments that is remitted abroad. The currency flows generated by tourism do not all constitute primary or secondary effects. Flows of currency not initiated by direct tourist expenditures are termed tertiary effects. These include: imported goods, for example clothes and suitcases purchased by residents of the home country in preparation for travel, and investment opportunities created by tourist activity. The existence of tourist activity may stimulate home country companies to export specific commodities to tourist-generating countries and to import others. A recent example of this occurred in New Zealand. The large numbers of Japanese and American tourists purchasing huge quantities of sheepskin products has not only directly stimulated local sales, it has also prompted the existing companies to export these products for sale in the retail markets abroad. A full account of the impact of tourism on the balance of payments should include secondary and tertiary, as well as primary effects. Definition of effects, as has been given here, is simple when compared with their measurements and assessment. Identification and measurement problems increase as money slowly filters through the economy. Most countries are not in a position to assess such effects because they are not recorded separately in the accounts. However, this does not mean that they do not exist. Although methods, such as multiplier analysis (see later), have been developed to measure secondary effects, there have been few attempts to use them in tourism balance of payments studies. As a result only primary effects, or the direct effects of overseas visitor expenditures, are usually examined. Thuens (1976: 2) commented that these only represent gross earnings, which should be weighed against the foreign exchange expenditures that are used to promote the tourist industry. He stated that: ‘not the gross effect but the net 93

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effect on the balance of payments is the entity which with regard to the export of tourist services finally matters’. There is no doubt that many countries are suffering from large balance of payments deficits and are seeking measures to correct the situation. Tourist receipts and their contribution to total export earnings from goods and services reduce the balance of payments deficits for many developing and newly industrialized countries and small island economies. In countries such as Thailand, Indonesia, Spain and Kenya that are renowned for their large tourism receipts, these funds have been a base on which their manufacturing and industrial sectors have been developed. In spite of the many criticisms of the tourist industry and, particularly, its activities in developing countries, most countries want the foreign currency and view the possibility of expanding their number of international visitors and their expenditures with favour. Politicians and planners are attracted by balance of payments issues and, therefore, the way in which the effects of tourism are presented in the balance of payments accounts may have considerable bearing on their views on tourism. It is natural to emphasize international tourist activity in assessments of the effects of tourism on the balance of payments. This includes expenditures made by overseas visitors in the visited country and by residents of the home country abroad. On many occasions these effects are considered together as the travel account, and are compared to see which is larger. The travel account is an indicator of the degree to which a country attracts overseas visitors when compared with its ability to persuade home residents not to travel abroad. The travel account makes no reference to secondary or tertiary effects occurring as a result of domestic tourist activity. The travel account, therefore, only provides part of the total picture. The balance on the travel account is calculated by subtracting the expenditures of residents travelling abroad from the expenditures by overseas residents in the home country. Up to 1986, Singapore, for example, always enjoyed a surplus in the travel balance, of up to 10.2 per cent of the GDP in 1981. With increasing affluence, more Singapore residents are travelling abroad and, consequently, the surplus has continued to decline (Heng and Low 1990: 248). Similarly in Britain in the 1980s, receipts from foreign visitors exceeded the travel expenditures of Britons in foreign countries (Lavery and Van Doren 1990: 169) but net losses occurred a decade later (Tribe 1999: 323). As might be expected in developing countries such as Kenya, Thailand, Mexico and Morocco, as well as some countries in the Mediterranean where tourism is a large export earner, the travel balance is positive. In others such as Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Japan, international tourist expenditures by residents of these countries abroad (debts) far exceeded those being made by incoming visitors (credits) (Vanhove 2005, IMF Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook 2002). In other studies a wider, though not comprehensive, approach is employed in which all readily identifiable items of international visitor expenditure are 94

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Table 4.2 Hypothetical example of the relationship of the travel account and tourism balance to the balance of payments Country

Balance of payments on current account* ($m.)

Travel balance† or account

Tourism balance ‡

A B C

−250 +10 −400

−30 +40 +160

−5 +120 +250

* The current account is a recording of all current transactions and includes earnings and expenditure resulting from transactions with overseas residents in both goods and services. † This is the balance between the expenditures of residents of country A overseas and of overseas residents in country A, i.e. the travel account. ‡ This is the balance between all identifiable items of expenditure by all overseas visitors to country A and all identifiable items of expenditure by residents of country A travelling overseas.

incorporated. These might include foreign investment patterns and money spent on transport and the training of foreign staff. The result is known as the tourism balance. The travel account and the tourism balance are unlikely to be identical but the outcome is the same: neither indicates the true contribution of tourism to the balance of payments. In spite of these reservations, the travel account may provide a useful preliminary assessment of the involvement of a country in international tourism. This is illustrated by the hypothetical example outlined in Table 4.2. The travel account can accentuate balance of payments deficits (Country A) or surpluses (Country B), or may be a significant factor in reducing deficits caused by other transactions (Country C). Residents of Country A spend more overseas than foreign residents spend in their country and, thus, the travel account is negative. The situation is the reverse for countries B and C, whose travel accounts bear a positive sign. The incorporation of a further measure, the tourism balance, yields a clearer, though still incomplete, picture of the overall positive or negative economic effect. In the case of Country A, expenditures on such items as transportation have reduced the contribution of tourism to the deficit. The positive contribution is even more marked in B and C. The increases over the travel account of in excess of $80 million are likely to be the results of the earnings of air carriers and high levels of overseas spending within these countries. Tourism, in the cases of countries B and C, has enhanced a small or counteracted a more substantial negative balance of payments respectively. In country A it is a destabilizing influence. However, it would be a mistake to expect the inflows and outflows of foreign currency associated with tourism to actually offset each other, i.e. to balance. Gray (1970: 89) and Bull (1991) both concluded that the ‘import’ and ‘export’ of visitors are really different activities. It may serve no real purpose to balance them. Some countries have comparative advantages as tourist destinations whereas others simply have less to offer or are major sources of international tourists. As Gray (1970: 89) wrote: ‘The practice of netting out exports and imports on an individual account is 95

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nothing more than an accounting convenience and the concept of the gap as a measure of the responsibility of an activity for the overall deficit is fallacious’. To use an extreme example, one should not expect to balance the banana account! The travel account therefore is simply an indicator of the degree to which a country attracts overseas visitors when compared with the ability of foreign countries to attract its residents to travel abroad. The ease with which the calculation can be made has contributed to the overuse of the balance on the travel account in assessing the contribution of tourism to the balance of payments. Perhaps more meaningful results would be obtained if these two effects were treated separately. If this were done, the effects of tourist expenditures could be compared with other forms of expenditure. For example, expenditures on tourism overseas could be expressed as a percentage of total consumer expenditures, or compared with other forms of overseas expenditures. Such measures would provide an indication of the relative importance of tourism when compared with other activities in the economy (Airey 1978: 7, Baretje 1982, Sessa 1983).

Balance of payments: some examples Given the rather abstract and hypothetical discussions of the balance of payments that have been presented, it is now appropriate to discuss some specific examples. However, of necessity, comments are made only on those effects for which information is readily available. Deficiencies in data and underlying methodologies should also be borne in mind and the following examples should be viewed as a guide only to tourism’s economic significance. However, it is worth noting how dependent some countries are on tourism earnings as part of their balance of payments. Balance of payments statistics for major tourism countries such as the United States (3.1 per cent), Italy (8.6 per cent) and France (5.1 per cent) reveal that they are not heavily dependent on tourism alone for their balance of payments inflows (IMF Yearbook 1986). As these counties all have large diversified economies, their sources of foreign earnings are varied. At the other extreme, according to the same IMF yearbook, other countries such as Antigua (66.9 per cent), the Seychelles (45.9 per cent) and the Bahamas (61.6 per cent) are highly dependent on tourism receipts. Such dependence on a single industry and its inherent dangers has been well noted in the literature. Although tourism may be less sensitive to market fluctuations than some primary industries, many political, public health and climatic events of the last decade have caused serious disruption of tourist receipts in many countries (Canada, China, Indonesia, the Maldives, the United Kingdom, the United States). In other cases, destinations may be dependent on single markets as the main source of their tourism receipts and any political or economic crisis in their generating markets can have equally damaging results. The Asian economic crisis in 2000/2001 was associated with substantial declines in intra-Asia travel but destinations such as South Korea were particularly affected because they experienced 96

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major reductions in Japanese visitors, the main source of their foreign tourism earnings. In Spain, during the three decades since the 1950s, tourism dominated foreign currency receipts and continued to offset deficits on the balance of trade that were largely attributed to the uncompetitive agricultural and manufacturing sectors. Within the balance of payments, receipts from tourism in Spain and the parallel influx of foreign investment in tourist products and infrastructure played a key role in financing the country’s industrialization process, its competitive positioning and entry into the European Union. The combined inflow of foreign currency undoubtedly prevented the balance of payments from being a major constraint in the growth of the Spanish economy (Sinclair and Gomez 1996). However, changes during the latter part of the 1980s saw tourism’s contribution to the balance on the current account turn negative, and tourist receipts as a proportion of total exports dropped 10 per cent to approximately 35 per cent. Tourism in Spain has emerged from being a poor, low-wage recipient of foreign tourist receipts and foreign investment to being a wealthier recipient and an emitter of tourist flows. As a result of Spanish investment in tourist infrastructure outside of Spain, greater numbers of Spaniards travelling abroad and Spain’s competitive responsiveness to changes in international travel demand, tourism’s net contribution to the balance of payments may continue to decline in relative importance. Detailed analyses of the determinants of demand affecting tourist receipts in Spain have been undertaken by Tremblay (1989), Witt and Martin (1985) and Syriopoulous and Sinclair (1993) with emphasis on changing per capita incomes in the origin country and the effective prices of tourist products in Spain. The Spanish case is particularly useful in revealing how tourism and its contribution to the balance of payments have been an integral part of the economic growth of that country. At the same time, it also illustrates the potential susceptibility of countries heavily dependent on tourism for their foreign earnings to changes in patterns of demandand-supply relationships and to other constantly evolving market forces. In summary, in assessments of the effects of tourism on the balance of payments, most attention has been devoted to the primary effects of tourist expenditures. Countries have used a variety of definitions and methodologies. This has frustrated the making of meaningful comparisons among nations and, as a result, the data and the associated analyses are often not presented in ways that allow business and government to draw valid conclusions. This is further exacerbated by the differences among countries in the linkages between tourism and other economic sectors. For example, in island economies, the import content of tourist expenditures on food and other supplies is usually high. In Spain, however, the internal economic linkages are strong and the country produces a high proportion of the goods and services that are consumed by tourists (Sinclair 1998: 24). The importance of tourism’s direct contribution to foreign currency receipts is, therefore, often not truly recognized. This has been one of the reasons why some countries have 97

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introduced more sophisticated methodologies, such as Tourism Satellite Accounts (TSAs), to measure economic activity.

Tourism satellite accounts (TSAs) Since 1995, the WTO (WTO) has played a pivotal role in enhancing the international comparability of tourist economic related data in two main ways: 1. The development of a national System of Tourism Statistics (STS); and 2. The development and adoption by countries of the Tourism Satellite Accounts. The WTO indicated that the latter is not a substitute for balance of payments measures but, rather, a unifying element of STS. Balance of payments measures perform a similar unifying role for each country’s national system of statistics, in which tourism has a current account (although this may not be clearly articulated). However, TSA research does constitute a substantial advance in assisting business and policy decision-making by translating quantifiable economic data into such measures as GDP and employment contributions that can then be compared with other industries and, potentially, from time to time and country to country. To date, the tourism statistics that are commonly collected and reported have been restricted to information on such items as visitor arrivals, length of stay, bed nights used, purpose of trip, accommodation type and visitor origins. Often such data are treated in isolation with no attempt being made to link them (Vanhove 2005). The TSA system is partially built through establishing the linkages between these elements. The TOW (2000: 2) described a TSA as: No more than a set of definitions, classifications integrated into tables, organized in a logical consistent way, which allows one to view the whole economic magnitude of tourism in both its aspects of demand and supply.

Much of the pioneering work on TSAs was undertaken in Canada when a Canadian industry task force broadened the vision and scope of the French concept of satellite accounts. A feasibility study resulted in the recommendation to establish the Canadian Tourism Satellite Accounts. This, in turn, was adopted by the UN and WTO in 1993 and implemented in Canada a year later. The history and attributes of Canada’s TSA have been well documented by Smith (1998, 2002), Meis (1999), Delisle (1999) and Lapierre and Hayes (1994). The nature of TSAs will now be discussed using Canada as the primary example. A TSA is a statistical information system designed to measure economic sectors, such as tourism, that are not readily defined as industries in national accounts. A TSA is a combination of demand and supply-side approaches. In a sense, a TSA is a demand-side concept in that it incorporates the products and services that tourists need and want, recognizing that the industry does not produce or supply a homogeneous product or service like other traditional industries. On the other 98

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hand, it also has a supply-side perspective in that it is based on an enumeration of the businesses that meet these needs and wants. These demand and supply perspectives of the TSA are summarized below but discussed in more analytical detail by Vanhove (2005) and Franz, Laimer and Smeral (2001). The basic aggregates of demand and supply in a TSA are (WTTC 2004: 9): 1. Tourism Consumption or Demand. This combines the value of the goods and services consumed by business and leisure tourists, government and business expenditures (individual) by agencies and departments which provide visitor services and visitor exports which include spending by international visitors on goods and services. Building on the notion of visitor consumption, it also includes products and services associated with residual components of final demand. It is used to construct a broader picture of economic activity. The residual or indirect impact elements include government and business expenditures (collective) which are made on behalf of the community or nation (such as promotion, security, sanitation), capital investment (private and public sector) and non-visitor exports (consumer and capital goods sent overseas for ultimate sale to tourists (such as aircraft, clothing, electronics). 2. Tourism Supply. From a supply perspective, tourism as an industrial activity can be defined by the collection of products (durables and non-durables) and services (transportation, accommodation, food and beverage services, recreation, attractions and entertainment) that are delivered to tourists. Within the TSA, supply or production is divided into three categories: (a) Tourism characteristic goods and services such as accommodation, sightseeing and tour operators, souvenir retailing, etc; (b) Tourism-related or connected goods and services which are consumed in volume by tourists but also widely used by others such as local restaurants, taxi services and local passenger transportation; (c) Non-specific or non-tourism characteristic production such as most retail trades of consumer goods, local government services, etc. Within the TSA framework, the categories of both demand and supply have now been standardized ensuring consistency and comparability, at least at the national level. This orientation differs from that of other industries which are defined by their outputs, not their customers’ purchasing behaviour. By bringing together both visitor demand and supply data and integrating them, the TSA fundamentally relies on the balance existing within an economy between, on the one hand, the demand for goods and services generated by visitors and other consumers and, on the other hand, the overall supply of those goods and services (Wells 1991). The idea is to analyze in detail all aspects of the demand for goods and services that are consumed as part of tourism, whether they are obviously tourist-related or non-tourist products and services purchased by tourists and the tourist industry, 99

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and to measure the relationship with the supply of such goods and services within the same economy (Canadian Tourism Commission 2002). Eurostat et al. (2001) summarized the objectives of tourism satellite accounting to include the following: – Description of the structure of a country’s or region’s activity; – Provision of macro-economic aggregates to describe the size and the economic importance of tourism, such as tourism value-added and tourism GDP; – Provision of detailed data on tourism consumption and how this is made up of domestic supply and imports; – Provision of detailed production accounts of the tourism industries, data on employment, linkages with other production activities and capital formation; – Provision of a link between economic data and the basic economic information on tourism. The initial results of Canadian TSA provided, for the first time, an estimate of the totality of tourism consumption and the value added to the economy from tourism both within the tourism sector itself and in other industries. As a result, important measures of tourism’s position in the national economy can be summarized as shown in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3 Economic significance of tourism: TSA measures Tourism Satellite Measures

Canada

France

Australia

Chile

Total tourism consumption (billions)

CAD $54.1 billion

FF 605.3 billion

AU $58.2 billion

Pesos 1356.8 billion

Domestic tourism consumption (billions)

CAD $37.9 billion

FF 389.7 billion

AU $45.4 billion

Pesos 519.3 billion

Inbound (international) tourism consumption (billions)

CAD $16.2 billion

FF 215.6 billion

AU $12.8 billion

Pesos 837.3 billion

Domestic share of total consumption (%)

70.0%

64.4%

78%

38.3%

Tourism contribution to GDP (%)

2.4%

NA

4.5%

3.8%

Employment generated by tourism (thousands – full time and part time)

546,400 jobs

624,400 jobs

388,500 jobs

166,100 jobs

Ratio of tourism employment to total employment

3.5

2.7

5.4

3.2

Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002) Canadian Tourism Satellite Accounts, Credible Numbers for Good Decisions, Ottawa

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In 2003 ten countries published TSAs and an additional thirteen were added in 2004 (WTTC 2004). The benefits for policy-making are evident: for the first time, the goods and services provided to visitors by all the various tourist and non-tourist industries are pulled together. Obviously some products and services account for a large portion of tourist receipts: 40 per cent in commercial and private transport, 13 per cent in accommodation and 19 per cent in food and beverage services. Also, it is revealed that some types of business rely heavily on tourism (hotels 90 per cent, rented vehicles 83 per cent) while others, like entertainment (28 per cent) and taxis (29 per cent), are less reliant on tourist expenditures as a proportion of their revenue base. It is argued that the opportunity to identify and compare tourism’s role in employment and to draw other economic comparisons with other industries has influenced greatly the levels of government funding assigned to the tourist sector.

National tourism indicators Industry spokespersons applauded the development of the TSA and the information and applications associated with it. However, it was perceived to lack timeliness, with updates only being available four or five years after the reference year. Policy makers, tourism development stakeholders and industry decision makers expressed the need for more current information concerning how tourism as a whole and the industry itself were evolving in response to changing external conditions. This stimulated The Canadian Tourism Commission to develop a framework of National Tourism Indicators (NTIs). Founded on the TSA, estimates are published quarterly or annually and, according to Delisle (1999: 333) to: 1. Assess the current state of tourism in Canada; 2. Analyze the development of tourism in Canada in terms of trends and structures; 3. Support policy and strategic decisions. For example, in 1998/9 the information released included among others the following facts: 1. Domestic tourism demand in that year was up 5.9 per cent; 2. In the fourth quarter of 1998 tourist activities generated 513,000 jobs with transportation posting the largest gain (3.7 per cent); 3. Job creation in the tourist sector was higher than in the business sector on the whole. The NTIs can be used to support research on trends and cycles and to make comparisons with other economic sectors. Further, information about tourism’s importance, growth and dependence on economic cycles will assist decision makers as they prepare for the future. 101

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CURRENCY FLOWS Following the examination of the balance of payments, the factors that determine the magnitude of currency flows should be noted. These are the factors that differentiate gross and net foreign earnings. Net foreign exchange receipts vary greatly from country to country. Also, it should not be assumed that all original tourism expenditures culminate in direct and indirect income for the receiving country. There are leakages. Assuming stability in both supply and demand, the factors which contribute to this include: 1. The propensity to import of the exporting country; 2. Expatriate labour; 3. The nature of capital investment.

Propensity to import The propensity to import is the proportion of each unit of tourist expenditure which is transferred to another area for the purchase of goods or services. It represents the likelihood of the occurrence of leakages from the area. Imports may be either direct or indirect. Direct imports are imports of goods and services consumed immediately by the tourist or used in the tourism sector. Indirect imports are imports of raw materials, manufactured goods and services for domestic producers who provide goods and services to the tourist sector. The volume of imports will depend upon the extent to which the demands for these goods and services can be met domestically (Thuens 1976: 4). In many cases, particularly in developing countries, the local economy lacks the capacity, diversity and inter-industry linkages to meet the requirements of international tourism. Bryden (1973: 33) reported that declines in agricultural production in the islands of the Caribbean during the 1960s and expanded tourist demands reduced self-sufficiency in food production and expanded the need to import food by up to 4 per cent annually. This meant an increase in the proportion of tourist expenditures used to purchase imported goods and services. In addition to imports of food, the tourist industry frequently purchases specialized management and operating supplies, including beverages, equipment and construction materials from abroad. In developing countries, where there is limited output of both quality-controlled agricultural and manufactured products, a large proportion of these requirements must be imported. Lundberg (1972: 137), using Hawaii as an example, indicated that different types of establishments have different import propensities. The overall propensity for Hawaii is 45 per cent and for Kenya 22 per cent, but Table 4.4 shows that there is considerable variation from establishment to establishment. The measures of import propensity by establishment type are more useful than a single figure calculated on a national basis. They can be used to indicate variations in the prospects for import substitution 102

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Table 4.4 Import propensities by type of establishment Type of business establishment

Import propensity (%)

Food stores Liquor stores Clothing and accessory stores Hotels Restaurants

49* 66 44 38 41

* 49 cents in every dollar of tourist expenditure on food was used for the importing of foodstuffs. Source: After Lundberg 1972

and, hence, act as an aid in determining priorities in the development of domestic production. In this vein, Telfer and Wall (1996, 2000) examined the food supply chains of various types of accommodation establishments in Indonesia and have documented attempts at import substitution by producing food supplies locally. The propensity to import is influenced by the size and structural diversity of the importing country’s economy and by its import policies. Some countries attempt to restrict imports by the erection of tariffs. However, no examples have been located of policies specifically devised to curb imports for the tourist sector. The economies of developing countries are frequently unable to supply the quantity and quality of goods and services required to meet the demands created by international tourism (Sadler and Archer 1974: 5). Developed countries, because they are usually more able to construct, equip, supply and operate their tourist industries from domestic resources, tend to have low import propensities when compared with developing countries. In developed countries, the tourist industry is supported by a sophisticated system of backward linkages. This can only occur in a mature, diversified economy. The size of the country is also important. In small countries, the economy is likely to be less diversified than in larger countries. In small, developing countries, there is usually a small ratio between net and gross receipts from international tourism because of the need to import a large proportion of tourist-related products. Hudman and Hawkins’s (1989) and Yan and Wall’s (2002) studies in China report a higher degree of leakages from imports, particularly in the early phases of tourist development. In the early stages of tourist development in China, leakages were largely indirect or from secondary industry, particularly heavy industry and manufacturing. In fact, Yan and Wall (2002: 271) noted that the direct leakage from importing (leakage associated with the products and services consumed directly by tourists) was only 14.8 per cent but total leakage (direct and indirect) climbed to 39.2 per cent. The same situation occurs in small islands or predominantly agricultural economies where secondary industries may be poorly developed and may have weak linkages with the tourism sector. Obviously, the development of a network of local producers of primary and manufactured tourism supplies 103

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will result in a higher proportion of retained foreign currency earnings. Sinclair (1998: 25) cited 65 per cent of gross foreign exchange earnings were retained in Kenya but only 20 per cent in the Gambia, the latter being largely influenced by its underdeveloped production base and its reliance on intra-regional trade for its economic development.

Expatriate labour Employment of expatriate labour in the tourist industry is usually a result of the inability of the home country to supply the labour domestically. Tourism is said to require a higher proportion of semi-skilled and unskilled labour than many other industries, so that one might expect that developing countries entering the industry would not require the services of much expatriate labour. Thus, they should be able to avoid the outflow of currency through remittance payments. This may be so in some cases but, in the Caribbean, quite the contrary has occurred. Bryden (1973) undertook a detailed analysis of tourism in the Commonwealth Caribbean and concluded that the proportions of expatriates employed in the British Virgin Islands, the Bahamas and the Cayman Islands were particularly high. Concentrations were greatest in managerial and administrative occupations. For example, in 1970 in the Cayman Islands, nearly 65 per cent of employees in these occupations were expatriates. In the British Virgin Islands, 48.5 per cent of the labour force in hotels and guesthouses was from abroad. Although this figure was only 32.1 per cent for the Caymans, 42.7 per cent of the total wage and salary bill of the hotel and guesthouse sector accrued to expatriate labour (Bryden 1973: 130). The proportion of the expatriate earnings which was remitted out of the country is unknown. However, the higher the total expatriate earnings, the larger the volume of leakage from the tourist exporting country is likely to be. It is possible that as the industry matures in a destination, the need for expatriate labour will be reduced, particularly if training programmes are established. On the other hand, in developed countries, nationals may be reluctant to do the menial tasks and labour is imported to do these. Thus, it may be that over time, a small number of highly paid expatriate workers is replaced by a larger number of poorly paid immigrants. There is little documentation of measures to reduce such outflows of money. Immigration restrictions are one obvious remedy. Investments in the training of local people should also reduce foreign employment and remittances in the long term.

Capital investment World capital investment in tourism in 2004 was estimated to be US$803 billion or approximately 9.4 per cent of total investment. In some countries, tourist capital 104

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investment constitutes a large proportion of total investment: Aruba (76 per cent), Bahamas (66 per cent) and Pacific Islands (72 per cent) (WTTC 2004). In these countries and many other developing economies, foreign investment in and ownership of tourist plant is a dominant feature of tourist development. Most of the early literature and subsequent reviews have focused entirely on the impacts of foreign investment in developing countries (Jackson 1973, Marsh 1975b, Talbot 1974, Turner 1976, Young 1973). The notable exception is Dwyer and Forsyth’s (1994) extensive work in Australia. From a theoretical perspective, Bull (1991) suggested that foreign investment in travel and tourism takes three main forms: equity ownership, loan capital supply and investment management arrangements. Equity ownership has been well documented and involves the parent company in one country (usually a touristgenerating country from the developed world) purchasing stock in a local tourism enterprise or establishing a subsidiary within the tourist destination. This trend has been a dominant feature within the early phases of tourist development and has continued with the increasing globalization. The provision of loans to tourism enterprises by international financial organizations is widely accepted but not well documented. Such contractual arrangements may not be equity related but part of the financial structure of doing business. It is increasingly common in many tourist regions to find multinational organizations operating subsidiaries under management contracts, leases or franchise agreements. Many of these arrangements circumvent foreign ownership regulations of host countries and, at the same time, bring to the host country superior production, management and marketing skills that are absent locally. Foreign investment in the tourist industry results from two major conditions: 1. The encouragement of foreign investment in the early stages of tourist development. The high capital requirements of infrastructure and service facilities force many developing countries to seek financial assistance abroad. Remittances, in the form of capital repayments and interest on investments, can be significant. In China, Yan and Wall (2002) noted that foreign investment in the early phases of luxury hotel development in the 1980s provoked a high level of imports but in the later phases of development and market maturity, lower cost accommodations were developed by a more capable local economy. In Kenya, by the end of the same decade 67 per cent of hotels in Nairobi and 66 per cent of lodges in national parks and reserves had direct foreign investment (Sinclair 1991: 188). 2. The emergence of multinational corporations and effects of continued globalization. The foreign ownership problem has been compounded by the emergence of international hotel chains, tour operators, restaurant chains and continued trends of both horizontal and vertical integration. Crotts, Buhalis and March (2000) and Wahab and Cooper (2001) have provided useful reviews of structural changes of the tourist industry and the effects of globalization on them. The proportion 105

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of the tourist expenditure on package holidays received by the destination and the percentage remaining in the tourist-originating country as a foreign exchange leakage have been highlighted by Sinclair (1991). The same study drew attention to the problem by calculating per capita foreign currency receipts. The greater the tourist proportionate expenditure on foreign-owned package holidays, the lower the per capita foreign exchange receipts in the destination. The effect will, therefore, vary with the type of holiday package and the degree to which foreign or local partners (particularly airlines) are involved in its delivery. Farver (1984) noted that, if the package holiday included both a foreign airline and hotel, the leakage was 77 per cent in the Gambia. In Kenya, if the same kind of package was purchased but including local Kenyan Airways, leakage was as low as 12 to 20 per cent (Sinclair 1991). Vertical integration may increase efficiency but it may also increase foreign control. It may result in consistently high occupancy rates in the hotels of developing countries but, since a large proportion of the revenue and profits is transferred back to the tourist-generating countries, it may only bring marginal local returns. High leakages have resulted in disappointing economic performances of the tourist industry, at least from a destination perspective, because large balance of payments deficits have not been mitigated. High leakages, of course, are not restricted to tourism but are common to many forms of modernization in developing countries. However, the existence of high leakages may mean that tourism, in its present form, is doing less than it might to reduce balance of payments problems in the developing world.

TOURISM AND NATIONAL ECONOMIC GROWTH (GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT OR GDP) The significance of tourist expenditure to the economic performance of a country can also be assessed through the GDP which is defined as the total value of all goods and services produced by an economy over a given period of time, usually a year. From a tourism perspective, this important measure is used to determine the overall value added to the economy from tourist expenditures. The contribution of tourism to GDP is calculated by assessing visitor expenditures at current prices, for both domestic and foreign tourism, and then subtracting the goods and services purchased by the tourism sector (Lawson and Baud-Bovy 1977: 21). If desired, the calculations can be undertaken for foreign tourism alone. Payments made in a country by foreign tourists are recorded as foreign exchange receipts. The amount of GDP generated by foreign tourist expenditure consists of this income less the costs of servicing these tourists. For those countries that do not have a large domestic tourist industry, this measure may be of more interest than a figure for domestic and international tourism combined. This is particularly 106

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true of developing countries where domestic tourism may be relatively small and international tourism can make substantial contributions to the economy. Unless tourism has become a major earner of foreign exchange, the output of the tourist sector is likely to constitute only a small proportion of GDP. This is true of almost all developed and many developing countries. In most developed countries, it is necessary to include domestic tourism receipts because they form a large proportion of total tourism revenues. Peters (1969: 29) noted that international tourism receipts in the United Kingdom constituted a mere 0.6 per cent of GDP in 1966. However, when the expenditures of Britons within the United Kingdom and foreign payments to British carriers were added, the figure increased to 2.4 per cent. Twenty years later, the WTO reported a progressive change in the United Kingdom whereby international tourism receipts had grown to be 1.5 per cent of GDP and domestic receipts had dropped to 1.9 per cent. In Spain, using the same data, international tourism receipts as a proportion of GDP (7.5 per cent) were higher than those from domestic tourism (3.9 per cent), together indicating the substantial importance of tourism in the Spanish economy. The net earnings of tourism do not accurately indicate the net impacts of tourism, even in a narrow, economic sense. Mitchell (1970: 2) noted that local resources and capital are used to satisfy the needs of tourists but it is also true that these resources and capital could be used in other sectors of the economy if they were not employed in tourism. These costs would need to be deducted to arrive at the net impact of tourism on GDP. There are obvious difficulties in meeting this requirement. Furthermore, many of the goods and services produced for tourists are also consumed by residents. Nevertheless, the contribution of tourism to GDP is a useful measure of the economic significance of tourism. It is also possible to compare tourist receipts to national income or total exports. Each measure indicates the importance of tourism in a slightly different way. The contribution of tourism to GDP is now a standard measure in the TSA described above. Table 4.5 presents data on the contribution of tourism to the GDPs of a number of countries. Japan and Spain, which are included in the table, will be used as examples for further comments on tourism’s contribution to GDP. Japan is a large and highly diversified economy and, although many Japanese travel overseas, the perceived high costs of travel in Japan, language and cultural differences have not been conducive to the attraction of a large number of tourists from other developed countries. In contrast, Spain has a higher dependence on tourism. In many smaller economies, dependence on tourism is even greater, e.g. Antigua 58 per cent, Bahamas 56 per cent (Archer 1989). The WTTC (2004) forecasted that tourism in such countries as the Seychelles, Maldives and British Virgin Islands will be close to 40 per cent of their respective GDPs. They also forecasted that countries such as Vietnam, China, India and Chad will have the fastest growth rates in terms of tourism’s contribution to GDP with annual percentages of 7– 8 per cent over the next ten years. 107

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Table 4.5 Estimated contributions of tourism to GDP (as %) Country

% Tourism contribution to GDP (year)

Australia Canada USA Chile Spain Japan Aruba and Bahamas Seychelles The Maldives

4.5% 2.4% 2.2% 3.8% 8.0% 0.4% 18.7% 28.6% 41.8%

(1998) (2000) (1997) (1996) (1998) (1987) (2004) (2004) (2004)

Sources: – Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002) Tourism Satellite Accounts: Credible Numbers for Good Business Decisions, Ottawa – OECD and WTO data (adapted) – Spain GDP: Sinclair and Gómez 1996 – WTTC: World Travel and Tourism Council 2004

Fig. 4.1 Tourism GDP share by industry (Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada 2000)

Tourism’s contribution to Canada’s GDP (stable at 3.9 per cent) was $14.2 billion in 1992, growing to $21.8 billion in 2000. The share by tourism component is shown in Figure 4.1. Such shares by industry sectors of the tourism GDP will vary with changes in the demand patterns of tourist arrivals and domestic consumption overall. It is also significant that a share of the tourism GDP is generated by industries that are not considered as tourism industries. Nearly one third (27 per cent) of purchases made by tourists are for goods and services such as groceries, clothing, fuel, etc. 108

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ECONOMIC MULTIPLIERS The emphasis of the preceding discussion has been on the economic impacts of tourism at a national level. Many of the data have been collected at this scale and a large proportion of the literature concerns individual countries. An equally important concern is the contribution made by tourism to specific destinations at the regional and local levels. Expenditures of tourists in a destination create new incomes and outputs in the region which, in turn, produce further expenditures and incomes. The ‘flow on’ process emanating from the injection of tourist expenditure into a destination will resemble the following pattern. Firms and organizations providing goods and services directly to tourists will have increased sales revenue. These firms and organizations will, in turn, purchase goods and services from various suppliers within or outside the destination region. The latter process is called leakage. Further spending will occur when recipients of the above expenditures within the region spend with their increased incomes. The cumulative re-spending of incomes creating additional incomes is known as multiplier effect. The concept of successive spending and the patterns of production in a destination are affected by the strengths of the links between the tourist sector and other sectors of the economy. The multiplier concept is based upon the recognition that the economic sectors of a destination are interdependent and that each sector within the economy will be purchasing goods and services produced by suppliers within the local economy. Therefore the greater the extent to which tourism generates increased production in all sectors of the local economy, the greater will be the tourist multiplier. Fletcher and Archer (1991: 29) concluded that owing to this sectoral interdependence, any change in final demand will bring about change in the economy’s level of output, income, employment and government revenue. These changes may be greater than, equal to or less than the value of the initial tourist expenditure. The term ‘multiplier’ refers to the ratio of the change in one of the variables to the change in final demand which it brought about. Since the pioneering work by Archer and his colleagues in the application of the multiplier concept to tourism, numerous others have used multipliers to measure economic impact (Archer 1973, 1976, 1977a, b, c, Archer and Fletcher 1996, Fletcher 1993a, Frechtling 1994a, Khan, Seng and Cheong 1990). The size of the tourist multiplier will vary from country to country and from region to region, depending upon the interdependence of sectors within the destination’s economy. The volume of imported and extra-regional goods and services consumed by tourists, the inclination of residents to use goods and services from outside the region, and their propensity to save, each have a bearing on the multiplier coefficient. The higher the region’s propensity to import, the higher will be the leakage of money out of the local region and the lower will be the multiplier. In general, the smaller the economic base, the less self-sufficient will be the region and much of the tourist expenditure will be re-spent outside the local region 109

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leading to a low economic multiplier. The multiplier effect is also influenced by the internal structure of the economy and the manner in which the injection of tourist expenditures is distributed across its various sectors. The greater the internal linkages between sectors, the less likelihood that supplies will be required from outside the region and the larger will be the multiplier. Archer (1976: 115) and Fletcher and Archer (1991: 29) defined multipliers as the ratio of direct, indirect and induced changes in an economy to the direct initial change itself. Thus the income multiplier considers three types of influence of tourist expenditures: 1. Direct spending. The initial expenditure (first round) creates direct revenue to hoteliers, service stations, and other tourist industries supplying goods and services directly to tourists. 2. Indirect spending. The payments of salaries and wages to local employees, and tourist establishments replenishing their stocks, are indirect effects of the initial, direct tourist expenditure. For example an increase in demand for hotel accommodation may require hotels to increase their demand for food and beverage products, bedroom amenities or laundry services. Furthermore, these suppliers to the hotel will need to have more staff, and purchase more equipment and materials. 3. Induced spending. As wages and salaries within an economy rise as a result of initial change in final demand, local consumption also increases. This respending of increased income provides an additional impetus for economic activity. There are a number of different types of multipliers and different methodologies used to measure them. The resulting confusion has often limited their accuracy and usefulness. Fletcher and Archer (1991: 37–9) distinguish the following categories: 1. The sales or transactions multiplier. This measures the effect of an extra unit of tourist expenditure on activity levels in the economy, i.e. the increase in business turnover created by the tourist expenditure. For example, in Archer’s (1974) study in Gwynedd this multiplier was 1.46. 2. The output multiplier. This relates a unit of extra tourist expenditure to the increase in the level of output in the economy. The output multiplier differs from the sales multiplier in that, in addition to sales generation, the output multiplier also includes changes in the level of inventories. 3. The income multiplier. One of the more useful multiplier calculations, it is the ratio of income (salaries, business profits, dividends) to the tourist expenditure injected into the destination’s economy. In the Gwynedd study mentioned above, Archer found the income multiplier was 0.32. 4. The employment multiplier. This is the ratio of direct and secondary employment generated by additional tourist expenditure, to direct employment alone. 110

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Occasionally it is calculated as the amount of employment generated per unit of tourist expenditure. 5. The government revenue multiplier. This calculation demonstrates how much government revenue is created by each additional unit of tourist expenditure (taxes, service charges, levies, etc. less grants and subsidies). 6. The import multiplier. This ratio demonstrates the value of imported goods and services associated with each additional unit of tourist expenditure. Each of these types of multiplier measures a different but linked phenomenon. Each has its own utility. For example, if one is comparing the effects of a number of projects one may be interested in their implications for both income and employment. Depending upon the priorities and the flexibility of investment, the one with the highest income or employment multiplier, or the best combination of the two, could be chosen. To add to the complexity and confusion, income multipliers are calculated in a number of different ways in the literature, with implications for results. Assuming that the injection of one dollar of tourist spending creates 50 cents of direct income and 25 cents of indirect and induced income, then the variations in calculations are as follows: 1. Income multipliers may be calculated as the ratio of the total income generated (primary, indirect and induced) to the direct income created by the primary expenditure: i.e.

primary + secondary primary 0.5 + 0.25 = 0.5 = 1.5

Multiplier =

This is known as an ‘orthodox’ income multiplier. 2. Income multipliers may be calculated as the ratio of the total income generated to the total initial expenditure: i.e.

primary + secondary initial expenditure 0.5 + 0.25 = 1.0 = 0.75

Multiplier =

This is known as an ‘unorthodox’ tourist multiplier. Although the data used in each case are the same, quite different multiplier coefficients emerge with variations in the methods of calculation. It is imperative that interpretations of multiplier coefficients take into account the method of 111

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calculation, and that comparisons are only made between coefficients that have been calculated in the same way, if accurate policy information is to be derived. Archer (1976: 119) believed that the principal weakness of the multiplier concept is not so much the model itself but, rather, the way it has been used and interpreted. The choice of model used, from ad hoc (Keynesian) multiplier models to more rigorous input–output analysis, is often governed by research budgets, data availability and the expertise of researchers to analyze and interpret the data. In spite of the methodological limitations of many multiplier analyses and advancements in economic methodologies (such as input–output analysis and general equilibrium models, although these are most commonly applied at a national scale), multiplier applications are widely published in the tourism literature. Importantly, the numerous case studies, taken together, reveal some general principles and have identified relatively consistent multiplier values (Pwyer and Forsyth 1998, Fletcher 1989, Fretchling 1994a). Archer (1998: 128–32), Wall (1996c: 447) and Dwyer, Forsyth, Madden and Spurr (2000) have discussed and summarized the main factors affecting the size of tourist impacts or multiplier values. They are: 1. The initial magnitude of tourist expenditure to which the multiplier is applied; 2. The capacity of the destination to supply tourist goods and services (if there are supply constraints and tourist demand cannot be met, the expenditure will generate local inflation and an increase in imports); 3. The size of the local economy and boundaries that define the study area; 4. The nature of the initial spending or the value added generated in the first round of spending (the more of the initial spending that is turned into income for locals, the higher the multiplier will likely be). For example, expenditure with bed and breakfast suppliers will yield high multipliers as the majority remains with the bed and breakfast operator who, in turn, buys most goods locally; 5. The nature and degree of tourist industry linkages within the destination’s economy and the effect on leakages (the more local industry can produce and supply goods and services to meet demand, the lower the leakages and the higher the multiplier). Individually and collectively, these factors influence the size of the multiplier with most research focusing on factors 2 and 5: the linkages of the local economy and its capacity to supply goods and services (Archer 1991, Frechtling 1994b). Bull (1991: 141), Fletcher (1989: 528) and Wall (1996c: 447–9) have indicated that the type of tourists and their corresponding spending behaviours as well as the geographical boundaries of the study area will influence the sizes of the multipliers. Different types of tourists will purchase different types of products and from different localities within the destination’s economy. Some tourists will want to purchase only local products or experience ethnic cuisine and, hence, may buy 112

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authentic handicrafts from a local village and tend to frequent locally owned restaurants. In both cases, there is a low import content and, hence, a high value added impact. Wall (1996c) also introduced a largely untouched issue in multiplier analysis: that of relationships between size of multipliers and scale of analysis as reflected in the delineation of study areas. He noted that, as a consequence of changing the definitional boundaries of the study area, there is an inverse relationship between gross tourist expenditures and the sizes of economic multipliers or, in other words, large tourist expenditures become associated with small multipliers and vice versa. This is because: 1. In a small local economy, businesses supplying tourists with goods and services will likely have to go outside the area to acquire their necessary operating supplies. 2. There are very few local users of the facilities with almost all users being from outside. Thus all expenditures are from tourist and consequently gross tourist expenditures are relatively large. In this scenario, leakages are high and the multipliers are small. Conversely, if the size of destination area is large there is a greater likelihood that goods and services will be supplied locally. Furthermore, more users of facilities will be regarded as locals, decreasing the amount of tourist expenditure as a proportion of total expenditures. In this situation, leakage is low and the tourist multiplier is higher. Clearly, the scale of the study area’s boundaries has an influence in calculating local economic impact using multiplier analysis. The economic phenomenon is essentially unchanged but the result of the analysis differs substantially.

Applications of tourist multipliers Typically discussion of the economic contribution of tourism to an economy will involve the generation of multiplier values and, sometimes, the role of input–output analysis. One of the most notorious examples of the misuse of tourist multipliers is contained in the Zinder Report on The Future of Tourism in the Caribbean. Copies of this report are exceedingly difficult to locate. However, two excellent critiques of the report are readily available (Bryden and Faber 1971, Levitt and Gulati 1970). Their comments are useful in demonstrating the methodological and analytical pitfalls and the misleading interpretations that resulted. Archer has written extensively on tourist multipliers, their application and limitations. The selection of his references and case studies which are included in the bibliography provide an excellent introduction to these topics. The magnitude of income multipliers varies considerably between national and regional destinations. National multipliers are usually higher than those calculated for regions, because of the larger economic base and the proportionately smaller leakages, as noted in the earlier discussion. 113

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Table 4.6 Tourism income multipliers from selected destinations and regions Destination

Multiplier

Developed countries USA UK Turkey Republic of Ireland Tanzania

1.92 1.73 1.96 1.73 0.69

Island nations/small economies Jamaica Dominican Republic Bermuda Hong Kong Singapore Fiji British Virgin Islands

1.23 1.20 1.27 1.02 0.94 0.72 0.58

Regions Hawaii (USA) Missouri (USA) Grand County, Colorado (USA)

0.78 0.88 0.60

Smaller regions/cities Victoria (metro), Canada Gwynedd, UK Isle of Skye, UK City of Winchester, UK

0.50 0.37 0.25–0.41 0.19

Sources: After Fletcher 1989, Archer 1982, Kweka, Morrissey and Blake 2001, Frechtling 1996, Lundberg, Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995, Liu 1986, Vanhove (2005)

A number of tourist multipliers covering a range of geographical areas are presented in Table 4.6. These values indicate the ratio of income generated by tourist expenditures to the expenditures themselves. Although the calculations were undertaken largely using input–output analysis, there are distinct differences in the economies of the areas measured and caution should be taken in making crossnational or regional comparisons. The examples do confirm previous discussions that the smaller the area and, in some cases, the less developed the destination, the smaller the income multiplier tends to be. It is also useful to develop longitudinal comparisons of multiplier values to determine changes in the local inter-industry linkages and tourist spending behaviour, and also to provide input to policy makers in customizing policies and plans, and to draw attention to the need to enhance linkages within the structure of their economy. Khan, Seng and Cheong (1990) analyzed multipliers for Singapore, undertaking longitudinal comparisons as well as comparing multiplier values calculated by different researchers for the same destination. It was noted that, over the decade of the 1980s, the income multiplier for Singapore grew from 0.62 to 0.94 and now remains comparable to those 114

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of Hong Kong and other Asian destinations. Although the Singapore economy has strengthened its inter-industry linkages, its leakages from imports (29 per cent) remains high and reduces the multiplier value. In the case of Cuba, where recent foreign investment and infrastructure development laws curbing tourism have been relaxed, the growth of tourist arrivals has grown dramatically. The tourist industry in Cuba has developed at a rapid pace in terms of visitor arrivals but the infrastructure is now stretched, making it difficult to maintain internationally competitive standards. Further, there has not been a parallel development in general infrastructure directly supporting tourism or in other secondary industries. A major trade-off, therefore, facing potential investors in Cuban tourism lies between the appeal of economic incentives and market potential and the operating challenges caused by a weak infrastructure and economy. Continued political uncertainty and international trade embargoes against Cuba make this destination a high-risk, high-potential investment option (Economic Intelligence Unit 1993, Simon 1995). De Holan and Phillips (1997) also concluded that, for Cuba, the lack of supporting industries is exacerbated by the fact that Cuban farms are unable to produce goods to meet international tourist standards and, in many cases, in a timely way to meet tourist demand. The repatriation of profits from foreign partnerships and the high propensity to import goods to satisfy demand has severely diluted the Cuban government’s ability to produce and retain hard currency revenue and has resulted in low multiplier values. National tourist multipliers are often an inaccurate guide to regional experiences because of the high leakages out of local economies. It should be self-evident that countries are more self-contained than the regions within them, and have more diversified economic structures in terms of domestic products and services, are more likely to be able to use local resources and, therefore, experience a greater proportion of tourist expenditure as income than is the case for their regions. Much multiplier research has been undertaken at regional and local levels, often using fairly sophisticated models. Examples include studies of Gwynedd, North Wales (Archer, Shea and Vane 1974), the Isle of Skye (Brownrigg and Greig 1975), Greater Tayside (Henderson 1975), the Lothian Region around Edinburgh in Scotland (Vaughan 1977a) and more recent analyses in Bermuda (Archer 1995), Vararlberg, Austria (Baier 1994), Norwegian towns (Huse, Gustavsen and Almedal 1998), Queensland, Australia (West 1993), the Okanagan Valley, Canada (Var and Quayson 1985) and Washington City (Frechtling and Hovarth 1999). Although some of these studies date back three decades, the multiplier values calculated and the interpretative principles remain valid and continue to serve and are quoted as meaningful and relevant examples of multiplier analytical studies. Vaughan found that the income multiplier in Edinburgh varied between 0.203 for day-trippers to a high of 0.365 for those accommodated in halls of residence designed for students (Table 4.7). The coefficients indicate that hotel users spend their money in such a way that more income is generated per unit of tourist 115

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Table 4.7 Local income coefficients – Edinburgh Type of accommodation used by tourist

Direct

Indirect

Induced

Total

Hotel Guest-house Bed and breakfast Tent Caravan Friends and relatives Halls of residence Other Day trips Staying visitors (weighted average) All visitors (weighted average)

0.205 0.210 0.143 0.177 0.161 0.143 0.279 0.233 0.144 0.191 0.189

0.045 0.071 0.077 0.031 0.028 0.031 0.032 0.031 0.029 0.050 0.049

0.043 0.049 0.038 0.036 0.033 0.030 0.054 0.046 0.030 0.042 0.041

0.293 0.330 0.258 0.244 0.222 0.204 0.365 0.310 0.203 0.283 0.279

Source: Vaughan 1977a: 21

expenditure than for those using caravans (trailers), tents or staying with friends or relatives. Table 4.7 also illustrates the components of local income multipliers. The largest contribution to local income was made to the direct recipients of tourist expenditures, with progressively less being generated at subsequent phases of spending. Similar results were found by Archer, Shea and Vane (1974) for Gwynedd. The income multipliers for each of eight categories of tourists, together with a composite tourist multiplier, are shown in Table 4.8. The first column shows the direct income generated in Gwynedd by 1 unit of tourist expenditure. As in the Lothian example, income generated by bed and breakfast lodgers (58 pence in £1 of tourist expenditures) is proportionately higher than that of tourists staying in caravans (14 pence in £1 of tourist expenditure). In the same example, the additional secondary income generated by £1 of expenditure by those staying in caravans is roughly 7 pence (0.2097 minus the direct income effect of 0.1407), whereas the additional secondary income attributable to £1 of expenditure by bed and breakfast lodgers is roughly 6 pence (0.6351−0.5775). Table 4.8 also illustrates the differences in the multiplier coefficients with variations in the methods of calculation. In column three, the ‘orthodox’ income multiplier (the ratio of direct, indirect and induced income to direct income alone) has a composite figure of 1.34. Archer, Shea and Vane (1974: 41) concluded that this measure is of little importance since it reflects intra-regional production and consumption relationships, rather than measuring the effect of tourist expenditure. In the case of ‘orthodox’ multipliers, the coefficient will be greater than unity unless the indirect and induced income is negative. The ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier (the ratio of the total income generated to the total initial expenditure) of 0.3682 provides a more realistic picture of the combined effects of tourist expenditures. In small areas the coefficient is likely to be less than unity because of high leakages. 116

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Table 4.8 Tourist multipliers in Gwynedd, 1973 Category of tourist (by type of accommodation used)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Hotels and guest-houses Bed and breakfast Furnished accommodation Caravans Holiday cottages Tents Friends and relatives Day trippers Others*

Composite multiplier*

Direct income

‘Orthodox’ income multiplier [(2) ÷ (1)] (3)

‘Unorthodox’ income multiplier

(1)

Direct, indirect and induced income (2)

0.2265 0.5775 0.3389 0.1407 0.1786 0.1937 0.1767 0.2113 –

0.3237 0.6351 0.4012 0.2097 0.2682 0.2845 0.2836 0.3032 –

1.43 1.10 1.18 1.49 1.50 1.47 1.60 1.43 –

0.3237 0.6351 0.4012 0.2097 0.2682 0.2845 0.2836 0.3032 –

–

–

1.34

0.3682

(4)

* Multipliers for holiday camps, hostels, etc., are more difficult to assess and have been omitted from this table. Source: After Archer, Shea and Vane 1974: 42

In Table 4.9, the ‘unorthodox’ multipliers of the Gwynedd study and the total income multipliers of the Lothian study are compared. The values are very similar. An additional column shows the results of another British study undertaken in the Isle of Skye (Brownrigg and Greig 1975: 267). There are some variations in the coefficients for specific tourist categories, for example the relatively high coefficient for Gwynedd bed and breakfast, but the findings are generally consistent across the studies. Canadian values for tourist income multipliers are similar to those calculated in the United Kingdom. Triantis (1979: 276) concluded that in the Muskoka region Table 4.9 Income multipliers of Gwynedd, Lothian and Skye Category of tourist

Gwynedd

Lothian

Isle of Skye*

Hotels Guest-houses Bed and breakfast Tent Caravan Friends and relatives Halls of residence Holiday cottages Day trippers

0.3237† –‡ 0.6351 0.2845 0.2097 0.2836 –‡ 0.2682 0.3032

0.2930 0.3300 0.2580 0.2440 0.2220 0.2040 0.3650 –‡ 0.2030

0.3300 0.3900 0.3900 0.2700 0.3000 0.2600 0.2700 0.2850 0.2200

Composite multiplier

0.3682

0.2648

0.3016

* Composite coefficients for Isle of Skye were calculated as upper and lower estimates only were provided. † Guest-houses were included in this calculation and, hence, there is no single value for this category. ‡ No value was given for this category of tourist. Sources: Vaughan 1977a; Brownrigg and Greig 1975; and Archer, Shea and Vane 1974.

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of Ontario, $1 of tourist expenditure results in 26.5 cents of direct income for local residents. These 26.5 cents are re-spent to yield an additional 5.7 cents of income in the second round of spending, 1.2 cents in the third round and 0.3 cents in the fourth. Income generated from one dollar of tourist expenditure is approximately 34 cents and, hence, the ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier is 0.34. Many of the studies noted above focus on the income and employment impacts of tourism on a single destination. Fewer studies have attempted to compare impacts of tourism between areas. Some studies of island economies (Milne 1992) and others examining regions within countries (Heng and Low 1990, Huse, Gustavsen and Almedal 1998, Var and Quayson 1985) are initial attempts at comparative research. Huse, Gustavsen and Almedal (1998) studied Norwegian towns with similar results to those of the preceding studies. The sales multiplier (excluding value added tax) or value of business turnover from direct tourist expenditures ranged from 1.7 to 4.5 plus a further 1.2 to 1.8 from secondary and induced effects. A similar variation occurred for employment. This study and others conducted at a local or regional level concluded the following: 1. There is a direct correlation between the nature and scale of tourist development and the ratio of direct industry effects. The more developed the tourist industry, the higher the ratio of direct effects. 2. The larger and more diverse the structure of the local economy, the greater the secondary effects and the correspondingly lower rate of leakages and propensity to import by the region. 3. The greater the degree of local ownership and management of the destination’s local tourist facilities, the higher the direct spin-offs from tourist expenditures. 4. A higher degree of local investment in tourism, particularly in the early phases of development, will generate a higher ratio of secondary effects over the longer term. 5. There is not a linear relationship between the growth of tourism and the economic benefits to the destination. Many of the above-mentioned authors caution against the conclusions of comparative research, listing inconsistent definitions, poor data and a host of differences in the economic structures of the destination areas that have been examined. In spite of these concerns, it is clear that although the specific conclusions from one area may not be directly generalized to those of another, the pattern of tourist impacts will vary with time and with the stage of tourist development (Loukissas 1982, Wanhill 1988, Williams and Shaw 1991). These studies are important examples of those which might be prepared for consideration by policy makers exploring opportunities for regional development. Multiplier models vary greatly in their sophistication and rigour. Simplified, ‘ad hoc’ models can be expected to yield less accurate results than those calculated 118

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by input–output analysis. Input–output tables show the flows of current transactions through an economy for a specified period of time, usually a year. The various types of business activity are grouped into sectors. Tables show the total value of sales made by each sector to the other sectors and the purchases made by each sector from each of the other sectors (Archer 1977c: 1). Regardless of the sophistication of the multiplier models which are used, the accuracy of results ultimately depends upon the adequacy of the data. According to Fletcher (1989), Archer and Fletcher (1990), Hughes (1994) and others, this is a major problem facing users of multiplier models. The problem is particularly serious at the regional and local level because, at such scales, data are either not available or not in the form required for rigorous multiplier analysis. Part of the problem is a reflection of the nature of the tourist industry itself: it is a multi-product industry that encompasses a number of different economic activities. Tourist expenditure is spread across a wide range of businesses and, hence, patterns of expenditure are often difficult to determine. Tourism is a composite product and its contribution depends on both the productivity levels within it and those in other sectors. In other words, increases in productivity levels in tourism may give rise to a corresponding expansion in other areas. This is critical for investment and policy formulation. In general, multipliers can provide a wealth of information about tourist impacts by: 1. Identifying the relative significance of tourism in creating local income, employment and tax revenues; 2. Distinguishing the impact occurring within the tourist sector and its spread to other sectors; 3. Identifying via linkage analysis the interdependence between tourism and other sectors of the economy; 4. Identifying the weak linkages within the economy and the capacity of other sectors to support tourist demand and the overall economic impacts of tourism in regional economies; 5. Providing information on the degree to which such objectives as maximizing income and employment, and minimizing foreign exchange losses, are being met; 6. Identifying areas in the economy that require stimulation and others which bring large benefits and merit expansion. It should be apparent that multipliers are an extremely valuable tool that can be used to estimate the economic impacts of tourism in destinations areas. However, if used and viewed in isolation, multiplier estimates for tourism will provide a limited insight into the extent to which tourism expansion enhances an area’s overall economic growth. Thus, it is necessary to turn to other complementary topics. 119

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INCOME GENERATION AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF TOURIST SPENDING In the absence of the availability of the data required to undertake multiplier analyses, income generation has also been measured using other approaches. These have included the tourism satellite approach, the Henderson-Cousins method, the input–output method, general equilibrium modelling and a national accounts method. These approaches have been discussed in more detail by Vanhove (2005) and Dwyer et al. (2004). Having examined multiplier coefficients, it is appropriate to examine two further topics related to income: 1. The total income generated for residents of a destination; 2. The distribution of that income among residents of the destination, i.e. who benefits from tourist spending?

Total income generation Again, it is useful to examine the United Kingdom examples of Gwynedd and the Lothian Region as a basis for discussion. As differences between the multiplier coefficients were usually found to be quite small between different tourist types, they were not major factors altering the proportion of total income generated. However, this is not always the case. In the Lothian Region, the £18.2 million of tourist expenditure resulted in just over one-third of that (£5.1 million) in income for Edinburgh residents (Table 4.10). This smaller amount of local income, as compared with the total injection of money, is a reflection of the inability of any local economy to extract more than a fraction Table 4.10 Total income generation for Edinburgh Type of accommodation used by tourist

Expenditure (£000s)

Hotel Guest-house Bed and breakfast Tent Caravan Friends and relatives Halls of residence Others Day trippers Total

Total income (%)

(£000s)

(%)

7,738 3,245 1,926 437 619 2,452 560 410 804

42.5 17.8 10.6 2.4 3.4 13.5 3.2 2.2 4.4

2,267 1,070 497 106 138 499 204 127 163

44.7 21.1 9.8 2.1 2.7 9.8 4.0 2.6 3.2

18,191

100.0

5,071

100.0

Income as per cent of expenditure for each tourist type 29.2 32.9 25.8 24.2 22.2 20.3 36.4 30.9 20.2

Source: After Vaughan 1977a: 28

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Table 4.11 Total income and output generated within Gwynedd by tourist expenditure: 1973 ( June–Sept.) Category of tourist (by type of accommodation used)

Expenditure (£000s)

‘Unorthodox’ income multiplier

Income created (£000s)

Output created (£000s)

Hotels and guest-houses Bed and breakfast Furnished accommodation Caravans Holiday cottages* Tents Friends and relatives Holiday camps† Day trippers Others†

10,867 7,870 7,593 6,995 1,008 2,990 1,204 657 1,022 861

0.3237 0.6351 0.4021 0.2097 0.2682 0.2845 0.2836 – 0.3032 –

3,518 4,998 3,053 1,467 270 851 341 138 310 181

15,357 6,310 7,955 7,694 1,398 4,204 1,518 723 1,431 947

Total

41,067

0.3682

15,120

47,537

* This does not include the payment of rates to local authorities nor the expenditure of money on house improvements or extensions. † The multipliers for holiday camps and ‘others’ are difficult to assess and their respective income and output figures are intended to illustrate the most likely degree of magnitude. Source: After Archer, Shea and Vane 1974: 48

of any monetary injection because of leakages such as taxation and the purchase of goods from outside the area. As the multipliers are not greatly dissimilar in this case, the most important factor determining the impacts of different types of tourists is the size of their total expenditure. As may be expected, since hotels claimed the largest proportion of total visitor expenditures (42.5 per cent), they also contributed the most to local income (44.7 per cent). Tourists staying with friends or relatives spent 13.5 per cent of all expenditures but, with a relatively small multiplier, they generated only 9.8 per cent of all local income from tourism. The last column of Table 4.10 indicates the efficiency with which expenditures are converted into income by each accommodation sector. Guest-houses and halls of residence, in particular, generated more income per unit of expenditure than other types of accommodation. In excess of 36 per cent of total expenditures of those staying at halls of residence was returned as income, compared with only 20 per cent for those staying with friends and relatives. In Gwynedd the total income generated was approximately 37 per cent of total tourist expenditure. Table 4.11 summarizes the overall monetary impact of tourist expenditures in Gwynedd and also indicates the part played by each accommodation sector. Expenditures of visitors staying in hotels and guest-houses made up just over one-quarter of all tourist expenditures but created just under a quarter of the total income. Bed and breakfast accommodation only attracted approximately one-fifth of total expenditure but generated approximately one-third of the total income. The proportionately high income generated by bed and breakfast 121

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patrons was a result of relatively low leakages. Hotels and guest-houses have to pay for goods, services and capital equipment purchases from outside of Gwynedd and this, together with payments made to seasonal, ‘imported’ labour, increases the leakage and reduces the generation of income. The total income generated by tourist expenditure increases as one extends the area in which measurement takes place. For example, the 18.2 million of expenditures in Edinburgh generated approximately £5 million for the city of Edinburgh, a further £66,000 in the rest of the Lothian region, and an additional £793,000 in the rest of Scotland and elsewhere (Vaughan 1977a: 31). Thus, as the area of investigation increases, the higher the income multiplier or the proportion of expenditure that results in income. This is due to the reduction in the leakage which, in turn, reflects the greater ability of the larger region to supply the needs of the industry from within its boundaries.

The beneficiaries of tourist spending The tourism industry consists of a heterogeneous group of establishments which provide a wide range of goods and services for tourist consumption (Archer 1972: 42). Some of these firms are totally dependent on tourist spending while others also cater to local residents and revenue from tourists forms only a small proportion of their business. Many different sectors of the economy, therefore, will be influenced by tourist spending. The economic impact of tourist spending depends upon the distribution of the initial round of tourist expenditures and the linkages or economic organization of the industry within the destination (Tremblay 1998). Many studies discuss the distribution of the initial round of tourist spending but relatively few examine the composition of secondary flows and determine which sectors of the economy benefit from the multiplier effect. Figure 4.2 shows how the tourist dollar was spent in Florida in 1968 (Lundberg 1972: 139). Comparison of these with other findings, even in the same continent, is very difficult because the categories of expenditure employed in the various studies differ. Furthermore, destinations are not influenced by the same economic variables from one year to the next. For example, it is difficult to compare a study done in 1960 with one done a decade later as disposable incomes and price differentials may be radically different. These have a considerable bearing on travel behaviour. In Archer’s (1985) case study in Mauritius, the distribution of spending was significantly different from that reported for Florida: accommodation was 59 per cent, food and beverage 8.3 per cent, transportation and tours 15.8 per cent and shopping 7.5 per cent. The distribution of initial rounds of spending will vary greatly with the size of the destination, the mix of international and domestic tourist arrivals, and the type of tourism being engaged in and promoted by the destination. Ryan (1991), citing the analysis of Vaughan from regions in the United Kingdom, found that spending 122

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Fig. 4.2 Distribution of the tourist dollar in Florida 1968 (Source: Lundberg 1972: 139)

on shopping other than food and drink was as high as 25 per cent. In this case, although VFR (visiting friends and relatives) tourists had spent similar amounts to those staying in hotels, the distribution of their initial spending was quite different. There are few analyses of indirect and induced regional money flows and their beneficiaries. These secondary effects are most clearly revealed by input–output analysis. Archer (1996) calculated income multipliers to measure the direct, indirect and induced income, by tourist industry sector, in the Seychelles. He concluded that 62 per cent of tourist expenditure was at the place of accommodation, 8 per cent at restaurants, 18 per cent on transport and only 2 per cent on other shopping (excluding handicrafts 5 per cent). The accommodation income multiplier (combined direct and secondary effects) was 0.5573 for the island. Harmston (1969: 9) examined both the direct and indirect impacts of tourist expenditures in Missouri and showed that the main secondary beneficiaries were 123

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in real estate, rentals and retailing. Another early study by Anthony (1977) measured the effects of the 1975 expenditures of Americans travelling in the United States. He found that the direct effects were most prominent in retail trade, airlines, accommodation, entertainment and auto services and repair. Indirect effects were greatest in real estate, wholesaling, maintenance and construction, trucking and warehousing. Retailing, although highest in direct effects, was low in indirect and induced effects. The main recipients of tourist spending, particularly secondary spending, were service industries. The top five categories (retail, airlines, accommodation, motion pictures and amusements, and auto services and repair) received nearly 65 cents of every dollar of domestic travellers’ expenditures. Apart from benefits to construction, there appeared to be few linkages to manufacturing and agriculture or to other sectors of the economy.

Revenues for governments Income from tourism for governments arises from direct taxation, mainly on tourist manpower, tourism and transport enterprises, user fees and service charges; from indirect taxation from customs duties and on goods consumed by tourists; and from payments, loan repayments and revenue from government-owned or financed tourist enterprises. To these must be added the personal taxes, custom duties and excise taxes on goods and services paid for, either to service tourists or to accommodate the secondary increases in economic activity created by tourism. The major governmental income earners are usually direct taxation and customs duties. Occasionally governments have tried to estimate the direct tax revenues from tourism, for example, from hotel and airport taxes. According to Clement (1967: 71), this is a static approach which leads to distorted results. What is really important is the total amount of tax revenues, both direct and indirect, that would not accrue to the government if there were no tourism. Taxes on commercial tourism products are relatively straightforward examples of consumption taxes (such as sales and value added taxes) and are usually levied on accommodation, meals, transportation and fuel. Ad valorem rates and taxes (VAT or GST) are now commonplace, although the rates of taxation may vary between what tourists and local residents pay (Spengler and Uysal 1989). The imposition of such taxes on tourist supplies means that the respective suppliers must be able to build these costs into their rate structures and be able to compete in the marketplace. In other more ideal circumstances, governments may launch specific taxes directly related to tourist consumption and this is often referred to as tax exportation. For example, user fees are now charged to specific tourists (e.g. park entrance fees), and exit fees or travel taxes are also imposed to deter foreign travel by residents. It is estimated that over 70 per cent of countries now implement exit fees and, in many others, airport departure taxes are common.

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However, the arguments made earlier concerning industry leakages, foreign ownership and economic scale apply here too. Tax revenues from tourism incomes are often diluted by high leakages from imports and remittances of profits to overseas partnerships (Milne 1987: 510). In Archer and Fletcher’s (1996) study of the Seychelles, the government revenue generated from direct and indirect sources was nearly one-third of the total income created from tourist expenditure. Using similar multiplier analysis, Henry and Deane (1997) calculated that in 1990, the government in Ireland earned 4.1 per cent from the direct effects of total tourist expenditure but this rose to 8.1 per cent when all secondary effects were calculated. On the basis of the use of tax multipliers, Lundberg, Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy (1995) reported that in Kentucky the annual impact of an additional 100 tourists to a local community was $71,000 in direct tax receipts and $125,000 when indirect and induced impacts were calculated. However, assessments of tax and duty revenues to governments (particularly regional and local) should also include discussion of costs to improve or sustain the infrastructure required to support tourism. Charges can be applied to the emission of pollutants, production of goods and services or consumers’ use of environmental facilities such as garbage disposal or street cleaning (Sinclair and Stabler 1997: 201, Turner, Pearce and Bateman 1994). These charges need to be related directly to the environmental costs generated by the product and levied if possible only to the actual users. The introduction of such charges can increase the prices of such products to tourists and to local residents alike. In the case of governments, however, they can assist in maximizing the revenues gained from normal taxes by minimizing the costs that they incur by providing ancillary services. There is only limited research into the overall contribution of tourism to the tax base or to the incomes of governments. Such information would be invaluable, particularly for developing countries attempting to derive urgently needed income from the expansion of tourism.

TOURISM AND EMPLOYMENT As has already been demonstrated, substantial research has been undertaken on the effects on income of tourist expenditures. This is also true of the effects of tourism on employment and issues of human capital within both the touristgenerating countries and the receiving destinations. Many studies have examined the effects of tourism on employment within a specific destination: Bermuda (Archer 1995), Singapore (Heng and Low 1990, Khan, Seng and Cheong 1990), Hawaii (Liu 1986), Turkey (Tosun 1999), Ireland (Baum 1993), the Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996), Korea (Lee and Kang 1998) and Bali (Cukier, Norris and Wall 1996). Most studies have examined employment impacts from a macro level and less from an enterprise level, although there is increasing analysis on the

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labour market by sector. This latter perspective is advocated by Castley (1996) and Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002) to assist in addressing employment management issues such as skill shortages, training and professional development needs, staff retention and productivity, and upward mobility. For the purposes of this discussion, insight will be provided into the work done at a macro level. Sectoral employment patterns will be considered as part of this discussion. In essence, our perspective is a supply-side one, considering the structure of employment in relation to tourism in a destination. Issues in tourist employment have been documented by such authors as Johnson and Thomas (1992a), Shaw and Williams (2002), Baum (1993) and Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002). The diversity of tourist activity and employment, and the existence of several sub-sectors create difficulties for measuring tourism-specific employment as the boundaries between sectors are often imprecise. It is also difficult to distinguish the impacts on employment of tourist expenditures from those of local residents. Sessa’s (1983) classification of tourist occupations indicates the complex and diverse nature of tourism. His categories of tourism-related employment were as follows: construction of tourist infrastructure, maintenance of tourist services, agricultural suppliers, transportation suppliers, commercial services such as recreation and retailing, reception services such as sightseeing agents and welcoming services, and public tourist administration. Some of these are more tourism dependent than others. In the case of some (agriculture for example), it is difficult to determine what jobs are dependent on tourism or, for example, whether products are sold locally to tourists or are exported. The inherent difficulties in defining the boundaries of tourism employment are manifested in the absence of official and reliable statistics, a tendency to focus on accommodation employment only, and the analysis of only those occupations directly involved in dealing with tourists. The shortcomings of such analyses are described by Szivas (1999), Shaw and Williams (1994), Cukier-Snow and Wall (1993) and Burns (1993). There have been numerous studies of employment in tourism and there are a number of compelling reasons why this should be so ( Johnson and Thomas 1992b). Such studies are of political significance, particularly when tourism authorities are lobbying for public funds, especially during periods of unemployment. A further political motive has been to address the issues of economically depressed areas and the prospect that tourism might bring new employment opportunities to such areas. The continued examination of employment within tourism also has historical benefits by allowing researchers to track important changes in industrial structure and labour force patterns and the variables influencing such changes. Employment studies in tourism also have value in enabling policy makers and decision makers to evaluate and forecast the impacts of specific tourist policies, investment in tourist attractions or of fluctuations in tourist expenditures. 126

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McCloy (1975: 49) and Sessa (1983) posed a number of basic questions on relationships between tourism and employment. Researchers are likely to continue to address these questions: 1. How many people are employed as a result of the travel industry? 2. What types of job opportunities and job mobility exist in the tourist industry? 3. What skills do people require and what returns and benefits can be expected from their employment? 4. What is the geographical and temporal distribution of this employment? 5. What capital investment is required to create this employment and maintain ongoing training of human capital? 6. What is the overall economic contribution to national, regional and local economies of this employment? 7. What are the remuneration levels of tourism occupations compared to other sectors? 8. What are the patterns of occupational diversity in relation to standards of service requirements, size of the tourist enterprise, location, type of clientele and seasonality? 9. How have changes in the industry, globalization and tourism technologies impacted employment? 10. What will be the future significance of the travel industry as a generator of employment? Shaw and Williams (2000), Fletcher (1993a) and Lundberg, Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy (1995) have discussed uses of employment multipliers. Three types of employment are generated by tourism and they closely correspond with the types of income discussed in the section on multipliers (Goffe 1975: 26): 1. Direct employment results from visitor expenditures in facilities in direct contact with tourists, such as hotels. 2. Indirect employment is still in the tourist supply sector but does not result directly from tourist expenditure. 3. Induced employment is the additional employment resulting from the effects of the tourist multiplier as local residents re-spend the additional money which they have earned. Employment generation therefore occurs on these three ways and the employment multiplier is used to estimate the changes in the number of full-time equivalent (FTE) job opportunities created by a change in the level or distribution of tourist expenditures or, more simply, the number of FTEs generated by a unit of tourist expenditure. 127

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Many of the early assessments of jobs created by tourism made reference only to direct employment. Ouma (1970: 103), for example, noted that the following numbers of people were directly employed in tourism in Kenya: 7,500 in hotels and lodges, 1,300 as tour operators, travel agents and organizers and in car hire; 500 safari outfitters; 200 in air charter; 1,500 in curio and other sales; and 1,600 by government and national parks. Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 45) indicated that, in Trinidad and Tobago, the creation of two hotel rooms generated permanent employment for three persons. They cited the example of the then new Hilton Hotel in Port of Spain generating 400 jobs. The use of tourist employment multipliers, coupled with the increasing research emphasis of government tourist organizations, has prompted the undertaking of studies of secondary employment effects. Archer (1973: 7) adapted an income multiplier model and estimated the employment generated by tourist activity in Anglesey (Gwynedd). He calculated that for every nine jobs created directly by tourist spending, an additional one job, or job equivalent, also resulted. It was also calculated that £20,930 of tourist expenditure at 1970 prices was required to generate those nine jobs. Archer (1973: 76) also found that while tourist spending generated approximately the same income as the equivalent amount of general spending, the employment created per unit of tourist expenditure was more than twice that created by general spending. It was noted that 2.39 jobs were created by each additional £10,000 of general spending, compared with 4.83 jobs in the case of tourism. Vaughan (1977a: 10) also used employment multipliers with similar results to those achieved in the Anglesey study. For example, for halls of residence, the total employment multiplier was 0.331 (i.e. £10,000 of tourist expenditure created 3.31 jobs). The figure for hotels was 0.187 and for caravans it was as low as 0.113 (Table 4.12). In other words, visitors using the most intensive types of accommodation generated the largest number of employment equivalents. Vaughan’s study is also instructive in that he divided the total employment created into direct, indirect and induced categories and calculated the proportion of the employment

Table 4.12 Edinburgh: Total employment multiplier at the city level (per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) Serviced accommodation

Unserviced accommodation

Hotel Guest-house Bed and breakfast Halls of residence

0.187 0.208 0.284 0.331

Tent Caravan Friends and relatives Others

0.121 0.113 0.126 0.250

Weighted average

0.210

Weighted average

0.136

Source: After Vaughan 1977a: 34

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Table 4.13 Edinburgh: Components of the employment coefficients at the city level (per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) Type of accommodation used by tourist

Direct

Indirect

Induced

Total

Serviced accommodation Unserviced accommodation

0.157 0.101

0.025 0.013

0.029 0.022

0.212 0.136

Weighted average

0.142

0.022

0.027

0.192

Source: Vaughan 1977a: 35

multiplier attributable to each (Table 4.13). Not surprisingly, more jobs were created in the direct employment category. Other studies, using less sophisticated methodologies, include total employment figures but do not relate them to a given amount of tourist expenditure. For example, Bond and Ladman (1973) indicated that 90,000 additional jobs were created in Arizona in 1972 as a spin-off of ‘basic’ employment in tourism. This figure was calculated by the application of a multiplier of 2.6 jobs in ‘non-basic’ activities for every position in ‘basic’ employment. At a national level several studies have applied the multiplier concept to generate estimates of employment of varying types. Archer and Fletcher (1996) calculated for the Seychelles that tourism directly generated 22.4 per cent of total employment on the island, totalling 3,772 jobs. Approximately 24 tourists created one direct job but total employment (direct and secondary) attributable to tourism reached 8,317, indicating that for every direct tourism job, an additional 1.2 secondary jobs were created. In the case of the Seychelles, 10.8 tourists were needed to support one job. Khan, Seng and Cheong (1990) expressed the employment ratio in a slightly different way in their Singapore study: one million Singapore dollars of tourist expenditure created 33 jobs. In these studies, as well of those of Pavaskar (1982) in India and Liu (1986) in Hawaii, not surprisingly, the greatest overall impact on employment was made by tourists with the highest spending. However, this also varied by the tourists’ countries of origin. It means that the pattern of tourist expenditure is also important for employment. Somewhat similarly, the studies also noted differences in multiplier estimates by tourist sector. In the Seychelles for example, the highest multiplier estimates were for small hotels, local bus and taxi transportation (0.020 and 0.029 respectively) but were lowest in retail shopping (0.008) and car rentals (0.12) (Archer 1996). Employment multipliers have also been employed in studies of specific attractions. Johnson and Thomas (1991) measured the local employment impact of the North of England Open Air Museum in Beamish where 15 direct jobs were created within the key facility, plus a further 64 indirect and induced jobs. The latter figure of 64 coincidentally was the same number of jobs that were diverted from other areas in the North-east region. In addition to looking at the employment effects of a tourist the attraction, 129

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Fig. 4.3 Measures of tourism employment (Source: After Heerschap 1999: 394)

these studies have looked beyond the attraction itself to the impact to the surrounding area. As in the case of income, compilation and analysis of tourist employment data are still evolving. This is because of the limited attention paid to date in tourism economics to the roles of human resources and employment (outside of multiplier and input–output methods), the challenges imposed by the complex characteristics of tourism itself and because different countries use different sources and approaches in collecting data (Heerschap 1999: 390). Tourist employment is a function of consumer demand for goods and services that is satisfied by a multiplicity of linked enterprises that are patronized, in many cases, by both tourists and residents. Given the size of tourism and the unusual demand and supply complexities, in many cases conclusions about tourist employment are drawn by inference rather than specialized empirical analysis. Acknowledging such methodological complications, innovative approaches using TSAs (see above) combine both supply and demand and supply-side data and promise improvements in the quality of tourist employment data. Heerschap (1999: 394) explained this as follows (Figure 4.3). By its nature, tourist expenditure, and hence tourist employment, encompasses the outputs of almost every industry in the economy (B + C). Therefore the major problem for a supply-side approach is which tourist industries to include. Only a few industries depend heavily on tourism (A + B), while there are many other industries that also rely, but only partly, on the expenditures of visitors. These include retailing, banks and communications (C). The degree of dependence on tourism varies greatly by industry, by region and even in time. At the same time, the industries defined as the ‘tourism industry’ (A + B) can cater to the needs of non-visitors (A) as well as visitors (B). Therefore, it is often the case that only a proportion of their employment can be associated with tourism. As a result, employment in the tourist-related industries (A + B) may not match exactly the total employment generated by the 130

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expenditures of visitors (B + C). This is because the selected tourist industries can also provide products and services to non-visitors and, also, visitors spend their money not only on products and services of the selected tourist-related industries, but also on products and services of a variety of other industries. To solve this problem, at least in part, a connection has to be made between the demand and supply sides of tourism. In general terms, with the expenditure of visitors (demand-side) in the selected tourist industries and, for example, the total output (supply-side) of these industries, tourist ratios per industry can be calculated. These tourist ratios can then be used to allocate employment in the selected industries to a tourist employment account, excluding employment generated by the expenditures of non-visitors (Figure 4.3). These tourist ratios can usually be derived in a TSA. However the separation of A from B, that is excluding non-tourist employment from tourist employment, solves only one part of the problem. The size of C, tourist employment outside the selected industries, is still unclear. Again the TSA can be a good source of information. The TSA can provide insights into which industries are important (B) and which industries are less important (C) for tourism by connecting tourist consumption on the demand side with the supply side of tourist goods and services. The advantages of integrating an employment module into the TSA are: 1. It links demand and supply components of tourism and can provide values of both direct and indirect employment. 2. It provides an indication of which industries provide employment opportunities and as a large number of tourism enterprises are small, many jobs are self employed. 3. It provides insights into labour volumes (FTEs) and rates of compensation by industry sector. 4. It can provide compensation levels by gender and variations in seasonality of both full and part-time jobs. 5. It provides a consistent and internationally acceptable framework for the measurement of the relationships between tourism and employment. Tourism activity clearly generates employment, often in abundance. In Canada in 2000, tourism-related jobs totalled nearly 550,000 or 3.7 per cent of total employment in the economy. In Australia it is 6.8 per cent and Ireland 7.7 per cent, while in other destinations where tourism ranks more highly than other industries it reaches much higher levels: Seychelles 38 per cent, Macau 32 per cent, the Maldives 36 per cent and Bermuda 56 per cent. The TSA model also reveals patterns of employment by sector and Canada’s situation is shown in Figure 4.4. A further outcome of the integrated model has been the ability to provide values of labour compensation and the contribution of jobs within a specific sector toward the GDP (Table 4.14). The importance of such measures lies in their use by tourism 131

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Fig. 4.4 Tourism employment by industry: 546,400 jobs (2000) (Source: Canadian Tourism Commission Statistics Canada 2000)

Table 4.14 Labour compensation and productivity (1992) Industry

Compensation ($ per job)

GDP ($) per job

Accommodation Food and beverage services Passenger transport Recreation and entertainment Travel services Total tourism industry Total economy

23,200 14,000 37,800 16,200 31,600 23,000 13,084

29,500 16,600 47,600 22,700 36,500 31,000 29,200

Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002)

advocates, management groups and policy makers to develop employment platforms that address productivity, turnover, compensation, mobility and their contribution to the local economy.

The characteristics of tourist employment Although studies adopt differences in terminology, classifications and methodologies, and the data may include statistical inconsistencies, sufficient evidence exists to make some general observations about tourist employment. These are summarized as follows: 1. Employment and income effects are closely related. 2. Tourism employment effects vary by tourist activity and travel arrangement and as a large number of tourism enterprises are small, many jobs are self employed. 132

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3. Tourism employment is characterized by low-wage occupations, part-time and casual employment. 4. Tourism employment is generally characterized by low skill levels and low entry requirements. 5. Tourism employment is strongly seasonal. 6. Tourist employment effects are often disguised and, hence, not visible, recognized or acknowledged. 7. Tourist employment has its own unique gender structure. Each of these points will be considered in turn. First, employment and income effects are closely, though not perfectly, related. They are analogous in that primary or direct employment and income can be distinguished from secondary or indirect employment and income. There is a causal relationship between tourism-generated income and employment but they are not necessarily of equal size nor need they be created at the same time. Income and employment multipliers are not identical and the maximization of income does not necessarily lead to the simultaneous maximization of employment. Secondly, the effects on employment are influenced by the type of tourist activity. Some types of tourism are more labour-intensive than others. Accommodation facilities, particularly hotels and boarding houses, and other front-office customer service positions employ a substantial proportion of the labour force in destination areas. Figure 4.4 illustrates that in Canada the majority of the tourist labour force is employed in the service activities of accommodation, restaurants and entertainment and retailing. As many of these place importance on personal, faceto-face customer service, this is not surprising. These industry components are also less capital-intensive than many ‘back of house’ areas such as food production. The high labour intensity of tourism is also a feature of the industry itself: many small niche entrepreneurs are mainly labour suppliers. A third feature of tourism employment is that it is characterized by low-wage occupations, compared to many other industries. Bull (1991) suggested a number of reasons for this: 1. Many jobs are unskilled and are recognized as such even if they include aspects of customer service. 2. Many positions are transitory and turnover is high. 3. Unionization and collective bargaining are often weak. 4. In some areas there is no alternative employment opportunity to tourism. He noted that in OECD countries, tourism compensation levels are 5 to 35 per cent lower than that in other sectors. In many developing countries where tourist infrastructure development is in its infancy, the local labour pool is often large and job competition forces the overall compensation level down. However, the reverse can also occur and where local labour pools may be scarce the wage level will rise. Outside labour may be imported to meet the labour market needs. 133

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A fourth characteristic is the low compensation levels that have been associated with tourist employment. This is largely the outcome of its low skill level and the propensity for tourist suppliers in destinations to employ part-time and casual labour. Riley (1991), Lucas (1995) and Wood (1992) concluded that the dominance of semi- and unskilled positions within hospitality and tourist work are one of the main explanations for the industry’s reputation for low compensation levels and poor working conditions. Such perspectives are overwhelmingly a developedworld stereotype and describe the tourism employment situations predominantly in Western Europe, North America and parts of Asia (Baum 1996: 207). This perception emanates from the heavy emphasis on technical skills perceived to be required in such areas as food preparation, food service and front-office jobs. However, Baum argued that it neglects the dimensions of service and communication that are also required in a culturally diverse industry. The weighting towards technical skills as opposed to customer service skills has created a hierarchical difference in compensation, with the latter receiving the lower levels of pay. The quality of customer service skills has received new attention even in the developed world with increased investment in job training and vocational education. However, the transferability of both the above-mentioned technical and ‘soft’ skills to the developing world reveals a different picture. For example, it is more challenging to establish these skills and obtain the investment required to develop the skills in a newly emerging tourist destination in the developing world as these skills and attitudes are often not part of the local culture (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006). Even in many established tourist destinations in the developing world, such as Thailand, Indonesia and China, where local labour pools are large, they have had to look elsewhere to recruit skills that are required to meet the service and communication standards expected by international tourists. From this perspective, Diamond (1977) and Baum (1996) concluded that very few tourism-related jobs are unskilled and, in fact, only 15 to 25 per cent of the workforce falls into this category. Part-time tourism jobs are often considered inferior to full-time jobs with inherent qualities of low pay, overtime and poor training opportunities. Ryan (1991) extended this argument that low wages reflect low productivity. Citing manpower studies from the United Kingdom, both Ryan (1991) and Thomas and Townsend (2001) pointed out that the hotel industry, leisure attractions, museums and nightclubs all have high staff turnovers and all are characterized by very few full-time employees. Low productivity and low wages are negative features of tourism employment and partly explain the positive employment multipliers already discussed. A detailed analysis of the image of tourism employment, the determinants of its attractiveness and accessibility, and debates around the relationships of productivity, compensation and skill are covered by Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002). A fifth characteristic of tourism employment is strong seasonality, manifested in part-time employment, low wage and seasonal jobs and high turnover rates. 134

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Seasonal demands in tourism may, in some cases, create labour shortages in key areas but these are often satisfied by student labour and the employment of family members, particularly in small enterprises (Tosun 1999: 236). Although many strategies have been adopted in an attempt to extend the tourist season, there is only limited evidence that these have worked and that destinations have reduced their dependency on seasonal and part-time employees. A sixth consideration is that the employment effects of tourism are often disguised. In creating employment, tourism may take people from other sectors of the economy, particularly rural people and individuals not normally considered as part of the available workforce, such as the mother, the retired and the unemployed, and individuals from workforces outside of the monetary economy. This often makes it difficult to gauge the real impact of tourism on employment. Impacts of tourism reach beyond a narrowly defined destination area so that a concentration upon the destination area alone can mask other employment changes. As already indicated, the new jobs are often part-time and seasonal. They may be filled by people taking a second job, in which case tourism induces a fuller utilization of those who are already employed but may not lead to appreciable decreases in unemployment figures. Tosun (1999: 239), citing examples in Turkey and Kenya, concluded that the migration of workers to newly developed tourist areas created depopulation in the source area and left unfilled jobs in many of its primary production sectors. Individuals may leave another industry to take employment in tourism. Conlin and Baum (2003) noted that this is particularly marked in island economies where the seasonal migration of workers from one island to another leads to a dilution of the skills often needed in the economies in the islands of origin. This will result in vacancies in other sectors of the economy and these may be filled by imported labour. The importation of labour may have negative effects because it usually intensifies leakages. In cases where much of the supply is foreignowned and the labour force is foreign, the repatriation of salaries will intensify leakages from the tourist destination (Burns 1994, Conlin 1993). Thus, the local employment structure and skill levels prior to the advent of tourist development are likely to be as much a determinant of employment effects as tourism itself. A final characteristic of tourism employment in both developed and developing economies is that it is structured by gender. As women and men are involved differently in both the production and consumption of tourism, so too will the consequences of tourism differ for them. The extent to which women and men are involved in various tourist employment categories and the cultural acceptability of these positions in tourism will greatly influence the associated opportunities and impacts and their variation by gender (Cukier, Norris and Wall 1996: 250, Wall and Norris 2002). Some tourism studies have addressed this gendered employment structure (Breathnach, Henry, Drea and O’Flaherty 1994, Hennessy 1994, Kinnaird, Kothari and Hall 1994, Swain 1995). These studies all noted that the majority of jobs in most tourism tasks are held by women, particularly the low 135

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paid, part-time and seasonal positions, and that most of the managerial positions in tourism are undertaken by men (Sinclair 1997). Again, tourism has certainly created new opportunities for women, particularly in developing countries and rural areas. Local women who were traditionally involved in domestic duties at home are now performing the same kinds of duties in tourism facilities as well as within their own homes (Canoves and Pérez 2002). This was evident in Greece (Leontidou 1994), in the Caribbean (Momsen 1994) and in Cyprus (Sinclair and Stabler 1997: 145). Women, in gaining employment in tourism, have also gained greater independence within their households and higher levels of income. Implications for traditional gender roles and family structure are now also surfacing and the work of Sinclair and Stabler (1997) in Cyprus and Cukier, Norris and Wall (1996) in Bali offer insights into the complexities of the role of gender in tourism employment. More thorough overviews of the relationships of gender and tourism have been prepared by Kinnaird and Hall (1994), Sinclair (1997), Wall and Norris (2002) and Swain and Momsen (2002). In summary, it is evident that tourism creates employment and, with some minor reservations, this is generally of benefit to the economy. Research on employment in tourism has concentrated on determining the number of jobs associated with tourism, the branches of the industry that offer employment opportunities and, to a lesser extent, capital–employment ratios. Some research has examined the skills involved in undertaking tourist jobs, the returns which can be expected and the role of this employment in local and regional economic growth. Considerable progress has also been made in the establishment of methodologies for estimating tourist-generated employment. A number of national analyses have used TSA accounts, and such data and approaches are now being used more frequently. In spite of the substantial empirical base, there are dangers in the blind application of standard ratios, for the relationships between employment and receipts or income vary from place to place with differences in the existing employment structure and types of tourist activity. A number of sophisticated techniques for measuring employment have emerged over the last decade but, apart from the increased use of multipliers and TSAs, they have not yet received much use in studies of tourism. Detailed accounts of methodological developments in the estimation of employment generation can be found in the works of Archer (1973: 67–77) and Frechtling (1975) and, more recently, by Johnson and Thomas (1992a).

TOURISM AND ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY The role of entrepreneurial activity and how tourism enterprises operate in different economies is an integral part of understanding tourist impact in economic development (Morrison, Rimmington and Williams 1999, Shaw and Williams 2002). The concept of entrepreneurship in tourism and discussion of the factors affecting such activity in a destination have only been recently documented (Dahles 136

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and Bras 1999, Din 1992, Herbig, Golden and Dunphy 1994, Jafari 1989, Morrison, Rimmington and Williams 1999, Page, Forer and Lawton 1999, Shaw and Williams 2004). The extent to which local entrepreneurs can become involved in tourism and can establish linkages with local entrepreneurs in other activities depends upon: 1. The types of suppliers and producers with which the industry’s demands are linked; 2. The entrepreneurial capacity of local suppliers to meet these demands. Here, capacity refers to managerial capabilities, availability of fiscal resources and the societal structure of the destination; 3. The historical development of tourism in the destination area; 4. The type of tourist development; 5. The balance between local and foreign entrepreneurial activity. Lundgren (1973) examined these factors in the Caribbean and his study is one of the few detailed investigations of tourist-related entrepreneurial activity. Lundgren attempted to determine the nature and magnitude of entrepreneurial activity generated by different forms, stages and rates of hotel development. There are certain merits in concentrating upon accommodation: 1. It is a part of the tourism sector, which absorbs a large proportion of tourist expenditure, i.e. 35 per cent of the tourist dollar in the Caribbean is spent on accommodation; 2. The accommodation sector is an important producer of goods and services and requires an efficient supply system. Its demands must be met by various other sectors of the economy, of which the supply of food is one of the most basic. Demand–supply relationships between hotels and local entrepreneurs differ with the type of hotel development. Gradual hotel development is characterized by a succession of improvements and expansions of the infrastructure over an extended period of time. This creates a gradual increase in the demand for local produce. This is important to developing economies where there may be an inability to meet sudden increases in demand from local capacity. The early stage of this pattern of development is represented in Figure 4.5(a). Initially, increased demand is paralleled by local supply. If demand continues to climb, the local supply capacity may be exceeded. This may be due to the restricted availability of space for agricultural expansion, a lack of technological innovation, and growing competition from foreign producers who are attracted by the expanding market. Eventually, because of inelasticity in the local food supply, there is a growing dependence on imported goods. Most tourist development in developing countries emerges with large, metropolitan hotel complexes so that the pattern of entrepreneurship can be expected to 137

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Fig. 4.5 Tourist-generated entrepreneurial activity (Source: After Lundgren 1973)

be different from the one which has been outlined above with strongly integrated systems with foreign suppliers (Archer 1995, Belisle 1983) (Figure 4.5(b)). Hotel development in many of these countries has been rapid and has created an immediate demand for large volumes of agricultural products. Local suppliers are often unable to meet these demands. The hotels and foreign suppliers develop a closely integrated system, which does not permit local suppliers to take advantage of the expanded market. Belisle (1983) noted that hotels’ high propensity to import foodstuffs and inability to establish links with local food producers were the result of hotels importing food to meet foreign tourists’ tastes, their willingness to pay for reliable, high-quality products, often at cheaper rates, their mistrust of local sanitation conditions and their lack of awareness of local suppliers. Telfer and Wall (1996: 640) concluded that these situations are usually governed by the size of the enterprises and the interrelationships between entrepreneurs, each with differing access to local resources. Many developing countries have failed to progress past this stage of development and this has resulted in resentment and charges of neocolonial domination. Lundgren suggested that if the situation was permitted to change, two further stages of entrepreneurial development would be possible (Figure 4.6). Following the initial stage that has been described, the intermediate stage would see the development of a locally based and controlled supply system. A large wholesale/ marketing distributor would facilitate the participation of local suppliers and this would result in the erosion of the foreign dominance of the supply system. The final, advanced stage sees further expansion of local wholesaling which, in turn, stimulates growth within agriculture, leading to an intensification of production and further hinterland development. Although it is attractive to think of a sequence of developmental stages, the exact pattern of entrepreneurial activity is likely to 138

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Fig. 4.6 Stages of entrepreneurial activity (Source: After Lundgren 1973)

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vary from place to place, in part because of the factors affecting linkages, which were listed above. Nevertheless, it is essential that the tourist industry is serviced, as far as possible, by local producers if its full potential contribution to the local economy is to be realized. This will depend, largely, on the ability of the destination area to break the stranglehold of foreign suppliers and to intensify the economic links with local suppliers. Although somewhat dated and simplistic, Lundgren’s model does highlight backward linkages in tourism’s demand for food and does provide a planning framework for developing countries as they develop tourism resort destinations. On the other hand, working on Antigua, another island economy, Weaver (1988) described a somewhat different sequence of events as agriculture became progressively undermined by a growing tourist industry. However, changes in patterns of agricultural production in many rural economies are not endemic to tourism. Many of the changes have been the result of demographic pressures, technological progress, employment opportunities outside of the rural economy, modifications in patterns of land ownership, increased competition in a global economy and a gradual weakening of state intervention in agriculture. Tourism, though not always a major cause, has often contributed to the acceleration of such changes. Most developing countries seem to be in the initial or intermediate stages of Lundgren’s framework where the tourist industry tends not to be well embedded in the local economy. Development in many instances has also been rapid and the types of accommodation constructed will now have a bearing on the linkages established with local entrepreneurs. In the case of Kenya (Summary 1987), the economy was large enough to permit backward linkages between tourism and local agriculture. The strength of linkages will also vary with the branch of the tourist industry. Although the accommodation sector may not have strong backward linkages to agriculture in Mexico, the tourist industry does have strong linkages to construction and the demand for handicrafts has strong linkages back to small factories and cottage industries (Bond and Ladman 1982). The above discussion has focused on local entrepreneurial activity with backward linkages being determined by the structure of the local economy and the stage of economic development. More recent work has also determined that three other factors will influence local entrepreneurial activity: 1. The business culture as part of the overall social system of the destination; 2. The entrepreneurial skills, experience and motivation of destination residents; 3. The availability and nature of capital sources for entrepreneurial initiatives. The encouragement of entrepreneurial activity is generally regarded as a beneficial impact of tourist activity. The profits that result often accrue to only a small section of the local population. However, the indirect benefits of improved economic and social services have been sufficient to counter such criticisms among some observers. 140

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TOURISM AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURE Throughout this chapter it has been shown that tourism can often induce economic benefits for destination areas. It is likely that the development of tourism has been accompanied by other changes in the economic structure of destinations. However, little is known about the nature of such changes. The literature makes little reference to changes in industrial production as a result of tourist development. This may be because tourism and many types of industry are often viewed as being incompatible, so that one has expanded at the expense of the other. Nevertheless, it has also been assumed that industrialization is a necessary component of modernization and that tourism can accentuate that process. The greatest changes in economic structure have probably occurred when the transformation has been from an essentially primary producing economy to one dominated by tourism. Such changes are more pronounced and readily identifiable than in less extreme modifications in economic structure. They have been mentioned in the literature, although coverage of these effects is far from exhaustive. Few studies make a convincing case for the existence of external economies arising from tourism development. However, there is little doubt that the tourist industry exhibits backward linkages and that external economies have emerged. For example, improvements to local and regional transportation networks, water quality, sanitation facilities and garbage disposal may have been prompted by the tourist industry but benefit other sectors of the economy. The construction of an international airport may provide improved access to other areas for local residents and locally produced goods. Tourism may also benefit property owners through positive effects on real estate prices, although this may create difficulties for young locals who wish to purchase property. A principal change that has occurred in rural economies has been the occupational shifts of rural inhabitants. Many farmers and wage earners have left the land to pursue more lucrative jobs in tourism or in construction. Jobs outside of agriculture may be more attractive so that few young people remain in rural areas and the future of farming in such areas is in jeopardy. The structural change from agriculture to tourism also creates changes in land-use patterns. Tourism increases the competition for land, raising land prices and encouraging sales, contributing to the fragmentation of landholdings. Land is sold in smaller units and at higher prices and this contributes to inflation. The victims of this inflation are the young residents trying to purchase land or homes. At the same time, the area becomes less self-sufficient and increasingly dependent on national and international economic conditions. It is easy to paint such changes in a negative light. However, there are documented cases where the development of tourism has arrested and even reversed population decline in marginal agricultural areas (Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998, Diem 1980, Shaw and Williams 2002). Greenwood (1976: 138) noted that it is possible 141

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for tourism to stimulate population growth and, simultaneously, lead to increased farm profits. As a result of the transformation, residents may have a higher standard of living but this may be gained at the expense of numerous social side effects, which, depending on the perspective of the viewer, may be good or bad. These have been discussed by Friedl (1972), Greenwood (1976) and Pacione (1977) and also constitute the subject matter of Chapter 6.

Tourism and regional economic development Several studies have been examined that focused on the impacts of tourism on local and regional economies. In many cases these studies have been undertaken in isolation and their conclusions have not been viewed as part of a broader framework of tourism’s role in regional development. A number of generic discussions have emerged concerning tourism as a vehicle in regional development (Kotler, Haider and Rein 1993, Sanford and Dong 2000, Swarbrooke 2001), the majority of these focusing on the regional imbalances between metropolitan centres and peripheral or rural areas. In many of these regions tourism has developed spontaneously and in the absence of a well-defined tourism or regional development policy. In other regions such as Languedoc-Rousillon and Corsica in France, Scotland and Mexico, tourism has been consciously used as a regional development tool (Pearce 1989: 60). Tourism has also been used as a tool in regional development in Malaysia (Oppermann 1992), urban centres in the United States (Beauregard 1998) and in rural areas (Sharpley and Sharpley 1997). On a broader scale, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) was established in 1975 as a financial instrument to implement community regional policies and to provide financial assistance to projects supporting these policies. Although tourism played a limited role in the first decade of the ERDF’s operations, there was a significant change in the late 1980s with the United Kingdom, Italy and Greece all accessing the fund for tourism initiatives (Pearce 1998: 16). The characteristics of tourism’s role in regional development are usually described in the following ways: 1. Tourist development in peripheral regions is largely focused on areas rich in tourist attractions (natural, cultural and heritage) and by turning these into exports leads to redistribution of national income to benefit the host area. 2. An increased demand for tourist resources requires increased production in the host region, stimulating new direct tourist-related activities, an increase in the production of indirect suppliers, the creation of new employment, additional incomes and increased consumption overall (Mihalicˇ 2002). 3. The increased consumption in the host region by its growing population will theoretically increase the per capita income of its residents and reduce the

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relative difference in per capita incomes between the developed and less developed regions. 4. The development of tourism can occur in regions that have declining traditional resource-based economies or an underdeveloped economy. Such regions may be unsuitable for the development of manufacturing, and tourism may be a viable option for regions with limited paths to development. In essence, tourism can contribute to regional development by reducing the inequalities among regions; at least it has the potential to do so. However, success has often been frustrated by a number of factors: 1. The high seasonality of tourist demand; 2. Problems of accessibility and distance from major markets; 3. Limited infrastructure; 4. Limited human resources within the host regions, i.e. ageing populations and a low level of skills and education; 5. Reliance by the region on external sources of investment and operational resources; 6. The lack of flexibility in host regions to adapt their infrastructures and attractions to reflect increasing competition and to meet the needs of alternative forms of tourism. The role of tourism in regional development continues to be debated and the central question that emerges is: ‘Who benefits from tourism development?’ Pearce (2002), Telfer (2002b), Sharpley and Telfer (2002) and Roberts and Hall (2001) provide useful discussions on the theoretical relationships between tourism and regional development and case studies that illustrate successes and challenges.

ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF SPECIAL EVENTS AND SPECIFIC TOURIST INDUSTRY ACTIVITIES Special events play an important role in the development plans of local, regional and national authorities. Considerable investments are made by these organizations in the staging of such events and they are often seen as bringing economic benefits to the destination. In fact, tourist development itself may be seen as a rationale for staging hallmark events and their staging may be a strategy to balance the seasonal demand of a tourist destination (Crompton 1979, Faulkner 2003a, b, Getz 1989, 1992a, Hall 1987). Initial economic assessments of hallmark events were characterized by overstated benefit–cost ratios (Hall 1992a). More rigorous frameworks (similar to the ones covered earlier in this chapter) have been adopted in the

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last decade to measure the economic impacts of events (Burns, Hatch and Mules 1986, Faulkner 2003a, Mules and Faulkner 1996) and academic interest in special events is seen in the initiation of a specific journal, Festival Management, and the publication of a number of ‘How to do it’ texts, e.g. Getz (1992a). Faulkner (2003a, b) and Getz (1994) have provided detailed reviews of many of the topics covered in this chapter but oriented specifically for the analysis of staged events. The interested reader should consult these sources. However, the economic effects of special events can be grouped into four types according to their source: 1. Expenditures by visitors from outside of the region either retained by the event organizers or the local community; 2. Capital expenditures required for the set-up and operation of the event; 3. Expenditures incurred by the event organizers (such as salaries and advertising) associated with both the promotion and staging of the event; and 4. Switched expenditures which are the expenditures made on the event as substitutes for other goods and services in other parts of the destination. It may also include the redirection of public expenditures by local, regional or national governments away from public works or infrastructure towards the promotion and or operation of the event (Mules and Faulkner 1996). The assessment of economic impacts to a destination or site from a specific tourist or recreation activity has received little attention from researchers, although there are exceptions (see, for example, Hvenegaard, Butler and Krystofiak 1988 on bird watching). As noted earlier in this chapter general economic impacts of tourism on developed and newly developing areas have now been well documented by researchers. The economic significance of specific tourist activities in many countries and specific localities are substantial. For example, skiing in Banff, Canada or Mount Hutt, New Zealand, or golf in Ireland or themed attractions in Orlando, Florida, all bring significant economic impacts to their respective localities. Recent analyses of the cruise business (Dwyer and Forsyth 1998) and of air tours to the Grand Canyon (Schwer, Gazel and Daneshvary 2000) illustrate the utility of such case studies as well as the role that these activities and sites play in the broader tourist economy. The latter study revealed that Grand Canyon tourists contributed annually US$443.5 million directly to the Southern Nevada economy and a further US$760 in indirect effects. Given that nearly one-third of Grand Canyon visitors indicated that visiting the Grand Canyon was the reason for visiting Nevada, the elimination of this attraction would have significant effects on the state of Nevada. As discussions progress locally on environmental issues related to the attraction itself (noise levels in particular) and the newly proposed rules for air travel in the region, this research should provide useful input to policy makers. Although, the cruise industry has grown very rapidly in number of passengers (annual growth of 9 per cent was forecast for 2003) and environmental impacts, 144

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very few published studies address the specific economic impacts of this sector on destination areas (Archer 1995, Mescon and Vozikis 1985). Increased cruising capacity and the development of a range of new itineraries by cruise lines have exposed many new destinations to the economic benefits the industry accrues. The large number of visitors that inundate ports of call for short periods may result in large retail sales but seldom stimulates accommodation establishments because the visitors usually return to their vessels before nightfall. As for other forms of tourism, the foreign exchange earnings and the economic impacts on the host economy will depend on the direct and indirect visitor expenditures, the functionality of the port or destination (port of call or embarkation port) and the proportion of the associated expenditures by the cruise lines on local versus imported goods and services. Government charges for navigation services and port charges will also yield a fee or tax income to the destination and a profit if they exceed the costs of supplying the services. Many of the concepts discussed already, such as leakages from the repatriation of labour salaries, the importation of goods and services and the amount and distribution of additional economic activity from cruise ship activity have been well summarized by Dwyer and Forsyth (1998).

THE ECONOMIC COSTS OF TOURISM The emphasis of this chapter has been on the economic benefits that destination areas receive as a result of tourist development. This emphasis reflects the dominant orientation of research on the economics of tourism. Few studies have attempted to identify and describe the economic costs of tourism in a systematic fashion. Investigations have been limited largely to the measurement of the more obvious direct costs such as investments in facilities, promotion and advertising, transportation and other infrastructure. Most studies have not addressed or measured the hidden, indirect costs, such as the importation of goods for tourists, inflation, transfer of the profits of multinational corporations, economic dependence and opportunity costs. However, some of the more recent impact assessments do account for some of these cost issues.

Incidental costs Frechtling (1994c) and Bull (1991) differentiated between infrastructure costs (those, for example, incurred to build a hotel) and those related to internal diseconomies where the latter refers to costs to residents or government who pay for what tourists do not pay for directly. The latter costs are often referred to as incidental costs. Tourism imposes incidental costs on a destination and the residents’ response to such costs will vary: they may accept a lower quality of life, they may use tax revenues to improve local facilities and curb a decline in life quality or they may impose taxes and fees upon tourists to fund initiatives. 145

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Table 4.15 Direct and indirect incidental costs of tourism to a communityalternative life-quality costs and fiscal costs Life-quality costs

Fiscal costs

Traffic congestion, vehicular accidents

Highway construction, police services, public transportation, parking facilities, airport and terminal facilities

Crime, vagrancy and homelessness

Police services, justice system, public housing and food shelters.

Emergencies

Fire protection, Ambulance and Police Services.

Water pollution

Water supply and sewage treatment

Air pollution

Police services, public transportation

Waste/Litter

Solid waste collection, disposal and treatment.

Noise pollution

Police services, zoning

Destruction of wildlife

Park and recreation facilities development and maintenance, forestry protection and maintenance, fish and game regulation and controls.

Destruction of scenic beauty

Park and recreation facilities, police services

Destruction of social/cultural heritage

Maintenance of museums and historic sites

Disease and health conditions

Hospital and other health maintenance facilities, sanitation facilities, food-service regulation

Vehicular accidents

Police services, justice system

Source: After Frechtling (1996)

Table 4.15 indicates the range of possible direct and indirect life-quality costs to destination residents and the types of fiscal costs incurred by the public sector to mitigate or alleviate them. Secondary incidental costs have received little attention from researchers. For example, additional residents who come to the community to be employed in tourism will require medical and educational facilities from the community. The costs of servicing a larger, more diverse resident population in terms of crime prevention, urban renewal, traffic control and garbage disposal are indirect incidental costs. In any impact assessment it is important that the full range of costs be examined alongside the full range of tourism benefits, but it is usually very difficult to do so.

Opportunity costs Destination areas, in investing their scarce resources in the development of tourism, have seldom considered what the same resources could provide were they to be invested in another industry. In other words, it is necessary to investigate the relative economic benefits of investing in tourism as opposed to investing in another industry. This kind of comparison is commonly known as the ‘opportunity cost’ of an investment (Bull 1991, Murphy 1985). Although Vaughan (1977c) has 146

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written on the topic, there is little literature on opportunity cost measurement in a tourism context (Vanhove 1997). In order to measure opportunity costs, it is necessary to describe accurately and to evaluate the opportunity or opportunities that are to be forgone. Parks Canada (1970) described the opportunity costs of a proposed park development in Newfoundland. Establishment of the park would mean the curtailment of all forestry operations which produce fuel wood, pulpwood and saw timber. From a national perspective, the opportunity cost of establishing a park was small as it was unlikely that the timber harvest forgone in one area could not be replaced by another harvest elsewhere in the country. From a regional or local point of view, the opportunity cost may have been considerably higher. A reduction of fuel wood could necessitate larger imports of heating oil and reductions in pulpwood might increase the need to import newsprint. Parks Canada (1970: 34) estimated that establishment of the park would result in a net loss of $109,456 through replacement of lost fuel wood. This cost would have to be borne by residents of the local area. Opportunity costs are extremely difficult to quantify and this is a major reason why they are often ignored. Attempts to evaluate what might have been (how many jobs would have been created, wages that might have been paid and tax revenues that might have been received) are somewhat akin to ‘second guessing’ (Frechtling 1994c: 399). These complexities, the need for speculation and subjectivity, largely explain why little has been done. However, the neglect of opportunity costs and the negative externalities of tourism have been partially responsible for an overemphasis on tourism as a positive factor in economic development.

Overdependence on tourism Some destinations, by relying too heavily on tourism for their livelihoods, have made themselves vulnerable to changes in tourist demand. Although tourism is a growth industry and the total volume of tourist traffic is likely to increase in the foreseeable future, all destinations may not share in that growth. Some writers have raised caution for small developing nations relying too heavily on tourism for economic growth ( Jafari 1987, Wilkinson 1987). Tourism is highly susceptible to changes from both within (e.g. price changes, changing fashions and the growth and competitiveness of new destinations) and outside (e.g. global economic trends, political and security situations, energy availability) the industry. In Spain in the 1980s and early 1990s, economic downturns in its main tourist-generating markets (United Kingdom, France and Germany) resulted in large deficits in tourism’s balance on the current account. Similarly, the Asian economic crisis of 2001 drastically reduced the number of Japanese tourists to Canada, leading to bankruptcies of several receiving operators specializing in supplying tourist services to that market. Political unrest at one destination can rapidly reduce demand for that location and, at the same time, divert it to others. Many tourists avoid destinations that are 147

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unstable politically, but they seldom cease to be tourists and they usually select an alternative destination. This transfer of demand can be disruptive for both locations. Greatly reduced patronage at one location means the underutilization of services, job redundancy and loss of income. The nature of the impact at newly selected destinations will depend upon their capacity to adapt and absorb the additional arrivals. The religious confrontations in Ireland have been responsible for reductions in tourist arrivals there. The Arab–Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 and recent terrorist bombings have greatly affected tourist arrivals in the Middle East. The political coup in Fiji in the late 1990s saw air carriers cancel routes that included stops in Fiji, virtually closing the island’s principal markets of the United States and Japan. These flights have not been reinstated. As tourism is Fiji’s largest earner of foreign exchange, the impact of these events was significant in both the long and short terms. Similarly the recent cases of SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in Toronto and Hong Kong have had significant impacts on visitor arrivals (Wall, in press). The magnitude of the loss is influenced by the severity of the disruptive factors and the degree of dependence on the tourist industry. Some destinations have lost their market share by simply failing to adjust its supply infrastructure to satisfy the demands of changing consumer preferences and thus have not been able to effectively compete in the global economy. Obviously a balance is required. Destination areas should ensure that visitor facilities grow in balance with the number of tourists. This requires accurate forecasting. However, even accurate forecasting would not completely solve these problems of destination areas, for many aspects of the industry are beyond their control. Destination areas that are highly dependent on tourism are founded upon an unstable base. To avoid economic disruptions caused by fluctuations in demand, destinations should promote diversity within both the tourist industry and the base economy.

Inflation and land values The inflationary consequences of tourism can arise in several different ways. Affluent tourists can afford to buy items at high prices. Retailers, recognizing that their profit margins can be greatly increased by catering to tourists, increase their prices on existing products and provide more expensive goods and services. Such stores compete successfully with those catering to local residents. They can afford to pay higher rents and taxes, which are passed on to the consumer through higher prices. Local residents, in addition to paying more for their goods, may also have to go farther afield for their purchases because the diversity of local supply is reduced as stores catering to the local market are displaced by an increase in the establishment of specialty shops for tourists (Hall and Page 1999, Pearce 1989). As mentioned in Chapter 2, the mayor of an historic town whose economy was 148

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dominated by tourism complained to the authors that his town had three stores selling fudge but no store selling shoes! Inflation within destination areas is also caused by increasing land values. Growth of tourism creates additional demand for land and competition from potential buyers forces the price of land to rise. The demand for more hotels, vacation homes and tourist facilities may bring sources of income to builders, real estate agents and landowners, but local residents are forced to pay more for their homes and larger taxes because of the increased land values. No work has been found that assesses the extent to which inflationary price increases to residents are compensated by economic benefits, such as expanded employment and income. Attempts have been made to measure the changes in land values caused by a variety of developments but none has been found for tourism. There is also no detailed empirical evidence on changes in the prices and availability of goods and services as a consequence of tourist development.

Seasonality The seasonality of demand remains one of the most distinctive features of the tourist phenomenon. It has been mentioned in previous chapters and its impact is significant for policy, planning and operational mandates of tourism suppliers in both the public and private sectors. In fact, Butler (1994: 332) argued that after the actual movement of people on a temporary basis, seasonality may be the most typical characteristic of tourism on a global basis. Analysis of pronounced seasonal differences in international tourist arrivals, tourist expenditures and employment statistics and business cycles are well documented at a national and regional level. The early work of Bar On (1975), using seventeen years of data for sixteen countries, remains one of the most comprehensive discussions of seasonality. Wilton’s (2003) review of seasonality and its impact on the Canadian economy is one of the most detailed analyses published since Bar On’s study. The special 1999 issue of Tourism Economics on the topic is also a positive contribution to work that is in a frequently mentioned but under-researched area (Baum 1999: 7). Discussion of seasonality in specific destinations is usually linked to the impacts on employment, infrastructure utilization, GDP and industry revenues (Donatos and Zairis 1991, Wilton 2003). From an economic perspective, Butler (1994) and Baum (1999) summarized the implications of seasonality in a destination by listing the following disadvantages: 1. Short operating seasons place pressure on facilities to generate a year’s revenue in a few weeks while, in many cases, paying fixed costs over the entire year; 2. Facilities may be closed over the off-season; 3. Underutilization of capital assets and the resulting problems of attracting investment in tourist infrastructure; 149

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4. Problems of maintaining support from transport providers, in particular airlines, that may not want to commit equipment to seasonal destinations; 5. Generates short-term employment rather than longer-term jobs which, in turn, creates problems in maintaining customer service and quality standards, an endemic feature of transient labour. 6. Public sector services and facilities are often faced with higher operational costs to cope with peak season demand but must maintain operations over the entire year. 7. Tourists are often confronted with higher prices in the peak season, crowding, traffic congestion and frequently lower service levels which lead to dissatisfaction and a decline in a destination’s image. There are contrary arguments to point 5 above, as noted in the section on employment earlier in this chapter. Tourism jobs of a seasonal nature can complement other areas of traditional employment, create opportunities for young people, students and housewives and reduce regional unemployment levels. The seasonality of demand in most tourist regions is clearly reflected in hotel occupancy rates. Many hotels actually close during the off-season while others have greatly reduced revenues. Fixed costs make up a large proportion of total costs, so most hotel operators prefer to remain open all year round to secure as much revenue as possible. Nevertheless, production in the accommodation sector is greatly reduced in the off-season. Since the investment is not fully used in the off-season, the returns on capital are often low. This means that tourism is often a less attractive investment than other sectors of the economy which experience steady production. Hotels have also suffered from the development of other forms of tourist accommodation with lower capital inputs (Archer 1973: 13). The relatively low rates of return on much hotel investment have contributed to a shortage of hotel accommodation at peak periods. Accommodation investments are not the only ones with a low rate of return. Tour operators also face similar problems. The reluctance of outside investors to become financially involved in marketing seasonal enterprises has meant that greater financial responsibility is borne by local investors. The opportunity costs of such investments are frequently high and other sectors of the economy may offer more attractive returns. Investment from public authorities may be necessary in the absence of interest from the private sector.

ECONOMIC INDICATORS OF THE FUTURE OF TOURISM The international economic system has provided an invigorating climate that has fostered the unprecedented growth of tourism in the past and will continue to influence the destiny of the tourist industry. However, changing economic conditions and predictions of future economic states, coupled with widespread 150

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competition amongst tourist destinations appear more as obstacles to be overcome rather than reinforcers of growth. Wahab (1975: 170) has identified four limitations to future tourist development. The first constraint is economic uncertainty stemming from inflation, fluctuating currency exchange rates, unemployment and sudden protective measures which are enforced on international money markets. The latter include revaluations of currency and the imposition of travel and departure taxes. Although inflation, for example, has diminished the proportion of incomes that are available for leisure purchases, the travel industry has managed to offset this in part by devising air charters, package tours and concession fares, and has managed to hold travel costs at par with disposable incomes. It is readily apparent that the tourist industry is highly vulnerable to economic restrictions and to shifts in global economic trends. A second constraint is the availability of energy resources at prices affordable to tourists and the operators of tourist services. Shortages of oil and escalating prices will undoubtedly affect the costs of travel but the full implications for the tourist industry are still unclear. The 1974 oil crisis was a particular problem for the aviation industry. Similarly, the successive wars in the Middle East have seen crude oil prices double in the last five years and this has been reflected in similar increases in aviation fuel. Airlines have had little choice but to pass on these cost increases to the travelling consumer. The continued rise in airfares could affect consumers’ perceptions and choices of destinations and travelling behaviour. A third consideration is that inflation is increasing the capital requirements and running costs of the tourist sector. The high costs of raw materials, land, labour and energy, increases in interest rates on loans and shorter time periods imposed for loan repayments have pushed up the development costs of hotel building, airport construction and other infrastructural requirements. These will be offset by transferring them to the consumer and will result in an increased price of hotel rooms, more expensive transportation to and within destinations, and an escalation in the cost of their tourist goods and services. Price changes will influence the choice of destinations and spending behaviour within them. Tourists are sensitive to price, as is evident in the success of package tours and the emergence of moderately priced hotel chains such as Super 8 and Budget Inns. Price-sensitive consumers are also searching and using different distribution channels for their purchasing. This changing behaviour will affect customer choice and their loyalty to destinations. A fourth constraint is the rising demand to include environmental, social and cultural issues in tourist development decisions. As tourist numbers increase, demands for more aircraft, airports, hotels, freeways and other services place greater stress on both natural and social environments. In some countries it is now legislated that comprehensive environmental impact assessments must be undertaken for all major development projects. Tourist developments will come increasingly under the compass of such legislation. The result will be delay and 151

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increased costs of development. Environmental issues will also become important in existing destinations where crowding has become acute (Edgell 1977: 39). Restrictions have already been introduced which limit the number and behaviour of tourists in fragile natural environments and in crowded historic and cultural sites. A final consideration (not identified by Wahab) is the advent and impact of specific short-term events and disasters such as those experienced in New York on September 11th, and in many destinations, including Beijing, Hong Kong and Toronto, as a result of SARS. These events have created temporary curtailment of tourist demand, changed people’s perceptions and choices of destination and significantly affected the economic impacts within the affected destinations. In Toronto during the peak months of the SARS crisis, tourist spending dropped by nearly 50 per cent, totalling $306 million over the four-month period (April–July) (Travelweek Bulletin 2003). It seems that tourism is likely to become more costly. When, where and what the effects of the increases will be, are important questions. Will seats on aircraft and hotel rooms become so expensive that only the wealthy can afford to travel? Will many tourist developments currently enjoying record levels of business lose patronage and become so unprofitable that they are forced to lay off workers and close? Will global economic conditions deteriorate to the extent that foreign trade deficits reach their highest levels, prompting governments to impose restrictions on the travel of their citizens? Will petroleum shortages and price increases induce governments to curb weekend fuel sales for motor cars and curtail opportunities for domestic tourism? Or has tourism become such an accustomed part of modern and post-modern lifestyles that it will be resilient and thrive? Numerous questions arise from the above discussion and the tourist industry should consider their ramifications carefully if it is to be in a position to meet the demands that will be placed upon it.

SUMMARY The economic impacts of tourism have been well documented in the literature but considerably more is known about the economic benefits of tourism than the associated costs. The research emphasis on the positive economic impacts of tourism has contributed to the widespread optimism among policy makers concerning the potential of tourism to stimulate economic development. This attitude reflects the generally favourable impacts on the balance of payments, employment and income, and, entrepreneurial activity. These economic benefits have been accompanied by a variety of costs, which, until recently, have been largely ignored in the literature, at least from the perspective of attempting to measure them. High leakages from the economies of developing countries, high inflation and land speculation in destinations, low returns on investment because of seasonal fluctuations in 152

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demand, and overdependence have been major criticisms of the tourist industry. A balanced perspective of estimating both economic benefits and costs will assist in meeting a number of objectives for developers, marketers and planners. They would know the net benefits of investment decisions in tourist marketing and infrastructure development and the distribution of benefits and costs to the destination’s residents. Further, they would be able to recommend the opportunities for partnerships that will accrue maximum benefits to the destination’s economy. In summary, a balanced economic viewpoint will permit a balanced approach to policy and planning decision-making where the social and political well-being of the destination’s residents is also considered.

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The term ‘environment’ has emerged as a catchphrase to which many diverse and often emotional statements have been assigned. With the passage of environmental legislation there have been renewed attempts to define the term systematically. This has often resulted in the adoption of extremely broad definitions of environment. Environment now includes not only land, air, water, flora and fauna, but may also encompass ‘people, their creations and the social, economic and cultural conditions that affect their lives’ (Lerner 1977: 2). This chapter adopts a more narrow focus. This part of the book is devoted to the physical impacts (understood to encompass physical, chemical, biological, etc.), for economic and sociocultural impacts are considered in other chapters. It will involve an examination of the effects of tourism on elements of the natural environment and on the human-made or built environment. The creation of environments for tourism, as in the development of resorts, is also discussed. The environment, be it predominantly natural or largely human-made, is one of the most basic of resources for tourism and a core element of tourism products and a central part of most tourism communications and marketing approaches. However, the growth of tourism leads, inevitably, to modifications of the environment. Many authors have stressed that people should treat their environment with greater respect than has usually been the case in the past (Carson 1962, Ehrlich 1970, Nicholson 1970, Buckley 2004). A growing number of studies of the environmental impacts of tourism indicate that this conclusion is applicable here. However, evidence of the environmental effects of tourism remains scattered although there is a growing number of researchers examining the specific effects of ecotourism and nature-based tourism (Tisdell and Roy 1998, Buckley 2004, Newsome 2002, Buckley, Pickering and Weaver 2003). Most studies have focused on a particular environment or component of an environment rather than approaching impacts in a more integrated and holistic way. Little broad systematic work has been undertaken and this is surprising for, as Cohen (1978: 217) pointed out, this has occurred: ‘despite the current preoccupation of scientists, politicians and the general public with the impact of man on the environment and despite the growing interest in tourism as a geographical, social and economic phenomenon’. Tourism to natural areas has experienced prolific growth over the past twenty years and is now estimated to account for 20 per cent of all leisure 154

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travel worldwide (WTO 1998). That growth, coupled with a growing drive for conservation and concern for the well-being of the environment, have spawned a wider range of research on environmental impacts of tourism and an elevation of the findings into more public focus. Central to the development of conservation, planning and management strategies of natural and human-made environments attracting tourists is an understanding of the causes and types of tourist impacts. This concern, particularly in developed countries, has led to the institution of legal requirements for the completion of environmental impact statements (EIAs) for major tourist projects prior to them being granted approval. These assessments are conducted to predict and evaluate the effects of proposed tourist developments and to suggest ways in which adverse impacts might be mitigated or avoided. Some guiding principles in conducting EIAs for tourist developments have been suggested by Pearce (1989), Butler (1993a) and Hunter and Green (1995). However, a number of difficulties and weaknesses with the EIA process have also been identified (Ding and Pigram 1995, Hunter 1995, Simpson and Wall 2002, Wall 1996a). The state of EIA activities will be further critiqued in Chapter 7. Some of the difficulties in conducting EIAs: 1. Administrative structures are often complex and differ from one region or country to another, leading to an inconsistency of standards. 2. Assessments usually operate at the scale of an individual project ignoring a wider spectrum of spatial impact. 3. Assessments often ignore longer-term cumulative and interactive effects, presupposing that there is no definite beginning or end to tourist impacts. 4. Post-development impact assessment is rare posing the need for continual environmental auditing (Butler 1993a). 5. EIA procedures have been designed largely for situations existing in the developed world and these methodologies are difficult to replicate for specific projects in developing countries. 6. This is further complicated by a lack of expertise within developing countries to design and carry out such assessments (Simpson and Wall 2002). 7. EIAs are usually required only for large projects and they are often not required or undertaken for smaller projects or for projects that are judged not to have significant environmental consequences, for existing operations or developments, or for extensions to the latter. It is apparent that the current EIA process for tourism has shortcomings. EIAs require an assessment of impacts prior to development. Academic researchers’ interest in tourist impacts have been largely after the fact. Clearly, a narrowing of this disjunction would lead to a broader and more effective process whereby ongoing impact assessment and monitoring would lead to more beneficial and effective management of the environmental impacts of specific tourist developments. 155

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Wall and Wright (1977) prepared the first state-of-the-art synthesis on the impacts of recreation on the natural environment. Their monograph did not make explicit reference to the activities of tourists but it can be assumed that tourists were responsible, at least in part, for many of the environmental impacts that were documented. It is unnecessary to reiterate what was written in this earlier publication and not all of the effects mentioned by Wall and Wright will be considered here. In fact, a more recent, more comprehensive book has since been completed by Liddle (1997). However, over the two decades since Wall and Wright’s work was completed, a number of specific studies on tourism have become available which examine the many environmental topics areas covered by these authors. The specific literature on the environmental impacts of tourism has similar conceptual and methodological difficulties to those concerned with recreation as a whole and these have been discussed and reviewed by such researchers as Pearce (1989), Buckley (2004) and Williams (1994). Their perspectives can be summarized as follows: 1. Research on the impacts of tourism is topically uneven, and is particularly sparse on geology and soils, and on air and water quality. 2. Most studies refer to the effects of tourism on one particular environmental component. There has been little attempt to integrate the effects on a number of components to provide an assessment of the impacts of tourism on the environment as a whole. The components of the natural environment are complex, closely interrelated and highly interdependent. There are instances of primary environmental impacts sometimes generating secondary and tertiary effects and successive repercussions throughout an ecosystem. The complexity of these interactions makes any assessment of cause and effect quite challenging. Furthermore, as the activities of tourism are likely to affect more than one environmental component at a time, it is imperative that studies attempt to examine the environment as a whole and not an individual component in isolation. In practice, this is extremely difficult to do and, in order to facilitate presentation of the literature and to evaluate the status of research, each component will be discussed separately in this chapter. 3. Research has had varied regional emphases with most research being conducted and published in English in the United Kingdom, North America and Australia. This apparent bias does not mean that research has not been undertaken on other continents. There are case studies as noted by Buckley (2004) that have been undertaken in Eastern Europe, South America and Asia, and even in Western Europe but not published in English. There has been very little reference to these studies in the English language literature. Given the bias towards North American examples, it is not surprising that there is a concentration of research on specific environmental effects (pedestrian trampling) or on particular ecosystems (mountain ecosystems) that are germane to this location. It is extremely 156

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difficult to compare the findings of studies as each location differs ecologically and in the intensity and duration of tourist activity. Thus, there is a strong need to expand tourism ecology research to a broader range of ecosystems and species, and to provide additional focus on a broader range of tourist activities. 4. Data for quantitative and longitudinal analysis are often sparse and superficial. Although there are a number of published studies on environmental impacts of tourism and recreation, they do not begin to cover the hundreds and thousands of plant and animal species affected by a growing and more diverse range of tourist activities. Data used in many earlier studies of environmental impacts are quite crude and relatively few researchers have used physiological indicators, measured the consequences of tourism at population levels or examined the direct and indirect effects over time (Buckley 2004: 385). 5. Much of the research on the environmental impacts of tourism is of recent vintage and has been limited to ‘after the fact’ analysis. As such, it has the methodological problems that are inherent to this type of investigation (Wall and Wright 1977: 4). Such problems include: (a) The difficulty of distinguishing between changes induced by tourism and those induced by other human activities; (b) The lack of information concerning conditions prior to the advent of tourism and, hence, the lack of a baseline against which change can be measured; (c) The paucity of information on the numbers, types and tolerance levels of different species of flora and fauna. LaPage (1974: 237) and Edington and Edington (1986) concluded that this makes it impossible to reconstruct the environment in relation to various levels of use, both past and present; (d) The concentration of researchers upon particular primary resources, or ecologically fragile environments, such as beaches and mountains; (e) The difficulty in differentiating tourist impacts from the flow of normal environmental processes, i.e. tourism might only accelerate what was occurring naturally. The above problems should be borne in mind when the results of research are examined and evaluated. Nevertheless, in spite of these conceptual and methodological difficulties, it is apparent that a detailed understanding of the ecological factors central to the tourism–environment relationship can significantly reduce the scale of environmental damage and be an integral part of designing management practices.

TOURISM–ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS The history of tourism clearly indicates that the environment of places has contributed to the birth and progress of tourism. Scenic sites, amenable climates and 157

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unique landscape features have had an important influence upon the patronage of specific localities, regions or countries. The environment of the host region is crucial to the attractiveness of virtually all tourism destinations. Natural resources, ecosystems, regional ecology, and the cultural and commercial attractions in cities, whatever may be the designation or concept in their physical expressions, provide an important backdrop for the majority of tourism activities (Farrell and Runyan 1991: 26). The effects of environmental factors can be observed at all points of the tourism process. Tourist behaviour patterns, although not necessarily motivated solely by environmental conditions, are clearly influenced by them through choice of destination and length of stay. In other words, climatic features and newly discovered or developed ‘natural’ attractions may influence tourists’ loyalty to, substitution of and behaviour in tourist destinations. Environmental conditions place constraints on types of development, and destinations lacking appropriate climatic, geological, floral or faunal conditions are seldom selected for tourist development. Some complementary natural characteristics are highly desirable even if a place has a rich history or is unique in archaeology or culture. Built amenities and infrastructure are usually insufficient by themselves for the development of tourism. Concern for the environmental impacts of tourism has not been restricted to recent writing, although the majority of the literature was written during the past two decades. As early as 1961, both Beed (1961) and Clement (1967: 167) expressed concerns that the tourist invasion of Tahiti could induce ecological imbalance within the island’s ecosystem if it was not carefully and resolutely regulated. Their concern was expressed at a time when Tahiti enticed a mere 10,000 tourists annually. Now, with an excess of 200,000 tourist arrivals each year, the same fears are being voiced, but little action has been taken to manage and control the situation. Most research has been reactionary in nature, being a response to immediate threats to the environment. Such threats have been a stimulus to research but they have also resulted in a concentration on special environments, such as small islands, coral reefs and other delicate ecologies. Furthermore, studies have been largely of effects, which are highly pronounced and in stages in which management strategies may offer only a slender prospect of returning the ecosystem to its original or near original condition. This research can, in part, be viewed as an outgrowth of the environmental movement of the 1960s when widespread concern was expressed over the deleterious, polluting effects of human activities. Most studies were undertaken after, rather than before, damage occurred. As a result, few studies attempted to elucidate the processes of environmental change or relate these to aspects of the agent of change, which, in this case, was tourists and tourist development. Ecological investigations are being carried out in many countries but few studies incorporate the role of the tourist as a means by which change is produced. Similarly, tourist developers have often failed to embody ecological 158

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principles into development plans and policies promoting tourist activity. A marrying of these research areas is required if a harmonious relationship is to be fostered between tourism and the environment. To some authors, tourism provides an incentive for the restoration of ancient monuments and archaeological treasures and for the conservation of natural resources, as well as the economic means by which they can be achieved (Agarwal and Nangia 1974, Dower 1974, Hulme and Murphree 2001b, Lane 1994, McNeeley and Thorsell 1989, Waters 1966). To others, however, tourism means people, congestion, noise and litter. It means the disruption of animal life cycles, the destruction of fragile plants and the pouring of human waste into rivers and upon beaches (Crittendon 1975, Edington and Edington 1986, Giese 1998, Goldsmith 1974, Middleton 1996, Mountfort 1975, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). The debate over the relationships between tourism and environment is ongoing and a voluminous body of literature exists on the subject in a wide variety of contexts: for example, sustainability and sustainable tourism development (Becker 1995, Butler 2003, Clarke 1997, Farrell and Runyan 1991, Goodall 2003, Hunter 1995, Hunter and Green 1995, Kousis 2000, McKercher 1993, Stabler 1997); alternative tourism, nature-based tourism and ecotourism (Cater and Lowman 1994, Dearden and Harron 1994, Eagles 2001, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002, Orams 2001, Pearce 1992, Weaver 1998, 2001b, d, Wight 1993); and EIA and environmental auditing (Buckley 2004, Ding and Pigram 1995, Goodall 2003, Hillery, Nancarrow, Griffin and Syme 2001, Inskeep 1991, Stabler and Goodall 1996, Sun and Walsh 1998). Accompanying the increased global awareness of environmental issues as revealed in the burgeoning literature has been greater realization of the complexity of tourism–environment relationships, the relationships’ cumulative path and tourism’s dependence on the environment for its own sustainability. There has been increased recognition that it is a two-way process: the implications of the environment for tourism and the implications of tourism for the environment, which is the main concern here. However, both tourism and environment take many forms and are dynamic so that relationships are complex and changing. The divergent themes in the impacts literature also reflect tourism–environment relationships that are conditioned by the characteristics of the destination, the scale, form and evolutionary process of tourist development, and the capacity of the destination to manage and monitor the long-term nature of change. Budowski (1976: 27) suggested that three different relationships can exist between those promoting tourism and those advocating environmental conservation. These relationships are especially important because tourism is highly dependent upon values derived from nature. The relationships are as follows: 1. Tourism and environmental conservation can exist in a situation in which both camps promote their respective positions, remain in isolation and establish little contact with each other. This situation is unlikely to exist for long periods 159

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because of the substantial changes in the environment that are apt to occur with the continued growth of mass tourism. This stage, therefore, is usually succeeded by either symbiotic or conflicting relationships. 2. Tourism and conservation may enjoy a mutually supportive or symbiotic relationship where they are organized in such a way that each benefits from the other. From the perspective of the conservationist, environmental features and conditions are left as close as possible to their original state but, at the same time, they provide benefits to the tourists who view and experience them. There are few places where this has been achieved. 3. Tourism and conservation can be in conflict, particularly when tourism induces detrimental effects to the environment. Most documented relationships between tourism and environment fall into this category. On some occasions, effects of tourism have stimulated the introduction of conservation measures in order to protect fragile ecosystems. More commonly, the damage has already reached irreparable proportions before remedial action is taken. This chapter concentrates on the latter two of Budowski’s three relationships and examines the two major viewpoints held by authors writing on environmental impacts: that tourism is beneficial to the environment, promoting conservation and preservation and, to the contrary, that tourism and environment are in conflict, stimulating environmental degradation and destruction.

TOURISM AND THE ENVIRONMENT: A SYMBIOTIC RELATIONSHIP Conservation grew from a number of independent roots of which Gunn (1978a: 3) has listed four: 1. There was a social concern to which the park movement owes its beginnings. The growth of industry and commerce and their associated ills stimulated a demand for parks and open space. The provision of public land was seen as an antidote to the immoral values of urban society and as an escape from the routine of work and urban living. 2. There was an emphasis on the efficiency of resource use, particularly of nonrenewable resources. Early expressions stressed maximum utilization but with limited environmental degradation. 3. Conservation also incorporated a notion of aesthetic enhancement. This is particularly significant in a recreational context. One major tourist activity is sightseeing which depends heavily on the qualities of the natural environment. 4. More recently conservation has gained a scientific and ecological emphasis in which the maintenance of a balance between humans and environment is of prime importance. The outcome of this perspective is the application of stringent 160

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controls to protect and preserve the natural environment from unsystematic and unplanned human manipulation. These roots of concern have contributed to contemporary definitions of conservation. It is now generally agreed that wise and controlled use of the earth’s resources is desirable, although tensions exist between proponents of use and advocates of preservation. One result of this growing environmental consciousness is that, increasingly, effective action is being taken, or is envisaged, to control human impacts upon the environment. Solid strategic alliances between tourism and conservation offer considerable potential for mutual benefit, both for sustained tourism growth and for the conservation of biodiversity and the components of the natural environment. Given tourism’s dependence on the natural environment, it is surprising that such alliances are relatively new, often loose and informal, unlike others that have emerged in other industries such as mining and forestry. Buckley (1999c) attributed this to a number of factors: 1. Tourism is a relatively young and uncoordinated industry; 2. The organizations that construct tourist infrastructures sell them to other operators who see themselves as part of the tourist sector and not necessarily as environmental managers; 3. Ecotourism development has been associated with increased environmental advocacy but, up to now, has been treated largely as part of mass tourism. As its economic size and significance grows, this may change; 4. The tourist industry has only recently acknowledged its own environmental impacts and embraced the need for environmental planning and management; 5. Commercial tourism’s demand for access to and use of national parks and the growing issues surrounding overcrowding within the parks; 6. Growing demand and competition for natural environments previously used only by local and private recreationists. Nevertheless, there are many examples of tourism’s positive relationship with conservation although it may not be as formalized or required as might be expected in a strategic alliance. Wildlife and forest reserves have been established and large tracts of scenic land have been preserved partially because of their ability to attract tourists. At the same time, local tourist offices, tour companies and hotels complement their own facilities by organizing guided hikes and camping trips along authorized trails. In this way, tourists, who on their own may have little interest or lack the means to engage in such activities, are able to enjoy viewing wildlife, vegetation and scenery. Tourism can also be credited with extending environmental awareness, appreciation and concern. In fact, many destinations and tourist planning organizations 161

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are using interpretation as a means to educate the tourist on the meaning of what they are experiencing. Interpretation is used not only to stimulate interest and awareness of environments but also to promote more appropriate behaviour within them. As a potential management tool, interpretation is gaining in popularity and has attracted more recent attention from academics (Moscardo, Woods and Saltzer 2004, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). Orams (1999) noted that tourists viewing and interacting with dolphins elevated their overall awareness of the implications of their behaviours and life-styles. Such attitude changes can also occur within host communities and among the economic beneficiaries of tourist revenues. In the case of Rwanda, Niger and Nepal, increased host community awareness and support have led to the creation of parks and protected areas. The tourist industry has discovered, made known and rendered accessible, specific regions, locations and aspects of nature. In Switzerland, for example, mountain vacations in winter were relatively unknown until after the development of mountain railways and sports resorts. Also, the use of mineral springs, and Switzerland has many, has increased over the past few decades of rapid tourist growth. Similar examples can be found in Canada, Costa Rica, Belize and Mexico with ‘eco-tours’ to areas not visited previously by people other than scientists and hunters. In many destinations, natural conservation areas have emerged as core tourist products. Tourism, if it is to be successful and sustained, actually requires the protection of the scenic and historical heritage of destination areas. The protection of such prime attractions has come to be viewed as an investment as the economic potential of tourism has become more widely recognized. This is also a compelling reason for planning and development agencies to concern themselves with environmental issues. Cohen (1978: 219) concluded that such actions are, more often than not, politically defensible since conservation and preservation measures can be presented to the public as being economically necessary and not simply as a means of satisfying tourist demands. Tourism can assist conservation more directly than by merely promoting its initiation and continuation. Tourism can provide both the incentive for conservation and the economic means by which it can be carried out (Waters 1966: 116). Part of a region’s income from tourism can be invested in the maintenance and expansion of scenic areas and historic sites. Beck and Bryan (1971: xxi) stated in their early report on tourism in Britain that: ‘Many historic houses, villages, old churches and so on could not be kept in a proper state of repair without tourist money . . . And given a reasonable influx of tourist money it is usually possible to keep the tourist nuisance at an acceptable level’. However, many protected area authorities are facing budget constraints and are using entrance fees and other revenue sources not only to manage and enhance sites, but also as a way to compensate for monetary shortfalls previously sourced from government agencies. In

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other instances, user fees have been implemented to fund restoration of buildings and monuments eroded or damaged by excessive tourist activity. It is difficult to determine the degree to which tourism has been the sole incentive for the adoption and expansion of conservation measures. Some forms of conservation existed before the advent of mass tourism. However, there is evidence that tourism has been an important stimulus to conservation in developing areas, especially with the support of UNESCO, the World Bank and the World Tourism Organization. In parts of South-east Asia, tourism has helped pay for the conservation of archaeological and historic sites which, in its absence, may have deteriorated or disappeared. In such cases, the entrance fees to such sites are used directly for archaeological research and conservation. In the light of Europe’s magnificent heritage of cities, cathedrals, castles, gardens, churches and monuments, it should not be surprising that most of the evidence of tourism stimulating the conservation of such sites is from that part of the world. Conservation within tourist environments has taken four principle forms. First, tourism has stimulated the rehabilitation of existing historic sites, buildings and monuments. Alexander (1953: 323), in his economic study of Cape Cod, remarked that the quaint villages were the area’s major tourist asset and that with a general face-lifting and refurbishing of lighthouses, harbours, fishing piers and old houses, the area was given additional appeal. Williamsburg, the eighteenth-century capital of the British colony of Virginia, is an example of a city which was almost in ruins but has been rejuvenated by the processes of preservation and restoration. Williamsburg is also inspiring in its construction of replicas of the past where the original buildings were beyond repair. Similar examples of re-establishing and promoting individual buildings and other places, such as sporting venues and heritage sites and areas, also provide indirect economic benefits by generating funds for improving supporting infrastructures such as water disposal, transportation networks and telecommunications. Tourism itself can also be the incentive for ‘cleaning up’ the local environment through control of air and water pollution, littering and for improving the environmental aesthetics through building design, signage controls and better building maintenance (Inskeep 1991: 343). Secondly, tourism has stimulated the transformation of old buildings and sites into completely new tourist facilities. Old cellars and warehouses in many tourist resorts have been converted into quaint bars, discos and restaurants, on many occasions preserving the original structural characteristics. This form of conservation is widely evident in cities in Europe and North America. Middleton (1971: 37) suggested that not only does it bring new life and vitality to declining towns and villages of character and charm, it also relieves existing tourist circuits of increased congestion from the growing number of tourist arrivals. If tourism is to be used in this way, cooperation is required between conservation groups and publicity agencies to ensure that the special qualities of the historic towns have

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been identified and protected, and to decide to which sections of the tourist market they can be appropriately directed. Thirdly, tourism has provided an impetus and often the economic means for the conservation of natural resources. The establishment of national parks and nature reserves in Africa constitutes an early example of the recognition of links between biodiversity and tourism and the ability of tourism to stimulate conservation (McNeely and Thorsell 1989). Before Tanganyika, now the Republic of Tanzania, received independence in 1961, it was predicted that African wildlife would be destroyed once European control was relaxed. Not only have such fears been unfounded, national parks in Tanzania and other parts of East Africa have increased greatly in number and strength (Lilieholme and Romney 2000, Owen 1969, Shackley 1996). Increasing recognition by East African governments and local communities that tourism may contribute to foreign exchange earnings has stimulated a corresponding realization of the need for the conservation of natural resources which appeal to tourists, particularly wildlife. The numerous parks which have been set up in the last twenty years in savannah Africa have been established in spite of the presence of economic, political and social pressures, and they confirm the place given to tourism as a means of economic development. More than 80,000 square miles (207,200 square kilometres) have been set aside as national parks in East and South Africa, harbouring one of the world’s last and greatest wildlife populations. In Kenya alone, 10 per cent of land is reserved for nature conservation. In Tanzania and Botswana the figures are 11.8 per cent and 18.2 per cent respectively. The Serengeti National Park in Tanzania is 15,540 square kilometres in area and is the home of more than one million wild animals, including at least thirty species of grazing animals and twelve different predators (Pollock 1971: 146). Lake Manyana National Park, lying at the foot of the escarpment of the Great Rift Valley, is a well-known haven for wildebeest, water buck, giraffes, zebras, lions, leopards, and flocks of flamingos and pelicans (Netboy 1975: 27). Tourism has fostered the protection of these diverse species as they serve as major attractions for both domestic and international tourists. The establishment of recent parks has required additional justification to that of wildlife preservation. Tourist development, through the creation of parks, generates other benefits as secondary effects of conservation. These include net gains in foreign exchange, the creation of employment within the park and in ancillary tourist services, the fostering of demand for locally made products, and the hastening of infrastructure construction. Such effects have often been employed as justifications for the expansion of African national park systems. Moreover, it has been argued that the economic benefits derived from the use of such areas for tourism far exceeds those that would be yielded from agriculture. Netboy (1975: 27) stated that: ‘Africa has an enormous comparative advantage over the rest of the world in producing wildlife and can do it on land unsuited to almost anything else’. 164

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The conservation of natural resources in Africa emerged in a formal and institutional way. Although tourism was instrumental in this process, conservation was also a by-product of a wider development and modernization strategy where land was appraised and planned for multiple uses maximizing its economic benefits. Conservationists negotiated their own spaces for wildlife and national parks grew from this process but local people were excluded from this early vision. Counter-narratives arguing that local communities can and should be involved in the conservation of local natural resources have now gained credence and are well represented in the literature on community conservation (Adams and Hulme 2001). Tourism and conservation in Africa have consequently evolved from being largely a state-driven process, to being a broader benefit-sharing community initiative. This has been done by involving people who, by virtue of their location and activities, are critically placed to enhance or degrade the status of the surrounding natural resources (Barrow and Murphree 2001). This discussion of the relationships between wildlife tourism and local inhabitants will be resumed in a later section of this chapter. In somewhat similar fashion, the island of Dominica and Costa Rica, places with many pressing economic and social problems, have set aside parks. Thorsell (1973: 19), recapping the Dominican experience, supported the ideal of parks serving the dual purposes of preservation and the enhancement of human enjoyment. He stated that ‘parks must be seen to contribute to the total economic development process by providing a flow of multiple benefits . . .’. Within the broad scheme of wildland management, of which tourism is an integral part, he postulated that parks can play their most effective role as environmental catalysts. By this he meant that, through education, parks may promote environmental sensitivity in other economic sectors. Tourism has been much less successful in stimulating the development of natural reserves or national parks in South-east Asia although there are some, for example Kinabalu Park in Malaysia. Cochrane (1993) has attributed this to the generally low profile that national parks have in political circles, the vacationing behaviour of Asians that is more in group movements between cities rather than in wilderness experiences, the foreign exchange earnings of current tourism not being prioritized or directed to the conservation of the natural environment, and developmental priorities being placed more on other uses of these areas such as mining and forestry. Fourthly, tourism has been responsible for the introduction of administrative and planning controls which have been adopted in order to maintain the quality of the environment and to ensure the provision of satisfying experiences for visiting tourists. Measures have varied from site to site and from country to country depending upon the resilience of the protected area or attraction, the nature and intensity of tourist use, and the political structure of the bodies initiating and administering the controls. Unfortunately, many such measures have emerged as 165

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a result of the physical deterioration of sites and attractions from uncontrolled and excessive use. For example, in Britain, Hadrian’s Roman Wall is crumbling and Westminster Abbey is wearing out under the pressures of too many tourists (Jensen 1979). Similar problems are being faced on the Great Wall of China, in Yosemite National Park, and at the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens. The controls that are adopted vary with the seriousness of the problems faced. In many historic areas in Europe, traffic has been restricted adjacent to major attractions, access to popular venues has been controlled, advertising in public places has been curtailed, and incompatible development has been prevented. Similar measures have been applied in the national parks of Africa and Australia where vehicular traffic is restricted to ecologically desirable routes, development within parks is prohibited, and activities that create detrimental effects are curtailed. In extreme cases, where tourist numbers are large and visitation pressures are intense, more radical conservation measures have been employed. The tourist attractions of Stonehenge in England and the Parthenon of Athens have recently been designated ‘off limits’ to tourists and access to the interior of these sites has been eliminated. Most of the more moderate measures which have been employed to control the relentless pressures of tourists have met with only minimal success. As tourist numbers rise and visits to ecologically sensitive sites increase, the demands for more extreme conservation measures will intensify. So far it has largely been national and regional tourist organizations and environmental planning agencies that have recognized the importance of, and implemented measures to preserve the environment for tourism. National tourism plans and policies in countries such as Portugal, France, Switzerland, Cyprus, Kenya, Singapore and the Philippines have sought to conserve natural and cultural resources and regulate tourist development. As in other industries, tourism businesses whose planned and existing operations affect the environment are being subject to increasingly close scrutiny and accountability for the effects of their activities on the environment. There is growing evidence that well-managed tourism at an industry level is responding to these compelling pressures and is incorporating environmentally responsible principles in their decision making. Wight (1994b), Goodall (2003), Hawkins (1997), Sisman (1994), Hjalagar (1996) and others have described this trend as a ‘greening of the tourism industry’ and the beginning of putting effective environmental action into good business practice. Many of these initiatives are detailed by Wight (1994b): 1. Old equipment, plant and buildings are being modified or replaced with more energy-efficient and less polluting alternatives. 2. Hotels have implemented waste management, recycling and reuse policies. 3. Hotels and other tourist services have initiated many energy and water saving initiatives, e.g. electronic sensors and water faucet aerators to control water flow, retrofitting lighting systems with long-lasting, low-energy bulbs and replacing 166

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boiler systems used for heating, ventilation and air conditioning with computer controlled water-sourced heat pumps. 4. Institutions realigning purchasing decisions to support responsible products and packaging, assist recycling and reducing waste have brought business benefits and reduced costs, e.g. the use of recycled products, use of biodegradable vegetation-based ingredients, use of locally produced products and the purchase of products with reduced packaging and in reusable and returnable containers. 5. Many large tour operators prefer to contract accommodation from properties that adopt environmentally friendly business practices. Other tour operators, usually small niche operators, select tourist accommodation on the basis that it is locally owned or is of vernacular design and construction (Inskeep and Kallenberger 1992). Although some of these initiatives may be in compliance with environmental planning codes of conduct, there is increasing evidence that others have been adopted voluntarily by tourism businesses. In addition to the obvious benefits that accrue to the environment, there are also often benefits to tourist businesses, including savings in operating costs, improved corporate image, marketing advantages from the projection of this revitalized image, better employee motivation and recruitment of higher quality staff, and the identification of environmental problems before they become liabilities and result in litigations and create costs for clean up (Goodall 2003). In summary, on some occasions tourism has been a force for the preservation and rejuvenation of areas by stimulating the conservation of historic and archaeological sites, and unique or quaint human-made landscape features. It has also been an incentive for the conservation of natural resources which, because of their uniqueness or educational or ecological values, are appreciated as tourist attractions. This type of conservation leads to the growth of tourism in these destinations. In time, subsequent conservation measures may ultimately be required to maintain the quality of the environment and protect it from the increasing number of tourists. The extreme actions taken in Greece and in Britain, and new regulations in many other places, are indicative of a growing feeling of uneasiness that the benefits of tourism may not necessarily compensate for the costs of conservation. Some authors argue that through its stimulation of conservation, tourism has been instrumental in awakening an appreciation for the environment, nature and history (Dower 1974, Haines 1976, Huxley 1961, Inskeep 1991, Jensen 1979, Turner and Ash 1975). Others have counteracted this viewpoint indicating that the conversion of historical monuments, archaeological ruins and natural areas to tourist attractions robs them of their magic but attracts more tourists who place undue pressures on these attractions through their physical presence. This, in turn, creates a demand for further remedial action. There is only scattered published 167

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evidence to indicate the widespread existence of a symbiotic relationship between tourism and the environment. The majority of the literature examines relationships between tourism and environment that are in conflict. This relationship is discussed below.

TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENT IN CONFLICT The general texts on environmental quality are full of references to air pollution from car exhausts, the destruction of coastlines, the pollution of rivers from human wastes and detergents, and traffic congestion. These texts rarely mention that tourism is partially responsible for such effects. The negative environmental ramifications of tourism have received attention in the general environmental literature only recently. This part of the chapter will discuss the impacts of tourism on particular environmental components. Aspects of the natural environment will be considered first and this will be followed by an examination of the effects of tourism on a number of different ecosystems. The effects of tourism on built environments are presented in the latter portion of the chapter.

Tourism, vegetation and soils Vegetation is one of the major attractions of many destination areas. The sequoia redwoods of California, the kauri forests of northern New Zealand and the Black Hills spruce of South Dakota are examples of vegetation which have allure for tourists. Vegetation is also important in a range of environments where the core tourist attractions and activities include lakes, forests, grasslands, mountains and marine ecosystems. In spite of vegetation being a primary tourist resource, little is known specifically of the effects of tourism on vegetation. However, there is a large body of literature on the effects of recreation on vegetation and much of this is also applicable to tourism as the differences are largely indistinguishable. Most of the literature has concerned relationships between tourist behaviour and the magnitude of physical damage caused to vegetation. In fact, the literature on this subject is voluminous and many site-specific or activity-specific studies are available on a range of tourist destinations and within a variety of ecosystems. A number of different research designs have been used in these studies including the most common descriptive field surveys and the less-used comparative site analyses that measure changes in one site versus undisturbed control sites, before and after natural experiments, and simulated experimental approaches. Each methodology has its individual strengths and weaknesses and these will vary depending on the goals of the study and the ecology of the environment being studied (Cole 2004). The emphasis here is on providing some generalizations based on these studies and, in doing so, to identify common impacts on vegetation from tourist activities 168

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and development. We have also drawn on some generic, comprehensive sources on the subject and their syntheses of research findings (Cole 2004, Hammitt and Cole 1998, Liddle 1997, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). A variety of tourist activities impact upon vegetation. The impacts are often grouped into the impacts of transportation, accommodation and shelter, and the types of tourist activity. They include the following activities, effects and behaviours: 1. The collection of flowers, plants and fungi can result in changes in species composition. 2. Careless use of fire in parks has caused major conflagrations in the forested regions of California and Australia. 3. Deliberate chopping of trees for tent poles and firewood. This has removed many younger trees from forests which alters the age structure of the plant community, leaving fewer trees to mature and provide shelter for the site (Wall and Wright 1977: 26). 4. Excessive dumping of garbage is not only unsightly but also changes the nutrient status of soils and can be ecologically damaging by blocking out air and light. 5. Access road and accommodation construction have significant impacts initially and cause successive changes later during the facility operation. Impacts can also be significant if these are concentrated and associated with campsites, trails or car parks. 6. Pedestrian and vehicular traffic impact directly on vegetation. The impacts become a problem when the intensity and duration of use is excessive and this depends upon the vulnerability, diversity and capacity of the ecosystem. 7. Camping has similar effects to trampling. The construction of campsites involves the removal of vegetation and, as Noake (1967: 226) pointed out, the damage also extends into the surrounding area with the development of trails and picnic sites. It is the effects on vegetation and soil from the last two activities which have dominated the literature, particularly the effects of trampling, off-road motor vehicles, camping and mountain bike riding. In fact, it is fair to say that much of the impact is caused by feet and vehicles. Much of the research has been confined to effects along trails or in areas of concentrated use such as campsites, although a growing number of studies have also noted similar effects away from these areas in ‘off-track’ locations. The effects have been reviewed by Cole (2004) and Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002). They are summarized below: 1. The attrition of, and physical damage to, plant cover is associated with a reduction in plant height, stem length and leaf area, and in the number of plants that 169

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flower. This leads to cumulative effects of reduced plant vigour and reproduction, loss of biomass, the introduction of foreign species to the habitat, shifts in overall species composition and reductions in species diversity. 2. The compaction of soil reduces the porosity of the soil, impedes water infiltration rates, and the water holding capacity of the soil. This increases surface run-off and erosion potential. 3. The abrasion and loss of organic soil horizons and degradation of soil structures has a direct effect on plant and animal populations. A loss of organic matter affects plants’ ability to germinate, particularly those relying heavily on high organic soil surfaces. Others that can germinate on mineral soils are less affected. In turn, the composition and diversity of the plant population are changed. 4. The elimination of vast tracts of vegetation: often mature trees are felled for trail and campsite construction. The vegetation that remains is primarily tolerant graminoids that are able to survive on essentially mineral soil bases. Tree elimination and damage of tree canopies are also caused from firewood collection by campers and off-trail motorbikes and horse riding activities. 5. There is a strong relationship between soils and vegetation. Soil compaction influences plant growth, and the age structure of vegetation and supply of organic matter will affect plant reproduction, composition and diversity. Plants growing in infertile soils possess certain anatomical and structural characteristics which enable them to be more resistant to trampling than plants growing in finer, more fertile, soils. Impacts to soil and vegetation are not limited to areas of tourist activity or development nor are they limited to the actual time period of tourist activity. They have significant spatial and temporal characteristics that are critical considerations in impact determination and in devising strategies to manage them. Impacts at specific sites are often severe for plants and animals but, unless much of the population as a whole is impacted at a specific site, they are often not considered to be significant or relevant on a larger scale. However, the site-specific impacts do have carry-over effects to habitats beyond. Spatial considerations of impact are linked to the temporal component. An impact at a specific site at one spatial scale does not necessarily provide insight as to impacts at a larger scale and often these may occur well after the instigating tourist activity is over. For example, vegetation and soil damage is greatest at the tourist development stage but future patterns of adjustment and recovery are slower and will likely occur over a longer period of time and vary from one ecosystem to another. Temporal patterns of impact have been documented at a site-specific level but generally ignored at larger spatial scales. This is, however, an important area of investigation for future researchers as impacts are growing as tourist activity sites multiply and spread across the

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landscape. As increasing pressure mounts for such broader studies to be undertaken, it will also be important to understand the factors that contribute to the magnitude of impacts and to determine why impacts in one habitat will vary from another. Cole (2004: 52) identified four principal factors that influence the intensity of impact: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Frequency of use; Type of use and behaviour of users; Season of use; Environmental characteristics and conditions of the area.

As noted earlier, a number of studies have attempted to synthesize the findings on the impacts of recreation and tourism on vegetation and soil and go on to suggest the role of these in designing site management plans and strategies. A number of generalizations may be drawn (Cole 2004: 55): 1. Impacts are inevitable from repetitive uses and levels of acceptable impact will need to be determined and included in site management plans. 2. Impact occurs rapidly and is most profound in the development stages of tourism. Plant and soil adjustment and recovery are much slower. Management priorities should not only involve promotion of site recovery but also planning the scale and number of site developments to avoid impacting, particularly in fragile environments. 3. As indicated above, the magnitudes of impact depend upon frequency of use, the type and behaviour of users, season of use, the environmental conditions and characteristics of the area and the spatial and temporal patterns of use. These variables and their manipulations are therefore critical management tools. 4. Impacts increase more when new places are disturbed than in places that have already deteriorated from repetitive use. In consequence, it may well be better to concentrate tourist activity in existing and popular areas (these are sometimes called sacrifice areas) and to disperse use and impacts in relatively pristine areas. Future research will have a critical role to play in assisting managers and in monitoring of tourist impacts on vegetation and soils. This research will need to build on the existing knowledge but expand in its temporal and spatial scales of analysis. Also, a theoretical and conceptual framework is needed to guide the synthesis of the findings of the numerous field studies that already exist. Furthermore, researchers will need to quantify the relationships between impacts and levels of tourist use for different activities within specific soil and vegetation settings if guidelines for management are to be provided before unacceptable damages occur. The work completed in EIAs, where the impacts on biodiversity from largescale tourist developments such as resorts, resort-residential developments and

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tourist infrastructure, often in untouched environments are acute, is not widely disseminated and may even be confidential. Such research should be made available to researchers for inclusion in the growing body of literature.

Tourism and water quality Water bodies, including lakes, streams, estuaries and oceans, are tourist attractions and, as such, host tourist developments and infrastructure on their banks. They are also habitats that characteristically host a wealth of plant and animal life. Very few studies have been found that examine the specific effects of tourism on water quality. This situation has arisen in spite of the existence of a small but growing body of literature on recreation and water quality, and the growing concerns regarding the pollution of recreational lakes, rivers and coastlines. A number of early studies mention that water pollution is becoming a problem in coastal resorts, but detailed analyses do not appear to have been pursued beyond these general statements (Clare 1971, Tangi 1977). The waters of the Mediterranean are an asset to the tourist industries of Italy, Greece, Croatia, Spain, Tunisia and France. Unfortunately, the Mediterranean is also a repository for municipal and industrial waste, for oil spills from tankers and for pesticides brought down by the rivers which flow into the sea. Tourist developments along the coasts of the Mediterranean are also responsible for large quantities of waste materials. Tangi (1977: 336) noted that diseases such as cholera, typhoid, viral hepatitis and dysentery can be transmitted through contaminated seafood. Water pollution is now reaching crisis proportions in a number of the older tourist resorts. Given the seriousness of the situation, it is surprising that more research has not been undertaken to establish quantitative cause–effect relationships between tourist activity and water quality. For activities such as swimming, fishing and many types of boating, high-quality water is essential. The introduction of pollutants into water bodies is both environmentally damaging and economically threatening for water-based tourist resorts. Again, assuming that recreational pursuits will also be pursued by tourists, their effects on water quality will also be similar and these have been identified by Wall and Wright (1977) and Liddle (1997). The major effects listed by these researchers are as follows: 1. Pathogens are introduced into the aquatic environment in raw or inadequately treated sewage. The release of sewage onto beaches, lakes and rivers is often mentioned in the literature on environmental impact. It is a potential health hazard to tourists using those resources as they may contract water-borne diseases. 2. The addition of nutrients to the water will hasten the process of eutrophication. Excessive weed growth may result with implications for levels of dissolved oxygen which, in turn, govern fish numbers, species composition and growth rates. 172

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3. Fluctuations in the supply and distribution of oxygen have implications for aquatic plant and animal life which are well understood. The presence of increasing quantities of oil from recreational vehicles, and oil spills from tankers and cruise ships in resort harbours, have had detrimental effects on oxygen supply and have reduced the satisfaction of tourists swimming in those waters. 4. Oil and fuel combustion products from recreational vehicles can increase levels of toxicity in lakes and rivers and will result in detrimental effects to aquatic plants and wildlife. The lead and ethylene compounds which are used in fuels, accumulate in the bottom sediments and become toxic to some life forms, including fish and invertebrates. Unburned oil deposits and slicks on aquatic plants, plankton and algae interfere with plant respiration and inhibit algae growth, ultimately affecting the food chains of fish and other aquatic organisms (Hammitt and Cole 1998, Mosisch and Arthington 1998). 5. The effects of detergents and of trace elements from the decomposition of tins and bottles are also thought to be harmful but their consequences have yet to be fully researched. Most of the research which has been conducted on water quality has examined the effects of urban and industrial wastes. Although the principles may be similar, tourist activities inject different types of pollutants, in different quantities, into water bodies which are of high quality. The repercussions are also likely to differ. In general, the impacts of these have been underestimated. The application of quantitative analyses to determine the nature and magnitude of such repercussions is urgently needed.

Tourism and air quality and noise pollution There is a dearth of material on the impacts on air quality of recreation in general, and tourism in particular. As tourism involves travelling, normally by motor car, ship, train, bus or aeroplane, the contribution of each to air pollution is of relevance to the theme of this section. For example, the concentration of pollutants from motor cars within cities is attributable partially to recreational driving, tour buses and taxis. In resorts, the pollutant contribution from tourist vehicles is likely to be significant. One can only speculate on the importance as figures are not readily available. Viewpoints on the subject vary. Adverse impacts on vegetation have been attributed to motor car exhausts in congested valleys, such as Yosemite. In contrast, Soo Ann (1973: 207), in an early paper to the Pacific Area Travel Association supporting the theme that ‘Tourism Builds a Better Environment’, claimed that tourism has a smokeless economic base. Tourism does not involve the movement of large quantities of raw materials and manufactured goods, or the transformation of one into the other with its attendant pollution. Rather, it involves the movement 173

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of people. As a result, it is claimed that it does not pollute the environment as much as most industries. Houghton-Evans and Miles (1970: 425) concluded that the impact of cars on the air quality of rural areas is probably insignificant except in congested spots. One study assessing pollution levels in resort areas from cars found that automobile emissions were ten times higher in high-altitude zones of Vail, Colorado, than in lower level zones (Kirkpatrick and Paeser, cited in Pearce 1981). Considering that traffic congestion is a major problem in many resorts, the scarcity of similar studies is somewhat surprising. Although the contribution of tourism to air pollution may be less than for some other forms of human activity, this is no reason to disregard it entirely. With the exception of intra-European tourism, the airlines are a major mode of travel for international tourists. The aircraft is of great significance to the tourist industry but it contributes little to the destruction of air quality. Air transport in the United States is only a minor source of pollution, producing only 1 per cent of all air contaminants. Studies undertaken at London’s Heathrow Airport, and in Tokyo and Los Angeles, showed that carbon monoxide levels were less than onethird of those recorded in the downtown areas of those cities. Shaw (1973: 227) concluded from the early Heathrow study that: ‘far from adding significantly to pollution levels in adjacent areas, the airport dilutes the pollution from surrounding districts and reduces concentrations of pollutants below the levels which might be expected if an average urban development took place’. In spite of increases in the volume of traffic, the new designs of jet engine combustion chambers have reduced pollutant emissions. The gradual replacement of propeller planes, and improvements to short-haul fuel-efficient models, have reduced particulate emissions and invisible gaseous pollutants. The aircraft has been insignificant when compared with the car as an agent of change in the chemical quality of the air. This conclusion does not hold true for the contribution of aircraft to noise pollution. This is a major environmental problem of aircraft and satisfactory remedies have yet to be devised. Technological innovation has reduced sound output in newer jet aircraft but the volume of aircraft landings and take-offs at many busy urban airports has meant that aircraft noise is virtually continuous for most of the day and much of the night. Indirect attempts to control noise by altering flight procedures, reducing the number of night flights and implementing flight curfews have allowed those living near airports to experience a decrease in annoying noise and reduced some of the psychological stress associated with high noise levels. Newer airport developments are also being built at greater distances from urban centres but noise pollution is still a factor for residents in close proximity although the numbers impacted are significantly less. It might also be expected that residential property values would be lower in the flight paths of aircraft and that noise pollution by airplanes would have a negative effect on such values. One study undertaken in the Manchester area of the UK was inconclusive with respect to this proposition (Pennington, Topham and Ward 1990). 174

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Tourism and wildlife As noted earlier, the quality of the natural environment plays a significant role in attracting tourists to specific destinations. ‘Wildlife tourists’, seeking an experience of observing and photographing animals in their natural habitats, are a notable example of what is sometimes referred to as ‘wildlife tourism’ or a form of ecotourism. Also included in this definition, although not as well documented, is the observation of wildlife in captive settings such as zoos, urban wildlife parks and animal sanctuaries, as well as the recreational pursuits of hunting and fishing. Tourism that is based on visitors interacting with wild animals in their natural environments has attracted significant interest from governments, the tourism industry and researchers. Higginbottom (2004b: 1) noted that the growing interest in wildlife tourism is a reflection of the following factors: 1. The synergies that can be gained between wildlife conservation and tourism involving wildlife; 2. Wild animals being used as central components in tourist destination marketing; 3. Tourists being motivated by the opportunities to view, photograph and interact with animals in their natural environments. As demand for wildlife tourism has expanded, so has the attention accorded to it by academics as reflected in the proliferation of articles and books on various aspects of this form of tourism. These include the economics of wildlife tourism (Bojo 1998, Brown and Henry 1989, Moscardo and Saltzer 2004, Norton-Griffiths 1998, Tisdell and Wilson 2004); the direct impacts of tourism on wildlife species and their habitats (Butynski and Kalina 1998, Edington and Edington 1986, Gabrielsen and Smith 1995, Green and Giese 2004, Whyte, Van Aarde and Pimm 1998); the role of wildlife tourism in conservation (Higginbottom, Tribe and Booth 2003, Orams 1996, Roe, Leader-Williams and Dalal-Clayton 1997, Sinclair and Pack 2000); the dynamics and relationships of tourism, wildlife and local community socio-economic development (Bell 1987, Burns 2004, Hulme and Murphree 1999, 2001a, Potts, Goodwin and Walpole 1996); and management practices to promote the sustainability of wildlife tourism (Higginbottom 2004a, Manfredo 2002, Reid, Sindiga, Evans and Ongaro 1999, Shackley 1996, Vaske, Decker and Manfredo 1995). Many of the academic discussions referenced above have been specific to particular animal species, destinations or biotic components of animal ecosystems. The texts by Shackley (1996), Knight and Gutzwiller (1995) and Higginbottom (2004a) are important syntheses of this form of tourism, each drawing upon the works of several researchers. Many of the examinations of the impacts of recreation and tourism on wildlife have emphasized specific animal species in relatively natural environments. Studies of wildlife differ from those in other aspects of recreation and have their own unique features. These are: 175

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1. The documentation of impacts of tourism on wildlife has concentrated upon larger land mammals and birds. Little attention has been directed to the effects of tourism on small mammals, reptiles or insects. 2. Studies have tended to be at a macro rather than a micro level: for example, in national parks and nature reserves. This is understandable as wildlife preservation areas are designated on this scale and serve as primary tourist resources. 3. A growing number of studies of the impacts of tourism on wildlife now include a stronger ecological base from which effects can be determined and predictions can be made. Notwithstanding this progress, most studies remain largely descriptive and make only general reference to the ecological principles of migration, feeding and breeding behaviour, and adaptation to changes in habitat. 4. There is a lack of longitudinal analysis on wildlife populations noting the changes to wildlife habitat with progressive interactions between tourists and animals. Systematic ecological studies measuring the impacts of tourism on wildlife are uniquely complicated. Inherent difficulties include ascertaining baseline population counts, the difficulty of distinguishing in counts between out-migration and mortality, the differential fragility of species and ecosystems within the same tourist destination, and differentiating the effects of tourism on wildlife habitats from those of other economic activities such as agriculture or mining (Shackley 1996: 16, Wall and Wright 1977: 41). This section is primarily concerned with the effects of tourism on wildlife living in natural surroundings. Many examples have been taken from studies undertaken in East African national parks and game reserves where relationships between tourism and wildlife are most evident, have a long history and where wildlife forms the prime attraction. Tourism has been a major stimulus to the preservation of wildlife, especially in Africa, and this is a highly positive manifestation of tourist development and far more so than other forms of land use. Nevertheless, recent writings on tourism and wildlife in Africa have painted a less rosy picture than this might suggest (Burn 1975, Croall 1995, Gabrielsen and Smith 1995, Gauthier 1993, Green and Giese 2004, Rensberger 1977). Other recent studies have also drawn attention to the threats to wildlife habitats in North America (Anderson 1995, Fraser, Frenzel and Mathisen 1985) and Australia (Orams 2002, Van Tiggelen 1994). There is also a growing body of literature on marine tourism, including the impacts on ocean mammals, notably whales and dolphins, and fish (Garrod and Wilson 2003, Higham and Lusseau 2004, Orams 1999). The early review by Rivers (1974: 12) discussed a number of effects of tourism on wildlife and placed these into two categories: direct and indirect impacts. Direct impacts on wildlife

The ability of wildlife to withstand an influx of tourists varies from species to species and from habitat to habitat. For example, according to Curwen (1973: 7), 176

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wildlife in Botswana could tolerate considerably higher numbers of tourists than were present then without incurring disruptive effects. Three decades ago, other authors (Mountfort 1974, Myers 1976) noted that carrying capacities had been exceeded in the developed African national parks of Serengeti, Tsavo and Mount Kenya. In these parks, the density of tourist vehicles within a radius of 10–15 miles of tourist lodges had become so excessive as to disrupt the tranquil environment. This also detracts from the tourist experience. Hutchinson (1975: 107) suggested that: ‘much of the attraction of these parks lies not so much in the presence of animals as in the absence of humans and tourists become quite indignant when they see other tourists viewing animals’. Reporting on a recent safari experience, Gray (1973: 26) noted her frustration when attempting to photograph animals without including other safari vehicles. The direct effects of tourism on wildlife depend largely upon the intensity of tourist development, the resilience of species to the presence of tourists and their subsequent adaptability. More specifically, the severity of impact will vary with the animal itself, its species, age, sex, physical condition, stage of breeding, the kind of habitat it occupies, its proximity to other animals and previous interactions with tourists (Green and Giese 2004). Some of the major effects which have been mentioned in the literature are summarized below. Wild animals can react to tourist attention in a variety of recognized behavioural responses ranging from avoidance to acceptance, attraction and habituation. Avoidance of humans begins with alarmed behaviour and alertness followed frequently by agitation and territorial escape. The intensity and scale of the responses will vary with the level of intrusiveness of tourist behaviour and the times of tourist visitation, with greater agitation and stress occurring in breeding and feeding periods (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002: 73). The above authors analyzed the physiological responses of penguins to the presence of tourists and noted increases in heart and respiration rates, rises in body temperature and blood sugar levels, and the expenditure of additional, much needed, body energy. Similar conclusions were noted in studies on whale watching, a rapidly growing form of ecotourism in British Columbia, Alaska and New Zealand and on penguins, concluded by Regel and Putz (1997). Most researchers conclude that the presence of whale-watching boats instigates distinct behavioural responses from the whale population (Higham and Lusseau 2004). These responses of avoidance include changes in herd movement and pod closeness, changes in dive intervals, decrease in resting behaviour and increases in swim spread. Obvious effects of whale injury from collisions with tourism vessels have also been noted. Such responses, if ongoing, may lead to broader ecological implications such as reduced reproductive success, reduced parental care of the young, territorial migration and, ultimately, a decline in population numbers.

Physiological and behavioural responses to stress

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The disruption of feeding and breeding For many tourists, the observation of a predator stalking and securing its kill is the highlight of a wildlife safari. Gray (1973: 26) dramatically described this as follows: ‘People are travelling to Africa not only to bathe in nature’s innocence but also to witness nature’s violence. To see predators on the kill is considered to be the great moment of a safari, a new outlet for the blood lust once channelled into hunting’. This lust frequently undermines the privacy of the animals being observed. Gray (1973: 28) noted that on one occasion tourists in a safari van watched a cheetah stealthily approach its prey for twenty minutes. Immediately prior to the critical point in the cheetah’s approach, the vans converged and tourists climbed on the roofs to take photographs. They created such a commotion that the prey, an impala, became startled and ran off. Myers (1975: 6) claimed that the close shadowing of lions by tourists leads to many missed kills with the result that many lion cubs are starving. He also cited occasions when young animals became fatally separated from their mothers because of the erratic behaviour of minibus drivers. This behaviour is often encouraged illegally for drivers are offered large sums of money to break park rules and chase animals. It seems that the chasing of animals has increased markedly in recent years and this activity has caused numerous cheetahs to die of heart failure. The presence of tourists and the closeness with which they approach animal breeding areas is well documented for numerous bird colonies. Giese (1998) concluded that the presence of tourists and their approaching of penguin nests interrupted incubation activity and reduced hatching success as the penguins would stand off their eggs or leave the nest. Similar animal behaviours have been noted for gulls, bald and golden eagles and various water birds in North America, and for crocodiles on the Nile and in Uganda. In these examples, there were notable declines in reproduction success and increases in offspring predation and mortality (Anderson, 1988, Edington and Edington 1986, Knight and Gutzwiller 1995). The presence of tourists will also interfere with the territorial behaviour of animals and disrupt natural breeding behaviour. Separation of the animals has reduced animal population sizes, particularly in animal communities where animal partners mate for life. Similarly, tourist activities may cause separation between parents and offspring, a potentially dangerous situation for young animals. Mortality of young animals caused by this separation is increasing among antelope populations in many East Africa parks, in particular Amboseli and the Masai Mara.

The distortion of normal animal behaviour by artificial feeding has received some attention (Gill 2002, Orams 2002, Van Tiggelon 1994). Artificial augmenting of a wild animal’s food supply has proven to be problematic with a number of negative effects:

Hand-feeding of animals

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1. The food that is provided often lacks essential nutrients and is conducive to poorer health conditions for animals and the introduction of disease. 2. Animal dependency on hand-feeding can result in the elimination of the animals’ natural food searching techniques. 3. Hand-feeding encourages animals to congregate around accommodation areas and transportation routes. 4. Population numbers of other species may alter in response to the changes in or behaviour of those being fed, through reduced competition or habitat change (Green and Giese 2004). There has been some support for hand-feeding of wild animals although not generally on ecological grounds. Support is largely from a welfare perspective. If well-controlled, supplementation of natural food may have beneficial effects in situations where the natural environment has been irreversibly changed, the animal is rare or endangered, or where natural food supplies are threatened. Deliberate and indiscriminate hunting and fishing will reduce wildlife numbers and, in some cases if uncontrolled, may lead to the local extinction of species. Hunting and fishing activities are pursuits of both individual recreationists and organized commercial tours. However, the effects that are reported in the literature refer largely to subsistence and illegal hunting and fishing. Some examples are as follows:

The killing and injuring of wildlife

1. The reduction of fish numbers caused by a combination of both commercial and recreational activities is seen in the coastal waters of Australia’s Great Barrier Reef. 2. Trophy hunting of male brown bears in Slovenia has changed the bear population sex structure. The same has occurred with grizzly bears in some North American habitats (cited in Green and Giese 2004). 3. The collection of animal specimens (shells and coral) has dramatically changed the reef ecosystems of the Great Barrier Reef, the Red Sea, the Kenyan Coast and Galapagos Islands. The accidental killing of animals within destination areas has also risen with the growth of vehicular tourist traffic in wildlife habitats and as animals become more accustomed to the presence of tourists and grow dependent on them for food. Kraus (1967: 161) reported heavy losses to game with an increase in vehicular traffic, especially hares, roebuck and red deer, in a German national park. Animals are also frequently run over in North American parks. Some species benefit from such accidental mortality. Hawks and falcons are often to be seen scavenging on park roadsides.

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Interference with animals’ foraging behaviour as a result of the presence of tourists (noted above in feeding and breeding effects) has been documented for Canadian deer and wolf populations (Carbyn 1974), lions and cheetahs in Africa (Myers 1972, 1975, Roe, LeaderWilliams and Dalal-Clayton 1997) and bald eagles, ravens and woodpeckers in the United States (Knight et al. 1991, cited in Green and Giese 2004). In all cases, the animals were either disturbed during times of prey capture, forced to abandon a captured prey, or the animals avoided traditional feeding locations now occupied by tourists. As a consequence, there is often a reduction in the animals’ food intake. This is most serious during breeding periods and may force animals to move and search for new foraging territories.

The disruption of predator–prey relationships

The introduction and transmission of exotic diseases to animal populations by tourists poses a new and relatively undocumented threat to the ecological sustainability of wildlife tourism. This is particularly serious if introduced into already endangered populations. This has been concluded in recent research involving the habituated ape populations of Africa (Butynski and Kalina 1998, Litchfield 2001). With the introduction of such diseases, increased mortality and morbidity, reduced reproduction capabilities and greatly reduced species immunity were identified as being the most serious threats to the current gorilla tourism programmes. Similar findings, although not as well documented, have been noted in dolphin populations and some of Australia’s exotic animal species.

Disease risks

Indirect impacts on wildlife

The creation of national parks and game reserves has been conducive to the proliferation of certain species. Recent monitoring of animal populations in African national parks revealed sharp increases in the number of wildebeest, zebras, hartebeest, gazelles and elephants. Some authors (Douglas-Hamilton 1987, Myers 1972, 1975, Rensberger 1977, Whyte, van Aarde and Pimm 1998) predicted that there will be overpopulation of specific species in particular areas in the near future. Natural control mechanisms may take one of two forms: 1. Increased competition for fo od and mating partners. This will stimulate fighting and will also have adverse, often fatal, effects on the weak and the young; 2. Mass out-migration to alternative environments. This form of adjustment has not been observed in Africa for seventy years but some authors fear that such an event is imminent. This adjustment should not be confused with the common phenomenon of seasonal migration. Increases in one species may also affect the numbers of others. The elephant is a good example. Because of the expanding human population in East Africa, game parks have become the elephant’s only safe refuge. Many of the parks are too small to support the increase in elephant numbers (Hutchinson 1975: 104). 180

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African elephants are not conservationists. In excessive numbers, they destroy the environment on which they feed by stripping and uprooting trees. This has resulted in the gradual conversion of woodland to grassland. Studies undertaken in Tanzania’s national parks and in Southern Africa led to the conclusion that elephants reduced the tree coverage by approximately 10 per cent annually. This, in turn, reduced the food supply for other species, particularly the browsing species such as the giraffe and black rhinoceros (Barnes 1983, Whyte, van Aarde and Pimm 1998). The increasing extension of tourism also results in changes in wildlife habitats. Litter around camping areas and garbage dumps in parks have attracted fauna such as bears, birds and rodents to these areas. By littering, tourists have not only altered habitats, they have also disturbed traditional feeding patterns. Both grizzly and brown bears have been attracted to areas frequented by tourists so that the frequency of human interactions with bears has increased. Injury to tourists by bears has been noted by Moment (1969) and Martinka (1974). Martinka (1974: 15) noted a decrease in injuries to tourists and damage to equipment in Glacier National Park with the implementation of management plans that encouraged bears to return to their normal feeding habits. Timely removal and adequate disposal of garbage, temporary hiking and camping restrictions, increased patrols and the relocation of troublesome bears are among the measures which have been adopted. Similar controls are also proving to be effective in Yosemite National Park (Darling and Eichhorn 1967: 100). Souvenirs are not restricted to manufactured trinkets. The capture and killing of animals for trading purposes have increased with the growing demands for wildlife souvenirs. These may take the form of furs, skins, ivory ornaments, horns and tails. The curio trade in East Africa has boomed for years and is visible evidence of the destruction of wildlife to satisfy the needs of tourists The number of curio shops has increased rapidly: ‘There are scores of them stuffed with elephant tusks, zebra hides, mounted antelope heads, lion-claw necklaces, monkey-skin throw rugs, ostrich-foot lamps, gazelle-hoof key rings and assorted other animal products eagerly snapped up by wealthy tourists’ (Rensberger 1977: 138). Crocodile skins and stuffed baby crocodiles are sold as souvenirs and this has been responsible for the eradication of the species from many African rivers and lakes, and has decreased numbers drastically in the Caribbean and in South America (Mountfort 1974: 7, Pollock 1974: 146). The growing curio trade has occurred in spite of the enactment of legislation to prevent the hunting of wild animals. The question arises, given the existence of hunting controls, as to where the curio shops acquire their supplies of wildlife souvenirs. One legitimate source of a few animals is the government game control programmes. Such programmes permit a limited number of elephants, lions and other animals to be culled if they endanger local inhabitants or their crops, or if their population numbers rise and become out of balance with other species. They also collect animals within the parks which have died 181

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through natural causes. It is unlikely that these sources could supply the quantities of animals seen in curio shops. Moreover, it is seldom necessary to control such species as zebra, antelope or monkeys. The curio trade is an obvious sign of one of the greatest threats to African wildlife: poaching. A large proportion of the income from tourism never reaches the indigenous African. As long as their standard of living remains low, no argument or amount of persuasion is likely to stop poaching entirely when the incentive of securing cash for animal trophies is high. In spite of the risk of being caught and either fined or imprisoned, poaching is likely to continue although it is unlikely to reach the peak levels of the 1980s. Netboy (1975: 27) stated that in 1973, at least a thousand elephants were being slaughtered every month. Only 1,600 elephants were left a decade later, a massive drop of 88 per cent in overall population (Shackley 1996: 77). Similar trends were evident with another member of the ‘big five’: the rhinoceros. In 1973, there were over 20,000 rhinoceros in Kenya but, by the year 2000, there were merely 650 left, a drop of over 90 per cent in population. Early poaching was undertaken primarily by individuals for meat, skins and some money, and was limited to a few isolated areas. Hunting techniques were crude, depending upon poisoned arrows, camouflaged pits and wire snares. As the tourist industry has expanded in Africa and demands for wildlife trophies have increased, more dangerous forms of poaching have evolved. In parts of northern Kenya, armed gangs using trucks and sophisticated weapons, including machine guns, have been reported. Some of these organized poaching enterprises are internationally funded. The negative impacts of poaching are not limited to the wildlife of Africa nor specifically endemic to the demands of the curio trade. Poaching is evident in North America and Asia where animal parts are also reaching the black market for culinary and medicinal purposes. In the United States, such species as elk, the brown pelican, the peregrine falcon, the Schaus’ swallowtail butterfly and brown bear are already locally endangered. The size and sophistication of poaching operations are astounding, with estimates that over 3,000 American black bears are shot illegally every year. Poaching has also dramatically reduced the tiger populations in India and Myanmar. In India, there are some reserves where the tiger has been eliminated and, by the end of this century, researchers are estimating that only 200 will survive and all will be in captivity. Similar forecasts have been provided for the giant panda of South-west China (Shackley 1996: 99). The threat to wildlife is very real and it is likely to intensify with increases in tourist arrivals, demands for souvenirs and the continuation of low levels of income for local residents. The extent to which this threat will spread is uncertain. It will depend upon the amount of tourist revenue which is redirected into park development and local economies, and the level of priority which is given to antipoaching measures. In the general absence of effective management plans in wildlife areas where tourists visit and stay, the impacts upon wildlife have been 182

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largely negative. More is known of the effects of particular types of tourist development and activities on the wildlife of surrounding environments, and of the effects on individual species. More research is required on the ecological aspects of wildlife, which should encompass reproductive and feeding habits, species diversity and resilience to habitat change. The application of research on island and marine ecosystems to national parks and game reserves is a potentially fruitful avenue of investigation (McEachern and Towle 1974). The discussion and application of best practices in the management and protection of wildlife from an ecological perspective are equally fruitful and sometimes as controversial. In Kruger National Park in South Africa where elephant populations have grown rapidly, management culling of 7 per cent of the population each year has drawn considerable criticism among ecologists. Consideration has also been given to administering contraceptives to female elephants, or even sterilization as an alternative management option, but the physiological and behavioural implications of these approaches are not well researched (Whyte, van Aarde and Pimm 1998). Broad discussion of other management approaches to wildlife conservation and tourism can be found in Higginbottom (2004a) and Orams (1996) and will not be repeated here. Tourism, wildlife and the needs of local residents

Managing the interface between tourism development, the conservation of wildlife as a tourism resource and the needs of local inhabitants residing in or near wildlife tourism areas have been the subjects of three decades of debate (Allen 1976, Anderson and Grove 1987, Burns 2004, Burns and Sofield 2001, Cochrane 1993, Collett 1987, Hulme and Murphree 1999, 2001a, b, Lindsay 1987, Myers 1972, Norton-Griffiths 1998, Potts, Goodwin and Walpole 1996, Swift 1972). Much of the literature has focused on these complex relationships using African case studies, although recent examples have also been drawn from Australia. Sustainability of wildlife resources is the core goal of conservation practice and this depends upon the roles of and support from hosts. Hosts interact with the ‘wildlife tourist’ and the wildlife resource and the nature of this interaction will have implications for the long-term viability of wildlife tourism (Burns 2004). The perceptions and attitudes of the hosts towards wildlife tourism and the wildlife resource itself are central to this discussion. These attitudes vary as host interactions with the wildlife tourists and wildlife also vary. They cover a wide continuum ranging from care, concern and conservation to open hostility (Burns and Sofield 2001: 10). The benefits or costs that accrue to resident populations hosting wildlife tourism are not the focus here and are discussed in Chapter 6. This section discusses the impacts to wildlife as a result of the responses of hosts that emanate from the relationship of wildlife tourism to their social well-being. Most authors writing on Africa have questioned the viability of this three-way interface and have drawn pessimistic conclusions concerning host communities: 183

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displacement or relocation from their home environment and subsequent reductions in standard of living, competition and conflict over land use with wildlife, lack of access to natural resources, and conflict over the distribution of tourist revenues (Mvula 2001: 394). The conditions in Africa leading to this conflict merit brief examination. Annual population growth rates of 3.5 per cent are experienced in the African countries with the major wildlife reserves. More than 50 per cent of the population is less than fifteen years old. The average family size totals between six and seven children. As nutritional levels rise in the segment of females of reproductive age, the number of children per family is expected to continue to rise. The problems of increasing population are compounded by the lack of suitable land for agriculture and overpopulation of existing arable lands: such areas often currently experience population densities of 1,600 per square mile (615 per square kilometre). Together, these two features place great stresses upon existing agriculture. Faced with these pressures, land-hungry Africans have spilled over into the drier, game-rich, savannah grasslands. This is inducing major conflicts between wildlife and the needs of local inhabitants. Tourism lies in the middle of this conflict. African national parks and wild lands yield a greater return in their natural form than if they are used for cultivation or grazing. In economic terms, the marginal loss of food from declaring game reserves out of bounds to agriculture is more than compensated by the gain in utility in having the animals conserved. Tourism has been largely responsible for this. On the other hand, African people require food for survival and are forced to seek areas on the margins of national parks for cultivation and grazing. The alienation of valuable grazing lands for the exclusive use of wildlife tourism has raised the ‘people versus animals’ question (Collett 1987: 129). The benefits of tourism often never reach these people and their attitudes towards preservation are conditioned by their attempts to survive. The areas which are most susceptible to these conflicts are the margins of the major parks. However, as population continues to increase and more land on the edge of African parks becomes used for more intensive agriculture, the threats to wildlife become more apparent. These threats result from: 1. The loss of habitats. Instead of finding a buffer zone in the park hinterlands, animals are encountering competition for water and grazing land. In Lake Manyana National Park in Tanzania, elephants have become trapped in the park because of human encroachment on the areas which surround it. Foraging pressures are having serious effects on forests within the park. Ugandan figures indicate that the amount of land available to elephants fell from 70 per cent of the national land area in 1929 to a mere 12 per cent in 2000. Moreover, in some park areas elephant numbers have increased, placing intense pressures on food supplies. Many areas of Africa that were previously uninhabited by humans because of

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the tsetse fly are now regarded as having potential for agriculture. Their development would result in a loss of habitat for much wildlife. 2. Increased pressures on predator–prey relationships. The restriction of animals to the parks reduces their hunting territories and disrupts their life support systems. Lions and cheetahs, in times when natural prey is in short supply, will turn to cattle and sheep on neighbouring farmlands. As a result, such predators are threatened by stockmen. Myers (1975, 1976), Collett (1987), Burns (2004) and Hulme and Murphree (1999) have written extensively on this problem and have offered grim predictions on the plight of some species, particularly the cheetah and lion. Poison has been known to eliminate an entire lion pride in one night. Cheetah numbers are becoming alarmingly low. Africa now has between ten and fifteen thousand cheetahs and this is only half the number it had in 1960. 3. Restrictions on movement. Development around park peripheries has prevented mobile species, such as the springbok in South Africa, from migrating. The likelihood of this occurring to other species, such as wildebeest in East Africa, is increasing. Losses of habitat and the disruption of predator–prey relationships and migratory behaviour will continue to reduce the total number of wildlife in African countries. A major task that must be faced by the East African tourist industry is the justification of national parks as a means of meeting the needs of the local community, as well as tourists and nature lovers. A major challenge is to provide land, food and work for a growing population while preserving the wildlife heritage and growing the tourist industry. There are no easy answers and undoubtedly difficult trade-offs. Policies of outright protection of parks have served well enough to date but, given the pressures on the land and wildlife of Africa, such policies may not be in accord with the legitimate needs of the people of the region. Any strategy which threatens the existence of the parks is not acceptable, but if the lives of local residents are in jeopardy because of the inadequate supply of land and food, then policies of strict protection seem equally deplorable. Widespread opposition by the Masai of Kenya and a realization of the problems facing their success as pastoralists led to several policy modifications or compromises in the Kenya Wildlife Park Policy of 1977 (Lindsay 1987). These included the following and are now evident in Ngorongoro, Amboseli and Masai Mara game areas: 1. Creation of faunal reserves (not national parks) where the grazing and watering of cattle is permitted on a temporary basis; 2. Creation of park peripheries where wildlife has zones of absolute protection and a dispersion zone shared with cattle during and after the wet season;

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3. Permission for Masai pastoralists to water their cattle within specific areas of the park at specific times during the dry season. As the Masai do not hunt, both wildlife and pastoralists are coexisting. These compromises represent a positive step towards the establishment of a balance satisfying the needs of the tourists, wildlife and local residents, but similar approaches are not widespread in African. Wildlife conservation does have opportunity costs so the net potential revenues from agriculture should be compared to the net returns from tourism and conservation activities (Norton-Griffiths and Southey 1995: 120). Up to now, the burden of such costs has rested with host destinations that are in many cases part of underdeveloped economies. As the demands for wildlife conservation grow, so too will the costs but it is doubtful that the necessary cost recoveries can be achieved directly from tourist activities. This will mean deficits that will need to be managed. It will be critical that a dilution of local conservation policies is not the result of such financial shortages. Rather, international cooperation that will fund the design and implementation of sustainable wildlife and tourism partnerships will be required.

Tourism and geology Information on the effects of tourism on geology is very scarce. There has been occasional mention of the impact of collectors of minerals, rocks and fossils, and in some areas the stripping of caves of their natural formations has become a serious problem. The extraction of unique rock formations by the professional suppliers of souvenirs, and the wear and tear from large numbers of tourists have both occurred. Vandalism has also been reported in some of the more popular cave sites. The defacement of rock faces by the carving or painting of initials, names and inscriptions leaves unsightly scars but is not usually a major ecological problem. If the inscriptions are old or artistic, they may even be valued. Mountaineers may alter the character of rock faces as a part of their activity. Watson (1967) pointed out that mountaineers are a relatively small group and seem to have little impact on rock faces other than minor abrasions. However, the repeated cutting of footholds can change the character of popular climbs and can detract from the recreational experience of other climbers. Damage has also occurred to the Australian attractions of Ayers Rock (Ovington, Groves, Stevens and Tanton 1972) and the Great Barrier Reef, and to the coral atolls of the Pacific. One can conclude from the limited number of investigations that impacts on geology are restricted to special environments and are largely concerned with the destruction of unique features. Some of these impacts are discussed in the next sections of this chapter. These impacts however are unlikely to be a major problem in most tourist areas. 186

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Impacts of tourism on ecosystems

IMPACTS OF TOURISM ON ECOSYSTEMS An alternative way of examining the consequences of tourism on the environment by a consideration of environmental components is to focus attention upon distinctive ecosystems. This approach was adopted early by Satchell and Marren (1976) in their examination of the impacts of outdoor recreation and more recently in a number of tourism books (Bramwell 2004, Conlin and Baum 1995, Garrod and Wilson 2003, Godde, Price and Zimmermann 2000, Kay and Alder 1999, Weaver 2001d, Wong 1993a), and a growing number of publications on nature-based tourism or ecotourism (Buckley 2004, Cater and Lowman 1994, Fennell 1999, Wearing and Neil 1999, Weaver 1998, 2001b, d). The ecological composition and functional relationships of ecosystems are central to the understanding of how they form tourist resources, and the nature of tourist impacts that affect them. This is a very complex area of study and is not examined in detail here but a useful introduction can be found in Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002: 24–8). A large range of environments are used for recreation and tourism and, in many cases, they are protected or sensitive areas. They are often more attractive to tourists and thus more vulnerable to environmental stress than areas that are less complex environmentally. The impacts of tourism on a number of these distinctive, more highly valued ecosystems, will be reviewed here, although in previous sections individual components of specific ecosystems have already been highlighted (e.g.: wildlife, vegetation).

Coastlines In many western countries, particularly in Southern Europe, coastlines have received the full force of recreational pressures. In addition to tourism, coasts are also the sites for other activities such as ports, power-generation plants and refineries. Thus tourism adds to environmental stresses which are already imposed upon fragile coastal resources. The concept of coastal tourism embraces the entire spectrum of leisure and recreational activities that take place in the coastal zone and off-shore coastal waters. In addition to the recreational and tourist activities, it also includes coastal tourist developments and supporting infrastructures. The concept also encompasses marine tourism covering both off-shore and shore-based activities such as whale watching, reef viewing, snorkelling, scuba diving and boating. The ecological impact of coastal tourism is a complex problem because of its range of beneficial and detrimental effects. In order to make a region more attractive to tourists, measures are sometimes taken to drain swamps and mudflats as well as to protect the flora and fauna (Tangi 1977: 338). However, drainage is incompatible with the preservation of many species. Detrimental effects include the elimination of some plant and animal habitats, the obliteration of geological features by excavation, water pollution, 187

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erosion of salt flats, restricted movement of tidal waters, and a diminution in the aesthetic qualities of scenery. Jackson (1973: 64), Goldsmith (1974: 48) and Crittendon (1975: 10) all provided early claims, for example, that disposal of wastes in the waters of many resort beaches has reduced the bathing and boating potential of those areas. Land-based pollutants flowing down rivers, along with illegal dumping of waste from cruise ships, accidental oil spills and underground water pollution from infrastructural development are all contributing to this growing issue. The most explicit inventories of the effects of tourism on coastal ecology have been offered by Boote (1967: 131–7), Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002), Kay and Alder (1999), Wong (1993b) and Bramwell (2004). They listed possible impacts according to the geological composition, relief of the coastline and types of tourism activity. For example, the sand and shingle dune type of coastal environment is particularly attractive for such activities as sightseeing (on foot and by vehicle), golf course development, fixed accommodation, caravan and camping sites, and bathing. The effects arising from sightseeing alone include the destruction of habitats, erosion of dunes and interference with the breeding of wildlife. Accommodations and camping sites have potential effects, particularly if cluttered in an unplanned fashion. These include problems with litter, sewage disposal, fires and erosion. In salt marshes and mud flats, the tipping of rubbish, land reclamation and the building of marinas alter water levels and nutrient concentrations, and disturb flora and fauna. One of the most significant issues in coastal tourism is the access to and use of beaches and coastal dune systems (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). Disturbances to the natural cycling of sand from vegetation removal, track and road access development and recreational vehicle use (cars, motorcycles and beach buggies) can alter the shape and position of the beachfront, cause erosion and transportation of sand to inland areas, and eliminate wildlife habitats. The development of linear patterned coastal infrastructures (such as villas and hotels) has also accelerated coastal erosion and shoreline recession (Mitchell, Knight and Wall 1997). Disruption to beach environments can also have negative impacts on wildlife relying on the dunes for feeding and breeding. Poland, Hall and Smith’s (1996) study of egg-laying turtles in Greece, concludes that continued sand erosion has significantly reduced their breeding habitat and is now threatening their population numbers. Similar disruptions to beach environments and to turtle nesting areas are also reducing reproduction success rates in Costa Rica, North Africa and the Mediterranean. Demand for access to natural resources in coastal mass tourism is especially evident in the Costa del Sol in Spain and along the coasts of Southern France. Shorefront infrastructural developments, including high-rise hotels and condominiums, have been a major factor in the progressive erosion of sand areas in these locales. The construction of often unsightly seawalls and breakwaters to mitigate these effects has come with mixed success and in some cases actually exacerbated 188

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erosion (Garcia, Pollard and Rodriguez 2004, Miossec 1993). Much of the environmental stress on the physical resources of the Spanish coast can be traced to the spiralling demands for water and aggregates (McDowell, Carter and Pollard 1993). In this low rainfall environment, as demands for water from tourist facilities, agriculture and urban centres grow, coastal stream discharge has been greatly reduced and this has accelerated coastal erosion processes and sea water intrusion into inland areas (Halpenny 2001). Another component of the coastal environment affected by tourism is the clearing and dredging of estuaries and mangroves for marinas and resorts. These are significant nursery areas for wildlife, and dredging or infilling will directly impact associated populations and alter the entire estuarine food chain. The above examples are only a limited sample of the diverse environmental effects that are currently occurring in coastal areas fostering tourist developments. Environmental degradation on coastal ecosystems from natural and human pressures is certain to intensify, particularly in zones of tourism concentration. It has also been apparent that the coastal environment and its geomorphology has not been fully understood, or taken into consideration, or is often underestimated by developers and promoters of coastal tourism. Coastal planning and management are advanced in many of these, although in many instances these practices have emerged too late in the tourism development process to ensure the sustainability of the natural resources as a tourist attraction. Attention must be devoted to environmental health and the purification of waste water, to the prevention of development on unstable areas such as dunes and eroding cliffs, to the protection of wildlife habitats and to the regulation of aesthetically unpleasing architecture.

Oceanic islands and marine ecosystems Many of the environmental issues facing coastal, marine and island tourism resources are discussed in a growing body of literature on marine tourism and ecotourism (Cater and Cater 2001, Garrod and Wilson 2003, Orams 1999, Wong 1993b) and more specifically on the effects of tourism on small islands (Lockhart and Drakakis-Smith 1997, Morey, Bover and Casas 1992, Price, Roberts and Hawkins 1998, Wilkinson 1989). Ecologists have pointed out for some time now that the important biological richness and complexity of many tropical islands, because of the combined presence of rain forest, mangroves and coral reefs and the interrelated network of food webs, are very sensitive to mass tourism (Sinha and Bushell 2002). The components of marine ecosystems affected by tourism that are most discussed by researchers are coral reefs and cetaceans, specifically whales and dolphins. The latter has already been examined earlier in this chapter in the section on wildlife. Coral reef ecosystems as tourism resources may be in the form of large off-shore barrier reefs, coastal fringing reefs or fringing island reefs known as atolls. Coral reefs and atolls are biologically rich, offering much 189

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of the world’s marine biodiversity but are also highly susceptible to excessive exposure to tourism activity (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002: 58). Coral reefs are highly susceptible to stress and damage when there are high sediment accumulations, high nutrient levels affecting the efficiency of the photosynthetic process, high water temperatures and inputs of freshwater affecting the salinity conditions ideal for coral growth. Researchers on the Great Barrier Reef (Liddle and Kay 1987, Woodland and Hooper 1976), the Maldives (Allison 1996, Domroes 1993, Price, Roberts and Hawkins 1998) and the Red Sea (Hawkins and Roberts 1994) identified siltation, eutrophication and physical damage from trampling as being the most common environmental concerns associated with tourist development on coral ecosystems. Siltation is caused largely by excessive run-off from land areas where vegetation has been cleared for tourist facilities. Eutrophic conditions are brought about by the addition of nutrients to the ecosystem from pollutants from sewage disposal from urban and resort development, and oil leakages from recreational motor boats and cruise ships. Excessive nutrient accumulation promotes algal growth than can smother the coral, preventing its regeneration and ultimately causing its death. Algal eutrophication in many parts of the Adriatic Sea has intensified to the point that this reality and the negative publicity surrounding its effects on the attractiveness of the area’s beaches have caused significant declines in tourist traffic to the resort area of Rimini (Becheri 1991: 229). Direct impacts of coral damage from trampling in shallow waters and in main snorkelling and scuba diving pathways, and from coral souvenir collectors are significant in many coral reef ecosystems. Collectively these ecological effects can kill coral habitats and, in turn, the food supply for other animal and fish communities. This process, if unchecked, will ultimately change the ecological structure and diversity of the reefs permanently.

Mountains Mountains and upland areas have been besieged by people for the purposes of agriculture, forestry, reservoir development and, more recently, tourism and recreation. Mountains have attracted tourists for several centuries and they have also been the location of a large proportion of national and other park developments. With the emergence of mountain and upland recreational activities, such as skiing, climbing, hiking, mountain biking, horseback riding and some forms of hunting, these environments are being more intensively used. Previously remote and inaccessible areas are now being opened to the influence of tourism, exposing their environments to new and growing pressures. The formal recognition by the international community of the importance of sustaining mountain environments and other fragile ecosystems was confirmed in the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). Chapter 13 of the conference agenda stressed the importance of mountains and 190

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mountain resources and of developing a better understanding about the ecology and sustainable development of such resources (Godde, Price and Zimmerman 2000: 2). Since this conference, mountains and mountain tourism have featured prominently on global agendas of governments, researchers, environmental interest groups and tourist organizations. This has led to the creation of a growing body of literature dedicated to the subject (Debarbieux 1995, East, Luger and Inmann 1998, Godde, Price and Zimmerman 2000) and recognition by the United Nations when it declared 2002 the International Year of Mountains and the International Year of Ecotourism. Mountains are focal points of global biodiversity with a vertical layering of life zones all with highly variable biophysical characteristics influenced by changes in altitude, aspect and dramatic climatic variations. This has produced a series of rich and diverse reservoirs of species and micro-environments. In addition to the abundance of environmental resources, mountains also are the homes of distinctive populations. Many of these communities have remained isolated within the mountains and, as a result, have maintained many of their ethnic and cultural traditions. The effects of tourism on these communities are considered in the next chapter. With regard to the physical environment, the range of tourist impacts will vary significantly in relation to the scale of development and the influences brought about by other human activities such as mining, agriculture and forestry. Mountain trekking and mountain biking have impacts on vegetation, reduce or destroy zones for wildlife habitat, accelerate soil erosion and create pollutants in downstream water supplies from indiscriminate waste disposal. Roadways and deforestation alter drainage patterns and run-off from them can pollute streams. If they are built in previously inaccessible valleys, they may prevent some animals from migrating and wintering there. Ricciuti (1976: 32) and Nepal (2000) reported that this is now occurring in several areas of the Himalayas. They also noted that erosion and landslides have resulted. Even the most remote mountains are not free from such impacts. Socher (1976: 388) recorded that in 1962 Nepal received just over 6,000 tourists. By 2000, this figure had risen to over 100,000 and with this growth came a host of environmental effects. Trails of litter now line most of the mountaineering, tramping and trekking routes, and are especially concentrated around the campsites, lodges and mountain base camps. Inadequately covered toilet pits and scattered toilet paper around campsites, piles of non-biodegradable rubbish and makeshift toilets pollute streams and rivers and have become serious issues in Nepal (MacLellan, Dieke and Thapa 2000). The effects are compounded as successive groups of tourists use the same sites repeatedly. The above authors have also reported increases in the number and scale of landslides and rock falls in the Himalayas. In the high-energy environments of mountains, where slopes are steep and climates are often extreme, the ability to withstand use is likely to be low and environmental disruptions may take centuries to disappear (Willard and Marr 1970, 1971). 191

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Mountain recreational activities (winter and summer) such as cross-country skiing, fishing, camping and horseback riding have impacts but they are usually localized, site-specific and far less intrusive than those created by larger scale tourist developments. Many of these localized effects have been discussed in other sections of this chapter on vegetation, soil and water quality, and also have been documented by Price (1985), Cole (2004) and Monz (2000). Large tourism projects in mountain areas, such as ski resorts, threaten greater and more far-reaching environmental impacts. The precise type of impact and its ecological significance will vary by location, with the ecological characteristics of the ecosystem and according to the construction and operational phases of the development process (Buckley, Pickering and Warnken 2000). Large developments, often occurring in national parks, should and often do require the preparation of an EIA identifying the broad range of potential impacts and the managerial measures designed to minimize them. Many EIAs concentrate upon the construction phase and a summary of the environmental indicators and impacts for mountain resorts are presented in Table 5.1. These lists are comprehensive for initial assessments but impacts are ongoing, cumulative and may lead to a range of new ones, resulting in the need to assess impacts on an ongoing basis, even during the stages of resort operation and expansion (McNeeley and Thorsell 1989). Mountains are both highly attractive and ecologically valuable but of low resilience to the impacts of mass tourism. Experience has shown that environmental degradation caused by tourism could well be an obstacle to sustainable mountain development. This predicament has been summarized by Moss and Godde (2000: 336): There is one reasonable certainty in the foreseeable future: if we fail to develop tourism that sustains the environmental and cultural attributes of mountains, we will be adding to the potential of their degradation, perhaps critically and with this, the likely demise or severe curtailment of mountain tourism and the potential benefits it can bring to the mountains of the world.

The above plea for balance advocated by Moss and Godde (2000) is equally true for other ecologically vulnerable ecosystems that are being visited by a growing number of tourists. The next two sections will discuss the common situations of two seemingly disparate systems: polar environments and tropical rainforests.

Polar ecosystems The Arctic and Antarctic regions are being marketed for tourism as being the ‘last of the wilderness frontiers’ or areas of ‘unspoiled nature’. As tourism to these areas grows, the notion of wilderness becomes increasingly diluted and the prospects of environmental degradation increasingly real. These concerns have been well documented (special issue of Annals of Tourism Research 1994, Forbes, Monz and 192

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Table 5.1 A summary of impact indicators associated with construction of mountain resorts from Australian environmental impact statements Type of impact Soil compaction Topsoil disturbance Soil erosion Risk of mudslides and avalanches Slope-wash and sediment run-off Changed surface drainage Groundwater depletion Changed subsurface flows Rapid thaw on roads, buildings, etc. Increased stream turbidity Increased spring flooding Contaminated run-off to streams nutrients in slope-wash fertilizer from vegetation oil wash from roads, etc. Airborne dust Construction noise Vegetation clearance Loss of vegetation types or plant communities (e.g. through changed groundwater) Smaller populations of particular plant species Introduction of weeds in re-vegetation mulches, etc. colonizing bare areas Non-local native plants Plant pathogens Barriers to animal movement Noise disturbance to animals Reduced animal habitat Increased habitat fragmentation Reduced animal reproduction and breeding Reduced tree cover Increased open areas Increased grassed areas Increased predation risk Source: After Buckley, Pickering and Warnken 2000: 32

Tolvanen 2004, Hall 1992c, Hall and Johnston 1995, Kaltenborn 2000, Smith, V. 1994, Stonehouse 2001). As with other fragile ecosystems, it is their unique and sensitive ecological characteristics that form much of their attractiveness to tourists. These attributes include wildlife, vegetation, solitude, pristine wilderness environments, and unique and spectacular polar landscapes. Some authors claim that as our knowledge of polar ecosystems increases, it is becoming apparent that they are less fragile and more resilient than originally proposed (Stonehouse 2001: 229). 193

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The changes and disturbances induced by tourism may be regenerated by natural means but the recovery process in both high latitudes and altitudes is usually very slow (Splettstoesser and Folks 1994). The ecological characteristics of the Arctic and Antarctic environments are dramatically different and, therefore, conducive to different types of tourist activity and susceptible to different types of impact. As a result of its remoteness and its lack of land to support wildlife and vegetation, the Antarctic has few indigenous birds or mammals and virtually no summer growth of vegetation. The peripheral waters around the continent are, however, abundant with wildlife. Tourist visitation to these areas is limited to cruise ship activity and adventure boat excursions. Tourist interaction with wildlife species is sparse and the impacts insignificant. In contrast, Arctic or sub-Arctic environments support a wider range of richer wildlife and tundra vegetation species and, correspondingly, a wider range of tourist activities. Not surprisingly, therefore, much more research on tourism’s effects on Arctic sub-systems exists with case studies having been undertaken in Canada, Alaska, Greenland, Scandinavia and Russia. Current research findings from these studies can be summarized as follows (Forbes, Monz and Tolvanen 2004): 1. Mechanical disturbances of soils and the erosion of thin, layered, top-soils by trekking, tourism site and airport road access, and campsite development and use; 2. Disturbance to wildlife habitats reducing feeding territories, interrupting breeding habits, particularly bird nesting, and interruptions to seasonal migration patterns of caribou and other animals. The latter, in turn, has negatively affected the herding and hunting patterns of local people; 3. Destruction to indigenous vegetation species, the introduction and propagation of foreign plants, reductions in vegetation cover (particularly lichens), the prolific growth of more resistant species such as mosses and vascular plants and, ultimately, reduction in the diversity of the plant population. Ongoing monitoring of the effects of tourism on the above-mentioned ecological components will be a critical component in longitudinal research and the findings of such studies should be an integral part of the design and management of polar tourism.

Tropical rainforests Natural forest biomes are popular tourism attractions. The impacts of tourism on forest ecosystems have, however, only received recent attention from researchers and have been mainly directed at tropical rainforests. A rise in the number of expensive package group tours to the rainforests of Costa Rica, Brazil, Belize and Honduras have caused some authors to warn of future ecological conflicts between 194

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rainforest survival and tourism development (Thomlinson and Getz 1996, Wallace and Pierce 1996). This forecast coincides with the more general debate on the accelerated destruction of the world’s rainforests and the measures required to preserve what remains. Unfortunately, a great deal of this literature ignores tourism as either a means of creating negative impacts or as a possible force in preservation (Frost 2001: 203). Environmental consequences of tourism for rainforests documented in a small number of studies are as follows: 1. Disturbance and behavioural changes of rainforest primates and other species. Studies reveal changes to feeding, breeding and foraging and are consistent with those covered in a previous section on wildlife. Studies have been undertaken of tigers and the Sumatran rhinoceros in Asia (Griffiths and Van Schaech 1993), the indri in Madagascar (Stephenson 1993), the howler monkeys of Belize (Marron 1999) and the crested black macaque of Indonesia (Kinnaird and O’Brien 1996). In all cases, a continued exposure of these species to tourists in their current, often uncontrolled, forms will undoubtedly result in changes to the size and composition of the populations. 2. Small animal habitats have been destroyed by constructed pathways and offpath tourist activity. 3. Soil erosion and compaction and the trampling of native vegetation have favoured the introduction of herbs, weeds and rats. 4. The infiltration of foreign species has altered the structure and composition of the native vegetation. Also, in some instances they have become the preferred diet for forest animals and birds, and in others an important supplier of nutrients to other plants and soils. Rainforests are seen as lush, mysterious and elusive by tourists. They are also complex and rich in vegetation and wildlife biodiversity. There are many such environments yet untouched by tourism. By engaging future tourists through concerted education and environmental interpretation efforts, tourism may be able to play an important role in rainforest preservation.

IMPACTS OF TOURISM ON BUILT ENVIRONMENTS So far, it has been assumed that the principal resources of tourism are predominantly natural attractions and that risk to the environment is created primarily by excessive numbers of tourists using these resources. Natural attractions, by themselves, are insufficient to satisfy the tourist for they must be complemented by other tourist facilities and a supporting infrastructure. One of the most obvious environmental effects of tourism is the development of these facilities and infrastructure that, in some instances such as in urban centres, also serve as the main tourist attraction. They can be observed in three major types of tourist development: 195

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1. The growth and change in tourist resorts; 2. Hotel and attraction development of urban centres; 3. Second home developments and rural or peripheral tourism developments. These three types of tourist development are discussed below and the consequences of these expanding forms of tourism are examined.

Tourist resorts Growth and change in tourist resorts

Tourist resorts are not new landscape features. Peters (1969: 157) wrote that ‘for generations spas, winter sports centres and coastal resorts have existed, developed around a few outstanding natural features and aimed at specialized markets’. Resorts were developed essentially to cater to the needs and desires of tourists. Resorts often developed from existing villages and towns, either changing the structure and spatial organization of the town itself, or growing in its immediate vicinity. Their locations were determined largely by accessibility. Limitations on travel restricted visitors to attractions that included, or were in close proximity to, accommodation and dining facilities. By the end of the nineteenth century, four major types of resort had emerged, mostly in Europe (Lawson and Baud-Bovy 1977: 63). These were: 1. Spas for health and entertainment, e.g. Baden-Baden, Bath and Buxton; 2. Climatic resorts which existed for the treatment of tuberculosis and other diseases, e.g. Leysin and Menton; 3. Alpine resorts, e.g. Chamonix and Zermatt; 4. Seaside resorts for health cures and recreation, e.g. Bordighera, Brighton and Deauville. Krippendorf (1987) described resorts as therapy zones for the masses, referring to the ‘sun–sea’ therapy of coastal resorts and the ‘snow–ski’ therapy of mountain resorts. He suggested that resort-based tourism typifies many of the characteristics of modern life. In recent years, many traditional resorts have suffered from declining patronage. This has resulted from changes in fashion, market structure and competitive forces, travel motivations, in tourists’ choices of accommodation and recreation and, often, the inability of resorts to supply the range of products demanded by the post modern tourist. The growth of new resorts offering highly desirable and relatively reliable climates, new and exciting surroundings, and modern facilities, has also been responsible for the declining appeal of many older resorts. Urry (1990) suggested that the original popularity of resorts lay in the creation of ‘extraordinary’ leisure landscapes that were at some distance from the tourists’ workplaces. Today, these boundaries have become blurred and the places where 196

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people live and work often offer equally exciting leisure experiences. Nevertheless, many older resorts have survived the effects of change and competition by introducing new attractions and planned rejuvenation initiatives. This has been achieved through the rehabilitation of existing attractions, deciding on new uses for existing attractions, creating new attractions and facilities, a reorientation towards new customers and new distribution channels, collectively called destination repositioning strategies. The rejuvenation of declining resorts has received specific attention in the literature, mostly case studies (Agarwal 1994, Cooper 1994, Debbage 1990, Getz 1992b, Stansfield 1978, Weg 1982). The introduction of casinos has been a common response (see Stansfield 1978 and Sternlieb and Hughes 1983 for a discussion of Atlantic City). Other destinations have tried to develop and capitalize on unused natural resources, such as winter sports to extend the tourist season, to develop new products or to attract new customers and to develop new markets. The rise and fall of tourist resorts has led researchers to develop and apply the product life-cycle concept to tourist destinations and resorts. This is now one of the most discussed paradigms in the tourist literature (King 1994a). Early evolutionary models of tourist development were proposed by Christaller (1963), Plog (1974), Stansfield (1978), Miossec (discussed by Pearce 1989) and Pigram (1977). Such models were not presented as forecasting tools as is sometimes claimed but as descriptive frameworks of the development process, highlighting the nature and dynamics of evolution in the tourist industry and the way it changed tourist destinations. In the context of this book, the way that tourist destinations develop is an integral part of assessing the impacts of tourism and their causes. The pioneering model that has attracted the most attention, discussion and has been widely tested, is that proposed by Butler (1980). Butler’s model was a fundamental turning point in research conducted on resort cycles and its application to impact assessment. He based his cyclical model on the product life cycle, tracing the evolution of the tourist market as manifested in the changing physical facilities and infrastructures at the destination. He suggested that resorts go through an evolutionary sequence, passing through stages of exploration, involvement, development, consolidation, stagnation and either decline or rejuvenation. The exploration stage is characterized by small numbers of tourists who make individual travel arrangements and follow irregular visitation patterns. At this stage there are no specific facilities provided for visitors and the physical fabric and social milieu of the area are unchanged by tourism. As numbers of visitors increase and assume some regularity, some local residents enter the involvement stage and begin to provide facilities primarily, or even exclusively, for visitors. The development stage reflects a well-defined tourist market area shaped in part by directed marketing efforts. Some locally provided facilities disappear, being superseded by larger, more elaborate, and more up-to-date facilities, particularly 197

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accommodation. Greater control of the tourist trade is now taken over by outsiders and the number of tourists during peak periods outnumbers locals. Changes in the physical appearance of the area are noticeable. At the consolidation stage, major franchises and chains in the tourist industry will be represented but few, if any, additions will be made. Resort cities now have well-defined recreational business districts and old facilities may now be regarded as second-rate and far from desirable. As the area enters the stagnation phase, the peak number of visitors will have been reached. Natural and genuine cultural attractions will probably have been superseded by artificial ones. Capacity levels will have been exceeded, with attendant environmental, social and economic problems. The area will have a wellestablished image but it will no longer be in fashion. In the decline stage, the area will not be able to compete with newer attractions and so will face a declining market. Property turnover will be high and tourist facilities may be replaced by other structures as the area moves out of tourism. Hotels may become condominiums, convalescent or retirement homes, or conventional apartments, since the attractions of many tourism areas make them equally attractive for permanent settlement, particularly for the elderly. On the other hand, rejuvenation may occur, although it is unlikely that this will take place without a complete change in the attractions on which tourism is based and with new markets identified. Comprehensive reviews of the model have been made by Cooper (1994) and the model has been applied and tested in a range of situations and in many destinations, including: Bahamas (Debbage 1990), Grand Cayman (Weaver 1990), Niagara Falls (Getz 1992b), Atlantic City (Stansfield 1978), Smokey Mountain Region, North Carolina (Tooman 1997), the Isle of Man (Cooper and Jackson 1989), Caribbean islands (Wilkinson 1987) and Minorca, Spain (Williams 1993). The model has also been applied in other aspects of tourist development: second homes (Strapp 1988) and entrepreneurship (Din 1992). The empirical studies that have attempted to determine the applicability of the model do suggest a lack of consensus and have, in part and not surprisingly, subjected the model to some criticism and calls for modification (Agarwal 1994, Bianchi 1994, Choy 1992, Haywood 1986, 1998, Hovinen 1981, 1982, 2002). However, as Butler (1997, 2000) has retorted and Lundtorp and Wanhill (2001) acknowledge, the model remains a conceptual framework accounting for a diverse range of factors which influence the patterns of tourist development. Such development takes place in widely different settings and environments, each with their own respective social, environmental, economic and political characteristics. In the context of this book, it is important to appreciate the process of tourist development as described in the model, and the ability, or inability, of resorts to sustain critical levels of use (sometimes called carrying capacities) and the management of development in order that such are not exceeded. Each of the stages of the model will yield different economic, social and environmental consequences. The latter is discussed in more detail in the next part of this chapter. 198

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The classification of resorts

The term ‘resort’ has numerous meanings (King 1994a: 166) with different emphases in the definitions commonly used in the United Kingdom and North America. In the former it commonly refers to a whole community, such as a seaside resort, whereas in the latter it is often used in reference to a single establishment, albeit one with many facilities. Robinson’s (1976: 168) early classification of resorts was based on the character of their development. He recognized two major categories: 1. Centres which have developed exclusively as tourist resorts either by adding artificial attractions and infrastructure to pre-existing natural attractions, or by developing tourist infrastructure in the absence of striking natural resources. Blackpool, Monte Carlo and Niagara Falls are examples of such resorts. 2. Towns which have developed a tourist industry as an incidental part of their normal functions. Stratford-on-Avon, Stratford (Ontario) and most capital cities are examples of such places. The term ‘resort’ now commonly refers to the place where people go for vacations or recreation and may be described more specifically as health, inland, coastal, mountain or ski resorts or on the basis of their geographical characteristics. It may also refer to a specific hotel or establishment which provides substantial entertainment and recreational facilities (Medlik 1994, Wall 1996a). A third resort type could be added to Robinson’s classification, although some might regard it as a specialized case of the first category. This is the recently developed, planned and fully integrated resort. The concept of integrated resorts has also received considerable attention from researchers from definitional, economic, policy, planning and marketing perspectives (Inskeep and Kallenberger 1992, Mathieson 2003, Medlik 1994, Pearce 1989, Smith, R.A. 1992, Wall 1996a). According to Helber (1995), integrated resorts were first pioneered in Hawaii in the 1950s where planned developments were designed and marketed exclusively for tourists. S’Agaró on the Spanish Costa Brava was one of the earliest examples of this type of planned development, although it has since been joined by a host of developments in Mexico, the Caribbean, South-east Asia and the Mediterranean. This process was in sharp contrast to the unplanned resort developments common to many other coastal locations. These developments varied in size from one hotel establishment to several but commonly are all selfcontained in terms of providing tourists with a complete range of tourist facilities and services. It can be argued that they are not entirely self-contained as tourists come from, will use and depend upon resources and facilities outside of the resort (airports, water and food supplies). That being said, they now represent a significant proportion of destination products and they will generate their own specific impacts from social, economic and environmental perspectives (Mathieson 2003). 199

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The morphology of resorts

Resort development, by making an attraction suitable and more amenable for tourist consumption, typically transforms the natural environment. The concentration of tourist facilities and services is a clear example of an environmental transformation (Cohen 1972: 170). In the development of resorts, tourism has an urbanizing effect (Cohen 1978: 226). Resorts acquire a distinctive identity and unique morphology through the concentration of specialist facilities. This was observed by Jones (1933: 374) for Banff as early as 1933. The topic has received sporadic attention since that time. Early studies concentrated upon seaside resorts and, to a lesser extent, spas. In this respect, the early works of Gilbert (1939, 1949, 1954) and Barrett (1958) were especially noteworthy. Stansfield (1978) considered the growth of Atlantic City and both he (1972) and Demars (1979) have drawn comparisons between the European and American experiences. Pigram (1977) undertook a similar study in Australia and Pearce (1979) attempted to develop a model of tourist space, drawing upon Japanese and French precedents. Stansfield and Rickert (1970: 215), on the basis of an examination of Niagara Falls, Ontario, and coastal resorts in the United States, developed the concept of the recreational business district. Other studies by Lavery (1971), Robinson (1976) and Lawson and BaudBovy (1977) have discussed the forms and functions of resorts in a more general fashion. The latter authors extended their discussions beyond coastal resorts and drew comparisons between the forms and functions of resorts of different types. The relationships between transportation developments and resort morphology have also received attention (Stansfield 1971, Wall 1971, 1975). Thus, there is now a substantial, if widely scattered, literature on resort morphologies but, even so, the topic has not attracted attention to the same extent as that of other urban centres with different economic structures. Tourist development usually begins around a core and expands outwards from that centre. In coastal resorts, the core area of major shops, dining and entertainment facilities, large hotels and businesses is located in close proximity or adjacent to the main zone of frontal amenities. As the resorts grew, a concentric pattern of architectural and social stratification developed. Hotels occupied prime locations around core facilities, while boarding-houses and bed-and-breakfast accommodation located less centrally. Barrett (1958), on the basis of an investigation of eighty coastal resorts in England and Wales, found that the intensity of accommodation services decreased with increased distance from the core region (Figure 5.1). Railway development, which stimulated the growth of many European seaside resorts, created a characteristic ‘T-shape’ as a main street developed from the station to the linear shoreline promenade. Pearce (1978: 149) noted, somewhat similarly, that the older French resorts developed along the waterfront: ‘Typically this consists of a parallel association of the beach, a promenade, a road or highway and a final line of accommodation and commerce where the best hotels and most expensive shops and apartments are to be found along with the casino’. The 200

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Fig. 5.1 Theoretical accommodation zones in a coastal resort (Source: After Barrett 1958)

American coastal resort appears to differ slightly from the European in that the road runs behind the accommodation and does not separate it from the beach as it usually does in the European case. The core area is usually the oldest and most intensively developed section of the resort. It is also the area which has undergone the greatest transformation. Core areas of resorts which have experienced a long history differ markedly from those of recent origin. Patmore (1968), examining spas and seaside resorts in Britain, noted that they occasionally developed aesthetically pleasing core landscapes, a feature which is largely absent from resorts of modern vintage. The existence of tree-shaded avenues and promenades, for example, actually complemented the major attractions of the resort and, in many cases, became attractions in their own right. Although there are some differences across continents in the characteristics of resort morphologies, researchers such as Lavery (1971), Pigram (1977), Smith, R.A. (1991) and Pearce (1989) identified common features that have emerged in relation to the patterns of coastal resort growth and their visitation levels. These are: 1. Tourist-oriented land and building uses are consistently located adjacent to the main focus of visitor attractions; 2. The development of a spatial and functional separation of the Recreational Business District from the Central Business District; 3. The favoured tourist areas along the seafront have the greatest concentrations of visitors; 201

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4. The eventual migration of the zone of permanent local residences away from the beachfront area; 5. A gradual replacement of lower density tourist accommodation with highdensity, higher valued alternatives particularly in the zones adjacent to the beach or tourist facilities and services; 6. A growing fusion of one resort area with another in a linear pattern along the coastline and beach areas; 7. Transportation modes, networks and preferences, whether public (rail) or private (automobile) have had a profound influence on resort morphology over time. Resort landscapes often extend beyond the core areas. As the intensity of tourist development has increased and competition for resources has intensified, resorts have been forced to expand and new ones have been established on the fringes of existing resorts. The patterns of expansion take one of two major forms: 1. Radial expansion along transportation routes or in valleys or on inland waterways; 2. Linear developments, especially parallel to the coast. Many seaside resorts have expanded in a narrow strip along the coastline, developing distinctive accommodation zones in an unbroken succession along the seashore. This elongated pattern of expansion is typical of European coastal resorts and is now also evident in Hawaii and Queensland, Australia. The pattern of expansion of tourist resorts depends largely upon the nature of the surrounding topography, transportation networks, and the existence and enforcement of planning regulations and restrictions. Cohen (1978: 228) stated that, in the absence of such controls, much of the peripheral development of tourist resorts has been in areas with only secondary resource qualities and has led to the establishment of contrived attractions of unique appearance, such as discos, strip-tease bars and casinos. Mazes of neon signs and advertising displays are often the norm, creating an unmistakeable image of a leisure-oriented area. In other instances, local planning authorities have influenced the patterns of expansion by constructing transportation arteries to and from the resort centre. Pigram (1977) noted that in the Gold Coast in Queensland, Australia, in response to the continued pressure on the highly valued land adjacent to the Recreational Business District, permanent residences needed to be pushed further inland. To cater for this demand, residential land has been reclaimed from inland islands and swamps in the Nerang River estuary. In this example, the planned relocation of residential areas was achieved utilizing largely unusable land but, at the same time, it altered significantly the adjacent estuary ecosystem. In consequence, there have now been several examples of erosion, lowland flooding, waterway pollution and wildlife habitat destruction as the characteristics of the river have been gradually altered. 202

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Renewal and expansion of old resorts in Europe are a relatively recent trend which is not well documented in the literature. Pearce (1978: 151–2) illustrated this trend using the example of Biarritz, a well-established and widely known resort on the Atlantic coast of France. In this case, as with many other older coastal resorts, the beach-front sites are highly developed, making it essential not only to renew existing developments, but also to stimulate and concentrate further growth around another focal point of interest. These adjustments have also been the centre of many resorts’ repositioning and promotional initiatives. Both renewal and expansion developments are evident in Biarritz and also in the other French resort towns of Carnon and St Cyprien. Pearce (1987: 177), in his review of coastal resort development in France, stressed that discussion of morphology alone will only give a limited view of how beach resorts evolved. In terms of understanding the impacts of coastal resort development, he concluded that researchers need to understand the process of change, the factors influencing the impacts over time and that these be undertaken on a comparative and longitudinal basis. Environmental impacts of resort developments

The growth of resorts, with their distinctive morphologies developed solely for recreation and tourism, has been one of the most significant environmental transformations associated with tourism. However, the environmental impacts of recent resort developments have not received much detailed examination, although they have sometimes received discussion in the popular press. From the limited amount of research which has been undertaken, the following impacts are the most prominent effects: 1. Architectural pollution. There has often been a failure to integrate resort infrastructure with aesthetically pleasing characteristics of the natural environment. Large, dominating hotel buildings are often out of scale and clash with their surroundings. The failure to incorporate adequately environmental considerations into the architectural designs of hotels and dining and entertainment facilities can lead to consequences which are both aesthetically unpleasant and economically unprofitable. The high-rise development of hotels along highly demanded beach-front zones has shaded areas of the beach and created wind tunnels between them. Wimberly (1977: 26) stressed the economic benefits of architectural excellence when he wrote: ‘In the case of a hotel, the attractiveness of the physical structure is vital to the facility’s success. In a very real sense, design and ambience have a “dollar and cents value”. Every hotel requires thoughtful design but resort hotels – which exist only for the pleasure of their users – demand it.’ The mixing of old and new structures to achieve architectural compatibility is often neglected in resort expansion and the resort morphology frequently reflects a hectic, haphazard pace of expansion. Pearce (1978: 203

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152) referred to this as ‘architectural pollution’ and it is the inevitable result of the juxtaposition of buildings in widely different architectural styles. 2. Ribbon development and sprawl. Coastal resort development, particularly in the absence of planning regulations or restraints, has tended to sprawl along the coastline. This is a response to the need to take advantage of the beach as a primary resource, and because of the availability of less expensive land for building. Ribbon development has also occurred along valleys and scenic routes in inland areas. In many cases the development has been of low quality and is left unoccupied for most of the year. 3. Overloading of infrastructure. In many resorts, infrastructures are unable to cope with the intensity of tourist visitation at peak periods of the year. The result is supply failures, pollution and health hazards. 4. Segregation of local residents. The spatial separation of tourist areas from the rest of the resort, or the surrounding countryside, makes for social segregation. The mass tourist may be surrounded by, but not integrated with, the host society. Separation is clearly seen in cases where tourists enjoy special facilities which are unavailable to residents, or where residents go to areas other than the core for their recreation or to purchase goods. This situation may be aggravated by the line of high-rise hotels which may constitute a physical barrier, both visual and real, between the inner residential zones and the prime attractions of the core area. 5. Traffic congestion. This has emerged as one of the more serious consequences of resort development. In a poll conducted by the Swiss Tourism Federation in various Swiss holiday resorts, visitors actually rated ‘traffic chaos’ as the greatest problem facing resorts and the one requiring the most urgent solution. Many host population attitude studies, including the early one undertaken by Rothman (1978), revealed that residents often feel the same way. An extensive study by Schaer (1978) described the emergence of traffic problems in resorts and discussed possible remedial actions. He noted that the traffic problem takes three forms: (a) The mutual obstruction of different modes of traffic, particularly the conflict between pedestrians and motor cars; (b) Traffic overload and congestion at key points within resorts, especially at access points and in the main streets of the core area; (c) The discrepancy between the demand for and availability of parking space. Parking space is required by excursionists in close proximity to points of attraction, by tourists at hotels, shops and restaurants, and also by local inhabitants at their places of residence and work. The lack of unused space in resorts and the high cost of providing parking facilities have been major factors contributing to the imbalance between supply and demand. 204

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Integrated resort developments

In principle, the creation of integrated resorts with fully planned developments should ensure that the objectives of the developing authority, the local population and the tourists are adequately met. The ‘Disneyworld’ type of self-contained project, as well as being profitable, is aimed at easing the burden on existing infrastructure and localizing social effects (Burn 1975: 28). The developed ski resorts of Cervinia in Italy and Alpe-d’Huez in France, and the Spanish coastal resort of S’Agaró on the Costa Brava are three of the earlier better known and fully planned resorts. Integrated resorts form a significant component of the tourist product for many destinations. Mathieson (2003) noted that in Canadian Tour Operators product mix of winter sun holidays, over 70 per cent of the package options were centred on integrated resorts or, more specifically, ‘all-inclusive’ properties. The growth patterns and trends of integrated resort development have also been discussed by Wall (1996a), R.A. Smith (1992) and Chon and Singh (1995). A number of researchers, including Lawson and Baud-Bovy (1977: 65) were sceptical of their success in ameliorating many of the problems faced by other less planned resorts. They identified seven major shortcomings of many integrated developments: 1. The resorts have become overdeveloped, incurring similar problems of traffic congestion, high-rise and high-density buildings, noise and pollution, and high costs and inflation as less planned locations. 2. In taking advantage of prime locations, the resorts have emerged as dominant features in the landscape and have frequently modified and eroded the area’s natural resources particularly in the construction phases. 3. Speculative unplanned development still exists in both public and private projects. 4. Seasonality in use leaves many of the facilities vacant for a large proportion of the year. 5. There is little benefit to local inhabitants as most of the seasonal workers, food and other commodities are often imported. In fact, in many surrounding settlements that house workers, problems of congestion, solid waste disposal, ground water pollution and inadequate housing are prevalent. 6. The resort separates the tourist from the host population and, occasionally, local inhabitants are prohibited from using tourist facilities. 7. Short-term planning goals are dominant. Short-term economic benefits to developers have often outweighed long-term social and economic benefits for both the visitors and their hosts. In contrast, there are numerous examples of integrated resort development where the planning authorities and developers have attempted to avoid or mitigate the above-mentioned shortcomings. R.A. Smith (1992) evaluated planned and 205

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unplanned resort morphology and associated development processes in Bali. His suggested descriptive developmental model, plus those posed by researchers such as Butler (1980), are options for developers and planners to consider and test further. The many successes and failures now covered in the literature should be central to the testing of such models, and comparative and longitudinal analyses should be undertaken to better understand the processes that create the resort developments and their consequences that have been discussed. Remedial measures to ameliorate resort development problems

Many resorts are currently formulating and implementing regulations and remedial measures to overcome some of the detrimental environmental impacts produced by the rapid growth of tourism. Crittendon (1975: 8) mentioned examples in Hawaii, Jamaica and Spain. In Bali, for example, high-rise, western-style hotels will not receive planning approval in locations on the island which are in close proximity to unspoiled Balinese villages. Tunisia insists that new hotels conform to indigenous Moorish architectural styles. Adherence to local principles of architectural design and local construction materials is also required by planning authorities in other countries. The French hotels of La Grande Motte and the overlapping chalet development of Mont d’Arbois, and the Lobo Wildlife Lodge in Tanzania are examples of aesthetically pleasing hotel designs. They represent attempts to integrate structures into the attractive natural surroundings and still maintain high occupancy densities. Remedial measures to alleviate problems of traffic overloading have also been widely used. New resorts have adopted designs and policies which regulate the entry of cars in core areas and this has reduced traffic congestion, noise pollution, hazards and the high cost of road maintenance. Private vehicles are only permitted entry to load and unload passengers and luggage at accommodation points. Parking is limited to a car park or garage at the point of entry. The French ski resort of Avoriaz, and Mackinac Island on Lake Huron, are examples of new resorts which ban private, motorized transport from core areas. In Bermuda there are restrictions on the number of charter flights, size of motor cars and the number of cruise ships permitted in the harbour at any one time. Tourists visiting Hawaii’s Waikiki Beach find luxurious high-rise hotels and lavish meals. However, they also find crowded beaches, congested streets, water pollution and contrived images of indigenous Hawaiian life. Such situations have prompted many resorts to adopt similar remedial measures to those which have been described above. It is difficult to determine the success of the various measures aimed at alleviating environmental problems because of the scarcity of evaluative studies of planned tourist projects. The closing of streets to vehicles and the building of pedestrian precincts are small steps forward in controlling tourist development and in managing its environmental impacts. In spite of the many precautions and controls taken to impose restrictions on tourist development and to reduce 206

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environmental impacts, Cohen (1978: 230) felt that the pressures of mass tourism are so strong that it is doubtful if the efforts will be successful in the long run.

Infrastructural change in urban areas So far, this discussion has concentrated upon resort landscapes and their environmental consequences. Physical change induced by tourist development is also readily apparent in many urban areas (Hutchinson 1980, Wall and Sinnott 1980). Tourism has become an important activity in most of the world’s large cities. As part of the urbanization process, cities have become centres for a diverse range of social, cultural and economic activities which the resident population engages in and where tourism, leisure and entertainment form large service activities. Most tourist trips will contain some experience of an urban area whether it is as a gateway or transportation hub or a main destination. Within cities, leisure facilities, services and resources will be utilized by both tourists and local recreationists. No attempt here is made to distinguish between the two user groups: this has been done by Hall and Page (1999) and Law (2002). The emphasis here is more on the impact research undertaken on urban tourism. Given the magnitude of urban mass tourism, it is somewhat surprising that until recently this area of tourism analysis received little attention from researchers. Ashworth (1989: 33) concluded that those ‘interested in the study of tourism have tended to neglect the urban context in which much of it is set, while those interested in urban studies . . . have been equally neglectful of the importance of the tourist function of cities’. Since the seminal study by Ashworth, there have been a number of recent syntheses of urban tourism research with varying areas of focus: the key aspects of urban tourism behaviour and activities engaged by urban tourists (Page and Hall 2003), demand and supply relationships of urban tourism (Page 1995), impacts and planning (Page 1995, Law 2002), tourism and urban regeneration (Law 1996, Pearce, D.G. 1998), reviews of urban tourism research from conceptual and methodological perspective (Jansen-Verbeke 2001, Pearce, D.G. 2001, Pearce and Butler 1993) and the management and planning of urban tourism (Jansen-Verbeke 1997, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson 1998). This increased attention reflects, in part, the rapid growth of tourism in cities and the consequences it brings from increased visitation, particularly in historic, cultural and ethnic urban areas, and from the growing emphasis of urban planning mandates encouraging tourism as a strategic factor in urban revitalization (Grabler, Mazanec and Wöber 1996, Judd and Fainstein 1999, Pearce 2001). As noted, not all environments can withstand the influx of tourists and large urban centres are no exception. However, large cities, because of their size, can absorb large numbers of tourists without obvious repercussions. Nevertheless, like any other system, urban centres also have their capacities, and cities, like other tourist destinations, should determine those before committing to development, even if this limit seems 207

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to be a long way off when the immediate need is economic growth and job creation. Tourist development in large urban centres is often disguised, but some authors believe that capacities may have been exceeded in many European centres. Hall, P. (1970: 445) claimed that: ‘the age of mass tourism is the biggest single factor for change in the great capitals of Europe – and in many smaller historic cities too – in the last 30 years of this century’. Harrington (1971: 176) adopted a similar but more sceptical outlook on the effects of London’s unregulated tourist boom when he claimed it ‘threatened the quality of life in the city and indeed the tourist industry itself’. Capacity issues are discussed explicitly in the case studies of Singapore (Khan 1998), Venice (Glasson, Godfrey and Goodey 1995, Van der Borg 1999), London (Bull and Church 1996, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson 1998) and Cairo (Evans 1998). In London for example, many of the issues arising from uncontrolled visitation were recognized and highlighted as concerns in the city’s (Greater London Council – GLC) tourism policy back in the 1960s: land-use conflict between hotel development and local resident housing, the substitution of tourist employment for traditional jobs, seasonality, traffic congestion and the vulnerability of London’s economy to tourist fluctuations (Bull and Church 1996). Although hotels are technically residential properties, they displace people. Hotels in London are a profitable means of urban renewal but, unfortunately, they are invading areas with some of the highest residential densities in the city. The magnitude of residential conversion was illustrated by Plummer (1971: 32) when he estimated that, in one borough alone, in 1971, outstanding tourist projects would entail the loss of 1,000 residential beds. In addition, hotels have invaded areas formerly devoted to specialized trading functions. Covent Garden and some of the dock areas have been deserted by their original functions which have been transferred to other areas of the city. Hotel encroachment has also occurred in many areas that are particularly rich in tourist attractions. These include the corner pubs, bistros and lively entertainment spots of the West End. Furthermore, major clusters of hotels have displaced residential developments in conservation areas. Hotel development in such areas has resulted in a considerable loss of amenity to remaining residents through traffic congestion and obstruction, lack of parking space, and increased noise from late-night tourist activity. Hotel developments have been uniform in design, lacking in both architectural interest and aesthetic quality. Many of London’s new hotels are identical to those found in the major tourist resorts of Europe and the Caribbean, and would not look particularly out of place in these areas. The desertion of the waterfront and the displacement of high-density, low-cost, run-down housing are seen by some as an improvement. However, the undesirable social effects of residential displacement and employment losses have caused the desirability of these developments in London to be questioned. Hotels of good design, which are located in the right place, are an asset to the urban environment. They can aid in the rehabilitation of historic areas and 208

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rejuvenate decaying parts of the city. They can also stimulate the creation of subsidiary centres outside of the traditional city core (Young 1973: 113), although Hall (1970: 445) has pointed out that developers are often reluctant to build hotels in such places and planners appear to lack the insight and power to encourage tourism development in them. The development of urban hotels, too often, has denied other activities the use of land in key locations and has resulted in undesirable environmental and social consequences. The problems of hotel development and urban tourism have been widely recognized in the literature but solutions have been identified only infrequently (Ashworth 1989, Hall 1970, Hall and Page 1999, Harrington 1971, Young 1973). Venice is an exception: considerable research has been undertaken to find ways to address its visitor management challenges. Venice is located on a series of islands in a lagoon, and it is already susceptible to ground subsidence, a rising sea level, pollution of the lagoon, atmospheric pollution and deterioration of historic buildings. The massive influx of tourists to Venice is seen as being a partial cause and accelerant of many of these environmental problems (Glasson, Godfrey and Goodey 1995, Van der Borg 1998). Congested waterways, attractions and city centres, resident relocations and flooding have all been identified as capacity issues that if uncontrolled, will negatively affect the quality of the tourist experience and the environment of the city as a whole. The case study of Venice also illustrates the tendency for researchers to focus more on economic and social carrying capacities of cities than the complex environmental dimensions of tourist impacts. Clearly, visitor management strategies are key ingredients in managing the consequences of tourism in urban centres and these are now readily adopted by many cities. Implicit in the design and implementation of such strategies are the host of institutional and political relationships that surround them and these are frequently discussed in the literature on tourism. Visitor management strategies and initiatives will come from both national and local levels. Many urban centres in Europe are taking steps to manage, modify or in some cases deter or redirect tourist activities. Table 5.2 identifies a large number of such strategies that, according to Graefe and Vaske (1987), deal with problem conditions in urban centres, the causes of them, the impacts on the destination and the overall tourist experience. Many of the strategies listed here also have broader managerial appeal as they are also being used in heritage sites and rural tourist areas where tourism impacts are testing capacity thresholds. The above discussion, and the focus of much of the research, has been on the negative environmental impacts of tourism in cities and the various visitor strategies adopted to mitigate them. There are also a number of international examples where tourism has been used as a key component of urban regeneration and as a contributor to the urban centre’s marketing and re-imaging strategies. This process of regeneration is most visibly seen in waterfront and core urban areas (Dodson and Kilian 1998, Breen 1994, Law 1988). In Canada, there are several 209

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Table 5.2 Applications of visitor management techniques Visitor management technique

Applications for rural and urban tourism development

Regulating access – by area

– All visitors are prohibited from visiting highly sensitive sites – Different types and levels of use are regulated through zoning

Regulating access – by transport

– – – –

Regulating visitation – numbers and group size

– Regulations on total visitation per year, day or at any moment may be generated for a specific site – Group size restrictions have been implemented in some European cathedrals

Regulating visitation – type of visitor

– Some sites and attractions have a limit on visitation and the type of visitors – Some urban attractions target older high and middle income groups and actively discourage other segments using strict controls on all accommodation and services, keeping prices high and scrutinizing all marketing to maintain consistency

Regulating behaviour

– Zoning in some cities and towns allocates different types of use to specified areas – Restrictions on length of stay may be imposed – Tour operators may be required to operate under a detailed set of guidelines of conduct for visitors – Visitors must visit with a guide

Regulating equipment

– Vehicular access may be restricted – Loudspeakers may be restricted because of noise disturbance

Implementing entry or user fees

– Most heritage managers responsible for highly visited heritage sites now charge fees to access the site or use facilities at the site: influencing some visitors to choose whether to visit or find an alternative destination – Some heritage sites offer days during low season when residents are offered free entry – Cities may require tourism operators to pay for a permit or licence to access the heritage site, and operators must also collect entrance fees from each of their clients – A portion of user fees collected is returned to local stakeholders as a means of demonstrating the value of tourism

Modifying the site

– Some urban heritage sites may have specially designed walkways so as to reduce visitor impact – The Castlemain Jail, Victoria, Australia is privately run as a heritage tourism venture, with the prison workshops providing a conference venue, the dungeon kitchen providing a wine bar, the mess hall providing an a la carte restaurant, refurbished cells providing accommodation, and remaining cells being presented as they were originally used for guided tours to access

Access is regulated to pedestrians only Access is regulated to pedestrians or by bicycle Public transport is the only allowable form of transport Centennial Park, Sydney, Australia has several ‘car-free days’ each year in which alternative ways to enter and move about the park must be found

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Table 5.2 (cont’d ) Visitor management technique

Applications for rural and urban tourism development

Undertaking market research

– A study of the domestic and international visitor market may be conducted in order to identify the market segments most likely to visit urban tourism attractions

Undertaking visitor monitoring and research

– Visitors may be asked to complete special ‘day diary’ forms to identify their motivations for visiting and the activities they undertook – Visitors may be asked for their attitudes towards their experience and the performance of the heritage manager as a means of improving visitor management strategies – Visitor impact monitoring and research are widely undertaken in sensitive urban heritage attractions

Undertaking marketing – promotional

– Visitation pressure may be relieved through the development, marketing and promotion of value-added alternative attractions – Different urban organizations may undertake common promotional activities in order to reinforce the profile of the destination

Undertaking marketing – strategic information

– Tour guides can avoid sensitive areas by using a map and pictorial guide that identifies the best vantage points for attractions – A walking ‘trail selector’ (brochure and map) may be developed to provide information on lightly used walking trails in order to redistribute use away from heavily used areas

Implementing interpretation programmes and facilities

– Some urban tourism destinations may generate greater levels of visitor respect for the local culture through the provision of opportunities such as learning to cook with a local family or spending a night with a local family in a homestay – Visitors may be taken on guided tours by local people who then convey their personal experiences and knowledge of the area to the visitor. This level of authenticity can greatly enhance the quality of the visitor experience

Implementing education programmes and facilities

– Theme trails may be created to educate visitors about specific aspects of local history and culture – Many urban heritage attractions have interpretation and signage encouraging appropriate behaviour

Modifying the presence of heritage management

– Most museums strategically position security staff in corners and corridors to create a high profile when visitors are moving between exhibits and a low profile when they are studying an individual exhibit

Encouraging and assisting alternative providers – tourism industry

– Some urban destination management organizations encourage the development of small scale homestay accommodation and tours by local guides who are highly trained in heritage and interpretation, with profits therefore being reinvested in the local community

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Table 5.2 (cont’d ) Visitor management technique

Applications for rural and urban tourism development

Encouraging and assisting alternative providers – volunteers

– Many urban heritage attractions, such as museums and historic sites, have volunteer and friends’ associations which assist in various aspects of management as well as providing a source of financial support. For example, the Karori Wildlife Sanctuary in Wellington, New Zealand is a private trust with a membership of several thousand people. A sizeable proportion of members volunteer to help build trails and acts as guides, allowing the trust to reinvest funds into activities such as pest control and building a strong community base

Concentrating on accredited organizations bringing visitors to a site

– National and regional accreditation may be used to check on the appropriateness of tourism operator practices and the quality of facilities. For example, the Australian Association of Green Villages requires accommodation providers to meet criteria and market cooperatively with others

Source: After Hall and McArthur 1998 Many of the applications noted above also have been utilized or suggested for rural tourism development and heritage sites.

urban centres and waterfront developments undertaken or planned with tourism as the principal long-term benefactor. In Halifax, Nova Scotia, the City Tourism Culture and Heritage is planning to make the place a major entertainment, tourist and cultural centre, and is promoting year-round tourist visitation. Similarly, Victoria, British Columbia has developed the inner harbour area, building a new hotel and heritage and cultural projects with the intent to beautify the inner-city environment and increase the city’s tourist appeal. The gradual improvement of the Grenville Island waterfront area of Vancouver in British Columbia has seen a blend of tourist facility development rejuvenating the entire area and, at the same time, maintaining the local waterfront businesses. However, in many large-scale developments, local business activities are often relocated. Despite the growing importance of tourism in urban centres there is relatively little detailed research on the consequences. A full audit of both costs and benefits is still needed.

Second home developments Infrastructural changes resulting from tourism are highly visible in resort landscapes and in urban centres. The recent proliferation of second homes has been less obvious. Second residences may be used for long vacations, but weekend domestic tourism is most common. The demand for second homes is related to general recreational demand variables, to the degradation of urban environments, the increasing size of conurbations, and the opportunities for real estate investment (Lawson and Baud-Bovy 1977: 83). 212

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The locations of second homes in Europe and North America indicate three major areas of preference: 1. Countryside areas within easy access to large urban centres; 2. The coastline; 3. Hill and mountain regions with attractive and picturesque scenery (Clout 1971: 531). Many of these areas are vulnerable to deterioration from the pressures created by weekend and summer visitors. In spite of the renovation and restoration of many rural cottages and the economic advantages induced by second home development, the countryside is generally considered to be worse off environmentally from this real estate development and landscape change. A degraded condition may result from a number of causes: 1. The clearance of vegetation for road access and for construction disrupts wildlife and reduces soil stability. 2. The deposition of human wastes into rivers and lakes reduces water quality and is potentially dangerous to participants in water-based recreational activities. 3. If located in prime recreational environments, such as lake margins, islands, river bends, the forest edge or on hillsides, their visibility may decrease the aesthetic value of that particular locality. There has been little concern for aesthetically harmonious designs in many second home developments. 4. Competition for land between locals and second home owners, with increasing land prices, often forcing locals to relocate (Girard and Gartner 1993). One of the benefits of second home development advocated largely by local authorities is regional development manifested through direct visitor expenditures, infrastructure development and rejuvenation, the development or improvement of other local services and local people given temporary or permanent employment. The reader interested in gaining more information on second homes is referred to the collection of papers on the topic edited by Coppock (1977) and a more recent synopsis by Jaakson (1986).

TOURISM AND COMPETITION FOR RESOURCES: TOURISM IN RURAL AREAS Problems of conflicting interests are evident in a number of areas of tourist development. The needs of the visitor have to be reconciled with the requirements of the resident population in the tourist destination. It has already been pointed out that the encroachment of hotel complexes into urban areas has caused the relocation of residential areas and industries. Tourist regions are frequently areas 213

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of aesthetic beauty and some forms of economic activity may be incompatible with the maintenance of this asset. Archer (1973: 4) suggested that even different forms of tourist development may be incompatible. Tourism may exist simultaneously and often in conflict with other activities or it may be the dominant economic activity, eliminating or suppressing other activities dependent upon the same resource. In earlier sections of this chapter, mention was made of land-use conflicts in urban environments (Hall 1970, Harrington 1971). Studies have also been conducted which have stressed the role of tourism in stimulating preservation of the environment while, at the same time, placing additional pressures on traditional economic activities (Myers 1972, Rensberger 1977). Of the numerous conflicts associated with tourist developments, conflicts in rural landscapes have received some attention and they are reflected in a growing literature on rural tourism (Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998, Page and Getz 1997, Roberts and Hall 2001, Sharpley and Sharpley 1997). The growth of tourism and recreation in the countryside has been attributed to a number of factors: 1. The saturated conditions in many tourist resorts have stimulated tourists to seek alternative destinations. 2. The enactment of legislation promoting travel to country areas. For example, in Britain the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act of 1968 facilitated the creation of ‘country parks’ and ‘picnic sites’, thereby making rural areas more accessible to tourists. 3. The particular attractions of rural environments and the growth of rural tourism. The attractions of rural environments for tourists are of several types (Bouquet and Winter 1987, Bracey 1970: 258, Lane 1994, Robinson 1976: 180). They are: (a) The passive enjoyment of rural scenery; (b) The desire for open space, quiet and peace of mind; (c) The desire to partake in rural sports that are often resource-based activities such as hunting, riding and fishing; (d) The desire to view and experience cultural attractions such as colourful folk life, customs, house types, foods, drinks and festivals. This is particularly popular in areas of Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America where rural environments have not been absorbed by surrounding urban centres. Educational and historical attractions, such as castles, churches, monastic sites and other historic features also draw many tourists to rural areas; (e) The use of the country for second homes, timeshares, theme parks, holiday villages and caravan and camping parks; (f) The desire to participate in new forms of tourism such as farm tourism and wine tourism. 214

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In order to escape from the economic uncertainties of marginal farming, a growing number of farmers have developed recreation and tourist enterprises on their properties. However, Evans (1992), in an analysis in England and Wales, noted the diversification into farm tourism was not limited to small marginal units but that larger farm businesses have also redirected capital to establishing farm-based accommodation and services. Farm vacations, and the use of facilities and services provided by farmers, are now popular in the United Kingdom, Ireland, New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, Canada. It has been estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 farms (4 to 5 per cent of the total) in England and Wales now operate recreation and tourist enterprises that are open to the public (Countryside Commission 1974: 1). Most of the literature on rural tourism has emanated from the United Kingdom, largely through the efforts of the Countryside Commission and the collection of case studies authored by Butler, Hall and Jenkins (1998) and Roberts and Hall (2001). In the United Kingdom, agro-tourism has emerged primarily through the initiative of rural communities and their recognition of the benefits that tourism can bring. Ironside (1971: 3), writing in the Canadian context, suggested two principal types of benefit: 1. The acquisition of additional income through the leasing of land, the rent or sale of buildings, the sale of produce, food and handicrafts, and from part-time family employment in tourist activities and services. Revenues may also be gained from rents, fees and licences from individuals and clubs using the farm for such activities as hunting and fishing, and from the reduction in local taxes by non-farm people purchasing property for seasonal use and thereby reducing the assessed tax value. 2. The derivation of protection from land-use conflicts. The control of land-use conflicts in locations close to urban areas is in the farmers’ interests. The land in such areas may be catering to urban recreational and tourist demands, thereby relieving pressures to provide facilities and services within the city. As it is in the best interest of the city to maintain rural recreation areas, where legally possible, they may supply free conservation and management services, and protect the land from trespass, vandalism and careless hunting. Considerable commitment of land, capital, labour and personal effort and sacrifice are required of farmers and their families if they are to cater to tourist demands effectively and gain financially from them. Buildings and land may require modifications or improvements; streams, ponds and woodlands may need protection; and pathways and riding trails may have to be provided. As a result, some farm income may have to be forgone. These are all taxing requirements that the farmer will have to accept, and he and his family will also have to tolerate greater workloads and the invasion of their private life (Dower 1973: 467). Tourism may be an ancillary source of income as well as an alternative form of land use. It has also induced conflicts in the countryside. Most conflicts have arisen 215

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in unplanned and unmanaged situations, and have been accentuated by unimpeded public access and the lack of restrictions on the type, location and intensity of tourist activities (Cullington 1980). The most common conflicts are: 1. Conflicts of access. Tourists may need to pass through farms to points of scenic attraction and farm owners become increasingly reluctant to grant access as visitation numbers grow. 2. Irresponsible behaviour by tourists. Damage and destruction of crops and farm buildings, and harassment of livestock are frequently reported. Fire, excessive noise, illegal hunting and fishing, and litter also lead to conflicts between farmers and tourists. Butler’s (1978: 197) attitudinal study of farmers in the Isle of Skye revealed this conflict as a major concern of farmers and as a cause of their opposition to the presence of tourists. 3. Competition for labour by the tourist industry. Farm labour is often able to secure higher incomes from employment in the tourist industry and this can create labour shortages, especially at peak working times on farms. 4. Increased erosion from overuse of paths and trails, especially from horse riding, may be found along river banks and in areas with sensitive vegetation. 5. Increased competition for land. Urban dwellers may seek to rent or buy land for weekend residences and hobby farms. If intensification of existing land holdings is not viable, then the expansion of farm size is the remaining alternative for increasing production. Competition for land and escalating prices may prohibit this. Other activities directly competing with tourism for limited resources include forestry, conservation activities, mineral and water extraction, industrial plants, transportation routes and agriculture. Much agricultural land is only of average quality and a great deal is second-rate or poor. Fortunately, from the perspective of tourism, these lands often afford better natural scenery than much of the highest quality, flat, agricultural land. However, the future of much of this high-quality land may be in jeopardy. Urban areas are expanding on such lands, and the food demands of a rising population must be met by the increased production of crops and livestock. Agriculture and recreation can be compatible in many cases, but trends towards increasing intensity of both agricultural and recreational uses may lead to greater conflict in the future if the situation is not carefully managed. Tourism also competes for space in rural environments and, on rare occasions, can even compete with industry. Bracey (1970: 258) stressed the need for a balanced approach to land-use planning to regulate, control and direct pressures and, at the same time, ensure that aesthetic values and indigenous economic uses are not harmed. This is easier said than done for it is not easy to reconcile the requirements of general amenity, water supply, nature conservation, forestry, agriculture and tourism. 216

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Conclusions

The rural landscape and the activities taking place there are changing at a rapid rate, accelerated by global economic and societal forces. Most of these changes show few signs of slowing and, as the population becomes more affluent and mobile and their leisure time grows, the tourist demands on rural areas will likely intensify. Increased visitation, new forms of tourism and increased pressure on land and resources could increase the potential for conflict in rural areas (Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998). What are the trade-offs between social and environmental (negative) impacts and economic benefits, and can the benefits to one sector (species conservation) be realistically measured against the negative impacts to another (habitat and food chain disturbance)? Should rural tourism be encouraged if it leads to increased social and economic inequality in rural communities, and how much adverse landscape and environmental impact resulting from rural tourism is acceptable (Roberts and Hall 2001)? Answers to such questions should form an integral part of the future planning of rural tourism and in the role that tourism plays in the diversification and sustainable development of rural economies.

Summary In all of the above cases of environmental impact and landscape change, i.e. resorts, hotel encroachments in urban areas, second homes and rural tourism, the initial impact of development is the start of a succession of changes. Remedial measures to alleviate such secondary effects as traffic congestion, visual pollution and inflation have met with only mixed success. Regulations and ameliorative measures should be applied directly to the cause of such problems, which is the tourist industry itself. In the absence of adequate legislation and planning controls, the development of tourist infrastructures has been left largely to the interplay of market forces. These have failed to ensure that adequate attention has been devoted to environmental and social concerns, and have induced conflicts between developers, local residents and tourists.

CONCLUSIONS Considerable knowledge has accumulated concerning the environmental consequences of tourism. However, much of this knowledge has been concentrated in specific aspects of impact with the result that a somewhat unbalanced picture of the environmental effects of tourism has emerged. Quite a lot is known about resort morphologies and infrastructure changes in urban environments but much less is known about the impacts of tourism on particular natural environments. Tourism exhibits two contrasting relationships with the environment. A symbiotic relationship exists when the interacting sets of phenomena are mutually supportive. The roles of tourism in the creation of wildlife parks and the preservation of historic buildings are examples of this relationship. Tourism may also exist 217

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(Source: Wall and Wright 1977)

Fig. 5.2 Tourism and environment

Environmental consequences

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in conflict with the environment. The trampling of vegetation, the pollution of resort beaches, and the irresponsible behaviour of tourists disrupting the feeding and breeding habits of wildlife are examples of this conflict. The relationships of tourism with the natural environment are particularly ambivalent. This is a consequence of the complexity of the tourist phenomenon itself and the many interrelated components of the environment. The complex array of relationships between tourism and components of the natural environment is illustrated in Figure 5.2. This framework, in addition to illuminating these relationships, also identifies areas requiring further research. No part of this framework has been covered exhaustively in tourist research. Research is needed to establish the types, magnitudes and directions of impacts, and to identify specific types and intensities of impact in relation to different forms of tourist activity. Attempts should be made to quantify these relationships. There has been a tendency to examine environmental components in isolation and there is a need to assimilate and combine knowledge of each to provide an overall assessment of environmental impact. The effects of tourism on the built environment have also received only scattered attention. Infrastructure changes and the development of resort landscapes are among the most visible impacts of tourism. Basic principles of architectural design have been ignored so that many of the new hotel complexes have contributed to architectural pollution. The concentration of tourist facilities in resorts has induced pressures on land use, infrastructure overloading, traffic congestion and the segregation of tourists and residents. Hotel developments in urban environments have displaced people from their homes and dispersed manufacturing and trading functions to other parts of the city. Research is needed to examine the effects of tourism on land-use change, housing quality, availability and price, residential patterns, property values and taxes, and the quality of facilities serving local residents. The information which has been presented in this chapter indicates that, all too often, tourism and environment are in conflict. The risks are particularly acute in areas of rapid, intensive tourist growth and in delicate, ‘special’ environments. There are environmental limits to the development of tourism. With the growing awareness of conflicts between conservation and development, planners should reorient their emphasis from planning the environment for tourism, to defending the environment from tourist impacts (Cohen 1978: 234). This will require a more sound information base than is presently available and this can only be provided by further research on the topics that have been suggested above.

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Research on the social and cultural impacts of tourism falls into three different categories (Affeld 1975: 109). It has been concerned with: 1. The tourist. Such research has stressed the ramifications of the demand for tourist services and the motivations, attitudes and expectations of tourists and their corresponding purchasing decisions. 2. The host. This research has emphasized aspects of the offering of tourist services. It is concerned with the inhabitants of the destination area, the labour engaged in providing services and the local organization of the tourist industry. 3. Tourist–host interrelationships. This research has been concerned with the nature of the contacts between hosts and guests, with the consequences of these contacts and with the attributes of the interacting parties. This chapter concentrates upon issues of the latter two topics and is devoted to the social and cultural implications to the inhabitants of destination areas which result from their relationships with tourists. The social and cultural impacts of tourism are the ways in which tourism is contributing to changes in value systems, individual behaviour, family structure and relationships, collective lifestyles, safety levels, moral conduct, creative expressions, traditional ceremonies and community organizations (Fox 1977: 27). In simplified terms, Wolf (1977: 3) stated that sociocultural impacts are ‘people impacts’; they are about the effects on the people of host communities of their direct and indirect associations with tourists. Most of the early studies of the effects of tourism were restricted to economic analyses and enumerated the financial and employment benefits which accrued to destination areas as a result of the benefits of tourism (Jafari, Pizam and Przeclawski 1990, Pizam 1978: 8). In recent years, many more studies have emerged that examine the sociocultural impacts of tourism. In contrast to the economic effects, such impacts are often portrayed in the literature in a negative light. Some early studies are very broad in coverage and have inventoried numerous impacts of tourism, ranging from the marketing of culture to the stimulation of racial, political and religious conflict (Ap 1992, Jafari 1974, Lindberg and Johnson 1997, Smith and Eadington 1995, Turner and Ash 1975, UNESCO 1976, Young 1973). Others have concentrated upon one particular type of impact (Cohen 1988c, Eadington 1978, Graburn 1976, Jud 1975, Ryan 1993a, b). A number of researchers have examined 220

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the sociocultural impacts of tourism in a specific location, including the Pacific Islands (Farrell 1977, Finney and Watson 1977, King, Pizam and Milman 1993), Bali (Francillon 1975, McKean 1976, Wall 1995), Spain (Greenwood 1972), East Africa (Ouma 1970), the Caribbean (Bryden 1973, Lundberg 1974, Perez 1975), Florida (Milman and Pizam 1988), Hawaii (Liu and Var 1986), Norway (Gjerald 2005), Thailand (Nimmonratana 2000) and the United Kingdom (Brunt and Courtney 1999). De Kadt (1979), McKercher and du Cros (2002), Smith and Brent (2001), Dogan (1989) and Lindberg, Anderson and Dellaert (2001) have provided succinct reviews on the topic which draw together the findings of other authors, some of whose research and case study analyses are presented in this book. Yet other recent studies have focused on the development of new methodologies and models for assessing residents’ attitudes towards tourists and tourist development (Anderson and Murphy 1986, Lankford and Howard 1994, Ritchie 1988). There is also a growing body of discussion, although often ambiguous, on the growth of alternative tourism and the different types of consequences that result from different, new and evolving types of tourist–host interaction (Butler 1990, Cohen 1987, Pearce, P.L. 1998). The concept of carrying capacity has also been used in assessing social impacts, in particular to explaining residents’ perceptions (Long, Perdue and Allen 1990, Murphy 1985, Snaith and Hailey 1994). D’Amore (1983: 144) defined it as that point in the growth of tourism where local residents perceive, on balance, an unacceptable level of social disbenefits from tourist development. However, this is much easier to state than to measure. Recent research, in addition to illuminating some of the real adverse impacts of tourism on host communities, has also challenged the validity of the timehonoured belief that tourism promotes understanding between people of different nationalities and cultures. Peters’s (1969: 126) contention that tourism creates ‘social’ benefits arising from the ‘widening of people’s interests generally, in world affairs and to a new understanding of foreigners and foreign tastes’ is one of the few optimistic statements on the topic to be found in relatively recent major works. The existence of the studies which have been mentioned above and a scattering of others, including Smith’s (1977, 1989, 2001) collection of papers and Nettekoven’s (1979: 135–5) discussion of mechanisms of intercultural interaction, show clearly that the sociocultural effects of tourism on the people involved are now a major focus of academic study. It is concerned with those in tourist areas who become hosts and the tourists who become their temporary guests. The growing volume of literature that specifically considers the social impacts of tourism falls into one of three extreme types: 1. Colourful stories, usually in the consumer press (Apter 1974: 24). Jafari (1974: 242) quoted an example from a British humorist as follows: What is the aim of all this travelling? Each nationality has its own different one. The Americans want to take photographs of themselves in: (a) Trafalgar Square with the 221

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pigeons, (b) in St. Mark’s square, Venice, with the pigeons, and (c) in front of the Arc de Triomphe, in Paris, without the pigeons. The idea is simply to collect documentary proof that they have been there. . . . If you meet your next door neighbour in the High Street or at your front door you pretend not to see him or, at least, nod coolly; but if you meet him in Capri or Granada, you embrace him fondly and stand him a drink or two; and you may even discover that he is quite a nice chap after all and both of you might just as well have stayed at home;

2. Specialized academic articles: these studies appear in a wide variety of professional journals and books. Early articles were largely descriptive and inventory a range of identified effects. The topic of tourist–resident interaction has been largely subsumed within the broad category of social impacts research of tourism. Unlike consumer studies, which can date rapidly, the impact and tourist–resident case studies from early periods continue to be relevant in identifying issues that remain relevant today. 3. Academic research that has attempted to propose different types of tourism which would lead to more manageable and less negative sociocultural consequences, and to additional cases that view tourism more holistically: social impacts are seen as being part of a wide socio-economic generating and receiving system. The incisive studies of the latter two groups constitute the materials for this chapter. Although many studies of tourism make passing reference to the existence of social impacts, both positive and negative, most cast little light on the nature of these impacts or the means for their investigation. Such comments have received little attention here although some related issues are raised in the following chapter. The reports which have been given serious consideration are those which are either completely devoted to an examination of social impacts, or consistently refer to them in the course of the study. Many of these studies adopt a narrow focus, concentrating on a limited number of sociocultural effects and ignoring or glossing over others. This is partly the result of what Marsh (1975b: 19) and Dana (1999: 60) described as the ‘incremental intangible costs’, which are hard to measure and may be overlooked until major, irreversible changes in society or the environment occur. The need to adopt control or remedial measures has often arisen before such pertinent research issues as problems of measurement, the examination of processes of sociocultural change, and the isolation of the determinants of tourist–host behaviour have been adequately resolved. The outputs of research on the sociocultural impacts of tourism continue to illuminate two of Jafari’s (2001: 29) research platforms: the advocacy platform (the good) and the controversy platform (the bad). Under the former platform such effects include a broadening of international peace and understanding (noted by Peters as early as 1969: 126), reinforcing the preservation of heritage and culture, a reduction in religious, racial and language barriers, and the enhancement of appreciation of one’s own culture. In contrast, the controversy platform supporters 222

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highlight trends of xenophobia, prostitution, increased crime, breakdowns in family structure and the commercialization of arts and crafts and cultural traditions. Like all social activities, tourism has both positive and negative consequences.

TOURIST–HOST INTERRELATIONSHIPS Sociocultural impacts are the outcome of particular kinds of social relationships that occur between tourists and hosts as a result of their coming into contact. The nature of these relationships, or ‘encounters’, is a major factor influencing the extent to which understanding or misunderstanding is fostered by the tourism process. According to de Kadt (1979: 50), tourist–host encounters occur in three main contexts: where the tourist is purchasing some good or service from the host, where the tourist and host find themselves side by side, for example, on a sandy beach or at a night-club performance, and where two parties come face to face with the object of exchanging information and ideas. He also pointed out that when it is claimed that tourism is an important mechanism for increasing international understanding, it is normally the third type of contact that is in mind. However, the first two types of contact are more common. Nettekoven (1979: 135–6) noted that for mass tourists, intercultural encounters occur less during tourist travel than is often assumed and that intense encounters are less desired by tourists than is often suggested. Direct contact is not necessary for impacts to occur and the mere sight of tourists and their behaviour may induce behavioural changes on the part of permanent residents (Aramberri 2001, Pearce, P.L. 1998, 2005). The tourist–host encounter, in which one or more visitors interact with one or more hosts, is staged within a network of goals and expectations (Sutton 1967: 220). On the one hand, the tourist is mobile, relaxed, free spending, enjoying their leisure and absorbing the experience of being in a different place. In contrast, the host is relatively stationary and, if employed in the tourism industry, spends a large proportion of the time catering to the needs and desires of visitors. Tourist– host relationships are also determined by the characteristics of the interacting groups or individuals and the conditions under which contact takes place. Most of the literature on tourist–host relationships is concerned with mass tourism. Under such conditions, the relationship is characterized by four major features (UNESCO 1976: 82): 1. 2. 3. 4.

Its transitory nature; Temporal and spatial constraints; Lack of spontaneity; Unequal and unbalanced experiences.

First, the relationship is transitory. A tourist’s stay in one destination is usually short, ranging from a day or two if a vacation includes more than one destination, to three or four weeks, which is the normal length of a paid vacation. The 223

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temporary relationship is different for each of the interacting groups. Tourists often consider the meeting fascinating and unique because the host is frequently of a different nationality or culture. The hosts, on the other hand, may see it merely as one of many such superficial relationships that are experienced throughout the course of the tourist season. Boorstin (1961: 117) even claimed that, from the perspective of hosts, tourist contacts are nothing more than tautological experiences for residents of destination areas. Many forms of tourism are entertainment. In this context, staged production of culture for example does not facilitate in-depth communication or interaction (McKercher 1993: 12). As the tourist has a low customer loyalty, seldom returning to destinations more than once, the interaction between hosts and guests normally occurs only once and has little opportunity to progress beyond a superficial level. Where repeat visits occur, as in the case of some British vacationers who return to the same boarding-house each year, a more intimate relationship may grow. Secondly, the tourist–host relationship is characterized by temporal and spatial constraints, which influence the duration and intensity of contact. The tourist often attempts to see and do as much as possible in the relatively short time available. As a result they may be more generous in their response to others, and more willing to spend money than they would be under more routine circumstances. On the other hand, they may be unwarrantably irritable when even the slightest delay or break in travel plans occurs. Host reactions to the apparent urgency of the tourist to experience as much as possible in a short time eventually may become exploitative. As they continually provide tourists with simplified and condensed experiences of their area, hosts may develop a dual price and service system: one price and quality of service for the tourist and one for fellow residents. Tourist reception facilities and services are frequently concentrated into a small number of complexes, which are commonly referred to as ‘tourist ghettos’. Tourism structures often reflect a desire, on the part of their owners and of local political authorities, for a certain degree of physical and social separation. By isolating the tourists and discouraging them from reaching beyond the tourism facilities, such organizations secure a greater proportion of tourists’ spending money for themselves. It is conceivable that the only tourists who are motivated sufficiently to go beyond their immediate, artificial surroundings to mix with the resident population arc the ‘explorers’ and ‘drifters’ (Cohen 1972: 168) (see Chapter 2). Mass tourists, on the other hand, are controlled in their movements directly by tour operators or indirectly through the location of required services, such as accommodation, restaurants, entertainment and recreation facilities. In consequence, as tourism becomes more highly developed and resort areas expand, contacts between the majority of tourists and their hosts either do not take place or are infrequent and largely superficial. Thirdly, tourist–host relationships lack spontaneity. Tourism brings certain informal and traditional human relations into the area of economic activity, 224

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turning acts of once spontaneous hospitality into commercial transactions (de Kadt 1979: 14). Package tours, planned attractions, exhibitions and all of their organized features are advertised and promoted well in advance of their actual occurrence. In effect, tourists trade off the prospect of convenient, comfortable and risk-free experiences that planned and organized travel provides, for less frequent and spontaneous contacts with their hosts. Meetings are more rigidly controlled and, at the extreme, may become a series of cash-generating activities. Fourthly, there is a tendency for tourist–host relationships to be unequal and unbalanced in character. Material inequality often exists and is seen in tourist spending and attitudes. Hosts often feel inferior and, to compensate for this, exploit the tourists’ apparent wealth. There are also inequalities in levels of satisfaction and the sense of novelty derived from the relationship. A vacation for the tourist is a novel experience but its consequences for the host are routine. Maintenance of that routine may be difficult with the advent of late plane arrivals and other travel emergencies. These may induce psychological pressures for the hosts to which the tourist is oblivious. It is not necessary, however, for the tourist–host interaction to occur for the host population to be impacted, as host individuals will, in turn, influence the other members of the community by their own changed attitudes and behaviour. Such indirect sociocultural effects will be compounded by new employment opportunities fostered by increased tourism development. An increase in tourism activity will be the harbinger of social change stimulated by the ancillary improvements and innovations in destination communications, transport and infrastructure that benefit the entire host community. Tourism development increases the income levels of hosts and the proportion of the population involved in the tourism operational sector. As Cooper, Fletcher, Gilbert and Wanhill (1998: 175) noted, this will alter the consumption patterns of the host population, inducing further sociocultural change due to changes in their spending behaviours. The magnitude of the direct sociocultural impact associated with tourism development will also be determined by the extent of the difference in sociocultural characteristics between hosts and guests. Inskeep (1991) suggests that these differences include: n n n n n n n n n

Basic value and logic system Religious beliefs Traditions Customs Lifestyles Behavioural patterns Dress codes Sense of time budgeting Attitudes towards strangers 225

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To add further complexity to the understanding of the problems, the speed of development and change will have an important role in determining the magnitude of the sociocultural changes because time allows for the process of adaptation. Compounding the issue further is the fact that the tourists’ cultures when abroad (it is probable that the tourists will represent several different cultures) are different from the tourists’ cultures at home. In other words, tourists often take on different attitudes and adopt different codes of behaviour when they are on vacation and away from their normal environment. As noted previously, the sociocultural impacts associated with tourism and tourist–host interactions can be both positive and negative (Crandall 1994: 421, Jafari 2001: 29, Smith 2001). Host–guest interactions and the factors affecting these relationships have been increasingly documented by researchers (Ap and Crompton 1993, King, Pizam and Milman 1993, Wilkinson 1989, Williams and Lawson 2001, Pearce, P.L. 2005, Ryan 1991). Factors that encourage or discourage friendly host–guest interactions have been identified, such as scale of tourism, types of tourism, physical isolation of tourists, length of stay, novelty of tourists, tourists’ transience, language and communications, perceived economic importance of resident friendliness, resident access to and involvement in tourism occupations, tourists as agents of desired change, and national pride and the resident as a promoter of it. These factors are interrelated and isolation of any one is difficult. Notwithstanding the complexities of these factors, plus others such as the stage of tourist development, ethnicity, local involvement in tourist planning, and tourists’ attitudes towards service and quality, their identification is relevant and they should be considered in tourism planning. Certainly, tourist–host irritations and negative social impacts could be mitigated at the very least, even if it may be impossible to eliminate them entirely. The literature which examines the sociocultural impacts of tourism has usually been directed towards either social or cultural aspects. Using these terms very loosely, the social studies usually consider interpersonal relations, moral conduct, crime, gambling, safety, religion, language and health, whereas the cultural studies consider both material and non-material forms of culture and processes of cultural change. There is no clear distinction between social and cultural phenomena but this dichotomy has proved to be useful in categorizing studies and organizing the remainder of this chapter. A discussion of the social impacts of tourism will be followed by an examination of its cultural consequences.

SOCIAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM The social impacts of tourism are not to be confused with the increasingly popular term ‘social tourism’. Social tourism has not reached a high level of development in North America, but it has achieved more widespread acclaim in Europe. The objective of social tourism is to ensure that tourism is accessible to all people. 226

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Special efforts are made to include members of society who otherwise would be prevented from participating in tourist travel for reasons such as economic hardship, or physical and psychological disabilities (Kaspar 1977: 19). Social impacts of tourism may arise as a result of social tourism, but they are not endemic to it. Social impacts of tourism are here considered to be the changes in the quality of life of residents of tourist destinations that are a consequence of tourism of any kind in that destination.

FRAMEWORK FOR THE MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL IMPACTS The body of literature on social impacts of tourism has grown significantly as noted earlier, but Mathieson and Wall (1982) and Ap (1992: 666) have maintained that although these studies have provided useful inventories of social impact indicators, they have remained largely descriptive, exploratory and specific to small, rural or resort communities and they lack a strong conceptual base. Only a few studies suggest ways of assessing the social impacts of tourism (Brown and Giles 1994: 958). Although such authors as Cohen (1972: 164), Robinson (1976: 137), Pizam (1978: 8), Pearce and Moscardo and Ross (1991: 147) have stressed the need for a greater emphasis on the behaviours of the visitors and residents, and the reciprocal effects of interaction between a community and its tourists, only a few theoretical frameworks have emerged which appear to be widely applicable to social impact research in tourism. These frameworks constitute the beginning of the development of a conceptual basis for the assessment of social impacts. The frameworks recognize that the social impacts of tourism change through time in response to structural changes in the tourist industry, and the extent and duration of the exposure of the host population to tourist development. Further, they attempt to address why residents or what kinds of residents support or oppose tourism development and what factors and their relative importance contribute to such attitudes and behaviours. The first framework which we shall consider was developed by Doxey (1976). Doxey’s work has already been introduced in Chapter 3. On the basis of his research projects that were undertaken in Barbados in the West Indies, and Niagaraon-the-Lake in Ontario, Canada, Doxey (1975: 195) suggested that the existence of reciprocating impacts between outsiders and residents may be converted into varying degrees of resident irritation. Irritations may have their origins in the number of tourists and the threats which they pose to the way of life of permanent residents. Doxey argued that the responses of residents in different destinations will vary and that resident responses will change through time in a unidirectional sequence comparable to that of the resort cycle described by Butler (1980), Noronha (1976), Plog (1977) and Stansfield (1978). The value system of the destination is at the root of Doxey’s framework and it is this which he considered to be of paramount importance in the measurement of social impacts. 227

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Table 6.1 Index of tourist irritation 1. The level of euphoria People are enthusiastic and thrilled by tourist development. They welcome the stranger and there is a mutual feeling of satisfaction. There are opportunities for locals and money flows in along with the tourist. 2. The level of apathy As the industry expands people begin to take tourists for granted. They rapidly become a target for profit-taking and contact on the personal plane begins to become more formal. 3. The level of irritation This will begin when the industry is nearing the saturation point or is allowed to pass a level at which the locals cannot handle the numbers without expansion of facilities. 4. The level of antagonism The irritations have become more overt. People now see the tourist as the harbinger of all that is bad. ‘Taxes have gone up because of the tourists.’ ‘They have no respect for property.’ ‘They have corrupted our youth.’ ‘They are bent on destroying all that is fine in our town.’ Mutual politeness has now given way to antagonism and the tourist is ‘ripped off’. 5. The final level All this while people have forgotten that what they cherished in the first place was what drew the tourist, but in the wild scramble to develop they overlooked this and allowed the environment to change. What they now must learn to live with is the fact that their ecosystem will never be the same again. They might still be able to draw tourists but of a very different type from those they so happily welcomed in early years. If the destination is large enough to cope with mass tourism it will continue to thrive. Source: Doxey 1976: 26 –7

Drawing upon his experience in the Barbados and Niagara-on-the-Lake studies, Doxey devised an irritation index (Table 6.1). Tourism destinations pass successively through stages of euphoria, apathy, irritation and antagonism, to the final stage in which people have forgotten what they cherished and the environment is destroyed. The level of irritation arising from contacts between the hosts and the tourists will be determined by the mutual compatibility of each, with the assumption that even with seemingly compatible groups, sheer numbers may generate tensions, with differences in colour, culture, economic status and nationality as complicating factors. In Doxey’s example of Niagara-on-the-Lake, it was clear that the number of visitors and the threat that they posed to lifestyles in the town were a source of irritation that had reached serious proportions. Bjorklund and Philbrick (1972: 8, 1975: 68) developed an attitudinal framework to analyze the processes which take place when two or more culture groups interact. This framework is also mentioned in Chapter 3. It was suggested by Butler (1975b: 89) as being applicable to the social relationships between tourists and their hosts. Figure 6.1 shows the matrix that is the basis of this framework. The attitudes and behaviour of groups or individuals to tourism may be either positive or negative, and active or passive. The resulting combinations of reactions to tourism may take one of four forms as shown in the diagram. Within any 228

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Fig. 6.1 Host attitudinal/behavioural responses to tourist activity (Source: After Bjorklund and Philbrick 1972: 8. Found in Butler 1974: 12)

community, all four forms may exist at any one time but the number of people in any one category need not remain constant. For example, entrepreneurs who are financially involved in tourism are likely to be engaged in aggressive promotion while an often small but highly vocal group, uninvolved in tourism, can be expected to lead aggressive opposition to tourism development and the changes which it brings. The majority of the population is likely to fall into the two remaining passive categories, either silently accepting tourism and its impacts because of the benefits which it brings or because they can see no way of reversing the trend (Butler 1975a: 11). Like the frameworks proposed by Doxey and Bjorklund and Philbrick, Dogan’s (1989: 225) extensive research was also at a macro-destination level (across whole communities). Dogan’s research identified and reviewed the major sociocultural consequences of tourism and the behavioural responses adopted by the hosts affected by these impacts. Five types of response to tourism pressures were identified that could exist individually or coexist in a destination: 1. Resistance. In places of intense and broad negative impact there was widespread hostility and aggression against tourists and tourism facilities. 229

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2. Retreatism. It involves the community avoiding contact with tourists and the revival of old traditions and an increased cultural and ethnic consciousness. 3. Boundary maintenance. It involves the establishment of physical and social boundaries or distance between tourists and local residents. 4. Revitalization. In some cases tourism may be a factor in the preservation of local culture or traditions and the community adopts strategies to preserve, display and promote their cultural resources to tourists. 5. Adoption. It involves the conscious replacement of the traditional host social structure with the adoption of the tourist culture symbolized by tourist behaviours. Other framework studies with a narrower orientation have been proposed by Ap and Crompton (1993) and Brown and Giles (1994). They focus upon individual residents and their adaptations and adjustments. These frameworks also derived a continuum of behavioural responses by residents. In the former study, four responses were identified: 1. Embracement or the enthusiastic welcoming of tourists; 2. Tolerance. Residents were prepared to accept the inconveniences of tourism, cognizant of its benefits to the community; 3. Adjustment. Residents actively altered their former behaviours to avoid the inconveniences caused by visitors, rescheduling activities or using different facilities to avoid the presence of tourists; 4. Withdrawal. This could be physical (moving out) or psychological (staying silent and not getting involved with tourists). Brown and Giles (1994) did find limited support for the above-mentioned embracement condition. However, the majority of the residents’ response behaviours involved reorganizing their daily routines to avoid tourism areas. Others actually retreated from normal life, particularly during the peak tourism season. Other coping strategies were evident in shopping patterns, travel activities and recreation behaviours: first, to avoid congestion and interaction with tourists and second, to be seen and to reaffirm their own identity as a resident of the host community. The studies by Liu and Var (1986) and P.L. Pearce (1998) also proposed a segmentation approach but question the sequential process of such tourism models. The above frameworks are similar in that they incorporate a dynamic and progressive element, assuming that social impacts will change over time. However, they differ in their conceptions of the directions in which change may take place. Doxey assumed that change is unidirectional whereas Butler’s framework allows attitudes and behaviour to change in a variety of directions. Furthermore, the scale of the frameworks is rather different. Doxey’s framework is to be applied to the prevailing mood of a resort in its entirety. On the other hand the frameworks 230

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proposed by Butler (1997), Ap and Crompton (1993) and Brown and Giles (1994) examine groups and individuals within a single resort. The latter recognizes that there may be different attitudes towards tourism within a resort and these may lead to tensions and even political pressures between different groups in that resort. The more recent frameworks do examine resident behaviours and suggest that the social impact of tourism is a reflection of the extent to which resident space is perceived to have been invaded at particular times during the tourist season. All frameworks stress a further need to identify empirically the dimensions of resident responses over a behavioural continuum, the levels of resident response and threshold levels in proportion to the degree of tourist impact. Although there is no universality in the application of these frameworks, the following discussion reveals examples of many of the salient points which they portray. The process of creative destruction has been used to describe the sequence of circumstances by which heritage areas, particularly small towns within day-trip distance of major cities, are transformed in large part by tourism (Mitchell 1998, Mitchell, Atkinson and Clark 2001). The landscape, reflecting changes in economic activities, is modified in a process akin to Butler’s cycle (see Chapter 5) by changing relationships among three variables: entrepreneurial investment, consumption of commodified heritage and destruction of the rural idyll. The premise underlying the model is that the desire to accumulate capital drives investment in the sale of tradition and heritage. These investments entice an increasing number of consumers, whose expenditures provide entrepreneurs with profits for reinvestment. As the landscape unfolds, it results in the destruction of the old, and the precommodified rural and small-town landscape is replaced with one that is crowded and congested. The process of creative destruction occurs in a series of stages. In the first stage, the commodification of tradition or heritage is initiated. Investments made during this period are used to generate financial benefits and improvements. In the next period, that of advanced commodification, there is an acceleration in investment: new businesses are opened and others are converted to meet the demands of the visiting population. The community is marketed extensively and visitor numbers escalate. Those involved in the tourism industry extol its virtues whereas others point to the disadvantages of growing popularity. The period of early destruction is one where surplus value is reinvested into businesses that provide for the needs of the growing visitor population. Crowding and congestion increase further and a growing number of residents perceive the erosion of the quality of their community and the deterioration of their lifestyles. The end of this phase is reached when residents perceive that the atmosphere that attracted them initially has been completely destroyed, moving the community into a state of post-destruction. The settlement becomes a recreational or tourism shopping village, appealing not to the heritage-seeking consumer but, rather, to the mass tourism market. Residents who remain must learn to adjust to this new situation. Mitchell (2003) has examined these processes in a number of small towns in 231

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Southern Ontario, Canada, and it is likely that the process of creative destruction may apply to many other areas. Mitchell’s ideas have some similarities to those of the earlier work of Doxey but encompass a wider range of variables and are much more concerned with the process of change. The similarity is not surprising because much of their work was grounded upon the same study area, Niagara-onthe-Lake, Ontario, Canada.

TOURISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE: EUPHORIA TO XENOPHOBIA The initial stages of tourism development are normally accompanied by enthusiastic responses on the part of individuals within the host population as they perceive the potential benefits that investors and visitors will bring to their area. As we have already seen, tourism can often bring new, and sometimes necessary, sources of capital and income that may supplement or replace traditional sources of earnings. For this reason, tourism development has often received support from governments and local residents in stagnating or developing areas who recognize the economic benefits that may be earned. The initial euphoria and enthusiasm which are associated with the preliminary phases of tourism begin to dissipate as the industry expands and tourist numbers increase. As Fox (1977) noted in his review of social impacts in the Pacific Islands, the political leaders of newly developed destinations, such as Tonga, the Cook Islands, Samoa and Fiji, at one time professed that: ‘tourism will improve our country’s economy and will benefit our island’s people. . . . We are proud to have tourists see our culture and our beautiful island’. They now express a fearful concern for the increased strains imposed on traditional customs and lifestyles. Fiji’s Minister for Communication, Works and Tourism epitomized local and governmental feelings towards further tourist expansion when he stated (Fox 1977: 31): ‘Equally grave is the deterioration of social values in Fijian society. . . . We recognize some erosion of our traditional social fabric is inevitable in the pursuit of economic prosperity and we are prepared to accept a degree of erosion. What we are not prepared to accept is destruction of that social fabric’. In the comprehensive study by King, Pizam and Milman (1993: 662) in Fiji some years later, it was concluded that the concerns of the politicians were shared overwhelmingly by residents. Most residents of Nadi were directly involved in tourism and supported its existence but were discriminating in their thinking by highlighting concerns over the numerous negative social impacts: crime, openness to sex, alcoholism and traffic congestion. There are many commentaries that indicate tourism contributes to social and cultural change rather than being a cause of such changes. In many cases, tourism has become the scapegoat for sociocultural change, particularly when it is perceived by locals as negative (Crick 1989). However, societies and cultures are dynamic and evolving and the social and cultural influences brought about by tourism should be viewed and measured against this backdrop (Sharpley 1994). 232

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Host perceptions of and attitudes towards continued expansion of facilities and services to satisfy tourist demands may rapidly become increasingly antagonistic and may eventually reach xenophobic proportions. Xenophobia occurs when the capacity, or saturation point, is reached and exceeded. It refers to the overtly expressed resentment of and contempt for tourists and their behaviours. Attitudes of this kind vary in intensity and mode of expression from grieving statements expressed by hosts, such as ‘Many of our villagers are now in the towns trying to be like the foreign tourists that are swarming over us’ (Fox 1977: 38) to outbursts of hostilities and violence such as those noted by Rivers (1973a: 250). Tourism literature has revealed a number of sociocultural impacts, positive and negative, related to tourism development and evolving tourist–host interrelationships and their influences (Brunt and Courtney 1999). In recent decades, there have been a number of studies focusing on residents’ perceptions and attitudes towards tourists (Allen, Hafer, Long and Perdue 1994, Ap and Crompton 1993, 1998, Chen 2001, Jurowski, Uysal and Williams 1997, Kang, Long and Perdue 1996, Lankford and Howard 1994, Lankford, Williams and Knowles-Lankford 1997, Lea, Kemp and Willetts 1994, Smith and Krannich 1998). In the text by Pearce, Moscardo and Ross (1996), there are at least thirty references to such studies. Many studies focus on the sociocultural impacts of tourism in rural areas (Allen, Hafer, Long and Perdue 1994, Ap and Crompton 1993, 1998, Long, Perdue and Allen 1990, McCool and Martin 1994), with fewer studies examining the host perceptions of tourism impacts in urban areas where the tourism industry is more developed (Chen 2001, Evans 1998, Fredline and Faulkner 2000, Soutar and McLeod 1993, Van der Borg 1999). Researchers acknowledge that tourism development over the past fifty years has led to changes in the structure of host societies. They also agree that in respect to sociocultural impacts, there is a threshold of tolerance of tourists by hosts which varies both spatially and temporally. As long as the numbers of tourists and their cumulative impacts remain below this critical level, and economic impacts continue to be positive, the presence of tourists in destination areas is usually accepted and welcomed by the majority of the host population. Once the threshold has been exceeded, numerous negative symptoms of discontent make their appearance, ranging from mild apathy and irritation to extreme xenophobia, and from grudging courtesy to open exploitation. The critical point of tolerance varies between host groups with: 1. The cultural and economic distances and differences between tourists and hosts. Resort residents vary in their tolerance to peoples who differ from them, especially by virtue of appearance, affluence, race and nationality. The greater the divergence of characteristics between the interacting groups, the more pronounced are the social impacts, in particular on small, unsophisticated and isolated host communities. Interaction difficulties often occur through a lack of education and understanding by the tourists and hosts of each other’s cultural 233

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differences, and lack of knowledge of which behaviours are acceptable and those that are not. The degree and nature of social contact are also related to the interacting people’s attitudes to each other and the desire by both to have social contact (Reisinger 1994). 2. The capability of the destination and its population to absorb tourist arrivals physically and psychologically without undermining or squeezing out desirable local activities. The scale of dislocation is related to the travel intensity index, i.e. the ratio of visitors to residents (Lundberg 1974: 85). For example, in London, Paris and New York, cosmopolitan cities which are inundated by millions of tourists every year, tourists are absorbed by the vast complex of facilities and merge with their large resident populations. On the other hand, in Barbados and the Virgin Islands, tourist arrivals greatly exceed the size of the local population and overwhelm their facilities and services. Host resentment is likely to be more pronounced, therefore, in Barbados than in London. 3. The rapidity and intensity of tourism development. When tourism is introduced gradually into a large, established economy, the waves of impacts are usually small. Most developed countries, with the exception of small pockets of intensive development, have adjusted to the growth of tourism in the course of their general economic expansion. However, when tourism replaces another activity in a short period of time and heavy reliance is placed upon it as a dominant means of acquiring foreign exchange, sociocultural and psychological repercussions are inevitable. Tourism resorts in the Greek islands, the Pacific and the Caribbean that are heavily committed to the tourism industry as a source of income, are incurring numerous unwanted social and cultural side-effects as a result of the rapid growth of the industry. 4. The degree of host involvement in the delivery of tourist services and products. It is generally concluded that members of the host community who derive employment and income from tourism have more positive views of tourism development (Lankford and Howard 1994, Milman and Pizam 1988). Further, more local hosts who have identified the need to protect their communities from a deterioration of their lifestyle from tourism have become involved in community-based organizations that attempt to shape tourism development. The more involved citizen in such community-based planning was generally supportive of specific types of tourism whereas the general public was more generic in terms of their support of tourism overall (Jurowski and Brown 2001). Although it is extremely difficult to determine if communities have reached the critical tolerance level, it appears that many studies have concentrated on areas either on the verge of, or currently exceeding, the threshold of tolerance. Growing animosity to tourism and tourists, as Rivers (1973a, b), Jafari (2001) and Cohen (1987) inferred, is not confined to the socially and economically deprived, but has also been expressed by concerned politicians, academics, churchmen and 234

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even some business people. Past reluctance to mention the shortcomings of tourism because of its economic benefits is disappearing. Resentment tends to be highest in what Jafari (1974: 246) termed ‘tourist magnetic’ areas, where tourism is the principal source of income to the community and all activities become oriented to accommodating tourist demands, which may be limited to a short season. Although the livelihood of residents may be derived from the presence of tourists, they view the approaching season with mixed feelings and value the off-season when only permanent residents are present (Jordan 1980). Numerous situations provoke feelings of resentment of tourists. The most intense feelings appear to develop from particular conditions: 1. The physical presence of tourists in the destination area, especially if they are in large groups. Residents frequently resent having to share facilities and services with visitors and often mention congestion as a problem. 2. The demonstration effect. Residents frequently resent the apparent material superiority of visitors and may try to copy their behaviours and spending patterns. 3. Foreign ownership and employment. The employment of non-locals in managerial and professional occupations, carrying greater responsibility and superior salaries to those available to local residents, also provokes resentment. These conditions have been labelled in the literature as outgrowths of neocolonialism. They are examined in detail below.

The physical presence of tourists There is ample literary and pictorial evidence which indicates the congregation of large numbers of tourists in resorts. The ‘Jam-up at Vacation Spots’ (US News 1976: 26) occurring on the beaches of Hawaii, in the ski gondolas of the Swiss Alps, in the harbours of the Virgin Islands and on the streets of Disneyland are expected in the tourist season and are even a sign of their success. Many studies have mentioned the presence of large numbers of tourists in particular places at specific times and the associated congestion of facilities and services. Few studies have attempted to estimate empirically existing levels of congestion or saturation. A number of crude measures have been employed as a first step towards such estimates. These include the ratio of the number of visitors to the local population, the average area of arable land per visitor, and measurements of the physical size of tourist facilities (Lundgren 1973: 2). Little is known about the responses of visitors or residents to various levels of congestion as indicated by these measures, or the means which are available to alleviate the irritations which may occur with high levels of congestion. Tourist densities can be reduced by dispersing tourists more widely so that the ratio of tourists to hosts is reduced without decreasing the number of tourist arrivals. Alternatively, it may be feasible to 235

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create a tourist enclave on the theory that residents are less likely to be upset if their contacts with tourists are limited (Gray 1974: 394).

The demonstration effect The disruptive role of tourism in drawing attention to locally unattainable socioeconomic aspirations has been noted frequently (Jafari 1974: 249–50, Rivers 1973a: 250). The introduction of foreign ideologies and ways of life into societies that have not been exposed to tourist lifestyles has ‘tended to call up that all-embracing concept, the demonstration effect’ (Bryden 1973: 95). The demonstration effect can be advantageous if it encourages people to adapt or work for things they lack. More commonly, it is detrimental and most authors indicate concern for the effects of foreign domination of the industry and the impacts of tourists who parade symbols of their affluence to interested hosts. Alien commodities are rarely desired prior to their introduction into host communities and, for most residents of destination areas in the developing world, such commodities ‘remain tantalisingly beyond reach’ (Rivers 1973a: 250). As a result, discontent grows among the hosts. The hosts’ resentments are heightened by the development of luxurious hotels and other ‘foreign’ tourism facilities, and also by unusual tourist behaviour. Tourists on vacation have fewer constraints than they do at home and they behave and spend in a less inhibited fashion. As a consequence, hosts often develop misconceptions about tourists. Rivers, for example, reported that young Spaniards were convinced that all unattached female tourists were easy conquests. Similarly, Cohen (1971: 225) reported that fair-haired girls from Scandinavia were thought to be seeking sexual adventures in their travels and were sought by his study group of Arab boys. Furthermore, the hosts quickly perceive the desire of tourists to spend money lavishly to gain experiences and acquire souvenirs of their stay. UNESCO (1976: 93) suggested that, at the outset, hosts may develop an inferiority complex, which sets off a process of imitation. The weaknesses of the tourists are quickly perceived and are subsequently exploited. A dual pricing system often develops and bargaining may be required for the purchase of goods and services. Sutton (1967: 219) portrayed this situation when he quoted: ‘The American noticing the successive price reductions of the shopkeepers, the suppliant attitude and emotional appeals that may be merely routine for him, will perceive these as overdrawn and see the merchant merely as one skilled in exploiting his ignorance, playing upon his sympathies and fleecing his pocketbook’. It would not take many such experiences to fix an adverse stereotype in the mind of either host or guest. Heightened economic expectations among the local population who aspire to the material standards and values of the tourists may lead to the copying of consumption patterns. In an attempt to attain the consumption levels of tourists, a growing number of the indigenous population may take jobs in service industries 236

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since these appear to offer a greater chance of advancement than traditional agriculture. Also an increasing proportion of the local population may try to migrate to other countries for fuller participation in western, cash economies. Young members of host communities are supposedly particularly susceptible to the demonstration effect. Young people of traditionally closed societies observe the freedom and material superiority of young travelling westerners and respond in one of the ways discussed above to achieve similar status. Most case studies which examine the demonstration effect show that tourism can modify local behaviour and divide the population of destination areas. In her analysis of the Eskimo (Inuit) communities of Kotzebue and Nome, Smith (1977: 68) noted the development of a specialist minority population in the community. This group included those individuals who danced and demonstrated crafts to visiting tourists. They were mainly older members of the community who had retained, overtly, their traditional costumes and crafts and were, thus, in a position to capitalize on them. The young and better educated acquired jobs in government and business in an attempt to achieve their western aspirations. Smith (1977: 71) described the older members of the community as ‘marginal men’ who had adopted some foreign ways of life, including new products, but, at the same time, lived the culture of their ancestors. Tourism has also changed the economic and social structure of rural communities in western nations. Greenwood (1976) and Pacione (1977) wrote on the effects of tourism on rural communities in Spain. In both cases, traditional society resembled that of other rural Mediterranean areas consisting largely of fishermen, craftsmen, shopkeepers and peasant farmers. The advent of tourism had profound effects on the traditional peasant economies. Employment in the tourism industry has been one way for locals to improve their standard of living. Both Greenwood and Pacione noted that greater wealth and upward social mobility had become increasingly desirable, particularly for young members of the host communities. In consequence, class distinctions within the host communities were accentuated and they reflected the degree of involvement in tourism. Moore (1970), working in the Canary Islands, showed that such changes could modify local political powers, with the emergence of new elites based upon tourism. These studies all show that tourism has improved the economic well-being for those involved in it, but it has also caused a transformation of the local communities. Migration, both international and intra-national, is another important manifestation of the demonstration effect. Rural–urban migration is not a recent process nor is tourism a major cause of the phenomenon. Nevertheless, the ability of tourism to create employment, commonly in urban resorts, has facilitated the drift of people from rural to urban locations in many countries. Somewhat similarly, although on a different scale, aspirations of upward social mobility and higher material standards have caused many members of host communities to travel to foreign countries in search of employment and to satisfy these goals. The 237

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relationships of both intra-national and international migration to tourism development are not well documented but the example of Pacific Islanders migrating to New Zealand is enlightening. Since 1971, thousands of Tongans have migrated to New Zealand in search of employment. The extent to which either the unstable social and economic conditions in Tonga or the increased prosperity available in New Zealand has been the principal causative factor of migration has been debated by Urbanowicz (1977a, b). The natural resources of Tonga are inadequate to feed the growing population. In spite of attempts to increase and modernize the agricultural base, in an attempt to generate cash flows to meet consumer demands for western products, Tonga has had to export much of its own agricultural produce. Inflation and unemployment have placed great pressure on local resources and have encouraged the government to expand the tourism industry in an attempt to rejuvenate the economy. Tongans are migrating in response to the serious lack of domestic employment. Tourism may help to support the island’s growing population but it may also aggravate other problems. The exposure to and subsequent demand for western products can be attributed, primarily, to the influence of tourism. Migration is contributing to social problems in both Tonga and New Zealand. In the latter country, racial tension and violence have emerged, and alcoholism and crime have increased. In Tonga, a gradual erosion of the traditional extended family system, chain migration (continued migration aided by Tongans already in New Zealand) and an increased reliance upon remittance payments have become common (Koea 1977: 68–9). Although it would be wrong to ascribe all these ills solely to tourism, tourism has certainly played a part. In spite of the generation of employment and income, tourism has had serious effects on Tongan communities, which include: 1. Increases in crime rates and tension with the inability of local residents to achieve their western-induced desires by legitimate means; 2. Intensification of resentments with the continued employment of expatriates in tourism occupations; 3. The disruption of traditional kinship and community bonds through the loss of important individuals by migration. The secondary implications of the demonstration effect on employment and migration contribute to modifications in the internal structure of host communities. This may occur through: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Changes in the roles of women; Changes in community cohesion; Changes in demographic structure; Changes in institutional structures and membership.

Information on these trends is fragmentary. In most traditional societies, relationships between the generations are governed by strict patterns of authority, 238

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underpinned by the financial dependence of youth on the older generation. The widening of employment and earning opportunities for both young people and women decrease their dependence and cannot but strain interfamilial relations (de Kadt 1979: 43). However, it would be wrong to regard all such changes as undesirable. For example, Reynosoy Valle and de Regt (1979: 130–1) found significant changes in the employment of women in their Mexican case study. As a result of the opening of alternative job opportunities in new hotels, working conditions and salaries for domestics improved sharply. Opportunities also increased in the informal labour market for such activities as washing clothes, renting rooms, selling food and petty vending. Some women were able to formalize their businesses by opening hotels, restaurants and shops. According to Wilson (1979: 205–36), in the Seychelles females have received preference over males in a number of hotel and restaurant jobs, with the result that women lead less restricted lives than was previously the case. According to Wilson (1979: 224): ‘If a young girl lands a good job, she can earn more money than her father and is better able to dictate her own life-style’. However, in Tunisia, employers in the tourism industry have been prevailed upon to pay girls’ wages to their fathers rather than directly to the employee (de Kadt 1979: 44). The disruption of kinship and community bonds will reduce cohesiveness within the host society. This may be manifested in declining memberships in community organizations and a decrease in the quality of local services. However, Manning (1979: 157–76) argued a contrary case and has suggested that tourism has contributed to a revitalization of black clubs in Bermuda. Greenwood (1976: 139) noted that the upward social mobility associated with the demonstration effect also implies residential mobility. In his Spanish study, he argued that the decline in community cohesion was most visible in the isolation and abandonment of the aged members of the community, many of whom were left alone and uncared for. The construction of tourism facilities can lead to an influx of labour with consequent changes in the demographic structure and associated social problems (Reynosoy Valle and de Regt 1979: 127–9, Tourism and Recreation Research Unit, University of Edinburgh, 1976–77). Again, the situation is complicated for there are other cases where tourism has provided jobs, slowed the emigration of young people and has made a positive contribution to demographic structure (Diem 1980). The undesirable consequences of the demonstration effect for the socioeconomic development of host communities has been widely recognized. Turner and Ash (1975: 197) and Burns (2002) even postulated that the demonstration effect is tourism’s chief weapon against the maintenance of authenticity in culture and community identity. They see tourism as an exporter of western lifestyles to developing countries, disseminating metropolitan values and decadence which are, themselves, being questioned in their countries of origin. The positive effects of demonstration are seldom mentioned, except by those involved in the promotion 239

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and marketing of tourism. It still remains to be determined if the display of a higher standard of living will produce an energizing effect on local people, encouraging more strict work ethics and increased initiative in search of wealth. Bryden (1973: 96) adopted a different perspective and called into question the utility of the demonstration effect as an aid to explanation, calling it ‘a vague, unsatisfactory concept’. He suggested that, on its own, the concept does not explain who is demonstrating what to whom, why, to what extent, or at what speed demonstration is occurring. He also asked why it is assumed that the tastes of foreigners are adopted by indigenes and not vice versa. In fact, it is common to see western tourists in tropical destinations dressed in batik and sarongs and eating local food. Though not well documented, international travel has probably helped tourists to develop an interest in a diversity of national cuisines. Tourism has undoubtedly engendered a more ‘foreign’ atmosphere in tourism resorts in both developed and developing countries. Radical commentators criticize the foreign domination of tourism services and facilities, and see beyond the demonstration effect a more insidious phenomenon which they attribute to neocolonialism. This is another condition which promotes resentment of tourist activities.

Neocolonialism The view that tourism is a new form of colonialism and imperialism is one extreme perception of tourist development and its effects (Matthews 1977: 21). However, the evidence presented in Chapter 4 and to be found in the writings of Levitt and Gulati (1970), Lewis (1972), Bryden (1973) and Perez (1975) indicates that this perspective is not without foundation. The movement of metropolitan citizens from the developed economies of Europe and North America to societies of the less developed world has a long history. According to some authors, the growth of tourism in these destinations has been only a change in the form and magnitude of travel without a major alteration in its colonial quality. Although the legal ties between metropolitan powers and tourism destination countries have changed as many developing nations have received independence, the economic relationships between them have remained essentially the same. This condition has prompted the charge that tourism is a neocolonial activity. Three economic conditions substantiate this claim. Firstly, many developing countries have grown to depend upon tourism as a means to secure revenue. Many countries attempting to boost foreign exchange earnings have turned to tourism as a means of achieving this goal. Their success depends, in part, on their willingness to accommodate fully the needs of tourists. The West Indies, for example, waived tax and import restrictions, developed appropriate infrastructures and relaxed environmental safeguards in an attempt to encourage the development

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of the tourism industry. In other words, their political and economic priorities and organization have been directed towards the satisfaction of the demands of tourists. Secondly, the development of tourism may be accompanied by a one-way transfer of wealth from the destination area to points of tourist generation. A large proportion of expenditures and profits are now gained by foreign investors. High leakages may leave little profit in the destination area. A large proportion of the goods and services which are consumed by the tourists are often not produced in the destination and, thus, most of the profits accrue elsewhere. Thirdly, the employment of non-locals in professional and managerial positions and the frequent existence of foreign, absentee employers have also provoked charges of neocolonialism. These features also contribute to high leakages through the remittances of salaries and profits to the tourist-generating countries. Bugnicourt (1977: 2), writing specifically on African tourism, believed that these situations contributed to what he called ‘tourism with no return’. Perez (1975: 141), Bugnicourt (1977: 3) and Matthews (1977: 23) also argued that tourism is neocolonialist through the herding of indigenous groups into ‘reservations’ for the purpose of entertaining tourists, and through the transformation of the relics of past colonial regimes, such as old fortresses and historic buildings, into tourist attractions. Similarly, cultural symbols of art, music, dance and literature are exploited to cater to tourist curiosity and to make money. The above discussion represents a radical perspective on the role of tourism in developing countries, a theme prevalent in many earlier studies and literary works. There is certainly evidence suggesting that tourism is exploitative and that it displays many of the characteristics of colonial economies. Nevertheless, the validity of the viewpoint is still debated. First, many governments of developing countries welcomed tourism as a means of stimulating economic growth. The encouragement of the growth of the industry is not typical of colonial beginnings, which are usually imposed. Secondly, most developing countries are independent politically, and foreign powers do not determine the decisions of the governments of those countries. However, the manipulation and control of local politicians and elites by foreign metropolitan interests undoubtedly exist but are unlikely to be as influential and domineering as under colonial rule. Detailed investigations into patterns of ownership, investment, decision making and profits, and levels of involvement of foreign investment would be required to substantiate either perspective. This is a daunting task but it has been started by van der Werff (1980). The above discussion has examined some of the more important conditions that provoke intense feelings of resentment towards tourists and tourism activities. The responses of hosts to tourism also may reflect a number of other social impacts. These effects have usually been examined separately in the literature and have not been related specifically to host feelings or behaviour. These social impacts are examined below.

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TOURISM AND MORAL CONDUCT Archer (1978: 129) believed that one of the most significant and least desirable by-products of tourism is its effects on the moral standards of the host population. The growth of prostitution, crime and gambling has been mentioned frequently as negative effects of tourism development.

Sex tourism and prostitution Prostitution, which has been called the ‘oldest profession’, was as much, if not more, a part of ancient society as travel. It certainly existed prior to the growth of mass tourism. It is exceedingly difficult to say how much tourism has been responsible for upsurges in prostitution in such tourism locations as Bali, Fiji, the Seychelles, Tonga and Thailand. One might expect one or more of the following hypotheses to explain increases in prostitution in tourism resorts: 1. The processes of tourism have created locations and environments which attract prostitutes and their clients. 2. By its very nature, tourism means that people are away from the puritanical bonds of normal living, anonymity is assured away from home, and money is available to spend hedonistically. These circumstances are conducive to the survival and expansion of prostitution. 3. As tourism affords employment for women, it may upgrade their economic status. This, in turn, may lead to their liberalization and, eventually, to their involvement in prostitution to maintain or acquire new economic levels. 4. Tourism may be used as a scapegoat for a general loosening of morals. 5. The overt component of attractiveness of some destinations is the liberalization and promotion of prostitution by the destination and hence the development of sex tourism. 6. Poor people with few economic opportunities are forced into prostitution to survive and tourists are a convenient clientele. There is growing evidence illustrating the complex relationships between tourism and the commercial sex industry, its nature and risks (Oppermann 1998, Shaw and Williams 2000). Early studies gave passing reference to the effects of tourism on prostitution (Archer 1978, Pizam 1978, Urbanowicz 1977a, b) but now detailed and comprehensive studies and reviews by Cohen (1988c), Symanski (1981) and Graburn (1983) have attempted to determine the relationship between tourism and prostitution specifically. Sex tourism has received significant attention over the past two decades, including Cohen’s (1988c) work in Thailand, Leung’s (2003) study in Cambodia, Ford and Wirawan’s (2000) study in Indonesia and Graburn’s (1983) and Hall’s (1992b) summaries in Asia, Wilson’s (1994) analysis in the 242

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Seychelles, Pruitt and LaFont’s (1995) study in Jamaica and Oppperman’s (1998) and Shaw and William’s (2000) collection of international case studies and a number of recent books address the topic (Bauer and McKercher 2003, Ryan and Hall 2001, Clift and Cater 2000). Oppermann (1998: 19) concluded that although recent studies have provided insights into the sex tourism and prostitution relationship, there are still many areas requiring more attention not the least of which is the collection of accurate primary data and hence less reliance on data supplied by others and estimates. There have been several attempts to quantify the incidence of sex tourism and its associated health problems. In Thailand, for example, Hall (1996) noted that the number of prostitutes rose to over 500,000 with almost 40 per cent working in Bangkok. There was also a corresponding increase in HIV-positive prostitutes with nearly 15 per cent of Bangkok prostitutes being HIV-positive in 1990. A decade later it has risen to 18 per cent. However, it is not clear what part international tourism has played as the data does not permit differentiation between prostitutes whose clients are tourists from those that are locals (Carter and Clift 2000). Further, the development of sex tourism in Thailand was closely connected with a range of diverse issues often occurring simultaneously. The use of Thailand by American servicemen in the Vietnam War as a place for rest and relaxation, the local and international dimension of gendered labour, social and technological changes in world tourism markets, and changing attitudes around sexuality, gender and race were all influencing factors (Truong 1990). Much the same set of factors applies to areas of prostitution concentration in the Philippines and South Korea. Tourism has, however, created new opportunities for tourists to engage in sexual activity but tourism alone cannot account for prostitution in Thailand or for its increase. Sex tourism may be defined as tourism where the main motivation is to consummate commercial sexual relations (Graburn 1983: 437). It has emerged as a highly visible and marketed component of the tourism attractiveness of many destinations around the world. However, prostitution comes in many different forms and this complicates the relationship between sex tourism and prostitution. There are casual prostitutes who move in and out of prostitution according to financial need. There are call girls and boys who operate through intermediaries such as brothels and club owners. There is forced involvement where young people are sold by families in order to pay local debts or reduce loans (Ackerman and Filter 1994). There is street prostitution as well as outlets such as massage parlours and KTV lounges. Sex tourism has become an important component in some destinations’ economic development but it is not clear whether the increase in standards of living will reduce the dependency on sex tourism or whether the growth of consumerism will become a new factor in the maintenance of the sex tourism industry (Hall 1992b: 69). Notwithstanding the sociological, economic and political complexities surrounding sex tourism, there are concerns being addressed by researchers over the sociocultural impacts of the phenomenon. These include: 243

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The appearance of new forms of sexually transmitted diseases particularly AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) and the resulting costs associated with treatment and education/training programmes (Cohen 1988c: 475); The sociological issues of denying human rights through forced prostitution, the exploitation of children and the commercialization of women. The sex tourism industry continues to shape and reaffirm gender roles and the perception of gender in the host society (Leheny 1995: 381); The questioning of religious laws that prevent prostitution with the operation of red light districts and brothels as seen in such Islamic countries as Pakistan and Malaysia (Hong 1985 cited in Hall 1992b: 67); The effects on traditional family structures of the involvement of young people in prostitution; Resident responses to tourists because of sex tourism may further discourage future visitation to the destination.

Balancing the economic gains of sex tourism and prostitution with the wider psychological and social damage they create in the host community involves an important but contentious social, political and emotional debate. Effective mechanisms of controlling sex tourism will place a heavier proportion of costs of law enforcement and controls in hotels and entertainment establishments. As Truong (1990: 524) noted, the banning of prostitution may be counter-productive and create hardship for those who engage in it. Legislation to protect prostitutes and improvement of the occupational health standards of their work place may be a preferred response. Many studies of gender and tourism indicate that the relationship between sex and tourism is complicated, takes many forms and should not be reduced to a consideration only of prostitution. Some people meet their spouses while on holiday, some tourists may be on a honeymoon, others fall in love with their tour guides and so on. Sex may be a central or peripheral part of the reason for travel and the relationships between partners may be commercial or otherwise. Baum and McKercher (2003) have explored a diversity of tourism contexts involving romance, love and lust, and have discussed the role of tourism in facilitating a diversity of encounters between residents and visitors, between tourists and those involved in serving tourists and among the tourists themselves.

Crime Unlike information on prostitution, data on crime are much more easily secured, although it is often difficult to relate the data to tourism. A wide variety of questions can be asked concerning the contribution of tourism to crime. They include: 1. Does tourism stimulate an increase in crimes against people and property? What types of crime, if any, are particularly associated with tourism? 244

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2. Does the tourist season in resorts attract criminals from other areas and provoke the unlawful ambitions of local criminals? 3. Do people consciously consider crime when they evaluate destinations in their travel plans? Do perceived levels of crime in resorts influence travel decisions? 4. Does tourism affect the perceived levels of safety and security of inhabitants of destination areas? 5. What measures are most appropriate to ensure the safety of both hosts and guests and their property and, at the same time, maintain a carefree, holiday atmosphere? 6. Does the tourism industry itself become a direct source of crime or does it induce its own unique forms of crime? 7. Is there a specific relationship between tourism and crime or is it a reflection of more fundamental social forces found in our overall lifestyle? The literature on crime as an externality of tourist development is not large, but most is empirically based. McPheters and Stronge (1974), Jud (1975), Pizam (1978, 1999) and, to a lesser extent Rothman (1978) and Ryan (1993a), indicated a positive relationship between increases in tourism and crime rates. However, with the exception of Jud, all are cautious in their interpretations because of the large number of complicating factors. Jud developed a mathematical model in his analysis of tourism and crime in Mexico but he was restricted in the variables that he was able to include. Lin and Loeb (1977: 165) indicated that because of specification errors, many of Jud’s estimates could be mistaken. Nevertheless, Jud’s substantial empirical evidence was an early example suggesting a relationship between tourism and crime. In the last decade, two major texts on the relationship of tourism and crime have been produced (Pizam and Mansfield 1996, Ryan 1993a, b). Ryan (1993a, b) identified five different relationships between crime and tourism: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Tourists are incidental victims of criminal activity; The tourism location is a venue for crime; Tourism is the provider of victims and crime is therefore opportunistic; There is organized criminal activity to meet certain types of tourist demand; There is organized criminal and terrorist group activity against tourists and tourist destinations.

The occurrence of tourists falling victim to crime is dependent on the existing levels of criminal activity, the stage of development of the destination and proximity of tourist zones. There are examples of crimes against tourists in designated tourist zones but also of others against tourists in remote areas. In the early stages of the tourist destination development cycle, it is assumed that local involvement and values supporting tourist hospitality are conducive to lower criminal activity. 245

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Tourist locations as venues for enhanced criminal activity are governed to a large extent by such characteristics as the large number of visitors staying short durations; large numbers of seasonal workers; transient relationships between hosts and guests; leisure being the main motivation of activity, spending is usually unrestricted, and local businesses and services reflect the impacts of tourism. The open accessibility of a destination area and the unfamiliarity of the place, make tourists an easy target and, therefore, it is not surprising for tourist activities to attract criminal behaviours. Both tourists and residents can be victims of crime and rates for robbery, burglary, larceny and crimes against property are increasing in tourist areas (Chesney-Lind and Lind 1986). Although there are apparent and recorded differences in such crimes between tourism and non-tourism areas, it is clear that residents perceive that tourism zones do attract crime (Milman and Pizam 1988; Walmsley, Boskovic and Pigram 1983). Tourists generate opportunities for criminal activity at two levels: individual and institutional (Ryan 1993a, b). The former reflects the fact that tourists will often indulge in behaviours in a destination that are foreign to them in their places of residence (Ryan and Kinder 1996). These may include excessive drinking, drugtaking and prostitution. Institutional illegal behaviour may involve the illegal purchase of land at a destination and its resale at higher prices to tourism suppliers. Tourism is vulnerable to terrorism activities as evident in hijackings, attacks on tourism facilities and on the tourists themselves. As Wall (1996d: 144) and Fieler (1986: 88) noted, the attraction of tourism to terrorists is due to the amount of international publicity it receives, further publicizing the terrorists’ political cause and their ability and resourcefulness in carrying out such acts. The implications of terrorist activity for destinations are obviously wide-ranging: reduced tourist arrivals, reduced investment in tourism infrastructure, job losses, and increased tourist fees to pay for increased security, to suggest but a few. The following factors are critical in influencing relationships between tourism and crime: 1. The population density during the tourist season; 2. The location of the resort in relation to an international border; 3. The per capita incomes of hosts and tourists, large differences between them tending to encourage robbery; 4. The level of tourism development and level of dependence of the destination on tourism; 5. Level of existing conventional crime. Two Florida studies (McPheters and Stronge 1974, Schiebler, Crotts and Hollinger 1996) noted a close similarity between the tourist season and the crime season. It was suggested that this reflected the response of criminals to the increased availability of targets and congestion during the tourist season, since these factors 246

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increased the potential gains and reduced the probability of detection from the point of view of the criminals. Harper (2001) reported in five studies that in most instances the rate of crime to tourists, particularly larceny, theft and robbery, was higher than that experienced by local residents. Further, crimes against tourists occurred at a higher level in areas with a high level of existing conventional crime. Prideaux and Dunn (1995) suggested that the image a destination has attained in its marketing and promotional initiatives will influence the type of tourists visiting and their corresponding behaviours. They found that economic crimes (robbery, larceny and burglary) had a similar season to tourism, while auto theft and crimes of passion (murder, rape and assault) did not. Rothman’s (1978) attitude studies of two seasonal resorts in Delaware indicated that inhabitants of Bethany and Rehoboth perceived a decline in personal safety and an increase in crime rates during the tourist season. It was widely believed that it was more dangerous to be out after dark during the summer than at any other time. Police protection was increased greatly during the tourist season at great expense to the local communities. There are some additional studies evaluating the relationships of tourism and crime with varying findings, but many have found that crime and overall resident perceptions of tourism development are linked (Haralambopoulos and Pizam 1996, Long, Perdue and Allen 1990, Pizam, Milwan and King 1994). De Albuquerque and McElroy (1999: 981), in their Caribbean study, found that tourists in mass tourism destinations were more likely to be victims of serious crimes than residents. Harper (2001) revealed that tourists were much more likely than residents to be victims of property crime and robbery whereas the reverse was true for murder and aggravated assault. A consistent relationship between the victimization rates on tourists (robbery, burglary, larceny and rape) and the increase in tourist arrivals was also found by Chesney-Lind and Lind (1986) in Hawaii and in five other case studies investigated by Harper (2001). Two studies were located that focused specifically on crime rates in tourist hotels (Bach and Pizam 1996, Jones and Groenenboom 2002). Unlike most studies of tourism and crime which have addressed the tourists as the victims, these two analyses also looked at the tourists as perpetrators of crimes. The two types of crime most prevalent in hotels were public area theft and credit card fraud. The authors suggested that there were a number of different ways that these were perpetrated. They also indicated that they were influenced by the hotel design, its location, the effectiveness of hotel security and the grade and customer mix of the property. Although findings vary, it appears that tourism contributes to an increase in crime, in certain circumstances, especially on a seasonal basis. It does this partly through the generation of friction between the host population and tourists, which may be manifest in criminal activities. However, probably of greater significance is that the target for criminals is expanded and situations are created where gains from crime may be high and the likelihood of detection small. 247

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The effects of crime on host communities appear to be: 1. Increased expenditures on law enforcement and security systems during the tourist season; 2. Monetary losses from burglary and larceny, property damage from vandalism, commercial embezzlement, tax dodging and the growth of black markets; 3. Heightened tension; 4. The visible presence of the law in increased foot patrols and traffic controls may lead to a false sense of security. Although direct linkages between tourism and crime have not been established conclusively, Ryan (1993b) concluded that this is a reflection of the complexities of both phenomena. Both are derived patterns of action informed by social values, cultures and economic systems that generate demands for escape by both the tourist and host from current realities. Research priorities should be directed to the examination of the causes of increased crime in tourism areas, the indirect effects of this on the host community, perceived safety issues and their impacts on tourist demand, the costs created and the determination of who should bear them.

Gambling There has been a transformation of attitudes towards gambling in the past twenty years and this has been accompanied by an unprecedented growth in the legitimate gambling industry. Gambling has been long recognized as a tourist attraction and for several centuries was an important part of the experience available at European spa resorts. Today it is undoubtedly a growth industry. In Australia in 1984, there were two casinos and a decade later fourteen. Similarly, in the United States, gambling legislation has proliferated since the 1970s as is evident in the growth of the casino hotels of Nevada and Atlantic City, the stakes casinos of Colorado, Iowa and South Dakota, and riverboat casinos and casinos on Indian reservations in several states. Historically, casinos in Europe and America were geographically isolated from the main population centres (Eadington 1995, 1996, Leiper 1989, Roehl 1994: 156). Location strategies of separating the casino from its main markets led to the rise of Monte Carlo, Las Vegas, Reno and Macau. Eadington (1978: 446) argued that casino tourism areas should be located away from their principal markets to ensure casino gambling remained a speciality and novelty, attributes contributing to its popularity. The emergence of urban casinos, however, is quite recent as part of new jurisdictions in the USA and particularly in Canada. The latter has seen considerable public sector ownership and franchised monopolies in its approach to legalizing casinos. A detailed review of growth trends in North America casino tourism has been prepared via the numerous case studies edited by Meyer-Arendt and Hartmann (1998) and Hsu’s (1999) collection of papers. The main justifications for the legalization of gambling and its organization 248

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and promotion by the state were the tax revenues that could be obtained, and the belief that the gambling industry, if illegal, would operate anyway. Legalization was seen as a means of diverting revenues from illegal operations to the state. Gambling, like prostitution, is not endemic to tourism. However, it has been largely responsible for the fame and notoriety of such tourism destinations as Monte Carlo, Las Vegas and Tijuana, and for the rise and fall of Cuba’s Batista in Havana. Atlantic City, New Jersey, openly voted in favour of legalizing casinos in an attempt to revive the resort’s fading tourist trade (Stansfield 1978: 238). In spite of the concern on the part of local police and church groups that gambling would attract organized crime, prostitution and violence, casinos were legalized in the hope that they would: 1. Generate tourist activity; 2. Generate local employment and economic activity to the resort and surrounding region; 3. Increase the income of the city by expanding its tax base. The casino industry now generates 21 per cent of the direct income for Atlantic City, 28 per cent of its direct employment, 33 per cent of local property taxes and 7 per cent of the state’s taxes and is a significant catalyst in attracting tourists, stabilizing employment and attracting capital investment (Stokowski 1996, 1998). The increasing interest in the use of casino gambling as a means of reviving declining resorts has been associated with a growing concern for the problems that follow. Pizam (1978: 9) reported that, because of its side effects, gambling was perceived as one of the most undesirable consequences of tourism by residents of Cape Cod. Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 47) reported that casinos were banned in Trinidad and Tobago because of these problems. The spread of casino tourism has also brought with it a corresponding body of research literature that attempts to provide a balanced perspective between the readily apparent economic benefits (tax revenues, employment opportunities, regional development, and capital investment stimulation) and many of the social and economic costs emerging. The positive economic impacts of casino tourism on resort communities have been documented by Pizam and Pokela (1985: 12), Roehl (1998) and Heneghan (1999). To date these economic benefits have been related to specific casino tourism locales in specific jurisdictions. These effects will ultimately change with the proliferation of casino gaming, the development of gaming opportunities close to and in urban areas and the increasing number of competing gaming jurisdictional zones being legislated. There is also agreement that economic, social and political costs emerge from casino development although these have not been well researched. In many cases, particularly in smaller communities, the large revenues accruing do not always offset the costs associated with increased traffic congestion and noise, parking, additional security costs, loss of local business activity and business bankruptcies (Kindt 1994). 249

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Gambling and casino tourism remain an activity with continued moral ambiguity stimulating substantial public debate. It is the increasingly documented social and economic costs of casino tourism that fuel these situations. A number of social impact assessments of casino developments and resident attitude surveys towards the impacts of gambling in their communities have been undertaken by Pizam and Pokela (1985), Stokowksi (1996, 1998) and Caneday and Zeiger (1991). Casino tourism affects residents and, taken as a whole, the literature on casino tourism suggests a number of social implications: 1. Residents are often unprepared for the rapidity and magnitude of changes brought about by casino tourism. 2. Gambling can lead to personal and family tragedies from compulsive or pathological gambling behaviour and these are likely to grow as access to legalized gambling increases. 3. There has been political corruption and organized crime linked to casino gaming. However, as legal casinos have become more common and accepted and regulations more stringent, opportunities for corruption or organized crime infiltration have diminished. This relationship has not been established conclusively but Hakim and Buck (1987: 416) noted that increases in specific crimes such as larceny, burglary, auto theft and violence were statistically related to the presence of casinos. 4. The inequitable distribution of the benefits of casino tourism to residents and inequitable taxation for those in casino tourism locales versus other resort residents or residents in the surrounding area. Studies reveal that gambling taxes tend to be regressive, i.e. taxes being levied disproportionately against residents of the resort versus the surrounding area (Mason, Shapiro and Borg 1989, Roehl 1994). 5. Residents of casino tourism resorts do recognize both positive and negative impacts. Interestingly, despite this seeming ambivalence, the perceptions of the impacts of casino tourism by residents are tolerant, tempered by the expectations of future benefits. While casino tourism shares many of the same characteristics of mass tourism, the added dimension of gambling does provide significant differentiation in terms of social impacts. These need to be studied in more detail and be differentiated according to residents employed in tourism, residents employed in gambling, and residents employed outside of the industry. A closer examination of the externalities and distribution of benefits and costs and tracking these longitudinally and over the product life cycle will also provide greater insight into the social impacts of casino tourism.

TOURISM AND RELIGION A substantial literature exists on pilgrimage and there has been considerable discussion of the relationships between pilgrimage and tourism (Cohen 1992a, Jutla 250

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2002, Din 1989, Rinschede 1992, Eade 1992). Are they the same thing? In what ways are they different? Tourism has been called a ‘sacred journey’ and pilgrimage has many attributes of tourism: a trip, a sojourn at one or more destinations, food and beverage requirements, souvenirs and interaction with a host community, to name but a few. Religion has been a powerful force which has long caused people to travel to religious centres in many parts of the world. Travel to the ancient cities of Palestine and Christendom, Mecca, Medina and Bangkok is not new. Pilgrimages by the Persian Shiites to their sacred death place at Kadhimain in Iraq, by the Jews to Jerusalem and by the Sunnis to Medina, have been described by Ritter (1975: 57) as ‘tourism of the dead’, a form of travel which is little known in the western world. Although tourists of Western Europe do not often travel for spiritual reasons to their aspired burial place, they are often motivated to travel because of religious affiliations or curiosity. The peak tourism periods in Jerusalem and Damascus during Easter and the time of the Passover are partly a result of the spiritual devotion of western Christians. Rome or, more specifically, the Vatican, attracts Catholics from all parts of the world. The cathedrals of England have become such popular tourist attractions that their very fabric is threatened by pressures from visitors (English Tourist Board 1979). Similarly the re-enactment of Christ’s crucifixion at Oberammagau in Germany once every ten years is one of the largest single religious events and brings to the region massive injections of tourist dollars. Relationships between tourism and religion have changed from their traditional form. Holy places, such as Jerusalem, Mecca and Medina, have become tourist destinations for visitors lacking a strong spiritual motivation. Anti-western sentiment has increased in such places because of political factors and because locals and devout pilgrims find that their living conditions and religious experiences have been marred because of frequent photography, the proliferation of signs and rowdy behaviour. Thus, conflict is arising between locals, the religiously devout tourist and the curious visitor. There is concern that holy places are being developed for tourism and that this is detracting from the religious significance which has made them famous. The Church, and religions generally, have also realized the economic benefits of tourism although in some more orthodox sects they are not promoted yet not denied. Tourism is being used as a source of revenue. Collection boxes are often found at entrances and exits to cathedrals and shrines, and souvenir booklets and postcards are frequently displayed for sale. In some churches guided tours are conducted and donations are requested on leaving. This situation is not the prerogative of any one religion or culture: it is as prevalent in the temples of India as in the cathedrals of Britain. Numerous situations now exist where visitation to a specific shrine also includes visits to surrounding areas as part of the overall tourist experience. Lourdes and Fatima, two of Europe’s best-known places for pilgrimages, have become focal points of attraction for the entire French and 251

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Iberian tourist regions. Other examples worldwide also reveal the same economic realities of the links between tourism and pilgrimage noted by such authors as Hudman and Jackson (1999: 120), Vukonic (2002), Cohen (1992b), Eade (1992) and V. Smith (1992). The Church has often expressed concern over the growth of tourism because of the emergence of associated social, cultural and environmental problems. Such concerns have been expressed by the World Council of Churches (1970) and the Caribbean Ecumenical Consultation for Development (1971) in the proceedings of their meetings. They have attempted to define the role of the Church in contributing towards a more adequate understanding of tourism. They saw their role as primarily an advisory one. They proposed the following: 1. The education of the populace of host countries. This would include a reorientation of attitudes to enable hosts to fulfil their role in a positive and responsible manner. 2. Churches of host countries should initiate pastoral relationships which would encourage visitors to share their anxieties and personal problems with a friendly and receptive host community. 3. Ensuring that tourism experiences renew the human condition, promote the perception of things not customarily perceived, and thereby promote a spiritual rethinking. Both of these early conferences put forward recommendations concerning the social and environmental compatibility of tourism, self-renewal and spiritual awakening. Their recommendations, although ideological and perhaps unrealistic, are some of the first suggestions which attempt to tackle the social problems of the tourist industry. A third conference on ‘the pastoral care of tourism on the move’ (International Congress on Pastoral Care of Tourism on the Move 1979) was very wideranging in its deliberations, discussing such issues as the preparation of guides for holy places, the Lord’s Day in the context of tourism, the pastoral reception of pilgrims, pastoral possibilities in health resorts, and the apostolate among hoteliers and young seasonal visitors. Such conferences are a clear indication that the churches have recognized that tourism is an important component of life, with both desirable and undesirable consequences worthy of their attention. As tourism, particularly religious tourism, has grown, the churches and religions have not been able to remain indifferent to the consequences induced by religious tourism itself. Sacred facilities are becoming used as much for tourists’ pleasure as for religious observance (Vukonic 2002). The arguments of spiritual needs coming before material ones has always been at the forefront of religion’s opposition to tourism and remains central to many hosts’ perceptions of the presence of tourists in their places of worship. Others have criticized the commercialization of sacred sites, claiming that tourism dictates local worship schedules, and sees the selling 252

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and mass production of religious souvenirs as profaning their religious symbolism. However these arguments seem to be localized among religious practitioners and have not interfered with the widespread notion that tourism, religion and economics have a symbiotic relationship.

TOURISM AND LANGUAGE The scarcity of research investigating linguistic impacts of tourism means that it is not possible to discuss this social aspect in detail. As a preface to this discussion, it is appropriate to examine briefly the sociocultural role of language in society and its relationship with tourism. Language is a vehicle of communication and it is a part of the social and cultural attributes of any population. The great significance of language to society and as a sociocultural indicator was stressed by Wagner (1958: 86) when he stated: ‘Language exercises a decisive influence on the composition and distribution of inter-communicating social units – on who talks to whom – and thus on the activities in which men are able to participate in groups’. In a situation of social and cultural contact, the degree to which the native language is still spoken is an indicator of the extent of social assimilation and the strength of the culture and identity of the indigenous population. Moreover, changes in language may also be associated with changes in attitudes and behaviour on the part of local residents towards visiting groups. Language is an important factor in an analysis of social and cultural change and could be a useful indicator of the social impact of international tourism. Only a few studies (Butler 1978, Cohen and Cooper 1986, Huisman and Moore 1999, White 1974) were located which identified the effects of tourism on the use of language. The study by White (1974) examined relationships between the growth of tourism and social change, using language change as an index of the latter. He represented these relationships, and the possibilities of change within them, in the form of a conceptual model. The model identifies three ways in which tourism can lead to language change: 1. Through economic change. The new jobs associated with expanding tourist development are frequently not filled by local residents and immigrants are hired. A shift towards the use of the immigrants’ language may occur as immigrants exert pressure on local residents to speak their language. Further, the expansion of cultural brokers mediating between tourists and hosts will also lead to a number of involved locals learning the language of tourists. 2. Through the demonstration effect. Tourists’ portrayal of their material and financial background, and their attitudes and behaviour, may introduce new viewpoints and stimulate a broader interest in non-local affairs within the indigenous community. Aspirations of achieving similar status on the part of hosts may prompt them to replace their own language with that of the tourists. 253

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3. Through direct social contact. This involves direct communication between tourists and hosts and, although it may occur under a variety of circumstances, workers in the retail and service sectors may be required to converse in the tourists’ language, for the latter may not be able to speak the local tongue. White’s study of twenty-eight communes in the south-east of the Swiss Canton of Graubunden showed that the use of Romanish as the first language had declined markedly. For example, in areas where tourism activity was high, the percentage of residents claiming Romanish as their first language declined from 66 per cent in 1888 to 29 per cent in 1970. In areas of limited tourist activity the decline was much less: from 86 per cent to 80 per cent. Butler’s (1978) study of the rural, insular, crofting parish of Sleat in the Isle of Skye, Scotland, found less striking results to that of White, although both studies indicate that tourism acts to displace the indigenous language by that of the tourists. In Sleat, a slight majority of residents felt that tourism had no impact upon the Gaelic language and culture. Of those who did think there was an effect, the majority felt this to be negative towards Gaelic. This was because the presence of tourists inhibited the use of Gaelic. In the Sleat study (Butler 1978: 200), it was suggested that the increase in summer homes and the employment of seasonal labour from the mainland were the major factors contributing to the replacement or deferment of the use of Gaelic. This was especially the case if second homes became retirement homes. Both developments increased the proportion of Englishspeaking people remaining in the community for relatively long periods of time. Both Butler and White found that tourists staying in private homes, farmhouses and locally-based accommodation units had less impact on the linguistic loyalties of their hosts than those staying in hotels or motels. The links between tourism and language change through the direct contact of tourists with hosts were less important than the economic link, i.e. the use of non-local labour. Both studies illustrated that the linguistic solidarity of host cultures is seriously threatened by the assimilating forces of tourist development. Declines in the use of indigenous language have disturbed well-established social patterns and local social and cultural identities. White (1974: 35) concluded from the decline in the speaking of Romanish that tourism was a principal cause of the disappearance of local sociocultural features and their replacement by a greater degree of homogeneity. Cohen and Cooper (1986) suggested that changes in host language use and preservation are also related to the nature of the tourist–host relationship and the social and economic characteristics of the interacting groups. The use of the tourists’ languages in these communication encounters is crucial. Tourists are temporary visitors whose contact with the host society is superficial and brief. The authors also believed that the linguistic interactions between tourists and locals is also a reflection of a ‘power relationship’ that will depend on the level of institutionaliza254

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tion of the tourist (individual or mass tourist), the level of education and language capabilities of both groups, and the degree of dispersal of the tourist beyond the normal tourist areas. In cases of tourists from developed countries visiting developing countries, the accommodation of or the desire to speak the local language is usually minimal. Tourists and hosts who are both from developed countries are more likely to speak and be more capable of speaking the local language as was noted with German tourists visiting New Zealand (Huisman and Moore 1999). Tourism is also a service industry and engaged economically in providing such services. Individuals providing services, or sellers, therefore, will be more likely to demonstrate multilingualism than the tourists or buyers, although language skills may be largely confined to ‘tourist talk’, only existing for the subjects of transactions. Although these studies, and less detailed ones by Tsartas (1989), Ryan (1991: 138) and Sharpley (1994), are in substantial agreement, it may be premature to extend their findings to other areas. More detailed investigations are required for different geographical locations, for different cultural and linguistic groups, and for different types of tourist development before generalizations can be made with assurance.

TOURISM AND HEALTH Tourism and health are linked in four ways: 1. The health of travellers going to particular destinations, including health education for travelling to and of the conditions at destinations, medical aspects of travel preparation, health problems of returning tourists and the costs associated with tourists’ ill health; 2. The betterment of health is a common motive for travel; 3. The standards of public health in destination areas contribute to the quality of the tourist product; 4. Diseases may be contracted by tourists in one place and transferred to other destinations or their home. One of the most ancient links between travel and health is the taking of waters at mineral and hot springs (Lowenthal 1962: 124). Health tourism, as defined by the IUOTO (1973: 7), is ‘the provision of health facilities utilizing the natural resources of the country, in particular mineral water and climate’. Many other health establishments and rest homes with minimal dependence upon natural resources, such as health farms, should be added to this definition. Health tourism originated in the belief in the curative power of climate, mineral springs and other environmental conditions. The therapeutic value of mountain air, mineral water and sunshine led to the emergence of spas in different parts of Europe. Although many of the historic spa resorts (for example Bath, Baden-Baden and Bad Gastein) have declined 255

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or developed other attractions, the importance of health tourism remains. The IUTO in 1972, reported the existence of 516 health resorts in Germany (48 per cent of the European total), 290 in Poland (27 per cent), 90 in Spain (8 per cent) and 80 in Switzerland (7 per cent). The main aim of health tourism is personal regeneration through an active physical life coupled with mental relaxation. According to Wolski (1977: 203), this is an important component of the demand for tourism within contemporary society. The public health conditions in the destination area have an important bearing upon the quality of the tourist product and the tourist experience. Tourists, like any other travellers crossing an international border, have a duty to conform to the health formalities in force but, at the same time, can be expected to be protected against risks during their stay. The interests of the tourists and the destination area are served by the provision of high-quality health facilities which should receive the highest priority. As Richard (1973: 32) pointed out: ‘People go on holiday above all for a change, to indulge in sports in a different climate and to enjoy local amenities; but no matter how excellent the amenities provided, tourists attach the utmost importance to their health and comfort’. The quality of public health facilities contributes to levels of visitor satisfaction and also determines the likelihood of tourists contracting diseases which may be transferred to other destinations or back to the place of permanent residence. For example, it is common to hear of western tourists contracting stomach ailments or dysentery from the food and water in many developing countries. This is such a common occurrence that the ailments have been given such nicknames as ‘Delhi belly’ and ‘Montezuma’s revenge’. The impact of tourism on the health status of hosts and their communities has received limited attention. Historically, there are well-documented examples where the arrival of foreigners to a particular host country or region has altered the health status of the host by the introduction of new diseases. This was seen with the conquest of the New World by the Spanish and Portuguese, where diseases such as smallpox, yellow fever and influenza, were introduced and, in many cases, dramatically reduced the native population (Bauer 1999). The emergence of new infectious diseases, the accelerated spread of infectious diseases and the re-emergence of diseases thought to be eradicated have now been the focus of some recent tourism commentaries (Cossar 1994, Lea 1988, WHO 1996, Wilson 1995). Tourism brings about direct and indirect impacts on the health status of host communities. Direct impacts refer to the introduction and spread of infectious diseases, accidents causing death or injury to local residents and tourist industry personnel, and the conditions related to host employment in tourism. The introduction of foreign diseases to the host population is now common and although many of these diseases are normally easily treatable, the low hygiene, poor nutrition and poor economic conditions of host populations often add to the severity of and ease of transmission. Tourism has also exposed industry workers 256

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to additional health risks in the routines of their work. For example, jungle and mountain guides are often exposed to animal bites, malaria, altitude sickness and accidents. Mental health problems may also arise as traditional lifestyles and loss of identity occur as changes in social and cultural values are eroded. Indirect impacts may be attributed to the social and economic consequences of increased tourism revenues, visible through the improvement in medical health care facilities within destinations for use by the entire community. Conversely, the development of new medical facilities in a destination has sometimes been to provide such services to tourists and these may not be accessible or affordable for locals (Yunis 1996). A further indirect impact is related to the environmental problems induced by tourism. In many underdeveloped tourist areas, inadequate waste management and sewage systems and pollution of water supplies pose health risks for local communities and affect their local food supply. A recent upsurge in the number of cases of sexually transmitted diseases within host populations has accelerated concern for the overall impact of tourism on the health of destination communities. Researchers like Bauer (1999), Wilson (1995), Wanjau (1987), Agrusa (2003) and Cohen (1988c) urge the use of epidemiological research specifically for tourism and tourist–host interaction and the extension of the anecdotal work done so far through undertaking longitudinal, empiricallybased research programmes. Another area of the tourism–health relationship not examined here is that of tourists’ health as components of their pre-trip and trip experiences. These have been examined in a limited number of studies (Cossar 1996, Page and Meyer 1996, Page, Clift and Clark 1994, Petty 1989). Tourism does play a dual role in its effects on the health of host populations. On the one hand it can improve and provide better access to health facilities for members of the host community. On the other hand it can simultaneously be the driving force for the spread of and re-emergence of infectious diseases. The recent outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003 as well as footand-mouth disease in the United Kingdom drew attention to the importance of health issues in both human beings and animals to tourism because of their major disruptive effects. The former had global effects as potential tourists were afraid to travel. Countries such as China and Canada found their tourist industry suddenly curtailed, and locations far away from the centres of disease were impacted (Mason, Grabowski and Du 2005, Wall in press, Zhang, Gu and Kavanaugh 2005). In the latter case, tourism throughout the United Kingdom, particularly in rural areas, was drastically curtailed. The situation demonstrated vividly that many rural areas in the United Kingdom depend as much on tourism as on agriculture (Butler and Airey 2004). According to Wall (2004), health may even offer a perspective that can enlighten understanding of relationships between tourism and environment. A health perspective is being incorporated into many fields. Thus there are discussions of 257

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healthy economies, healthy cities, healthy communities, healthy environments and even healthy tourist industries. Rapport (1995) states that the utility of the health paradigm rests upon a number of suppositions which are identified below and modified to fit a tourist context: 1. That healthy tourism can be defined in an operational manner and that assessments of health status can, at least in part, be based upon objective criteria; 2. That systematic diagnosis of tourism conditions is possible; 3. That careful study of the state of tourism can yield early warning indicators of degradation and decline; 4. That practices of healthy tourism require not only diagnostic and curative capabilities but, perhaps most importantly, preventative measures. The adoption of a health paradigm need not involve an endorsement of the ‘react and cure’ approach of Western medicine. As the medical and health professions gradually change perspectives from cure to prevention, and their scale of analyses from the individual to the community, their concerns may, by analogy, raise questions of interest to researchers on tourism. Could general screening indicators, diagnostic indicators, risk assessment indicators and fitness measures be developed? Is the notion of sensitivity to stresses of value in generating new ideas and approaches? Could and should diagnostic protocols for assessing the health of tourist destinations be put in place? Could a taxonomy of tourism ills be developed?

SUMMARY The literature that has been accessed and summarized reveals a broad range of social impacts related to tourist development, tourist–host interactions and resulting influences. A number of other scholars have also summarized these studies and extensive bibliographies have been developed (Brunt and Courtney 1999, Pearce, P.L. 1998). A number of other works have contributed greatly to the conceptual and methodological development of measuring the social impacts of tourism (Ap and Crompton 1993, Brown and Giles 1994, Chen 2001, Liu and Var 1986). A growing body of work has also emerged focusing on resident attitudes towards tourists and the nature of tourist interactions (Ap and Crompton 1993, Hernandez, Cohen and Garcia 1996, Lankford 1994, McCool and Martin 1994, Pearce, P.L. 1998). It is clear that tourism has significant social impacts and is instrumental in altering the social structure of host communities with consequences for the attitudes of residents towards tourism. There is room to further examine these impacts and perceptions according to different types of residents and their characteristics, and to disentangle the impacts resulting from tourism from those of general economic development and other forces of change. 258

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CULTURAL IMPACTS It would be difficult to overlook the importance of culture as a motivator of travel. While it is easy to state the general significance of culture, it is more difficult to define the term in a way which will receive general acceptance and, consequently, it is hard to be precise about the impacts of tourism on culture. The concept of culture has been debated in anthropological literature for at least two centuries and has acquired almost as many definitions as those trying to define it. According to Singer (1968: 540), recent definitions of culture have grown progressively more formal and abstract. Culture has often been loosely defined as behaviour as observed through social relations and material artefacts. Although these may provide some raw data for a construct of culture, they are not, in themselves, the constituents of culture. Culture, in a deeper anthropological sense, includes patterns, norms, rules and standards which find expression in behaviour, social relations and artefacts. These are the constituents of culture. Singer’s definition (1968: 528) revealed this development: ‘Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behaviour, acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievement of human groups including their embodiments in artefacts; the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values’. Thus, according to the above definition, culture is the conditioning elements of behaviour and the products of that behaviour. Similarly Burns (2002: 56) argued that culture is ‘acquired’ through learning and the interaction between people. How they learn from each other may be observed through both social relations and material artefacts. Culture consists of behaviour patterns, knowledge, values and traditions which have been passed down through generations. Richards (1996) summarized the range of definitions of culture arguing that is a complex whole and is both a process and a product. Culture as a process covers the behaviours of individuals of a specific group, or processes through which people make sense of themselves and their lives. Culture as a product is a manifestation of individual or group activities to which certain meanings are attached. Richards argued that in tourism both these overlap and are integrated. As a process, tourists engage in cultural experiences searching for authenticity and meaning. The motivations of such tourists and their behaviour in a destination lead to the creation of cultural manifestations developed specifically for tourist consumption (Cohen 1988c). Tourism, as such, has transformed culture as a process into culture as a product. This definitional approach is important in the examination of tourism and culture in that underlying the concept of culture and its components is the fact that it is dynamic and that it may change over time. The extent to which tourism has influenced the process of cultural change is a critical part of the subsequent discussion in this chapter. It may be argued that tourism itself is a culture industry in that cultural products and experiences are promoted as tourist attractions (Prentice 1997). Craik 259

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(1995: 87) concluded that there are three elements of tourism as culture: the cultural elements of tourist products and packages, the sophistication of tourist perceptions and experiences of destination cultures and the cultural consequences of tourist development on resident communities. In response to the latter, there is also a growing body of literature regarding sustainable tourism that now addresses issues that are cultural as well as environmental. These cultural dimensions are examined in this chapter in the context of cultural impacts of tourism. Literature which examines the cultural effects of tourism has tended to concentrate upon the manifest expressions of culture from which the conditioning elements are inferred. Few works measure the deeper cultural effects, i.e. impacts on values, norms and identities. Graburn’s (1976) and Smith’s (2001) commentaries and their collections of papers are exceptions as they adopt a broader perspective and are concerned with changes in culture as a whole. They were particularly concerned with the material expressions of indigenous people and ‘Fourth World’ peoples, by which they meant indigenous people in developed countries. Graburn (1976: 1) stated that: The Fourth World is the collective name for all aboriginal or native peoples whose lands fall within national boundaries and technobureaucratic administrations of countries of the First, Second and Third Worlds. As such, they are peoples without countries of their own, peoples who are usually in the minority and without the power to direct the course of their collective lives.

This portion of the chapter examines cultural effects of tourism and includes the effects of ‘cultural’ tourism. A growing body of literature has emerged on cultural tourism and its consequences and corresponding planning and visitor management strategies (Boniface 1998, Evans 1994, McKercher and du Cros 2002, Richards 1996, Robinson and Boniface 1999). Reference is also made to heritage tourism and ethnic tourism. Both of these themes fit within the broad framework of tourism and culture and its consequences. Ethnic tourism involves travelling for the purpose of observing the cultural expressions and lifestyles of indigenous peoples, searching for the ethnically exotic and often untouched primitive and authentic. Several researchers have studied this from the perspective of tourist– host relationships, and from tourists’ and hosts’ perspectives separately (Jamieson 1994, King 1994b, McIntosh and Goeldner 1990, Moscardo and Pearce 1999, Pearce 1995, Smith 2001). There have also been a number of books and articles on the nature and impacts of heritage tourism (Garrod and Tyall 2000, Li 2003, Poria 2001, Prentice 2003). Heritage tourism is based on society’s passion to preserve the past from which people can claim a sense of identity and understanding of the present. Not all history, but specific elements of history, will over a period of time and via a certain process, become heritage (Poria 2001). Heritage tourism attractions are discussed 260

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at four levels: world, national, local and personal, recognizing that there will be overlaps between the levels of experiences or shared heritage (Timothy 1997). The impacts of heritage tourism visits to historic monuments, museums, works of art or historic buildings are discussed in this chapter and also, in the context of environmental impacts, in the preceding chapter. There is not a widely accepted definition of cultural tourism. This is not surprising given the definitional debates on tourism and culture already discussed. Richards (1996), Kemmerling-Clack (1999), Bonink (1992) and McKercher and du Cros (2002) have sought such a definition. Bonink (1992) suggested two approaches, one product-based and the other more conceptual. The first product-based definition describes the elements of culture that attract tourists to destinations and portrays cultural tourism as a form of consumption of tourist products. This approach was adopted by Ritchie and Zins (1978: 257), Munsters (1996), ECTARC (1989), Richards (1996) and Jamieson (1994). A summary of these elements of culture are listed: n

n n n n n n n n

Art, music and drama, including concerts, theatre and film (classical, folk and contemporary) Handicrafts Language and literature History, heritage and tradition Religious festivals and pilgrimages Architecture (ruins, famous landmarks) Archaeological sites and museums Gastronomy Complete cultures or sub-cultures (old or primitive)

McKercher and du Cros (2002) described participation in and consumption of culture by tourists in the above features or combinations of them, as an operational definition but cautioned that the omission of motivational and experiential analyses blurs the boundaries of what is and what is not cultural tourism. This explains the use of cultural tourism as an umbrella term for art tourism, ethnic or indigenous tourism, heritage tourism, museum tourism and others. A second approach is more conceptual in nature and seeks to describe the motivations and experiential aspirations attached to the cultural tourism activity (McIntosh and Goeldner 1990). Cultural tourism involves tourists experiencing and having contact with a host population and its cultural expressions, experiencing the uniqueness of its culture, heritage and the characters of its place and people. Tourists are motivated by such experiences and from them aspire to be both entertained and educated (Blackwell 1997, Boniface 1998). Such definitions are more clearly process or behaviour based. Both of these approaches have been encompassed in the widely acknowledged definitions put forward by the European Association for Tourism and Leisure Education (ATLAS) in 1991. 261

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Although there is some literature examining the motivational and experiential elements of cultural tourism (Bywater 1993, Richards 1996, Silberberg 1995), most of the academic works on cultural tourism has focused on the products identified earlier. Research into the cultural impacts of tourism has a similar emphasis and is centred on three major forms of culture which attract visitors: 1. Forms of culture which are inanimate or which do not directly involve human activity. Tourists visiting places of unique architecture and art, historical buildings and monuments, and purchasing traditional arts and crafts are notable examples. 2. Forms of culture reflected in the normal daily life of a destination. Visiting ‘foreign’ peoples to observe their normal social, economic and leisure activities in an attempt to understand their lifestyles, ideologies and customs is a common tourist motivation. 3. Forms of culture that are especially animated and may involve special events or depict historic or famous occurrences. Examples include musical festivals, carnivals, festivals reflecting old traditions and behaviour, re-enactments of battles and displays of old machinery. Analyses of tourism from a cultural perspective have increased substantially in number over the last decade and many of these seminal works have provided new insight into the nature and dynamics of the cultural impacts of tourism. Such works include MacCannell (1992), Wood (1993), Urry (1990), Cohen (1988c), de Kadt (1990), Dann (1981), Robinson, Evans and Callaghan (1996), Jafari (1987) and a state-of-the-art review by Selwyn (1994). This book does not endeavour to unravel or extend the definitional or conceptual debates of the anthropology of tourism. Rather, it attempts to review systematically the cultural impacts of tourism in the context of the relationship between culture and tourism. In doing so, components of culture as they are affected by tourism are examined, including cultural dynamics, dimensions and structures as they are revealed by tourist–host relationships. This perspective is similar to that of Burns (2002), Craik (1995) and Wood (1993) and is a step towards identifying acceptable forms and thresholds of tourist development from the perspective of their cultural consequences. The first anthropological symposium on tourism was held in Mexico City in 1974 and it has been conducted every year since then. Pacific tourism has been the subject of at least two early symposia (Farrell 1977, Finney and Watson 1977). A number of texts and academic articles in a wide range of journals have been devoted to anthropological aspects of tourism. They include McKercher and du Cros (2002), Richards (1996), Robinson and Boniface (1999), Burns (2002) and journals such as the Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change and Annals of Tourism Research. This is a sign of the recognition in anthropological circles that tourism is finally a respectable subject of enquiry. 262

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This section of the chapter concentrates upon two major themes: 1. Tourism and processes of cultural change: acculturation and cultural drift; 2. Intercultural communication and the marketing of culture, or cultural manifestations of tourist development.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE Cultural change is induced both by factors which are internal and external to culture. Cultures would change in the absence of tourism. Cultural change may occur as a result of: 1. The modification of the ecological niche occupied by a society. Changes to the habitat of a society induce changes which may involve cultural adaptation and change. 2. The contact between two societies with different cultures may bring about changes to both groups. 3. The evolutionary changes occurring within a society. This refers to the process of adaptation where societies change in response to internal biological and social needs to ensure satisfaction from their environment. Tourism could conceivably influence all three of these modes of change but the literature on tourism deals primarily with the effects in the second category, i.e. changes induced through contact between societies with different cultures. Few communities and societies are immune from outside contact and the tourist is more ubiquitous than any other representative of outside cultures and, as a result, has the power to profoundly affect the host community (Nunez 1989).The process has the following attributes: 1. Selectivity (items of material culture are more strongly infused than the ideas and behaviour patterns); 2. Reciprocity (involving two-way borrowing); 3. Transformatory nature (involving reinterpretation of cultural process and production in both form and function); 4. Interaction variables such as duration and intensity of contact and the degree of cultural integration. Analysts face severe difficulties in separating the effects of tourism on host cultures from those changes induced by other causes. Tourism is only one form of exposure of hosts to elements of societies with a different culture. It appears that tourism is able to accelerate cultural change but the effects are not specific to tourism, and some of the modifications mentioned in the literature may reflect a series of changes not the least of which are the inexorable forces of modernization. The notion that tourism damages or is in conflict with culture is well documented 263

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(Robinson and Boniface 1999). However, Burns (2002) and Wood (1993) both conclude that tourism is often unfairly targeted as the cause of the cultural ills of a community. International tourism neither destroys culture nor does it ever simply preserve it. It is inevitably bound up in an on-going process of cultural invention in which ‘westernization’ is probably, in most cases, of lesser importance that other new directions of cultural change. It has its own peculiar dynamics, which make it an interesting and challenging field of study, but the impacts of tourism are always played out in an already dynamic and changing cultural context (Wood 1993: 67). The early work of Nunez (1963) documented the interaction between Mexican villagers and urban tourists, noting rapid and dramatic changes in economic and political structures, land-use patterns and value systems. McKean (1976: 238) described similar results in a study undertaken with Taos Pueblo Indians: ‘They have come to be allied in a “cultural symbiosis” with the Anglo motel and shop operators recognizing the importance of the Indians in attracting the tourists and the Indians knowing that the whites operate necessary tourist services that enable them both to profit’. The acculturation theoretical framework is common to these pioneering studies and to many that have been undertaken subsequently. Anthropologists have been examining acculturation for decades, arguing that when contact takes place between a strong culture and a weaker one, it is usually the former which influences the latter (Petit-Skinner 1977: 85). These studies have the underlying assumptions that cultural changes: 1. Occur primarily to the indigenous society’s traditions, customs and values rather than to the visiting group; 2. Are leading to a gradual homogenization of cultures in which local identity is being assimilated into the stronger visiting culture. Acculturation theory asserts that when two cultures come into contact of any duration, each becomes somewhat like the other through a process of borrowing (Nunez 1989: 207). Borrowing is by no means symmetrical and is largely influenced by the nature of the contact situation, the socio-economic profiles of interacting individuals or groups, and the numerical differences in the populations. As many destinations of cultural tourism are in less developed countries, tourists, who are often western and wealthier, are less likely to borrow from their hosts than their hosts are from them. It seems to be inevitable that, as host societies adapt to tourism and attempt to satisfy the needs of tourists, they will succumb to tourists’ attitudes and values and become more like the culture of their visitors. Burns (2002) concluded that language is a key indicator of the asymmetry of the tourist– host relationship and of the extent of local acculturation (see comments on language earlier in the chapter). The host population produces a number of bilingual individuals to provide services to the tourists but rarely does the tourist make any 264

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attempt to learn the language of the host community. Most studies and examples illustrated in this section have noted a gradual weakening of traditional culture and what has been termed the development of a ‘Coca-Cola’ society within indigenous lifestyles (Shiviji 1973: 10) Tourism is one means by which acculturation can be studied. Changes resulting from intercultural contact are not exclusive to contemporary times nor are they solely attributable to recent mass tourism. Almost all communities had been exposed to outside contact before the recent upsurge in tourism. Increases in mobility, the processes of urbanization, and contact of indigenes with explorers and missionaries are but a few of the factors contributing to the breakdown of cultural barriers. It is inevitable that difficulty is encountered in separating the changes induced by tourism from those which are the result of other processes of modernization. Many souvenir art forms have been termed ‘arts of acculturation’ and may be the result of successive phases of modification, only the last of which is attributable to tourism. The degree to which tourism contributes to the acculturation process, the nature and direction of effects emanating from the process, and factors which could be manipulated to minimize the role of tourism in acculturation are topics scarcely covered in the literature. Furthermore, there is some ambiguity in the tourist literature concerning acculturation and its derivatives. Persistent loose usage has given it the meaning of cultural assimilation. Cultural assimilation means the replacement of one set of cultural traits by another (Spicer 1968: 21). Cultural assimilation and cultural symbiosis have been used in situations where the interacting cultures have similar economic conditions. Gee, Makens and Choy (1989) introduced the term ‘cultural collision’ in their analyses of the impacts of tourism. Using the Doxey Irridex (1975: 198) (see earlier in this chapter), they concluded that, through an evolutionary process, the end result is one of diffusion: the two cultures begin to converge through symbiotic and borrowing processes. Although such deterministic models have received some approval, they are not strong enough empirically to develop a theory (Burns 2002). It is evident that cultural change is a process that itself changes over time in accordance with the nature and development stages of tourism and the behavioural dimensions of the two cultures. The writings are inconsistent in their use of the terms which have been applied to both the processes and the effects of change. Cultural drift is an alternative conceptualization to explain the manifestations emanating from relationships between tourists and their hosts. It represents a relatively new approach to the study of the cultural effects of tourism. Cultural changes, as articulated through the processes of acculturation, are assumed to be the result of continuous, first-hand contacts between hosts and guests. However, relationships are frequently of a seasonal, intermittent and multiple-contact form marked by a cultural ‘distance’ between the hosts and guests. The changes that result have been called cultural drift. According to Collins (1978: 278): 265

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Cultural drift in this sense states that the role of the guest differs from that of the host and that the temporary contact situation results in change of phenotypic behaviour in both the host and the guest. The phenotypic change may be permanent in the host society/culture but temporary in the guest society/culture.

Change is initiated with the exploitation of the cultural distance between hosts and guests. The theory suggests that the normative behaviour of both groups is still produced but with additional actions that were originally either unacceptable or constrained under previous circumstances. Contact under the cultural drift process results from both parties interacting and exploiting each other and the host environment as they strive for personal satisfaction. Phenotypic change, which is a visible change in behaviour resulting from the interaction of two groups, results. The host adjusts to the needs of the tourists when they are present but may return to a previous lifestyle on their departure. Cultural drift has the assumption that the hosts’ behaviour is transformed temporarily for the duration of the hosts’ interaction with tourists. This is a different perspective from that of acculturation. On the other hand, in locations where contacts between hosts and guests are more continuous or permanent, changes to the norms, values and standards of hosts may occur and these may be passed on to subsequent generations. When changes in a society or culture are handed down from one generation to the next it is known as genotypic behaviour. A situation in which both genotypic and phenotypic behaviours occur is essentially one of acculturation. If phenotypic behaviour occurs in the absence of genotypic behaviour the situation is one of cultural drift. The adaptive process that takes place will depend upon the duration, permanence and intensity of interaction with tourists, and the strength of the host’s cultural affiliations or capacity to withstand both internal and external influences of change. The debate over acculturation versus cultural drift reflects deeper and more complex conflicts in anthropology. Anthropological investigations of tourism, such as those of Graburn (1976), McKean (1977), Nunez (1989), Smith (2001) and Burns (2002) reflect this debate. In spite of some differences of emphasis, these ideas ‘open new vistas to the perception of culture change processes’ (Collins 1978: 280).

Effects on culture As in other areas of impact, there is some debate over the nature and direction of the consequences of tourism for culture. Many researchers have concluded that tourism brings about damaging effects on culture. Turner and Ash (1975: 130–1) typified this perspective: ‘The tourists’ superior economic wealth rapidly erodes the sensuous and aesthetic wealth of cultures that have developed in isolation 266

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from the western world . . . Tourism of the present has already begun the work of obliterating cultures’. A number of other studies stress the positive effects of tourism on culture. If support for conservation is regarded as a desirable cultural trait, then the comments of Dower (1974: 938) illustrate this viewpoint: ‘Tourism and conservation can be brought to work together to mutual benefit . . . Tourism and conservation are interdependent and . . . both stand to gain from close and effective collaboration’. Thus, tourism can be viewed as a source of or remedy for problems. Both perspectives are examined below. The positive effect of tourism on culture through the promotion of intercultural communication is presented first and then the numerous other effects of tourism on culture are examined.

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION Mobility, which is a prerequisite of tourism, is necessary for the contact of different social groups, nationalities and cultures. It has been argued that such contacts may contribute to the removal of social or national prejudices and the promotion of better understanding and positive social change. Evans (1976: 191) and D’Amore (1983) postulated that cross-cultural communications between tourists and their hosts may promote adaptive changes in local culture while preserving or revitalizing local ethnic and cultural identity. This will motivate visitors to return to their own communities where they will disseminate knowledge and perceptions of the host society. Growing recognition of the role tourism plays in cultural interchange came in 1997 with the sponsorship and initiation by UNESCO and the Tunisian Government of an ‘International Forum on Cultural Tourism as form of Cultural Interchange’. The main findings and recommendations were summarized by Casellas and Galley (1999). Evans (1976) considered the quality of the cross-cultural communication to be of paramount importance if it is to contribute to the promotion of understanding between tourists and their hosts. She noted that the quality of cross-cultural communication could be related to a number of factors. 1. The type of tourists. An adaptation of Cohen’s (1972) typology of tourist roles was used to illustrate Evans’s point. Institutionalized forms of tourism (organized and individual mass tourism) yield different opportunities for tourist–host interactions from non-institutionalized tourism (drifters and explorers). Variations in interaction will occur according to tourist travel arrangements and their motivations, tastes, preferences and experiences. For example, the organized mass tourist is largely confined by the itinerary of the package tour which has been purchased and such people remain predominantly within the ‘microenvironment’ of their own culture. On the other hand, the drifter avoids developed tourist attractions and services, lives and works with members of 267

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Fig. 6.2 A cultural tourist typology (Source: McKercher, R. and du Cros, H. © 2002 The Haworth Press Inc.)

the host culture, and shares, accepts and tries to understand their customs. In other words, non-institutionalized forms of tourism allow for more intense interaction on the part of smaller numbers of people than institutionalized forms which lead to relatively little intercultural contact. Other typologies have also been suggested (McKercher and du Cros 2002, Silberberg 1995). McKercher and du Cros (2002) developed a typology of cultural tourists, recognizing that a divergence of cultural tourist types exists and that culture and the depth of cultural experiences will vary among tourists and with their motivations to select a specific destination or attraction (Figure 6.2). The horizontal axis in Figure 6.2 reflects the degree to which cultural tourism influences the decision to visit a destination: it ranges from being a principal motivator to no role at all. The vertical axis represents the depth of experience, ranging from meaningful cultural experiences and interactions to entertainment from cultural performances or observations. From the two dimensions, McKercher and du Cros (2002: 144) identified five possible types of cultural tourists: (a) The purposeful cultural tourist: cultural tourism is the primary motive for visiting a destination and the individual has a deep cultural experience; (b) The sightseeing cultural tourist: cultural tourism is a primary or major reason for visiting a destination, but the experience is shallower; (c) The serendipitous cultural tourist: a tourist who does not travel for cultural tourism reasons, but who, after participating, ends up having a deep cultural tourist experience; (d) The casual cultural tourist: cultural tourism is a weak motive for visiting a destination, and the resultant experience is shallow; 268

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(e) The incidental cultural tourist: this tourist does not travel for cultural tourism reasons but, nonetheless, participates in some activities and has shallow experiences. All five types of tourists will interact with local host cultures in a different way and may all exist simultaneously. The mix of tourist types will vary amongst destinations and attractions within a destination and by the origin and motivations of the tourist. 2. The spatial, temporal and communicative context in which contacts take place. The nature of tourist–host interactions is influenced by the length of stay of the tourists, the time-frame of actual contact, the physical and social space shared by the interacting groups, their linguistic compatibility, and the willingness of both groups to share their values, attitudes and experiences. 3. The role of the cultural broker. The host must also play a part in the communication process and this part may be taken by a cultural broker. The individuals in this role are usually bilingual and innovate in introducing change within their culture. In tourism they act as mediators between tourists and hosts, normally as translators and guides, and often as the organizer or retailer of goods and services which are sold for tourist consumption. Cultural brokers, therefore, have control over the amount and quality of communication between the interacting groups. They are also in a position to manipulate local culture for tourist purposes without affecting the cultural identity of the host society in a detrimental manner. Cultural brokers are also responsible for the marketing and exporting of culture and may be doing so in situations where tourist and host do not interact at all (Smith 2001). This is increasingly evident in the number of art deco stores in western cities selling African and Asian art and artefacts. There is a growing literature on cultural brokers in tourism, particularly the roles of tour guides, which can be accessed in the following references: Ap and Wang 2001, Cohen 1982, 1988a, Dahles 2002, Gurung, Simmons and Devlin 1996, Holloway 1981, McLeod 1981, Moscardo 2003, Pond 1993 and Weiler and Ham 2002. Contrary to expectations, contemporary tourism seldom generates strong intercultural relationships (Hassan 1975: 27). Many forms of tourism, particularly mass tourism, offer only incidental opportunities to learn about the social, cultural and political conditions of the destinations which are visited. Instead of destroying misconceptions between the residents of different countries, tourism perpetuates them and often creates new prejudices. Many tourists arrive with stereotypic images of their hosts and selectively perceive stimuli which will reinforce those images. Hassan’s (1975) interactional analysis of Japanese tourists in Singapore specifically examined the relationships between tourists and hosts and the factors influencing communication between them. Two out of every three tourists travelling to Singapore are members of a tour group. Hassan’s study was examining, 269

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therefore, the effects of institutionalized tourism where tourists were likely to remain within their own ‘environmental bubble’. Hassan’s study involved tracing the movements and activities of a typical Japanese tour group and he drew the following conclusions: 1. Although many Japanese tourists desired to have meaningful contacts with local Singaporeans, they were restricted from doing so by the stringent adherence to the timetable of the package tour. 2. The duration of their stay was brief and, as a result, the Japanese preferred to hurry on to new attractions and to see as much as possible rather than to waste time talking to locals. 3. Almost all contacts that were made were highly institutionalized. Contacts were limited to shop assistants, hotel staff and other individuals servicing the requirements of the tour. 4. Language barriers intensified the problem of communication. The Japanese tourists compensated for the lack of communication by taking photographs of almost everything and everybody. Interaction between the mass tourists and the host culture was slight, generally impersonal and superficial, and occurred primarily in the economic sphere. From the perspective of intercultural communication, Hassan (1975: 35) concluded that: ‘organized mass tourism, which is the characteristic feature of Japanese tourism in South-east Asia, does not contribute a great deal to it’. He also concluded that in mass tourism the desire to ‘sightsee’ restricts the opportunity for interaction between the tourists and the people who are sighted. Relating Hassan’s study back to the typology developed by McKercher and du Cros, the findings are not surprising. The typology indicates that it is likely that only the purposeful cultural tourist would be seeking and experiencing meaningful intercultural communication. McKercher and du Cros (2002), McIntosh and Goeldner (1990: 257) and Stebbins (1996) all noted that international visitors, where there is greater cultural distance between the host and tourist cultures, are likely to fall into this category. By their very nature, other cultural tourism typology types would be less likely to develop the highly meaningful cultural communication often purported. Information on the nature of contacts for forms of tourism other than the mass type is not readily available. More information is required concerning the influence of intercultural interactions on hosts’ attitudes towards tourists and towards tourism as a medium promoting change. Pearce (1980) found that most residents expected a high level of acceptance of foreign visitors in an area of West Virginia being considered for a tourism development programme. However, the question is a hypothetical one until those tourists actually arrive. Although intercultural communication is often commended as being an important attribute of tourism, it

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is clear that cultural change is a more common outcome. Miller (1974: 75) even went so far as to suggest that the tourist is a counter-agent of cultural diffusion. He envisaged a gradual erosion of local culture with increases in tourist arrivals. The remaining sections examine this theme.

CULTURE AS A COMMODITY Many anthropological and sociological investigations have been concerned with the effects of commercialization on culture. Geographically, most studies have considered peoples in developing countries and the Fourth World (see above). With increasing exposure to manifestations of the ‘outside’ world, local cultures have become ‘pseudo-native’, their cultures becoming more closely integrated with that of the surrounding majority.

AUTHENTICITY IN THE TOURIST EXPERIENCE An underlying theme in the subsequent discussions of cultural impacts is the frequently debated notion of authenticity and ‘commodification’ (also sometimes called ‘commoditization’) of culture. Although there were earlier authors who discussed the theme (e.g. Boorstin 1961), MacCannell (1973) brought to prominence the concept of authenticity in the discussion of tourism motivations and experiences and, since then, it has received widespread attention (Brown 1996, Cohen 1988a, McIntosh and Prentice 1999, Pearce and Moscardo 1986, Salamone 1997). Although authenticity as a concept is too simple to explain many tourist experiences, it does have relevance in some forms of tourism, such as heritage, ethnic and cultural tourism (Urry 1990). It is not our intention to debate the sociological constructs or the conventional meaning of the concept or its applicability. This has been done elsewhere (Wang 1999). Suffice to say authenticity is a slippery term that is not easy to measure and one of us is on record as suggesting that authentication (to ask who authenticates and why) may be a more tangible way forward (Xie and Wall 2003). Rather, the aim here is to examine some of the emergent themes in the literature on the subject and their relevance to the discussion of cultural impacts. Cohen’s (1988a) and Wang’s (1999) papers summarize many of the sociological approaches to the study of authenticity in tourism. A number of early themes emerged: 1. Commodification. On the one hand tourism promotes authentic experiences and on the other needs to commodify cultural assets to market them as consumable products. Local culture, visible through costumes, rituals, folk and ethnic art being for tourist consumption, is often said to change its meaning and, being modified to suit the tastes of tourists, loses authenticity as a local cultural

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product. Linking cultural heritage to tourism requires the standardization of cultural forms for tourist consumption via packaging and marketing (Swain 1993). A loss of meaning for the locals and increased pressure to continue to supply cultural tourist experiences may lead to the emergence of ‘staged’ productions manipulated to appear authentic. 2. Staged authenticity. It can also lead to the creation of contrived attractions or experiences and a dilution of the tourists’ desire for genuine authentic experiences. Paradoxically the commodification of culture can damage or destroy the authenticity and meaning of the experience for both the tourists and the host culture. Conversely, commodification may also lead to newly acquired meanings for locals as they often focus on the spectacular forms of entertainment that become visible identifiers for the local culture (Cohen 1988a: 383). Further commodification may not destroy the meaning of tourist products for the tourists either as they are often prepared to view and accept such products as being authentic. The latter view will depend on the level and depth of cultural experience possessed and expected by the tourists. The scope of these varied assumptions is detailed in the remainder of this chapter.

TOURISM AND MATERIAL FORMS OF CULTURE As a result of tourism, the arts and crafts of many indigenous peoples have changed in style and form, and also in the purpose for which they are produced. Artefacts formerly produced for religious or ceremonial purposes are now produced for sale. Graburn’s (1976) collection of anthropological writings on changes in Fourth World arts, emerging ethnicities, changing identities and the commercialization of cultural traditions is the earliest comprehensive statement on this type of tourist impact. More recent works include the case studies presented by Smith (2001), Robinson and Boniface (1999), Robinson, Evans and Callaghan (1996) and Butler and Hinch (1996). Other succinct case studies include: in Africa (Schadler 1979), the Inuit in Canada (Notzke 1999, Smith 1996), the Maori in New Zealand (Hall, Mitchell and Keelan 1992, Ingram 1997, Ryan 1999), the Aboriginals in Australia (Mercer 1998a, Reynolds 1994, Simons 1999), South Pacific Islands (Nason 1984, Sofield 1991), the Pueblo Indian in the South-west United States (Lujan 1993), and South-east Asian countries (Cohen 1988c, Crowley 1983, McKean 1977, Smithies 1988). Anthropologists generally agree in early works on the three major phases of change in traditional art forms resulting from outside contact: 1. The disappearance of traditional artistic designs and art and craft forms, particularly those with deep religious and mythical affiliations. There is also often an upsurge in creativity to meet new demand opportunities. This is followed by; 272

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2. The growth of a degenerate, unsophisticated replacement, which develops in association with mass production techniques and stereotypical designs. This is often followed by; 3. The resurgence of skilful craftsmanship and distinctive styles incorporating the deeper cultural beliefs of the host society. This phase is a response to the deleterious impacts evident in phase 2 and also to the gradual decline in the symbolic meaning of traditional arts which also occurs in the second phase. The most comprehensive review of what is known about the subject of tourist arts is by Cohen (1992b). Although there are no specific texts or journals devoted to this subject, there are now a number of articles and case studies undertaken and published under the umbrella term of ethnic and cultural tourism. As with other tourist impacts, it is important to note that traditional ethnic arts and crafts currently affected by tourism have changed over time, influenced by both internal and external forces. In fact, some arts and crafts went through major changes and declines even before the advent of tourism (Bascom 1976, O’Hear 1986). Undirectional typologies of the type noted above have been criticized by recent authors as being too simplistic. The commercialization of ethnic arts may change along divergent lines with varying impacts coexisting simultaneously. Both Graburn (1976) and Cohen (1992b) have written succinctly on this transformation and a summary of their conclusions is presented here. Tourism has accelerated the promotion of pseudo-traditional arts and is largely responsible for the emergence of phase 2 of the process. However, there are also cases where tourism has induced a rejuvenation of particular forms of art and craft. The fact that many arts and crafts produced in the Fourth World are intended for external consumption indicates the formation of new relationships between peoples of the Fourth World (hosts) and art consumers of the western world (tourists). Objects that are produced in one society and are transported to and consumed in another society have been termed ‘art by metamorphosis’. In some cases, the ‘new art’ creates a new external identity for the ethnic groups. It is this process of transformation and its ramifications for the artefacts and their producers which form the basis of this section. The complexity of tourism is expressed again in its impacts on traditional arts and crafts. Some studies have concluded that tourism contributes to the renaissance and preservation of traditional art and craft forms (Boyd 2002, Deitch 1977, Forster 1964, Grekin and Milne 1996, Hartstonge 1973, McKean 1977, Mead 1976, Popelka and Littrell 1991, Ryan and Crotts 1997). Others have indicated that tourism has resulted in a decline in the quality of art forms and the traditional meaning of production has been debased with production for tourist consumption (Bascom 1976, Burns and Holden 1995, May 1977, Ropponen 1976, Simons 1999). It is clear that tourism and its commercialization have been factors of social and cultural change and that tourism is one form of influence on culture but not the only one. 273

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The preservation and renaissance of traditional art forms Deitch’s (1977) study of the Indians of the South-western United States and Graburn’s (1976) work with the Eastern Canadian Inuit are clear examples of the positive effects of tourism on the arts and crafts of hosts. Arts and crafts have been a part of Indian culture in the United States for centuries. The present forms reflect an evolutionary process and a series of adaptations by host communities to new ideas, symbols and materials diffused into their culture from outside. As Deitch noted, the exposure to other ethnic groups has resulted in the widespread adoption of art traditions not endemic to the Indian. These include weaving, silverwork, shell jewellery and pottery. Following the initial borrowing, subsequent modifications and refinements by Indians have meshed together traditions of the Pueblo and Mexicans, and have led to the development of a particular form of art distinctive to the South-western Indian. The effects of tourism in this part of the United States date back to the early 1900s, beginning with the construction of the Santa Fe railroad. Interest in the indigenous cultures and traditions of the South-west expanded with their increased exposure to Anglo-Americans and Europeans. Tourism greatly increased the demand for Indian arts and crafts. The Indians responded with the result that there is an abundance of Indian rugs, pottery, jewellery and baskets available for purchase. Unlike in many other areas of Indian culture, arts and crafts have increased in number with continued European exposure. Their survival during early contacts, their revival with the advent of new audiences, and their manufacture using traditional technologies indicate the depth of their symbolic significance to the hosts as an important link with the past and the strength of the hosts’ identity and pride in their heritage. Although there have been refinements in the art forms with the infusion of new ideas, the quality and sophistication of the products has remained at the highest level. In another study of South-west Indian art forms, particularly Navajo weaving and Pueblo pottery, Brody (1976) attributed their success to the fact that: 1. Production continues in an organic relationship with members of the tribal communities. 2. The variety of markets has meant that the arts have not been exposed to standardizing market pressures. 3. Strong positive symbolic value of the products has been maintained. 4. Trained craftsmen were available so that the effects of mechanized mass production could be avoided. 5. The culture experienced a gradual exposure to contemporary tourist pressures. Tourism has provided employment in the fabrication of arts and crafts and induced a renaissance in the production of art forms. It has been accompanied by an improvement in the quality and artistic designs of arts and crafts. Indian art

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forms of the South-western United States have largely avoided the trends toward specialization, standardization and simplification which have occurred in some other host societies. The Canadian Inuit also illustrate the rejuvenation, even creation, of traditions as a consequence of tourism, but in a rather different way. Art, specifically carving, did not play an important part in Inuit life until after the arrival of Europeans. Insatiable tourist demands for souvenirs were accompanied by an upsurge in Inuit carving, particularly in soapstone, complemented by the development of art prints. Graburn (1976: 42) and Smith (1996) claimed that such carvings were made solely for the profit which they generated for the host producer. Although this form of art was initiated to meet the demands of the souvenir market, it has a number of positive attributes: 1. It is of a superior quality to most souvenir art. The satisfactions gained from the occupation have superseded the initial economic motives for production. 2. The carvings draw upon the traditional, ancestral lifestyle. The figures are not imitations of western products. Subject matters range from ‘idealized selfportraits’ to game animals hunted for food. 3. The carvings are a new means by which the Inuit can express the qualities of their culture which is slowly disappearing. The Maori in New Zealand (Ryan and Crotts 1997) are similar in terms of the considerable degree of involvement and control exercised by the host community in managing tourism within their communities. In both cases, the indigenous communities have been insistent in controlling the tourist process, realizing also that it is a means by which they can achieve legitimacy in the movement to seek political and economic recognition. In the case of Maori art, the demand for it created by tourism resulted in a search by the Maori for and subsequent revitalization of traditional values and meanings and, importantly, preservation of the Maori beliefs. For example, the Maori believe that they do not own land but belong to it and that all live things are connected and bound together in forms of life from past to present. Although the development of Maori art for souvenirs has been associated with some changes in appearance, all pieces possess tapu, the conceptualization of shared life and its relationships with place. Hence, the Maori are less concerned with the physical changes to art as influenced by tourist consumption as their belief remains that the consumption of the art is a gift and that the values and meanings of that art remain in the ownership of the giver. Although there have been many examples of the commodification of Maori culture, it has also provided the financial resources to assist in the preservation of the cultural foundations that make Maori artefacts and customs attractive to visitors (Hall, Mitchell and Keelan 1992).

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The case study of the South-west Indian culture resembles that of the Inuit and has contributed to what has been called a ‘borrowed identity’. As economic considerations emerged as survival factors, the Indians manufactured reproductions of their sand paintings for the consumer market. Brody (1976) concluded that painting had no roots in any of the communities that produced them. Whereas the Inuit responded to consumer demands and produced crafts which reflected the innermost themes of their culture, the Indians, in the case of painting, responded solely to the market for souvenirs and developed non-characteristic forms. In both cases, as in the Maori case, tourism has been a stimulus for the revitalization of traditional art forms and the impetus for new creations.

The deterioration of traditional art forms Other case studies have portrayed a less positive picture of the impacts of tourism on traditional art forms (Bascom 1976, May 1977). They accept that tourism has provided a market that has helped to preserve traditional art forms and keep cultures alive. Against this, they suggest that tourism has encouraged the production of pseudo-traditional art forms. At their best, such works can have great merit, as is the case with the prints of the Indians of the western coast of Canada. At their worst, pseudo-traditional arts, which are sometimes called ‘airport art’, consist of stylized works which bear only the most tenuous relationship to anything in the traditional culture. Much airport art is mass produced, often by people with little knowledge of the traditional culture who may not be members of the society whose art they purport to portray (May 1977: 125). A growing demand for original art and crafts has now reached beyond tourist–host interactions within a destination to actually form part of a lucrative export trade (Pye 1986). Although May’s viewpoint is an extreme one, it does represent a growing theme within the literature. The demands of tourists for cheap, exotic, portable and durable souvenirs have taken their toll on traditional art forms. Changes have occurred in the meaning of art and in its social and spiritual significance for art makers. Changes have also taken place in the size, form and function of art objects, in the methods of making them, in the materials used and in the quality of production. Bascom (1976: 306), in his analysis of African art, regretfully concluded that ‘great pieces of African art are no longer produced and recent pieces are of no artistic value’. Most researchers declaim tourist art and deplore its rapid growth mainly because of its cultural insignificance and aesthetic inadequacies when compared to traditional art forms. Four attributes of tourist art prompt this attitude and they are applicable to art forms of the Pacific, Asia and Latin America, as well as Africa: 1. Workmanship. Increased volumes of production have often been made at the expense of careful, precise workmanship. The Kamba carvings of Kenya are currently manufactured in Dar-es-Salaam and bear little resemblance to those created by tribesmen. Shoddy workmanship now prevails; 276

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2. The relationship between the art and the producer. Tourist art is usually produced in advance of a sale and differs, in this respect, from traditional African art which was individually commissioned and reflected a more personal relationship between the craftsman and the person for whom it was made. The impersonal nature of the tourist market and the growth of middlemen have removed much of the spiritual meaning from the creator’s work, whether it be ivory carvings from West Africa or wooden masks of the inland tribes of East Africa. 3. Motives for art production. Art is manufactured according to the tastes of tourists. Sandelowsky (1976) recorded in personal interviews with tribesmen of the Okavango Valley in Northern Botswana that they attempt to find out what people want to purchase and then make it. Three stylistic trends have emerged, in Africa and elsewhere, which reflect the tastes of tourists: (a) A trend towards naturalism: many tourists like carvings of animals. This is also true of Inuit art. (b) A trend towards grotesqueness. Features which tourists recognize as a component of local styles are exaggerated and distorted. According to Bascom (1976: 314), this has caused masks produced by Zambian indigenes for tourist tastes to lose much of their inspiring qualities. (c) A trend towards gigantism. Size, regardless of quality or materials, is often a major determinant of price. Many art forms, because of the incomegenerating potential, are considerably larger than their predecessors and, in consequence, are not used for their traditional purposes. However, it is desirable that they are not too large to fit into a suitcase. Where the original is very large, as in the case of Indian totem poles, it may be necessary to make small replicas. 4. The quality of production. In particular the production of fakes and spurious antiquity. Misrepresentation of the age or authenticity of objects is a further effect of production for tourists. The impression that great art is characteristically old has placed age as one of the major determinants of the market value of many art forms. Faking has been an outgrowth of this attitude. Ropponen (1976: 108) reported that many Lapp goods bear the label ‘handmade’ and ‘original’, even if they are not. Loeb (1977: 185) also found fakes to be common among antiques collected by tourists in Iran. Similar findings have arisen from research undertaken in the Pacific, Africa and Asia. Although art is not dying by any means, contemporary forms are often a simplification and degeneration of traditional styles. Brasser (1975) argued that the disappearance of aboriginal woven basketry and the adoption and diffusion of wood splint basketry in Indian communities of north-eastern North America is an adaptation of Indian crafts to an expanded white market. Similarly, Abramson (1976: 259) stated in reference to the art forms of the native New Guineans of the Upper Sepik River: 277

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These artifacts exhibit elements of traditional form and iconography, but they seem to lack something. They appear to be sloppily done and the fine flowing line and rhythmic curves have been replaced by a summary, almost soulless execution. The intricate curvilinear designs and surface motifs, once carved into the wood with extreme delicacy, are now carelessly daubed on in gaudy trade-store paint. Rather than being ‘primitive art’, the objects are quick impressions of what art once was in this area.

Subtle changes to traditional art forms are emerging from societies in the Pacific (Maori and Sepik), Africa, and in North and South America (Pueblo, Navaho, Cuna) who are in contact with tourism. Art objects prepared for tourists have lost much of their former meaning and the old messages they once portrayed have become simply a matter of curiosity or have been lost completely. Art in the form of pottery, sculpture or painting is an expression of the craftsman’s experience, values and meaning of life and is sold as ‘native symbols of identity’ (MacKenzie 1977: 83). These may be symbols of the age group of the creator, insignias of occupation, or copies of weapons of war. However, most tourist purchases are not stimulated by a genuine interest in the host culture, but are acquired as a memento of the visit and as a sign to peers of the extent of the buyer’s travel experiences. This assertion supports the claim of Turner and Ash (1975: 139) that: ‘even when his tourism is directly concerned with the culture and history, the tourist is not encouraged to develop any real sense of history. Nor is he encouraged to view a foreign culture as a totality (of people and environment, art and religion, past and present)’. In Tunisia the local production of traditional craft goods (carpets, ceramics, basketware) has been stimulated by tourism. Although there have been adaptations of the crafts for tourist consumption, in colours, designs and materials, the quality and their production by local women working in the home has been preserved (Bleasdale and Tapsell 1999). Much of the deterioration in art forms is the result of the severance of the link between art and its traditional functions in society, be they religious or secular. This is partly a consequence of the growth of excessive demands over a short period of time and also a reflection of non-traditional craftsmen being attracted to the industry. From an anthropological perspective, the sacrilege of religious, mythical and secular symbols and beliefs is one of the most significant impacts of tourism on native arts and crafts. Francillon’s (1975: 40) study in Bali revealed that there is an increasing tendency to use religious symbols and attributes, such as pennants, bamboo poles and strips of decorated palm leaves, for the sake of tourism. Most Balinese have failed to recognize that their religion is being used by the tourist industry and that some of the most beautiful cult implements are being desecrated and transformed into decorative gimmicks. Market forces have not only contributed to changes in art forms and their quality, they have often created a new manufacturing class which is not always of host origin and an emerging tourism artefacts trade. Sepik arts are no longer 278

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a specialty occupation (Abramson 1976: 256). The almost total functionalism of objects was a distinctive feature of primitive Sepik art. Art portraying religious and mythical figures was created by priests, whereas war shields were designed by warrior craftsmen and decorated by priests. Shields, which are now commercial objects, have merged into one size, suppressing both the functional qualities previously incorporated into the design and also any family, religious or mythical affiliations evident in the decoration. Aesthetic rather than functional considerations are now of paramount importance. Standardization of design has occurred to meet the requirements of visual impact and many handmade arts and crafts have been replaced by a new mass product facilitated by the use of technology (Littrell 1990: 239). Large quantities are needed for sale and manufacturing is undertaken by most men and even women (who were not warriors). The commercialization of ethnic arts also significantly changes the nature and organization of production. Men and women interchanging production roles, some product specialization, an increase in the intensity of production, raw material substitutions and commercial distributors have all emerged and are well documented (JulesRosette 1984, Parezo 1983, Stephen 1987). The trend of mass commercialization of tourist arts has been uniquely described by Evans (1994) as ‘Fair Trade’ and exacerbated by the increasing role of tourist art intermediaries (‘cultural brokers’). Middlemen (either local or foreign) act as buffers between participating host groups and the tourist, facilitating, mediating and benefiting from the tourist–host interaction (Van den Berghe 1992). In some cases interaction remains but in others the intermediaries are separating the art producer from the consumer. Tourists are buying arts and crafts away from the local villages where they are produced. In other cases the actual production of tourist art is occurring at studios and factories in large quantities marketed for local tourist consumption in the destination or exported to galleries and boutiques internationally. In the example of the Sasak women potters in Lombok, Indonesia, the craft of making pottery for domestic and ritual functions has now been transferred into production for tourist consumption and export. The introduction of technology (kilns) under a government-funded project has seen production significantly increase. The assistance programme has monitored quality and attempted to preserve the intrinsic values associated with its production (Van den Berghe 1992: 788). A similar trend of global market forces and tourism art export were observed by Henrici (1999) in the village of Pisac in Peru, and with Aboriginal art in Australia (Altman 1989, Altman and Finlayson 1993, Sofield 1993). In the latter, tourism has created an international market for Aboriginal art and over the last few years has resulted in a doubling in the number of Aboriginal artists. In both examples, the artists’ involvement became increasingly indirect with little or no contact with tourists. In other cultures, such as in Bali, the export market favours more direct involvement where marketing of indigenous silver-works, carvings and artefacts involves the artisan displaying products at village sites. 279

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Conscious attempts by host societies to express their identities and to restrain the pervasive influence of tourists have contributed to the revival of old art forms. MacKenzie (1977: 84) suggested that the increase in tattooing among Samoan males exemplified this trend. New Zealand’s establishment of an Institute of Maori Arts and Crafts shows that the concern over the effects of tourism on culture is being transformed into action. There is a similar school for young stone carvers at Mahabalipuram in Tamil Nadu, India. Perhaps tourist apologists are gradually being proven correct: tourism may yet bring about a revival of traditional cultures after all. Analyses of this aspect of tourist impact are made extremely difficult by the fact that indigenous arts have been undergoing change prior to their recent exposure to the influences of mass tourism. In fact, one would not expect a vibrant art form to remain unchanged through centuries. Furthermore, the problem of differentiating between changes in arts and crafts induced by tourism, and those induced through previous and other contacts with outsiders hampers research immensely.

TOURISM AND NON-MATERIAL FORMS OF CULTURE When tourists purchase a vacation as a package they also buy culture as a package. Regardless of how ancient or complex the destination culture, it is reduced to a few recognizable characteristics, such as arts and crafts, dance, music, buildings and special functions or ceremonies, and is promoted as a commodity (Turner and Ash 1975: 140). Marketing of specific or combinations of unique destination assets is typical of the ‘product oriented’ marketing approach (Wahab, Crampon and Rothfield 1976: 10). In spite of the success of this strategy, it has often conjured up inaccurate and romanticized images of destination areas and their populations. For example, New Zealand is portrayed as the home of Maori poi dances, hakas and costumes, sheep-shearing, home-spinning, knitting and gardening. These symbols are evident in travel advertisements and promotional literature on New Zealand and contribute towards the creation of a simplistic and stereotypical image of the country. It would be an easy task to draw up a list of symbolic artefacts and customs for other countries. Tourist experiences such as these have their basis in entertainment (McKercher and du Cros 2002). Given that most tourists’ consumption of cultural experiences is for a sense of enjoyment and not for a deeper learning experience, it is not surprising that host communities and even heritage sites have viewed themselves as being in the tourist entertainment business (Prideaux and Kininmont 1999, Tighe 1986, Zeppel 1998). In this context, the development of tourist products requires the conversion of a cultural asset into a tourist consumable product and that process is achieved through some level of modification, standardization and commodification. As noted earlier, these concepts have yielded both positive and negative impacts to

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arts and crafts. Similarly they have had a range of impacts on non-material forms of culture as well. The marketing of culture is greatest, but not limited to developing countries. Tourist images may be built up around illusions but they, in turn, are what tourists expect and demand when they arrive and that is what is provided. Boorstin (1961: 99) described the inevitable result: ‘These “attractions” offer an elaborately contrived indirect experience, an artificial product to be consumed in the very places where the real thing is free as air . . . They are cultural mirages now found at tourist oases everywhere’. Traditional ceremonies, festivals and customs acquire new status and values when they are transformed into prearranged entertainment rituals. Hip-swinging ‘Hula’ girls greet tourists in Honolulu airport, Maori concert parties perform daily in Rotorua, and Highland bagpipers play in the background while tourists mingle in Edinburgh Castle. These have become characteristic features of the respective destinations. As Lengyel (1975: 756) summarized, the tourist sees the country or destination visited in terms of its superficially picturesque, predictably ‘exotic’ or ‘typical’ aspects, and experiences local life highly selectively and episodically. The shorter the stay, the greater the distortions of reality. The expropriation of local culture and the exploitation of local peoples performing or portraying their culture are worldwide phenomena which are not limited to the Fourth World, although the emphases of the literature may give this impression. The commoditization of culture, be it Inuit sculpture, Bantu shields, Spanish bullfights, Maori poi dances or peasant markets, is also evident in the tourist resorts of developed countries, where the cultural distance between hosts and guests is less marked. Greenwood’s (1977) analysis of the effects of tourism on the Alarde, the major public ritual of Fuenterrabia, Spain, is an enlightening European case which illustrates similar patterns to those of developing countries. The Alarde is a ritual festival which commemorates Fuenterrabia’s victory over the French in the siege of 1638. However, it is more than a simple commemoration. It is a re-enactment of the historic event and, until recently, involved virtually the entire town. The Alarde signifies the solidarity and unity of the village and it is one occasion on which the ideas of equality and common destiny are openly expressed. It is performed solely for those who participate. Rapid increases in Spanish tourism, and the timing of the Alarde during the peak of the tourist season, have led to a collapse of the cultural meanings of the ritual. The Alarde, traditionally a private ceremony of the town, has become a public attraction through government and commercial promotion. As the event depended upon voluntary participation, when it was undertaken for profit many of the local community no longer wished to be involved because of the erosion of the historical and ideological meanings of the festival. Although the ritual is still performed, it is marred by greatly reduced levels of local participation and the resulting organizational headaches. However,

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the situation is complex and Greenwood has provided different interpretations of what transpired in different publications. Although it is a minor example, this case study is instructive. It demonstrates that the consumption of host cultures by tourists is not exclusive to societies of developing nations. It illustrates that transformation of a culture is the result of its commercial exploitation. It echoes the finding of other studies of non-material cultural manifestations in the conclusion that cultural forms lose their traditional meanings when they are modified for tourist consumption. It confirms that the commercialization of culture does not require the approval of the host society and rarely does it have the power to reverse the process. Finally, the commoditization of culture has induced other undesirable side effects: the abandonment of traditional occupations to participate in the tourist industry; entrepreneurial competition from sophisticated, non-local, retailing organizations, and the unequal distribution of wealth.

Cultural arrogance In some destinations, the demands of cultural tourism have outstripped the supply. To compensate for the lack of real cultural experiences, many destinations stage attractions so that tourists can view and experience cultural aspects of host communities. This development has become an accepted out-growth of contemporary tourism. For example, it is not uncommon to see regular hourly concerts of native dances in Hawaii, to be able to experience a fire-walking display every evening in Fiji, or to see mock wedding ceremonies in Tunisia (Rivers 1973a: 250). The staging of contrived experiences is a way ‘for the traveller to remain out of contact with foreign peoples in the very act of “sightseeing” them. They keep the natives in quarantine while the tourist in air conditioned comfort views them through a picture window’ (Boorstin 1961: 99). MacCannell (1973, 1977) suggested that tourism places over-express their underlying structure and thereby disturb the sensitive expectations of the tourists. Both Boorstin and MacConnell have been critical of contrived attractions for what they offer to tourist experiences, but they make no reference to the long-term implications such attractions have on local culture. The staging of cultural attractions can have both positive and negative consequences. It is positive when the staged activities divert tourists from and relieve pressures upon local people and their culture. Buck (1977: 31–2) offered a positive assessment of artificial attractions in his study of tourism and its effects on the folk culture of the Old Order Amish of Pennsylvania. He argued that the establishment of other attractions, such as the sale of souvenirs, and individuals in Amish dress participating in traditional activities, diverted tourist attention away from the real domestic and agricultural activities of the Amish. In this case, staged

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attractions helped to preserve the culture from the pressures of tourists. In several villages in Ngada in Indonesia, tourism has enhanced local pride in their unique musical traditions, which has fostered and encouraged locals to aspire to higher international standards (Cole 1997: 225). Inskeep (1991) and McKean (1977) drew attention to Balinese culture where regional government actually organized annual competitive cultural festivals of dance and music not only for tourist consumption but as a means to maintain quality and educate younger generations about the intrinsic values of their culture. An increase of awareness about and preservation of customs amongst young schoolchildren was also found to be a by-product of tourism and tourist planning of the Lanna people in Chiang Mai (Nimmonratoana 2000). The religious festivals of the Solu area of the Sherpa country of Nepal have also seen a revival in religion, maintenance of cultural continuity and a high standard of performance for tourist and host alike (Shackley 1999: 109). Similar conclusions were drawn by Daniel (1996) in her case studies of the authenticity of indigenous dance as a tourist attraction. In the cases of the Haitian and Cuban dances, they are exact simulations and recreations of an historic past and manifestations of the host communities’ traditions and living history. They represent authentic experiences for both the tourist and the performer. In other examples such as the Tahitian and Hawaiian dances used as welcoming gestures for tourists, they have adopted new forms shaped totally by foreign influences that have been created specifically for tourist practices. These new forms of dance have now been viewed by tourists as being authentic but are generally referred to in the literature as another form of ‘tourist art’. Picard’s (1995, 1996) analysis in Bali extrapolates the conclusion of the above examples by moving beyond the traditional impact paradigm (positive or negative) to gauge over time how the host population has adapted to and shaped tourism in the region. Involvements in tourism by the host communities and conscious efforts by government to formulate a policy on cultural tourism have been used to strengthen and promote Balinese culture. Tourism has been used to nurture culture and culture has been used to nurture the economy. A revealing example was the transformation of the pendet, a welcoming dance for the gods. A special secular version of this dance was choreographed for tourists and, owing to its overwhelming popularity, the tourist welcome dance migrated back to temples from where the dances originated. Picard (1995, 1996) suggested that Bali is unique in that the international tourism industry and the Indonesian state have taken on the project of ‘Balinizing Bali’, a process viewed positively by tourists, many Balinese and other Indonesians alike. In other cases, the staging of contrived attractions has had negative implications for local culture. Tourism has been accused of being ‘culturally arrogant’ for manipulating the traditions and customs of people to make tourist experiences more interesting and satisfying. The attractions usually only display a small and

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superficial part of local culture. Cultural arrogance is also displayed by tourist developers and promoters. The architectural designs of most international hotels are in western styles and, where they are found in developing countries, they often exhibit little knowledge or appreciation of the social traditions of the local inhabitants. Although some attempts have been made to relate hotel architecture to indigenous styles, they have met with only marginal success in Tunisia and East Africa. Tourists travelling under package arrangements apparently still prefer the reassurance of high-rise developments. However, the construction of simple lodgings in local styles has proved to be acceptable to both hosts and guests in Senegal (Saglio 1979: 321–35). Some hotel developers have attempted to incorporate local indigenous features within western-style structures. Hotel interiors are adorned with local paintings, murals and sculpture, and symbols of present and past lifestyles. Porters, maids and tellers are often local people dressed in native costume. In Bali, where the uniqueness of the Hindu–Balinese religion is a tourist attraction, developers have copied sacred buildings for hotel decorations and have used sacred objects for furnishings (Francillon 1975: 740). Furthermore, many of the Balinese temples are used as a permanent background for stages on which sacred dances are performed for tourists. Although these are usually honest attempts to portray local culture, as in other examples, they have abstracted local cultural qualities from their real, meaningful context. The above examples indicate that tourism is a poor medium for intercultural communication and the preservation and rejuvenation of traditional cultural forms. Although most studies have indicated that tourism’s concern with culture is generally superficial, it still has the potential to educate, since, in its highest form, it seeks to view and understand the origins and development of cultures. Anecdotes of tourist crassness are numerous but there are also tourists who do experience new feelings: who come to some new realization of their relation to the world and themselves when visiting cultures other than their own, or observing the monuments of past cultures. A new awareness of the complexities and tribulations of past or foreign cultures may turn the tourists’ thoughts back to the attributes, merits and complexities of their own culture (Turner and Ash 1975: 149).

CONCLUSIONS The rapidly growing body of literature on the social and cultural impacts of tourism has arisen with the recognition that tourist developments do not always bring benefits to host areas. They may lead to the accentuation of existing problems and the creation of new ones. Until recently most people accepted that mass tourism was a ‘good thing’, largely because of its economic benefits. Now, a lively controversy has grown about whether, in fact, local people are really better off for playing host to these affluent hordes (Rivers 1973b: 349). 284

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Social impacts If it is assumed that beneficial effects are those which are conducive to the survival of the social systems of destination areas in an unchanged form, then the social effects which have been assessed in this chapter must be considered to be predominantly negative. The effects of tourism which collectively contribute to the disruption of social systems are: 1. The overcrowding of infrastructures, accommodation, services and facilities, which tourists have to share with the local population; 2. The display of prosperity amidst poverty may cause explosive situations by way of the demonstration effect; 3. The increase in activities deemed to be undesirable, such as prostitution, gambling and crime; 4. The employment of non-locals in managerial and professional occupations carrying greater responsibilities and superior salaries to those occupations available to members of the host community; 5. The gradual erosion of indigenous language and culture with increasing numbers of the host society speaking the language of their visitors. The detrimental direction of social and cultural changes in many areas is coincident with the growth of tourism. Whether they are all attributable to tourism is another matter. It is also uncertain if the sometimes contradictory findings revealed in the case studies can be extended to other destinations, under different conditions, and with different types of tourist development. Future research must not only extend the work which has already been done, it must also seek to identify and examine social and cultural impacts which have yet to be studied. Research in this domain should also distinguish between actual and perceived impacts amongst host populations. Some of these effects are listed in Table 6.2. A full assessment of social impact requires an appraisal of all of these impact categories and analyses undertaken from longitudinal studies comparing resident perceptions of tourist impacts with the level and stages of tourist development. Researchers must also improve their techniques for measuring such changes. There are numerous case studies but often an inadequate attempt to place them in context or to build upon the existing research. This is particularly important in social impact assessment and studies requiring comparison across impact domains. Dann and Cohen (1991) support a multidisciplinary approach and, in particular, the increased contribution of sociology to the understanding of tourist phenomena and its ability to link it to other disciplines. In fact, this is a somewhat parochial plea for it is fully integrated studies, involving many disciplines and economic, environmental and sociocultural dimensions, as well as institutional and political input, that are really needed. 285

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Table 6.2 Social impacts: future research priorities Impact categories

Impact indicators

1. Demographic structure

Age/sex structures, migration, resident displacement, population density and composition

2. Social amenities (perceptions of facilities and services)

Transportation, educational facilities, freedom of choice, preservation of lifestyle, participation versus alienation

3. Institutional memberships

Religious groups, social clubs, civic groups, political and sporting groups

4. Personal safety and privacy

Quality of police standards, crime rates, time spent with family

5. Psychological features

Psychological stress, work satisfaction, self-expression, mobility, national or community cohesion

6. Host attitudes/perceptions

Attitudes by different populations/community segments

7. Inter-ethnic relationships

Inter-ethnic relationships, partnering, competition and communication within host communities

8. Health

Disease transmission, workplace health and safety

Cultural impacts The latter part of this chapter has documented the potential of tourism to act as an incentive for the renaissance of local culture. Whenever tourism becomes an important component of the local economy there is an increase in interest in native arts and crafts. However, it is the cultural components which have value to the tourists that have been preserved or rejuvenated and not necessarily those which are highly valued by the local people. This type of cultural awakening has sometimes made host populations more aware of the historical and cultural continuity of their communities and this may be an enriching experience. In other cases the new appreciation of indigenous culture, the revival of ancient festivals and the restoration of cultural landmarks have emerged in ways which pose longterm threats to the existence of culture in its original form. The section examining cultural impacts was divided into two parts. The first examined the effects of tourism in promoting intercultural communication. There appears to be only limited communication between mass tourists and their hosts. Tourism, in its present form, seldom promotes understanding between peoples of different cultures. However, little is known about the quality of communications between hosts and guests in non-institutionalized forms of tourism. The second part of this section examined the effects of tourism on material and non-material elements of host cultures. Commercialization of culture is a consequence of tourism but changes in culture were occurring prior to the advent of tourism and continue to take place in response to other forces of modernization. Some authors claimed that the tourist art market was a positive force, that a strong 286

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symbolic value was still attached to the products, and that it was conducive to the survival of traditional culture. In other examples, the influx of tourists led to a gradual deterioration of the quality of art forms. Arts and crafts were removed from their original contexts and, in some cases, fakes have been introduced. The abrasive effects of tourism were also found in non-material art forms and produced what has been called a ‘fake culture’. It has been argued that detrimental changes in art forms reflect broader changes occurring in culture and society. However, little is known of the extent to which changes in art forms can be used as an indicator of such changes. De Kadt (1979: 14–15) has presented a concise and balanced summary of the cultural impacts of tourism: The frequent charge that tourism contributes to degeneration in this field appears to be an exaggeration. Even though curio production, ‘airport art’, and performances of fake folklore are of course stimulated by tourist demand . . . frequently arts, crafts, and local culture have been revitalized as a direct result of tourism. A transformation of traditional forms often accompanies this development but does not necessarily lead to degeneration. To be authentic, arts and crafts must be rooted both in historical tradition and in present-day life; true authenticity cannot be achieved by conservation alone, since that leads to stultification.

Tourism has undoubtedly enabled cultures to be rehabilitated and has made them known to the rest of the world. However, mass tourism has also controlled the direction in which the rejuvenation takes place and many developments may not be conducive to the survival of the cultures in which they are embedded. This chapter has examined the effects of tourism on inhabitants of destination areas resulting from their interaction with tourists. Although the literature on the sociocultural effects of tourism is now quite extensive, its focus has tended to be on case studies in specific countries. Only a few authors have offered more general assessments (Dann and Cohen 1991, Dogan 1989, Reisinger and Turner 2003, Saveriades 2000, Smith and Brent 2001). These authors and others stress the need for more multidisciplinary approaches to the study of the sociocultural effects of tourism and, in particular, to develop alternative measurement approaches, leading to the quantifications of socio-economic costs and benefits, and the examination and application of social concepts to host destinations. Although there are some signs of the development of a conceptual base for studies of this phenomenon, most studies have been largely descriptive. Many social and cultural impacts are difficult to quantify. Future research should be directed at determining more explicitly the perceptions and attitudes of hosts towards the presence and behaviour of tourists. A growing number of studies actually involve the collection of the experiences and opinions of the residents of host communities through social surveys. Unless local inhabitants are contacted, it may not be possible to identify the real significance of any change. 287

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7

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Given the many varied consequences of tourism that have been outlined in previous chapters, it is reasonable to ask why destination areas, whether countries, communities or rural areas, want tourism? The answer to this question is that often their spokespersons and many of their residents believe that tourism will improve the quality of their lives. It usually does this mainly through economic means: by creating employment and income. It may also sometimes help to protect their environment and culture although the case for these is much less clear. Two things follow from the above observation: 1. Destination areas do not get involved in tourism simply because they want tourists to have a good time. Of course, it is hoped that tourists will have a rewarding experience so that they will tell others to visit, word of mouth being one of the best forms of advertising, and that they will return themselves. 2. Tourism should be encouraged more for the fact that it may contribute to the well-being of local people in destination areas (however defined) and less for the reason that it is good for the tourist industry (however defined) per se. Thus, tourism planning should be as much about planning for residents as it is about planning for tourists. The implication is that tourism should be viewed as a means of achieving other goals and not as an end in itself. This should influence the nature of the goals and objectives that are set in tourism plans. They are commonly specified in terms of the number of visitors but these are really means rather than true goals. Such goals can be relatively easily met, for example by giving people free trips or even paying them to come! However, this would result in numerous management problems and would not satisfy the aspirations of local residents. Also, because different stakeholders, such as representatives of the tourism industry and local residents, commonly have different objectives, there may be tensions and even conflicts between them, particularly in the short term, although objectives may be more congruent when viewed on a longer time scale. In the context of above observations and bearing in mind the three chapters on economic, environmental and social consequences of tourism that have gone before, this chapter will discuss the nature of relationships between sustainable 288

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development and tourism, comment briefly on the practical application of sustainability principles, make some observations on the current status of tourist planning, management and evaluation, and examine some of the practicalities of moving forward based on both analytical methods and stakeholder involvement.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Since the pronouncements of the Brundtland Commission (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987) which defined sustainable development as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, sustainable development has been widely accepted as an approach to foster future states in which economic well-being and environmental quality can coexist. This was the dominant dilemma addressed by the Brundtland Commission which indicated that sustainable development should, as a minimum, address the following elements: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Maintain ecological integrity and diversity; Meet basic human needs; Keep options open for future generations; Reduce injustice; Increase self-determination. It was further suggested that in order for this to occur, it would be necessary to:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Revive economic growth; Change the quality of growth; Meet essential needs such as for jobs, food, energy, water and sanitation; Conserve and enhance the resource base; Reorient technology and manage risk; Merge environment and economics in decision making.

Sustainable development requires a long-term perspective that works towards equity between people, and between people and other inhabitants of the planet. It also supports the empowerment of people to be involved in the decisions that influence the quality of their lives. Belatedly, the sustenance of culture has also been incorporated so that it is commonly argued that initiatives ideally should be economically viable, environmentally sensitive and also culturally appropriate. Sustainable development has been written into the legislation of many countries and regions and has become common rhetoric in discussions of desired future states at both global and local scales. Unfortunately, in its wide-ranging discussion, the Brundtland Commission did not mention tourism although this was rectified in the subsequent meeting in Rio de Janiero in 1992 which prepared the Rio Declaration and Agenda 21 (World Travel and Tourism Council, World Tourism Organization, Earth Council 1996). 289

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However, the concept has been adopted by many economic sectors, including tourism, and it is common to see references to sustainable agriculture, sustainable forestry, sustainable fisheries and even sustainable cities. Similarly, sustainable tourism is frequently advocated and there is even a journal entitled Journal of Sustainable Tourism to which one might look for advice and current thinking. Sustainable development in the context of tourism has been defined by Butler (1993b: 29) as: tourism which is developed and maintained in an area (community, environment) in such a manner and at such a scale that it remains viable over an indefinite period and does not degrade or alter the environment (human and physical) in which it exists to such a degree that it prohibits the successful development and wellbeing of other activities and processes.

In contrast, he defined sustainable tourism thus (Butler 1993b: 29): Tourism is in a form which can maintain its viability in an area for an indefinite period of time.

Sustainable development, and its derivative sustainable tourism, appears at first to offer a way forward that simultaneously considers the economic, environmental and sociocultural dimensions of development. It is reasonable, therefore, to consider the potential of the concept of sustainability to give guidance in the management of change and in the selection of opportunities to pursue, and impacts that are to be encouraged or to be redressed. Thus, attention is now directed to the concept of sustainable development and its application in a tourism context.

Sustainable development as an oxymoron Sustainable development can be viewed as being an oxymoron – as involving contrasting ideas that cannot be reconciled. Sustainability requires a long-term perspective and something that is sustained should be enduring and, ideally, exists in perpetuity. In contrast, development implies change: a progression from an existing situation to a new, ideally superior, state. Putting these two themes together, it is not difficult to come up with bizarre paraphrases for sustainable development, such as ‘ongoing’ or ‘perpetual’ change. Such notions would not be acceptable to most proponents of sustainable development. Advocates of sustainable development may choose to emphasize either the former or latter word of the phrase. Thus, some stress sustainability and forms of human existence that will not exceed capacities or do not deplete natural capital, however these may be defined, and that can be maintained indefinitely. Others focus upon the enhancement of livelihoods and environments in ways that will improve the lot of disadvantaged people and species, pointing out that conservation practices and long-term perspectives are difficult to adopt by those existing below the poverty line and who do not know where their next meal is coming from. 290

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To complicate matters further, there is considerable latitude in the meaning of both ‘sustainable’ and ‘development’, leading to such questions as ‘What is to be sustained?’, ‘At what scale should the concept be applied?’ and ‘What is development?’ Taking the initial question first, one might ask whether it is the environment that is to be sustained, the economy, a community, the way of life of a people or all of these things simultaneously. Also, is the notion to be addressed at global, national, regional or local levels or at all of these scales simultaneously? There is a large and evolving literature on development. This literature has been thoughtfully and concisely reviewed in a tourism context by Telfer (2002a). Starting with a predominantly economic focus, the concept has been successively broadened to encompass other dimensions, such as local empowerment (Wall 1997b). At the same time, there has been fragmentation, as new schools of thought, such as feminism, have injected their own perspectives (Wall and Norris 2002). Furthermore, there have been evolving discussions concerning the merits of topdown and bottom-up approaches to development, and whether people should be the objects or subjects of development, the latter perspective placing control of the development agenda into local hands. As indicated above, sustainable development was initially seen as being a response to tensions between economic growth and the maintenance of environmental quality but it has since been pointed out that there may be other dimensions that require sustenance, such as culture (Wall 1997b). Furthermore, it is not clear what this means in practice. For example, if a fishing community is no longer able to support itself through fishing but successfully turns to tourism to maintain its well-being, albeit with associated lifestyle changes, should this be viewed positively or negatively from a sustainable development perspective? Is it appropriate to move from a holistic concept such as sustainable development, to singlesector approaches, such as sustainable agriculture or sustainable tourism, leading to a focus upon the perpetuation of the latter activities but, potentially, undermining sustainable development more broadly conceived? Should one be attempting to sustain tourism or would it be better to explore whether and in what form tourism might contribute to sustainable development? Should tourism be seen as a means rather than an end and is it possible to conceive of situations in which tourism might be viewed as a temporary activity that is to be encouraged as an interim measure while other development options are being sought? Thus, while sustainable development has been widely endorsed, its practical implications are far from clear.

The value of a fuzzy concept The imprecision associated with sustainable development is both a strength and weakness of the notion. A major positive attribute is that people with very different perspectives can ‘buy into’ the concept and dialogue can be generated among 291

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individuals (stakeholders) who, at first sight, may appear to have little in common. Of course, they often misunderstand and ‘talk past’ each other and discussions may break down. However, the very fuzziness of the notion allows many different interests to sit at a common table with the potential for exchange of views and, hopefully, learning that results from this. Sustainable development may be used, among other things, in reference to a philosophy, a process, a policy, a plan or a project, again the number of terms suggesting the flexibility and adaptability of the concept. The lack of clarity in meaning permits people with a diversity of perspectives seemingly to agree, deferring contentious issues to a subsequent phase of deliberation when a basis for cooperation may have already been established. Thus, sustainable development has political attractions because it is easy to support initially, even if further examination suggests that it is difficult to know or determine what it really means. The imprecision that has been discussed above as an asset reduces the scientific utility of the notion and hampers its application as an analytical tool.

Sustainable development, sustainable tourism and sustainable livelihoods Sustainable development is a holistic concept. Ideally, it should refer to the sustainability of an entire system (again, however defined). However, when a single-sector approach is adopted, such as sustainable tourism or sustainable agriculture, it is conceivable that that system may be sustained but at the expense of other systems to which it is connected. In the case of tourism, there are links with many other systems: water, energy, waste assimilation capacity, transportation and culture, to name a few. But there are other activities that are competing for the scarce resources of land, labour and capital and there is commonly insufficient to go around. Thus, it is possible for tourism to thrive but, at the same time, for it to threaten the sustainability of other phenomena. The term ‘sustainable tourism’ suggests that tourism must be sustained. It is impossible to have sustainable tourism in the absence of tourism! Therefore, the concept implies that tourism is the solution to whatever problems have been or may be identified. The minds of its proponents have already been made up: tourism must be sustained. This is a very narrow perspective. It implies that tourism should be sustained in some form, almost regardless of costs! Rather than advocating the perpetuation (even growth) of tourism as an end in itself, it is suggested that it is more appropriate to ask whether, and in what forms, tourism might contribute to sustainable development more broadly conceived. Of course, the answer is likely to be different in different places and times. The most common situation is that tourism is not being developed in a totally pristine area: the world contains very few of these. Rather, tourism must be inserted into an existing economy. Ideally, it should not displace this economy but should 292

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be complementary to it. It should help to diversify the economy rather than replace one sector by another. One approach that may be useful in understanding this is sustainable livelihoods (Scoones 1998) and the contribution that tourism might make to such livelihoods. Whether one is dealing with individuals or communities, it is useful to explore how tourism is and might be incorporated into the exisiting mix of livelihood strategies so that it enriches rather than replaces the means by which people may be sustained.

THE STATUS OF TOURISM PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT Planning is the process of making decisions about future desired states and how to attain them. Thus, it should be a means of addressing changing opportunities and impacts. In spite of the considerable discussion on sustainable development and sustainable tourism, there is still a gap between rhetoric and reality, between academic writing on tourism planning and the practice of tourism planning as it actually exists. There is a substantial literature on tourism planning with different emphases, such as Gunn’s work on spatial planning, Murphy’s emphasis on a community approach, and Inskeep’s comprehensive approach. These books focus upon how tourism planning should be done. There is surprisingly little work which assesses the effectiveness of tourism plans, that considers if the plans were actually implemented and if their goals and obectives were achieved. This is an important research need if current practitioners are to learn from past experiences. Most tourism plans set goals in terms of numbers of visitors and focus on means for attracting tourists and the infrastructure that is required for destinations to do this. It is often assumed that if more tourists visit then local people will benefit more. However, there are many examples where this has proven not to be the case. It means that more attention must be given to types of tourism, types of tourists and ways by which the involvement of local people in tourism can be facilitated, perhaps through education and training programs, encouragement of local entrepreneurship, making capital loans more readily available and the like. It should not be assumed that locals will automatically benefit from a ‘trickle down’ mechanism. Rather, as indicated above, it means that the interests of residents should be a central component of tourism plans, and not absent or an afterthought as is often the case. Although the above comments apply to tourism planning in general, it should be acknowledged that there are substantial differences in tourism planning between developed and developing countries. In the former, tourism planning is increasingly being confined to specific relatively small sites, such as a large hotel complex or an attraction such as a theme park. There has been a decline in the emphasis on tourism master plans for larger areas. Rather, tourism is treated much as other forms of development in other sectors and controlled by traditional forms of development control, such as zoning systems, Environmental Impact Assessment and 293

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Social Impact Assessment procedures and development permissions. At the same time, the emphasis is increasingly on the process of development with opportunities being provided for public input and stakeholder involvement, rather than the creation of a static plan in the form of a document which is not exposed to public scrutiny. Also increasingly, there is shared responsibility for marketing between the public and private sectors, with the former taking control over any possible excesses of the latter through exercising development controls in the public interest. In contrast, in the case of developing countries, there is a continued emphasis on master plans which are often made by external consultants (who often do not undertake such tasks in their places of origin because, as explained above, they are often of western origin where such plans have come to be used with much less frequency). Such master plans are required not simply to set the direction for development: they are designed to attract external investors by ensuring potential developers that there is a broad vision for the destination area and that their investments are desired and secure. In most developing countries, where investment capital is in short supply, governments are involved in both investing in and controlling development. In contrast, in the case of so-called developed countries, while considerable public investment may be involved in major infrastructure developments, such as airports, the mix of investment and control responsibilities is more distinct.

Management In contrast to tourism planning, management has a shorter time horizon. One might argue that there is little true tourism planning that encompasses the total tourism system, rather that it is destination areas that may be planned. In much the same way, most destination areas are not truly managed as an entity, rather it is the sub-sets of the system, such as the attractions, the accommodation, the transportation and so on, that are managed, often largely in isolation. It is important that management steps are taken before degradation of the resource proceeds to the point where the initial environment that attracted visitors is no longer a reality or the quality of life of residents has been compromised. Management strategies are all too often applied only after signs of deterioration have become apparent. Some areas of a destination will necessarily be subjected to intense use beyond that which can be sustained by natural reproductive systems. Hence, management techniques must be employed to sustain the area in a desired condition. Managers essentially have three choices: to manipulate the environment or modify visitor behaviour or a combination of the two. With respect to the environment, it may be necessary, for example, to recognize that vegetation cannot be maintained on heavily used portions of a site. Heavily used paths and roadways may have to be surfaced: the result concentrates use, thereby protecting the surrounding areas. Replanting with resilient grass species 294

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and the addition of fertilizers has been effective in campground and picnic areas. Other strategies are reported in Wall and Wright (1977: 45–6). Methods of modifying human behaviour can be divided into two categories: regulative or manipulatory. The former imposes requirements on visitors that they must adhere to, such as fees or licences, whereas the latter are more subtle but may be just as effective and are often more palatable to visitors, such as the provision of information and site design (which should consider site limitations as well as attractions). Gilbert, Peterson and Lime (1972) identified a variety of ways of modifying human behaviour (Table 7.1). The following list includes some of the major means of accommodating tourists and, at the same time, minimizing their adverse impacts: 1. Concentrate or channel visitors and their vehicles into places where they can be managed; 2. Attract people away from vulnerable areas; 3. Disperse use over a wide area so no part is unacceptably altered; 4. Institute a system of rotation so that used areas get a chance to recuperate; 5. Use hard surfaces, barriers, and specialized site layouts and designs to control use; 6. Employ cultural treatments including watering, fertilizing, seeding of durable species and artificial loosening of compacted soils; 7. Pricing; 8. Information provision through such means as signage and interpretation. The types of management techniques employed will vary with the objectives for each destination or site (i.e. whether the area is an urban area, an historic site, Table 7.1 Some measures to control the character and intensity of recreational use to meet desired management objectives Type of control

Method

Site Management (Emphasis on site design, landscaping, and engineering)

Harden site

Specific control techniques

Install durable surfaces (native, non-native, synthetic) Irrigate Fertilize Revegetate Convert to more hardy species Thin ground cover and overstory Channel use Erect barriers (rocks, logs, posts, fences, guardrails) Construct paths, roads, trails, walkways, bridges, etc. Landscape (vegetation patterns) Develop facilities Provide access to underused and/or unused areas Provide sanitation facilities Provide overnight accommodations Provide concessionaire facilities Provide activity-oriented facilities (camping, picnicking, boating, docks, and other platforms, playground equipment, etc.) Provide interpretive facilities

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Table 7.1 (cont’d ) Type of control

Method

Specific control techniques

Direct Regulation of Use (Emphasis on regulation of behaviour; individual choice restricted; high degree of control)

Increase policy enforcement

Impose fines Increase surveillance of area

Zone use

Zone incompatible uses spatially (Hiker only zones, prohibit motor use, etc.) Zone uses over time Limit camping in some campsites to one night, or some other limit Rotate use (open or close roads, access points, trails, campsites, etc.) Require reservations Assign campsites and/or travel routes to each camper group in backcountry Limit usage via access point Limit size of groups, number of horses, vehicles, etc. Limit camping to designated campsites only Limit length of stay in area (max./min.) Restrict building campfires Restrict fishing or hunting

Restrict use intensity

Restrict activities Indirect Regulation of Use (Emphasis on influencing or modifying behaviour; individual retains freedom to choose; control less complete, more variation in use possible)

Alter physical facilities

Inform users

Set eligibility requirements

Improve (or not) access roads, trails Improve (or not) campsites and other concentrated use areas Improve (or not) fish or wildlife populations stock, allow to die out, etc.) Advertise specific attributes of the area Identify the range of recreation opportunities in surrounding area Educate users to basic concepts of ecology Advertise underused areas and general patterns of use Charge constant entrance fee Charge differential fees by trail, zone, season, etc. Require proof of ecological knowledge and recreational activity skills

Source: After Hendee, Stankey and Lucas (1978: 324)

a nature reserve, a wilderness or a multi-purpose area). Clearly, many of these management strategies would conflict with the goals set for many natural areas although they may be acceptable in urban resorts. There is no simple recipe for the efficient design and management of tourist sites. Management decisions will need to vary to reflect goals and objectives and the demands of particular situations.

POINTS, LINES AND AREAS Tourism has many manifestations, making it difficult to generalize. Nevertheless, the implications of some simple spatial characteristics will be described because 296

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of their wide applicability and their relevance across economic, environmental and social dimensions. Tourist regions and even many individual attractions can be divided into three types based on their spatial characteristics: points, lines and areas (Wall 1997c). Points may be viewed as essentially one-dimensional, lines as two-dimensional, albeit with some depth, and areas as multidimensional. Each type has different implications for visitor behaviour, different potentials for commercial developments, and requires contrasting planning and management strategies if a balance is to be achieved between resource protection and commercial exploitation. Point attractions require large numbers of visitors to concentrate in a small area for, if the point is not visited, then the attraction is not experienced. Examples of such sites include waterfalls, spas, temples, monuments, historic and archeological sites, museums, galleries, theatres and many sporting events. Concentration results in opportunities for commercial exploitation of visitors for when many people are in close proximity, they can be catered to efficiently and the minimum thresholds of successful business operation are most likely to be exceeded. However, there are associated dangers of congestion, over-commercialization, reduction in the quality of visitor experiences and, in some cases, destruction of the resource. Point resources may easily be over-commercialized by private-sector enterprises and strong actions may be required by the public sector to protect the resource and associated visitor experiences. One way to do this is to give careful consideration to the setting in which the point resource is located and, possibly, to discourage the development of commercial enterprises immediately adjacent to the site. For example, as early as 1870, a public park was created on the Canadian side of Niagara Falls to displace all the hucksters that congregated at the lip of the waterfall, pestering visitors and detracting from their ability to experience the natural wonder. Linear resources include coastlines, lakeshores, rivers, scenic routes and trails, and linear landforms such as mountain valleys. Some of these resources are attractions with linear properties, others are routes which channel visitors along particular paths and some are both. In all of these cases, large numbers of visitors are concentrated along a narrow strip of land or a transportation corridor. Linear resources tend to concentrate visitors but not to the same extent as point resources because a line is two-dimensional and, as opposed to a point, encourages some dispersal. The concentration of visitors may still be sufficiently great to attract considerable commercial development which can lead to destruction of the resource. Linear resources can easily become over-commercialized because large numbers of users are drawn to narrow strips of land and water. The enforcement of setbacks is often a useful strategy in coastal locations but, more generally, the breaking up of the lines into a series of nodes and links, or nodes and less developed or undeveloped areas may be a wise strategy to pursue. In these ways, parts of the resource are protected, visitors are provided with access to a variety of experiences, and visitor facilities and commercial enterprises are concentrated in the nodes. 297

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Unfortunately, many coastal areas have been overdeveloped so that few natural areas remain and public access to the shoreline is reduced by the creation of an impenetrable line of hotels. Areas may attract large numbers of people but their spatial extent may permit and even encourage the wide dispersion of visitors. Such places include parks and protected areas and scenic landscapes. The extensive nature of the resources and, sometimes, the nature of the experiences being sought by visitors, which encourages them to seek isolated or remote locations, mean that there are few dense concentrations of visitors and, thus, their commercial exploitation may be more challenging to potential entrepreneurs. In such locations it may be necessary to create visitor concentrations, for instance at access points to parks, at scenic overlooks or at interpretation centres to impart information to visitors, to monitor them, and to provide facilities which they may require, such as washrooms, restaurants and accommodation. It is in such locations within or, preferably, adjacent to the area resource that commercial opportunities are most likely to be successful. The danger here is that, if one is not careful, the scale and nature of such developments may be at odds with the experiences available elsewhere in the area. Thus, for example, service centres for wilderness parks should not be too large or too intrusive. However, the concentration of many visitors in a limited number of commercial centres may expedite their management, allow greater access to visitors by the business community and, at the same time, leave much of the area relatively unexploited for those in search of lower intensities of use. Points, lines and areas can be viewed as occurring at different scales. Thus, for example, at the scale of a country, destination areas, such as coastal resorts or national parks, may be viewed as a series of points. On the other hand, a single destination area may be viewed as a combination of points, lines and areas, or as a series of nodes and links. Thus, the conceptualization provides some flexibility with respect to scale. The three-fold classification of tourist attractions into points, lines and areas, while extremely simple, is a useful way of viewing a wide range of heterogeneous tourist attractions because it encourages consideration, at the same time, of specific attributes of the resource, visitor behaviour and spatial distributions, the potential for commercial exploitation, impacts and associated planning and management strategies. Wall (1993b) has discussed the application of this conceptualization to Bali and has suggested that the number of visitors can be regulated by the provision of infrastructure, such as the volume of commercial accommodation and parking places.

IMPACT ASSESSMENT AND MONITORING Given the numerous questions raised above, how can one determine whether or not a particular plan, policy or activity is sustainable? This is a particularly 298

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difficult task in a time of rapid technological change and when, in reality, determining whether or not something is sustainable can only be done in retrospect. Nevertheless, there are legal requirements in many places that evaluations of initiatives, particularly new projects but sometimes even new policies, be evaluated prior to acceptance and implementation. Two methods, benefit–cost analysis and environmental impact assessment (EIA), will be examined briefly in this context as examples of methods that can be used and, indeed, are sometimes required to guide decision making. However, it is increasingly being recognized that onetime assessment may be inadequate, particularly where impacts are cumulative, and longer-term monitoring may be necessary to permit fine-tuning of planning and management strategies. Either way, it will be necessary to decide what measurements are required to assess progress or lack thereof. These are known as indicators and they will also be discussed below.

Benefit–cost analysis Benefit–cost analysis (also called cost–benefit analysis) is a procedure which is often employed in the economic evaluation of proposed projects. It is essentially an accounting procedure in which the positive aspects of a project are compared with the negative aspects on the assumption that, if the former exceed the latter, then the project may be worth undertaking. (The word ‘may’ is emphasized because, for example, of the distributional effects which will be mentioned below.) This seemingly simple task is in fact complex and such assessments involve numerous challenges. First of all, ideally all aspects and implications of the project need to be measured in similar terms so that they can be summed and compared. Usually, the metric which is used is monetary: dollars and cents. Unfortunately, not all manifestations of a project, particularly the so-called intangibles and incommensurables, can be easily ascribed a dollar value (for example, how much is a life worth?). If this is the case, then quantitative comparisons are frustrated. Furthermore, even should such measures be obtainable, the estimation of the life of the project and the interest rates which are ascribed to costs and benefits occurring at different times will have considerable implications for the calculations and the resulting overall assessment. On the other hand, it does encourage the systematic documentation and comparison of all benefits and costs and thus enables interested or concerned individuals to see that all foreseeable consequences are incorporated in the analyses and to question the bases on which decisions are made. The requirement to assess and, ideally, combine economic, environmental and sociocultural measures in benefit–cost analyses and assessments of sustainability is a further confounding factor. In part this is because they are usually measured in different ways. For example, economy may be measured in dollars and cents or the number of jobs (often in person-years to reflect seasonal and part-time employment) that are created; environmental impacts through coliform counts or 299

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changes in biochemical oxygen demand or measures of species diversity; whereas social concerns may be indicated by the proportion of respondents answering in a particular way to a questionnaire. Clearly it is almost impossible to combine such contrasting impact measures to synthesize results into one figure and hence to determine if benefits exceed costs and by how much. Such measurement problems are likely to be of greatest importance where the differences between benefits and costs appear to be small. Thus, in one sense, the technique tends to let one down at the very time one needs it most! At the same time, the disaggregated information may be required to inform management, and trade-offs and balance may be the preserve of policy makers, perhaps informed by precautionary principles, risk assessments, legal precedents and public opinion polls. The above discussion concentrates upon technical issues of evaluation involved in the determination of whether the benefits of a project exceed the costs and, thus, whether or not a project should be implemented. However, this is often a moot question. The decision on whether or not to proceed may have been made by another, perhaps political, process and if the decision is positive, then the question becomes not whether but how to proceed. The data collected in a benefit–cost analysis may be very useful input into such decisions. However, at this point disaggregated information may be required for planning and management purposes, for the introduction of mitigation measures and to deal with trade-offs and compromises. One needs to know the dollars and cents if one is interested in the economic dimension of development, the coliform count if one is interested in water quality, and the responses to surveys if one is concerned with social issues. Thus the extent to which benefit–cost analysis can replace the need for value judgments can be debated. This is not the place to review the extensive literature which is concerned with both the substance of the economic impacts of tourism and the means employed to estimate them. The former was the primary task of Chapter 4. Certainly much more is at stake than jobs and incomes, including taxes, inflation, investment incentives and the balance of payments to name a few additional economic variables. At this juncture, a series of points will be made of a somewhat polemical nature to draw attention to issues which we believe deserve more discussion than is possible here. How much is spent in the destination and how much remains? These are questions that are often not addressed in benefit–cost analyses for they involve the application of different techniques of analysis such as an examination of the direct, indirect and induced consequences of tourism, often through the assessment of multipliers and leakage. It is important to consider both the amount of visitor expenditures and the magnitude of multipliers for it is the interaction of both which determine the size of economic impacts. It is conceivable that reduced numbers of visitors and smaller associated expenditures may generate larger net benefits if leakages can be curtailed and multipliers increased. 300

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The distribution of impacts may be as important as their magnitude: who gains and who loses? This usually reflects underlying power relationships. Similarly the quality of employment may be as important as the quantity, as well as whether the jobs that are created go to local people or outsiders. There may be different perspectives in areas of high unemployment, where jobs of almost any kind may be welcome, as compared with situations of labour shortage. Perspectives may differ between so-called developed and developing countries, the informal sector being of greater significance in the case of the latter although this is all too rarely considered adequately in the formulation of plans (Wall 1996b).

Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) EIA is another procedure which is used to assess the likely consequences of tourism projects. EIA has been defined by the Canadian Environmental Assessment Research Council (1988, quoted in Doberstein 1992: 12) as: A process which attempts to identify and predict impacts of legislative proposals, policies, programs, projects and operational procedures on the biogeophysical environment and on human health and well-being. It also interprets and communicates information about those impacts and investigates and proposes means for their management.

In other words, EIAs are undertaken to assess the likely consequences of initiatives so that decisions can be made concerning whether and in what form the initiative should proceed. EIA is future-oriented and the conduct of an EIA requires an ability to predict the impacts of tourism. EIAs are often legally required by governments as a step in the approval process for new initiatives and, as such, they are undertaken to improve the quality of development and to protect the public interests. The product of an EIA process is a document. Such documents should, ideally, include information on likely consequences of development, development alternatives and mitigation strategies. The content of EIAs usually covers more than the environment and often includes economic and social considerations. The inclusion of impacts on human well-being in the above quotation suggests that social impact assessment is a fundamental part of the EIA process. The definition also indicates that EIA can be useful both in analyzing specific projects and as a tool at the planning and policy levels of development, and that it may provide a framework for management of impacts. At the project level, Werner (1992) suggested that EIA can be used as a decision-making tool in determining the acceptability of a project, or as a planning tool to minimize negative impacts of an already-accepted project. Tourism initiatives, as a form of development, are often subject to EIA. This is not the place to discuss in detail the difficulties of preparing useful EIAs and complying with legal requirements that EIAs be undertaken which, in any case, vary with jurisdiction (see for example, Doberstein 1992, and Simpson and 301

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Wall 1999). Although many countries have sophisticated legislation and regulations concerning the application of EIAs, implementation and enforcement of EIA procedures is variable. It is influenced by such factors as political will, availability of resources (including the availability of expertise) and knowledge of impacts of tourism. Thus, it is one thing to have policies in place and quite another to implement them. Biswas and Agarwal (1992) and Hunter (1995) have discussed many of the problems with formal EIA procedures and concluded that there is a tendency for EIAs to focus on physical impacts and neglect social and cultural ones, often resulting in the production of overly-mechanistic reports that deal almost exclusively with the presentation of data rather than its analysis. For example, waste or emission concentration levels may be provided with an emphasis on whether acceptable limits will be exceeded, rather than an evaluation of their likely consequences for human or ecosystem health. EIA often focuses upon mitigating negative impacts, rather than attempting to increase beneficial impacts, and compliance monitoring is seldom performed. Assessments often delay developments and cost more than expected, sometimes because they are not undertaken in a timely manner and are not well-integrated into the project cycle. And, because it is often narrowly focused, EIA often looks only at the direct impacts of a new development, and not its addition to the cumulative impacts of development in the area. In addition to the above problems, the characteristics of tourism result in particular challenges for those undertaking EIAs. The physical changes to areas will affect the way of life of local populations, while interaction with tourists may have an enormous influence on the entire society. In fact, there are many cases where residents have been displaced by tourism (Wang and Wall 2005). No other kind of development includes the anticipation of a continued influx of outsiders, who are not expected to try to integrate with the local community, and who will interact with them in such a wide variety of situations. As well, the resources devoted to tourist developments are often no longer available for the traditional users, which may cause inconvenience or even hardship. As is the case with other economic sectors, tourism competes for scarce resources of land, water, energy and waste assimilative capacity. However, tourists tend to have extremely high demands, using more energy and water and generating more waste than the average resident. In many developing countries, labour is not in short supply although labour with the appropriate skills is often not available. If such attributes are not fully appreciated, it is easy to underestimate the environmental and other consequences of tourism. Given the above discussion, an argument can be made that in many jurisdictions, legislation and regulations are ahead of the ability to implement them. To be effective, EIA should be based upon a thorough understanding of the nature of the agent of change if the full implications are to be foreseen. Unfortunately, tourism has a number of characteristics which make it particularly 302

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challenging for the conduct of EIAs. Some of these characteristics will now be examined briefly. Tourism is an extremely complex phenomenon. For example, the tourist industry is fragmented, involving both multinational corporations and a multiplicity of small and intermediate-sized operations interacting in a web of institutional interrelationships: it is an example, par excellence, of the intricate links between interacting phenomena operating simultaneously at both global and local scales. These linkages involve operators in both the private and public sectors, and span a diversity of economic phenomena, such as transportation, hotels and restaurants, attractions and shopping purchases, which are not always considered as being part of the same economic sector and whose roles in tourism may be difficult to separate from their other functions (Smith 1988). With reference to tourism, EIAs are usually conducted for specific developments such as new resorts. As such, the focus of the EIA may be restricted to the confines of that resort development. However, most tourists do not remain within the resort. They arrive by air or another form of transportation and must be transported to the resort. Thus, the new resort has implications for the number of jets arriving at the airport and the number of taxis and buses on the road. They also travel to see the sights in the vicinity and thus penetrate other parts of the destination region. Such situations are difficult to document and result in challenges in drawing up the terms of reference for the conduct of a tourism EIA to ensure that it will include both on-site and regional impacts. While large developments are natural candidates for EIAs, the cumulative impacts of many small developments may be just as troublesome but much more difficult to encompass within traditional EIA processes. Also, tourism exhibits many of the characteristics of common property resources, where there may be an incentive for individual entrepreneurs to expand their operations to the detriment of others, resulting in the degradation of the resources on which they all ultimately depend (Hardin 1968). The gradual, insidious, development of a multitude of small accommodation units, restaurants and souvenir outlets can rapidly change the character of a place but it is time-consuming and expensive to conduct assessments of every minor initiative. It is easy to write of tourism as if it were an undifferentiated phenomenon. However, there are many manifestations of tourism which vary in scale, environmental setting and activities undertaken. The consequences of tourism will also be modified by the policy context and the roles which intermediaries, such as tour guides, play in influencing interactions between visitors and local people. This makes it difficult to adopt class assessments as is sometimes done for some sectors and activities, such as forestry or road construction where the lessons learned from one development may be more readily applied to another. It is desirable that both the negative and positive consequences of tourism be assessed prior to development in order that undesirable effects can be avoided or 303

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mitigated, and the desirable effects enhanced. Unfortunately, the literature on impact mitigation as it might be applied to tourism is extremely limited (although see Long 1992). To complicate matters further, tourism is often directed at special environments where the mitigation of adverse environmental changes may be particularly difficult to address. High-energy environments, such as coasts and mountains, are often sought by tourists. Also, tourists are often not satisfied with experiencing usual situations but wish to see noteworthy buildings, special cultural festivals or endangered species, making their potential for disruption particularly marked. Yet in many places tourism has been allowed to develop without being previously evaluated by EIA processes. Furthermore, while social impact assessment (SIA) is incorporated into most current EIA processes, it is traditionally an area of weakness (Hunter 1995). Although current tourism literature supports the use of EIA in evaluating tourist developments (Ceballos-Lascurain 1996), EIA literature does not make much mention of tourism, nor does it address the unique nature of its impacts. To be effective for tourist developments, the EIA process must be based on a good understanding of tourist behaviour, and geared to encompass its wideranging and cumulative impacts. Some of the challenges in undertaking EIAs for tourism are listed in Table 7.2. In 1982, Mathieson and Wall (1982) wrote that, due to the newness of EIA, there was a paucity of methodological guidelines for undertaking investigations of the impacts of tourism. Now, more than twenty years later, though guidelines for undertaling EIAs are plentiful, few are specifically targeted to assess the impacts of tourist developments. Mieczkowski (1995) suggested that such studies should be made comparable with one another through Table 7.2 Eight challenges in undertaking EIAs for tourism 1. There are many types of tourism with different impacts so experiences gained with one type of tourism might not be readily applicable to another. 2. Tourist experiences consist of many components (attractions, accommodations, food and beverage outlets, transportation, etc.) each of which may require separate evaluation. 3. Tourism is inherently inter-sectoral and data availability as well as authority and responsibilities may be dispersed. 4. EIAs are often conducted for specific developments and may be confined to specific sites but tourists are mobile and impacts may occur elsewhere off-site. 5. Cumulative impacts and rate of change may be critical issues. Numerous small changes, when taken together (such as the proliferation of buildings along a formerly pristine coastline) may be just as significant as one major development. On the other hand, rapid change may be much more difficult to adjust to than gradual change. 6. Impacts vary with stage of development, the same project having different implications in a remote location with little experience with tourism when compared with one with a long history of tourist development. 7. Extending the previous point, the impacts of similar developments will be different in different settings. 8. It may be difficult to separate changes due to tourism from those attributable to other agents of change.

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the use of similar methodologies, scales, and levels of analysis. Hunter (1995), in suggesting some general criteria for use in determining the necessity of EIA, recommended that EIA should be performed for all planned and pre-existing tourism developments, and suggested that they will be most successful if they are performed within the context of a national framework for balancing development goals and environmental concerns.

Ecological footprints EIA is usually a requirement that is mandated by government in order to acquire permission to proceed with a development. As such, although EIAs are beginning to be undertaken at a broader strategic level and sometimes EIAs are prepared for classes of development initiatives with seemingly similar consequences, most EIAs are highly focused and concentrate upon a specific development proposal. In contrast, there is a concern that the full consequences of tourism may extend beyond the specific site. For example, true ecotourists may have limited environmental impacts on-site, but may use planes, airports and expensive equipment so that their environmental and even their economic impacts may be small in the destination area but may be substantial overall. The calculation of an ecological footprint is an attempt to provide an accounting, from an environmental perspective, of a particular activity or development. It is essentially an accounting tool designed to estimate the resource consumption and waste assimilation requirements of the subject of concern in terms of a corresponding productive land area (Wackernagel and Rees 1996), thereby potentially facilitating the comprehension and comparison of tourism of different types. The approach has yet to receive widespread application in tourism although informative examples do exist (Gossling et al. 2002, Hunter 2002). A succinct review of the ecological footprint concept and its application to sustainable tourism can be found in Hunter and Shaw (in press).

Indicators Whatever method of evaluation is undertaken, it will be necessary to decide what attributes of the destination are significant and are likely to be modified, in order to determine what data are to be collected and assessed. The general response to this concern has been the development of indicators, so much so that the construction of sets of indicators has become a growth industry in sustainable development research in general and in sustainable tourism research in particular. Much of this work has adopted a top-down approach in which international agencies have espoused sets of indicators with supposed wide applicability (World Tourism Organization 1996). However, there is usually a need to complement general indicators with site-specific indicators both because of different environmental, 305

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economic and cultural circumstances, and also because of differing local priorities. Furthermore, it can be debated whether indicators are best promulgated by an international agency or are better formulated with the input of stakeholders to reflect their specific concerns. Wallace and Pierce (1996) have advocated the involvement of local stakeholders so that the suite of indicators can reflect both their aspirations and incorporate local knowledge. Unfortunately, this is an approach that has yet to be widely adopted. Indicators are required for the implementation of monitoring systems and to inform judgements on whether an initiative is likely to move the system in the direction of sustainability. Kreutzwiser (1993) has suggested that useful indicators will have the following characteristics: they should be sensitive to temporal change and spatial variation, have predictive or anticipatory capability, have conceptual validity and relevance to management problems. Furthermore, he opined that relative measures are more useful than absolute measures and that their utility is enhanced by reference to threshold values. However, even with a well-designed system of indicators, it will probably not be possible to say with certainty whether a particular policy, plan or production system will be sustainable.

ANALYSIS VERSUS INVOLVEMENT Analytical approaches to the assessment of impacts tend to empower experts because of the experience and skills that are needed to implement methodologies such as those that have been described above. In contrast, residents of destination areas and other stakeholders in the tourist industry are likely to have their own opinions concerning what are desirable states and what costs are acceptable in the search for tourism-related benefits. These opinions will be based upon many factors such as previous experiences, current or prospective involvement in tourism, personal hopes and fears, and a multiplicity of other individual circumstances. Analysis and involvement are not antithetical approaches and, ideally, they should be combined so that the insights of experts can be melded with local knowledge and priorities. However, different societies place different emphases on these procedures. In the so-called developed world, the right of people to have input into the decisions that are likely to affect them has become widely acknowledged. Such a process may be costly in terms of both time and money and slow down the speed of decision making. It tends to put planners and experts in an advisory capacity and, although consultation cannot assure that conflicting views will disappear and be replaced by a common agreed-upon position, it should help to assure that a wide range of possible outcomes of and perspectives on initiatives is taken into consideration. In contrast, many developing countries have top-down decision-making systems and limited expertise in tourism planning. In such circumstances, the opportunity for local people to participate in decisions concerning tourist development 306

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may be minimal. Indeed, Timothy (1999) found in his study of tourist planning in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, that many local people did not expect to be involved in tourism planning. In this situation, the inputs of outside experts may be given more weight and the opinions of local elites may be implemented to the disadvantage of the less powerful majority whose interests have not been considered adequately.

COMMUNITY-BASED TOURISM, STAKEHOLDERS AND PARTNERSHIPS Since the publication of Murphy’s (1985) text on the topic, community-based tourism has become a growth area in tourist writing in recognition that, although tourists emanate from communities, they visit destinations, or host communities and that is where many of the impacts occur. Great concern is usually expressed, both by residents and researchers, for maintenance of the characteristics of host communities, particularly in remote or developing areas and, as we have seen, for the changes that their residents, economies, landscapes and political structures undergo as tourism evolves. Residents of such communities are often encouraged to take greater control of their futures by becoming involved in community planning and thereby influencing decisions about tourist developments in their home areas and protecting desired community attributes. This will usually involve some form of public participation process. However, this is easier said than done. Communities are not homogeneous, there are uneven power distributions, a multiplicity of stakeholders that are involved, different degrees of experience with tourism, a lack of desire to be involved on the part of many, and a political and administrative history in many countries that is not conducive to such processes. In the context of this book, local empowerment is seen as an important way of affecting impacts in ways that are benign to destination communities. It is probably unrealistic to expect all decisions that affect a community to be made within it. The tourists, by definition, come from elsewhere and there are travel agents at the place of origin that influence where tourists will go and what they will do. Also, destinations must abide by national policies and regulations. Thus, there are many stakeholders involved in tourism and they come from both within and outside destination areas. There is also a growing interest in research on partnerships (Reed 1997) and stakeholder involvement (Selin and Chavez 1995). Other initiatives are also being undertaken to encourage the development of tourism in ways that are more benign, particularly from an environmental perspective. Codes of ethics have been put forward for tourists, tour operators and other tourist stakeholders. For example, Australia has established a code of ethics for ecotourism and the Ecotourism Society has produced its own guidelines for operators (Ecotourism Association of Australia undated, Ecotourism Society 1993). New Zealand has established a code of environmental principles for tourism (New Zealand Tourist Industry Federation undated). Some codes are required to be 307

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followed by members of relevant organizations but the majority are voluntary. Some may see these as signs of progress and as attempts at quality control: others who are more cynical may see them as pre-emptive strikes to avoid the external imposition of improved practices. Another initiative is environmental labelling which is designed to provide information to tourists and prospective tourists so that they can make purchasing decisions on the basis of more complete information on the unwanted impacts of their activities (Mihalicˇ 1996). Research is also underway, particularly on hotels, to assess the factors that constrain the adoption of more environmentally friendly business practices. These can all be seen as initiatives designed to reduce the undesirable consequences of tourism. Little is known about their effectiveness and, to date, they have focused particularly on environmental rather than sociocultural consequences.

AN EVALUATION TRIANGLE While tourism can undoubtedly have negative consequences, it also has many positive attributes. However, the positive impacts will not occur by chance, rather they must be identified and planned for. Ideally, synergistic relationships should be developed between components of the tourist system. In an ideal situation, destination residents, local resources and biodiversity, and tourism may each help to sustain the others in an interrelated, symbiotic fashion. For example, highquality tourist experiences can be provided in an area in which there is rich biodiversity if the local people are supportive. Local residents may be more willing to protect the resources if they are able to gain a living from tourism. The profits from tourism may be used to support the local economy and to protect and manage the resources. Ideally, too, the status of tourism in a destination should be evaluated periodically to see if steps can be taken to move it in the direction of sustainability. Working on ecotourism, Ross and Wall (1999a) suggested that the success of a destination reflects the extent to which it provides high-quality tourist experiences and is able to protect natural resources and biodiversity, generate money to finance conservation and contribute to the local economy, educate visitors and members of local communities and, thereby, encourage environmental advocacy and involve local people in conservation and development issues. They developed a simple framework for assessing the status of tourism in a destination. It is presented in Figure 7.1. The framework implies that tourism, much like any industry striving to be sustainable, should be considered in the contexts of both the natural environment and the aspirations of local communities. Although simple, the framework emphasizes the significance of fostering positive links between people, natural resources or biodiversity, and tourism. The strength or weakness of any one link has implications for other links. Theoretically, the qualities that emerge from application of the framework (e.g. local empowerment, environmental stewardship, 308

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Fig. 7.1 A Framework for conceptualizing and evaluating ecotourism (Source: Ross and Wall 1999a)

intercultural appreciation) make the whole greater than the sum of its parts. An examination of the relationships that exist, or have the potential to exist, between local communities, natural resource or biodiversity and tourism may be a good starting point from which to evaluate tourism, using a list of relevant indicators informed by consultation with stakeholders (Wallace and Pierce 1996). In a symbiotic relationship between local populations and resources or biodiversity, local residents act as stewards of the natural resources and, in return, they benefit through sustainable harvesting and protection of important resources such as water catchments. Even so, it is quite possible that in some circumstances local people may not welcome tourism at all and that view should be respected, but in many developing countries and in peripheral locations in so-called developed countries, tourism is often seen to be one among a limited number of development options. In addition to the benefits which may accrue from protection of resources, local residents may receive a variety of benefits from becoming host communities for tourists. By participating in tourism, communities can receive tangible economic, infrastructural and social benefits – benefits which are less likely to leak out of the community if participation is local. In turn, experiences of tourists may be enhanced by opportunities to interact with local people. If positive attitudes to tourism are to be fostered, residents living in or adjacent to the destination should be receiving economic and social benefits or compensations which will support or complement their livelihoods. Local economic benefits from tourism have been documented both in the form of increased employment opportunities and incomes, community sharing in the distribution of revenues, and compensations. The contributions which tourism can make to biodiversity and the integrity of natural areas are as important as the potentially positive effects on adjacent communities. The provision of environmental education through enhancement of 309

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opportunities to appreciate local nature and culture is fundamental to the success of tourism. Biodiversity and natural areas can provide this service in return for economic revenues which can contribute to protected area conservation. Tourism will not be successful without effective planning and management and the framework which has been presented will be of little consequence in the absence of adequate institutional arrangements and administrative commitments. The development of positive relationships between people, resources and tourism is very unlikely to occur without implementation of effective policies, management strategies, and involvement of a wide range of organizations, including non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and, in developing areas, conservation and development-assistance agencies. The qualities of protected area policies and of those who are employed to carry them out may influence everything from the extent of resource exploitation which occurs, to the amount of revenue generated and the quality of interpretation. NGOs, research teams and conservation and development-assistance agencies have important roles to play, particularly in rapidly-developing tropical countries where funding for the preparation of management plans or community development programs may be insufficient and personnel with the necessary knowledge, skills and training may be lacking (Mackinnon, Mackinnon, Child and Thorsell 1986). Such agencies may assist in developing resource inventories and also can provide opportunities for education and local capacity-building through the hiring and training of local people. Ross and Wall (1999a) discussed relastionships between various elements of the framework in detail. They also suggested examples of indicators which may be used to assess the status of relationships between people and resources. Relationship indicators are measurable variables which may be used to reflect antagonistic or symbiotic links between people and resources. An evaluation employing such indicators can provide insight into the challenges and possibilities for local development, capacity-building and tourism. Through use of dotted lines for embryonic relationships and omission of lines where positive relationships remain to be forged, the framework can also provide a visual assessment of the status of tourism in a destination. Ross and Wall (1999a) applied this framework successfully to three ecotourism sites in Indonesia and it has also been used in other locations. While the framework was designed specifically for ecotourism, it is suggested that it has much wider application. Should not all destination areas provide high-quality tourism experiences that are in harmony with the environment and benefit local people? As discussed throughout this book, the characteristics of communities will influence the extent to which tourism affects social changes and attitudes towards tourism and conservation. For example, social and familial cohesion may encourage the spreading of positive attitudes (if an individual benefits, it may be viewed as a benefit to the broader community), in contrast to a community where individuals are only concerned for their own personal benefits (Lindberg and Enriquez 310

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1994). Furthermore, communities already exposed to outside influences, exogenous technological advances or other forms of change, will likely respond differently to development opportunities than populations which have not experienced such changes (Brandon 1996). Similarly, characteristics of ecosystems reveal a natural area’s capacity to withstand activities such as resource harvesting, which may be required or desired by local communities. Thus, the introduction of tourism can encourage socio-economic development, if it is desired by the community. External judgements and assumptions about the benefits of development, however conceived, should be avoided. Miller (1980) pointed out that whether or not increased economic activity or changes in the educational system of a rural area are needed or desirable may be a point of dispute. Such a perspective emphasizes again the importance of involving members of destination communities as stakeholders in tourism planning and decision making. The interrelatedness of people–resource–tourism relationships is likely to be evident in the attitudes of local peoples: if local people are already disgruntled about resource-use restrictions, for example, from protected area regulations, it is likely that this negativity may influence attitudes towards tourist development. However, communities should not be encouraged to become solely dependent upon tourism: rather, tourism ideally should complement other activities and help to diversify an economy. Tourism of any type should not be viewed in isolation and its development should be considered as part of a broader plan for the use of resources. The challenges in developing such plans should not be underestimated for reasons as diverse as the fact that powerful interests may benefit from the absence of a plan and governments in some locations have withdrawn from many planning functions in favour of the operation of an unfettered market. Strengthening the capacity of host communities to achieve other forms of positive change, if desired, should be considered alongside tourism development.

CONCLUSIONS In summary, sustainable development, as applied to tourism, can be viewed as being an approach that can accommodate and address the numerous impacts that have been examined earlier in this book. While there is a large literature on sustainable development, and research on the meaning of the term is a legitimate endeavor (Hunter 1997), it is suggested that sustainable development lacks the conceptual precision for it to be readily measured or for it to act as a clear guide for research. Therefore, for this and other reasons which have been introduced briefly above, sustainable development and sustainable tourism planning are currently more rhetoric than reality. The very fact that Hunter (1997) was able to describe a sustainable development spectrum from ‘very weak’ to ‘very strong’ confirms that the term encompasses a diversity of points of view. On the other hand, the very fuzziness of the concept 311

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can be an advantage which can be used to bring people with differing perspectives together, thereby promoting dialogue concerning possible impacts and desirable future states between seemingly disparate groups, including academics, policy makers, conservationists, developers and the communities that they serve. The major points that have been made can be summarized as follows: n

Sustainable development lacks the conceptual precision for it to be readily measured or for it to act as a clear guide for research.

n

Yet, fuzziness can bring people with differing perspectives together, thereby promoting dialogue between seemingly disparate groups, including academics, policy makers and the communities that they serve.

n

A multi-sectoral perspective is essential if sustainable development is to be achieved.

n

The concept of sustainable livelihoods may merit explorations as a useful organizing framework.

n

Practical application of sustainable development requires the development and use of indicators, including their employment in the evaluation of specific projects as well as in longer-term monitoring systems.

n

The status of tourist planning differs between jurisdictions (and there have been very few evaluations of tourist plans).

n

Good planning requires the input of both careful analysis, which may require the input of experts, as well as the input of those who are likely to be affected by the decisions, including local residents.

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It is inevitable that the development of tourism will induce some impacts, some of which are wanted and some of which are not. The very nature of tourism means that it is likely to bring about land-use conflicts and modify the economic, environmental and social conditions of destination areas. Some of these consequences cannot be avoided completely and it is important that planners of tourist development should bear these realities in mind. This book has illuminated the considerable array of consequences of contemporary tourism. Since the predecessor of this work was published in 1982 (Mathieson and Wall 1982), there has been a diversification of the forms that tourism takes, but the continued expansion of tourism at its present rate and in its existing form is not a desirable phenomenon in many destination areas. Planning measures should be directed at restraining and redirecting growth in some areas, as well as encouraging it in others, the emphasis varying from place to place. Of course, some newly emerging resorts will be required to relieve the pressures on existing destinations and, if they are to be successful, they must attract visitors. However, it should not be assumed that all resorts should strive to expand. A number of factors have contributed to the undesirable situation in which many resorts find themselves: 1. Inadequate forecasting. In the desire for expansion, many overloading and congestion problems have not been foreseen or have been overlooked. It is as important to examine and, if possible, to quantify tourist pressures and assess the resilience of destinations to the adverse consequences of tourism as it is to indicate new directions for tourist development. 2. The resource-oriented emphasis of tourist marketing. The tradition of basing tourist development upon unique and frequently fragile resources has contributed to the emergence of many overloaded destinations. Furthermore, it is common to try to stimulate demand and, when successful, this has tended to concentrate tourists into a small number of places. The spatial and temporal imbalance of tourism has contributed to the problems which are being experienced by many well-established destination areas. 3. The inefficiency of planning measures. There has been a failure to recognize the many disparate components of the tourist industry and to integrate them into 313

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an overall planning framework. Furthermore, few attempts have been made to evaluate the successes and failures of tourist plans and this inhibits the ability to learn from experience. 4. There has frequently been a tendency to sacrifice long-term benefits for shortterm gains. This issue has been discussed in some detail by Travis (1980: 79–92). 5. Inadequate attention has been given to the appropriate scale of development. Too much emphasis has been placed upon large, prestigious projects when there is growing evidence that greater returns may accrue to destination areas from more modest developments (Hyma and Wall 1979, Rodenburg 1980). 6. A failure to specify goals adequately. Tourist development is usually a means to achieve other objectives rather than an end in itself. However, goals are often specified in terms of the number of visitors who are to be attracted. It is not always clear who the major beneficiaries of tourist development are expected to be. For example, should the objective be to satisfy the needs of tourists, to promote regional development, to decongest popular tourist destinations, or to enhance the lifestyles of residents of resorts? The strategies needed to meet each of these objectives are likely to be different. There is an urgent need to provide solutions for the numerous negative sideeffects of tourist development. Sustainable development, at first sight, may offer a promising way forward but the practical application of the concept is fraught with difficulties. Enthusiasm on its own is not enough: it must be transformed into action. Planning for tourist development is a complex process which involves the insertion and usually the perpetuation of tourism in places with diverse economic, environmental and social structures. From a social standpoint, planners should understand the complex and contradictory feelings of tourists. On the one hand, they seek change, novelty, new experiences and excitement. On the other hand, tourists frequently feel insecure and afraid in a strange environment. At the same time, planners should consider the conflicting opinions of members of the host community. Many individuals involved in the tourist industry are likely to welcome tourists, whereas others may resent their presence and behaviours. From an environmental perspective, planners should recognize that some environments are more resistant to the effects of tourism than others and that the types of tourist activity will also influence the nature of impacts. Moreover, the consequences of tourism are likely to be mixed, enhancing some components but causing deterioration in others. Tourism, then, is a complex phenomenon which gives rise to diverse and often contradictory consequences. It is easy to say that planners of tourism should maximize the benefits from tourism and minimize the costs. However, it is not possible to maximize some effects and minimize others at the same time: this is a mathematical impossibility. Trade-offs will be required and compromise will

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be necessary. However, it is desirable that steps should be taken to move the entire tourist system, and the system with which it interacts, in the direction of sustainability. This will not happen all at once and but will occur through incremental steps in each of the economic, environmental and social domains. Given that it is difficult to determine the sustainability of projects and policies in advance, a pragmatic approach will be required, with efforts being made, at the same time, to move each of the economic, environmental and social sub-systems in the direction of sustainability. In this way, the economic viability, the environmental integrity and the sociocultural characteristics of destination areas can be enhanced. Alternative development policies should be considered prior to the commitment of resources and they should be assessed for their feasibility, limitations, effects and ability to satisfy the requirements of hosts and guests. De Kadt (1979: 21) indicated that he was aware of no evidence that any government has deliberately set out to assess the overall effects of alternative types of tourism in order to promote those that appear to promise the greatest net social benefits. This situation has changed somewhat since De Kadt made his observation but only slowly. On the one hand, many tourist plans advocate the establishment of ‘quality’ tourism, which is all too often a euphemism for the attraction of rich tourists. On the other hand, ecotourism may be advocated, as in China’s Year of Ecotourism in 1999, with very little appreciation of what this might entail. Faced with a considerable variety of tourists and types of tourism, a destination interested in tourist development needs to ask whether, and to what extent, it can match its own resources with the requirements of different types of tourists. It also needs to ask what options it faces in developing these resources. It is necessary that studies of tourism supply the information on which sound planning decisions can be made. Difficulties have arisen in the establishment of measures to quantify or otherwise evaluate the many aspects of tourist development. The assessment of alternative policies implies the existence of a sound knowledge base but much of the research on the consequences of tourism has been less valuable than it might have been because of a frequent failure to specify the context in which the impacts occur. The planning and marketing of tourism have been primarily oriented towards the needs of tourists and the provision of interesting and high-quality tourist experiences. Key questions of traditional planning approaches have been: how many tourists will desire or can be attracted to come to a destination and what services and facilities will they require? It is imperative that planners become less preoccupied with the visitor and devote more attention to the welfare of those being visited. Planners should be asking such questions as: how can tourists contribute to the enhancement of the lifestyles of residents of destination areas and how many and what types of tourists will best meet local needs and wants?

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PLANNING FOR TOURIST IMPACTS Planning for the consequences of tourism can be addressed in two ways. Firstly, planning measures can be devised to mitigate the existing negative impacts of tourism. Where tourism planning has been undertaken it has often been remedial, attempting to intervene after much development has taken place. As in other fields, many locations have exhibited limited ability to learn from mistakes made elsewhere, and much planning may be characterized as ‘shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted’ (de Kadt 1979: 21). Most measures have been of this reactionary type. The main aim of such measures has been to increase the capacity of the destination area in order to alleviate current tourist pressures and, at the same time, to maintain or even increase the number of visitors. Some of the more common methods of manipulating the destination area include the closure of vulnerable sites and attractions, the elimination of private transportation in the core areas of resorts, the imposition of building and design regulations on new structures, the introduction of entry fees, and the establishment of barriers and paved walkways in areas which are ecologically sensitive. Secondly, planning measures may manipulate the tourists by encouraging them to make travel decisions in certain directions. The marketing of tourism is a widespread phenomenon but marketing and planning need to be more closely linked. The gentle manipulation of tourists could be both a positive and a preventative planning approach. The two types of measures are not mutually exclusive. If planning measures are to be directed at the decisions of tourists, knowledge is required of the ability of destination area sub-systems to sustain use. For example, resentment among permanent residents over the presence of large numbers of winter vacationers may encourage planners to seek alternative destinations for a proportion of these tourists, thereby relieving some of the pressures. If alternative destinations are to be promoted, planners should be aware of the densities and conditions which prompted the initial concerns and, if possible, the capacities of alternative destinations to welcome additional visitors if the initial situation is not to be replicated elsewhere. It is widely recognized that planning is urgently needed to alleviate the negative impacts of tourism. It is less apparent who should bear the planning responsibilities. The difficulty of determining who plans in specific areas or circumstances is compounded by the diversity of scales at which impacts of tourism occur. For example, should impacts occurring at a local level be the responsibility of local governments when the effects are the outcome of tourist patronage from other parts of the country? Or should costs accruing to local areas be mitigated through finance made available from regional agencies or national governments? This debate reflects the lack of an integrated planning framework for tourist development

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and, in some cases, particularly in the developing world, the lack of planning organizations. The formulation of jurisdictional frameworks for planning for the effects of tourist development is beyond the scope of this work, although a small step in this direction has been made by Wang and Wall (in press) in a Chinese context. In fact, no one organizational structure is likely to be suitable for all eventualities in all cultures. Reference to the absence of such structures and difficulties of administration are sufficient, in themselves, to indicate the complexity of planning for tourism.

IMPACT RESEARCH AND PLANNING Sound research is a prerequisite of good planning. Perhaps, then, the inefficient planning of the tourist industry is partially a reflection of an inadequate research base in studies of tourism. There is certainly some truth in this deduction. Research in tourism examines what is and what has been; planning asks or states what could be or what should be. The two may not be as different as they may at first appear. The former provides information in order that the latter may be achieved. There are two types of research of significance to planning (Gunn 1978b: 61): 1. Project oriented research. This involves the use of systematic approaches for the analysis of a specific project on a particular site. The findings have local use and value but may or may not have applicability to other projects or sites. 2. Building a knowledge base. This type of research tackles basic problems facing the tourism industry and produces results which have wider implications than the previous type of research. This present work is of the second type and is extremely broad in its conception and content. The information contained in this investigation should be of considerable use to tourism planners. This study provides an assessment of what is and what has been. To some extent it also suggests what should not be and what could be done to remedy the undesirable consequences of what exists. It provides a knowledge base for further research and for more informed inputs into planning for tourism.

Examples of tourism research and planning Tourism development has often taken place without the guidance of and in the absence of plans. In the majority of cases detailed development plans do not exist at the community or regional level. Where plans exist they have usually been devised by government agencies and their consultants or by private developers. Unfortunately, many of these documents are not readily accessible. In consequence

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it has been necessary to base this work primarily upon the academic literature. However, much valuable information is contained within planning and consulting reports: the Prince Edward Island Study (Abt Associates 1976), the Canadian Government Office of Tourism (1974) national economic study, and Butler’s (1975a) work for the Inuit Tapirisat continue to be instructive examples of such documents. Both the costs and benefits of tourism have been identified in this text. The negative impacts of tourism, in conjunction with the emergence of environmental problems resulting from other human actions, have stimulated widespread public concern over the effects of development decisions. Furthermore, the public now demand that their concerns be incorporated into the decision-making process. This has resulted in: 1. The emergence of public participation programmes; 2. Requirements that environmental impact statements are prepared. Together they attempt to ensure that public concerns can be voiced, that public interests are protected and that procedures are adopted which will ensure a balanced approach to the assessment of development problems. The development and evaluation of public participation programmes in resources management are well documented (Sewell and Burton 1971, Sewell and Coppock 1977). Public involvement in planning is now an accepted part of the planning process in many parts of the developed world but it still seldom occurs in developing countries. Some studies by governmental agencies (Canadian Government Office of Tourism 1974), consultants (for example, D’Amore and Associates 1979) and academics (Pizam 1978) have tried to assess public attitudes to specific tourist developments, but a widely accepted means of doing this has to be agreed upon. Parks Canada now is regularly involved in public participation, consultation and outreach programmes. In earlier years, many of their planning and management modifications were reactive rather than premeditated, but they are now attempting to incorporate public input into the early stages of park planning. For example, Riding Mountain National Park was the subject of public discussion and evaluation and, with some reservations (Kariel 1979, McFarlane 1979), the public participation programme for the park proved to be a successful case of citizen participation in an environmental planning project (Hoole 1978: 50). One can only applaud any attempt to solicit input from the public and to keep interested parties informed of developments, but one wonders how much can be achieved when set positions are taken with little prospect for compromise. In the case of Kouchibouguac National Park, for instance, consultation rapidly turned into confrontation. In a theoretical sense, public participation is a positive contribution towards more effective decision making. From a practical perspective it is difficult to arrive at decisions which are socially and environmentally acceptable and, at the same 318

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time, economically feasible. Measurement problems compound the difficulties of reaching such decisions. A decision requires the weighting of the significance of a myriad of effects and this is difficult to do satisfactorily. Cost–benefit analysis is designed to measure the costs and benefits of projects in monetary terms and a considerable literature has developed concerning this technique (Sewell, Davis and Ross 1961). However, satisfactory procedures have yet to be developed for integrating social and environmental impacts into an economic framework. Many effects of tourism are difficult to quantify and social, economic and environmental effects are not measured in similar ways. In spite of the large literature on cost–benefit analysis, there have been few attempts to integrate the analyses of social, economic and environmental effects of tourist development to derive an overall assessment of the desirability of a project. This problem was summarized concisely by Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 48) when they stated: ‘A more definitive summary statement must await detailed studies of social and environmental impacts and the development of a means of integrating economic apples, social oranges and environmental pears’. There is a growing literature on environmental accounting but this needs to be linked to socio-economic concerns. Little work of this type has been attempted in the area of tourist impact. Butler (1975a), in a study commissioned by the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, assessed the likely impact of a variety of types of tourist development on the northern environment and on Inuit lifestyles. This is one of the few studies which attempt to assess a wide range of possible impacts before they have occurred. Butler did not suggest a specific course of action which should be followed by the Inuit. Rather, his study was designed to point out the diversity of possible types of development and their consequences so that the Inuit could adopt a development strategy which would be most closely in tune with their goals. In our previous work, we made comments on an investigation of Prince Edward Island as an example of an initiative examining tourism from a broad perspective. Such studies are still not common so we have decided to retain it. However, we have decided to complement this with some brief comments on the Bali Sustainable Development Project in which one of the authors was involved. In this way, a more recent example pertaining to a developing country is also provided.

The Prince Edward Island study There are still only a few accessible studies that attempt to provide a balanced assessment of tourist impacts and also incorporate an assessment of the attitudes and priorities of residents of the destination area. One such study is that by Abt Associates (1976) for Prince Edward Island. It considered the major trade-offs between economic and other impacts which would be associated with alternative policy options for tourist development on the island. The study provided a comprehensive view of the impacts of tourism on the provincial economy, the island’s 319

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environment and residents’ attitudes. A conceptual model for assessing tourist impact was devised and provided a guideline for analysis, and a number of innovative social science research methodologies and economic simulation models were applied. As in Butler’s study for the Inuit, no attempt was made directly to resolve the debate over the best alternatives for tourist development, nor was an exhaustive list of possible alternatives provided. The principal concern was to suggest conclusions and recommendations which should be considered during the policy development and implementation processes. A number of trade-off issues requiring the attention of policy makers were outlined. These included the relative importance of tourism when compared with other sectors of the island’s economy; the balance between economic benefits, social inconveniences and environmental risks; relationships between private property rights and public interests; and the costs and benefits to different regions of the island. A number of recommendations were made for consideration by the Provincial government and residents of the island. The need for a comprehensive development plan for tourism was stressed and it was indicated that this should be based upon a balance between economic, environmental and social priorities. According to the study, a careful consideration of these priorities should provide the foundation for the formulation of a policy reflecting the interests, values and aspirations of residents of Prince Edward Island. The Prince Edward Island study is one of the few attempts to assess tourist impact from an overall perspective incorporating and integrating the results of studies from each of the economic, environmental and social impact categories. It is innovative in methodology and quite comprehensive in scope but, realistically, did not come to a single conclusion on the most appropriate form which tourist development should take. This is ultimately a political decision.

The Bali Sustainable Development Project (BSDP) BSDP was a collaborative programme of research primarily involving Indonesian and Canadian academics (Martopo and Mitchell 1995). The project was funded by the Canadian International Development Agency as a part of the EMDI (Environmental Management and Development in Indonesia) programme. It was designed to provide input to BAPPEDA Bali (the Planning Department of Bali) to inform its planning initiatives. BSDP was not directed solely at tourism. In fact, as argued above, single-sector approaches to sustainable development are unlikely to lead to true sustainable development for intersectoral interrelationships are likely to be of critical importance. Following approximately three years of research, workshops and exchanges, a preliminary sustainable development strategy was tabled in June 1991. A more refined version of this strategy was presented in Bali in June 1992 leading to the submission of a final document in November 1992 (Bali Sustainable Development Project 1992). 320

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The official tourism policy of Bali is cultural tourism (pariwisata budaya) in which the way of life of the people of Bali is a major attraction. The Balinese landscape, while being dominated by natural features such as mountains and coasts, is a manicured landscape in which sawah (irrigated rice fields) constitutes a major source of livelihood as well as an important scenic amenity. However, the majority of visitors reside in coastal resorts in the south of the island. The growing number of visitors was putting increasing pressures on a finite resource base and was competing with more traditional activities, such as agriculture, for the use of scarce resources such as land and water. At the outset, and in collaboration with Indonesian and Balinese colleagues from both government and academia, three broad research strategies were identified: village studies, sectoral studies and area studies. Further information on these research approaches can be found in Wall (1993a). Of greater significance here is that sustainable development had to be defined in a way that was conducive to application in Bali. The BSDP definition of sustainable development has three features: 1. The continuity of natural resources and production; 2. The continuity of culture and the balances within culture; 3. Development as the process which enhances the quality of life. This conception of sustainable development was the source of seven sustainable development assessment criteria. These criteria are continuities rather than absolutes. They are also interlinked and they draw to a considerable extent upon concepts rooted in Balinese culture. Sustainable development will not occur unless all of these criteria are realized: equity as well as efficiency, both ecological and cultural integrity, and the continuity of the mediating and sustaining forces of traditional institutions. A brief elaboration of each of the BSDP sustainable development criteria follows along with some of their implications for tourism: 1. Ecological integrity refers to the maintenance of life support systems (land, water, air and vegetation), the preservation of genetic diversity, and the perpetuation of species and ecosystems. It means that tourist activities and infrastructure must be compatible with environmental capabilities. Since the capabilities of the environment vary from place to place then it follows that the scale and types of tourist development should vary from place to place. 2. Efficiency is concerned with the evaluation of alternative paths or methods in terms of costs measured in time, money, personnel and public convenience. In other words, can the same result be achieved in different ways and at less cost? In the case of tourism, this means that there must be adequate returns to capital and labour. This requires catering to well-defined markets of adequate size and stability. Information on the characteristics of the market for Bali is required if this is to be achieved. 321

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3. Equity refers to equality of opportunity and recognition of needs amongst individuals and households, social groups and communities, women and men, present and future generations, and human and other species. It does not mean uniform development in scale and types of tourism. Rather, it means provision of the opportunities to participate in and benefit from tourism commensurate with the available cultural and natural resources. This implies greater dispersal of tourism than was then currently the case in Bali, or spatial equity; a greater variety of types of tourism to make fuller use of potential; and enhanced opportunities for the Balinese to participate in tourism. Note that this participation may be both direct and indirect. Inequity promotes distortions in the uses of resources. Equity also implies that the costs of tourism should be borne by the beneficiaries and suggests that tourists may be required to pay more for their experiences, possibly through increased accommodation and departure taxes. 4. Cultural integrity refers to the preservation and renewal of the life-enhancing, celebratory traditions of culture as expressed in religion, arts and institutions. Tourism must be used to develop, enhance and protect culture through a policy of cultural tourism. 5. Community refers to enhancement, at the local level, of the capability to participate in the development process. Opportunities should be provided for local participation in tourism, both directly through investment in and employment in tourist businesses as well as in supporting activities such as agriculture and craft industries. 6. Balance is a reflection of a number of Balinese trilogies such as Tri Hita Karana (the three sources of goodness: human–human, human–environment and human–god relationships) and Desa, Kala, Patra (space, time and condition: what is done should be appropriate to the situation) and refers to the struggle for integration, balance and harmony between key factors (for example between economy and environment, between sectors such as agriculture and tourism, and in patterns of regional development). Since the resource base of different locations varies substantially, different forms of tourism must be developed in line with the capabilities of places to sustain those forms. This implies careful local planning of tourist areas and integration of tourism with other activities rather than single-sector development. 7. Development as realization of potential through which capabilities to improve the quality of life are enhanced. Growth may be a product of development but not in forms which are exploitive or ecologically destructive. This means that it is insufficient to consider only numbers of tourists. Activities, locations and supporting infrastructure must all be considered. As well, the rates and timing of growth in all of these must receive attention. This implies that attention must be given to the timing and phasing of development.

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The criteria which have been described can be viewed as being standards against which the achievement of sustainable development can be assessed. Thus, it is suggested that developments and policies, including those for tourism, can be evaluated against each of the seven sustainable development criteria to determine the extent to which they are likely to promote sustainability. These criteria can also be applied to particular types of tourism to assess their suitability for particular places. In order to do this, it would be necessary to develop a set of indicators. Further discussion of tourist development principles for Bali can be found in Wall (1993b). The process through which plans are prepared is also of extreme importance. From the outset it was recognized that great efforts should be made to be as culturally sensitive as possible. This was essential in order to establish rapport with colleagues and collaborators, and to ensure that any suggestions which emerged from deliberations were in line with local institutions and culture. If they were not then there would be little prospect that they would be implemented. Many small actions were taken to cement relationships and establish credibility. They included repeated visits to Bali, the customary exchange of presents, the establishment of an office in Bali, the hiring of Balinese research assistants, contracting specific research tasks to Balinese experts, the payment of language training fees for some participants, and the invitation of Indonesian personnel to Canada for workshops and training. A key element in the exchange of ideas and information was an annual workshop in Bali. Each workshop attracted approximately eighty participants from government, universities and other interested people. These workshops were used to expose BSDP thinking to local expert opinion before important project decisions were made and, at the same time, to solicit input from Balinese academics and officials in areas of known BSDP deficiency. Care was taken to ensure approximate equality in the proportion of BSDP and other speakers. Translators were available in each workshop although the final workshop was conducted largely in Indonesian. Following each workshop summaries were published and distributed in both English and Indonesian. Of course, there is a big difference between the development of a strategy and its successful implementation. Tourism development in Bali has continued apace and new issues, such as international terrorism have come to prominence. Nevertheless, it is suggested that there is much that can be learned, both in substance and process from the BSDP initiative. If there are general points that, though not novel, are worthy of emphasis, they are: 1. It may be more productive to work where one can within existing institutional frameworks than to try to impose radical modifications in existing decisionmaking structures.

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2. It is suggested that informal links based on mutual respect, if not complete understanding, may be preferable to formal agreements in the absence of mutual trust and willingness to exchange ideas with open minds. Furthermore, respect must be earned and should not be taken for granted. 3. The absolute necessity of doing everything in one’s power to be as culturally sensitive as possible.

SUMMARY Tourism has become one of the largest and fastest-growing world industries and an economic and social phenomenon of major importance. The unprecedented expansion of tourism has given rise to a multitude of economic, environmental and social impacts which are concentrated in destination areas. These effects have become pronounced with changes in the volume and character of the tourist industry. The growth of tourism has stimulated research on many aspects of the tourism phenomenon. This volume is a synthesis of the major works concerning the economic, physical and social consequences of tourism. Most research on tourism has been undertaken at the international and national levels. Data have been relatively easy to collect at international boundaries and this has enabled studies to be undertaken at these scales. However, tourism is not evenly distributed throughout countries, but is concentrated in resort areas. Generalizations derived from studies at the national scale may be misleading if applied to more restricted areas. There is a need to undertake additional investigations in destination areas where most of the impacts of tourism occur. Tourism research has tended to emphasize economic impacts and there has been a disproportionately large number of studies examining the economic benefits of tourism. They have often overlooked the economic costs of tourism and its widespread environmental and social effects. The economic orientation of much tourism research is a reflection of the viewpoint that tourism commonly makes a positive contribution to the economic development of destination areas. Governments, development agencies, financial organizations, planning departments and other tourist-related bodies have supported and promoted the tourist industry in the belief that tourism will bring considerable returns on investment and aid in rectifying economic problems. It is not surprising, then, to find that much research on the economic benefits of tourism is instigated, conducted or sponsored by these agencies. The rapid development of tourism has given rise to a number of physical and social problems, and concern about the effects of tourism on host societies and their environments is growing. The adverse effects of tourism have attracted attention only recently and this is now being reflected in the growing number of studies of environmental and social impacts. In the past, tourism was encouraged 324

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for its economic benefits with little consideration for the effects on host communities or the environments in which they are situated. This is now starting to change. Although the body of knowledge about tourist impacts is growing, it is still highly fragmented and the findings of studies are often divergent. The tourist industry is, itself, highly fragmented. In purchasing a tourist package, the tourist is buying services from a number of different suppliers. Tourist services and facilities are also sold on an individual basis. A transportation enterprise carries the tourist to a destination, a hotel supplies accommodation and food, and a local bus company offers sightseeing tours. Although each element of the industry may remain in isolation, it has limited utility to the tourist in that form. It is the combination of these elements that constitute their value and appeal. In spite of the high level of complementarity between elements of the tourist industry, the effects of tourism on each of these elements are separate and differ widely. The variety of components of the tourist industry causes both definitional and data-collection problems. Research on tourist impacts has concentrated upon individual components of each of the economic, physical and social impact categories. The impacts of tourism are rarely so confined. The components should not be considered in isolation but researchers should integrate the findings within and between each impact category. In considering specific impacts in isolation, investigations of tourism have followed separate and often divergent paths. Research on impacts of tourism has been undertaken in many different disciplines ranging from the social sciences of economics, anthropology, geography and sociology, to the physical sciences, including botany, pedology and zoology. There has been little attempt to integrate the research themes and findings between disciplines. Each has undertaken its own research, often oblivious of the work being carried out in other disciplines. The development of interdisciplinary journals, such as Annals of Tourism Research, Tourism Management and Journal of Sustainable Tourism may be a sign that this situation may be changing. The highly fragmented nature of tourism makes it extremely difficult to devise a single measure of tourist impact. Different measures are used to assess different impacts. Measures of economic impact, that is monetary measures, are not appropriate to the assessment of many of the intangible social effects. Furthermore, the costs and benefits of tourism are not evenly distributed through society. The benefits to one group or individual in a community may be gained at a cost to others in the same community. The tourist industry may expand but residents of the destination area may suffer crowding, noise, pollution and modified lifestyles. Researchers should try to identify those aspects of destination areas and their populations which have low tolerance levels to tourist activity and those which have relatively high capacities. The dynamics of impact make it difficult to assess the magnitude of change. Impacts of tourism will alter with changes in the economic and social goals of 325

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tourists and their hosts, modifications of the physical environment, and with variations in the nature of tourist activity. Spatial and temporal discontinuities between tourism and its impacts imply that effects will vary from one part of the destination to another and may occur some time after the initiation of tourism. These features have been responsible for the research emphasis on primary impacts. This has occurred at the expense of the assessment of important secondary effects. It is usually difficult to disentangle the effects caused by tourism from those initiated by other forces of modernization. Few studies have been initiated prior to the commencement of tourist development so that base conditions have seldom been established as a yardstick against which change can be appraised. Longitudinal studies are needed which can differentiate between changes induced by tourism and those attributable to other processes. Research on tourist impacts has produced contradictory findings. Tourist activities have both positive and negative impacts upon a destination but these may differ considerably from the effects which are occurring elsewhere. Tourism generates a diversity of experiences for tourists and their hosts but few attempts have been made to explain spatial differences in effects or to identify the key variables which give rise to these inconsistencies. A growing proportion of research is empirically based but there is a lack of conceptual and methodological guidelines for the assessment of tourist impacts. The synthesis of research in this book is an attempt to provide a foundation for future studies in the hope that many of the deficiencies of existing research can be overcome and gaps in the knowledge filled. Given the obstacles to, and deficiencies of, current research, it is appropriate to identify the main themes which emerge. From the evidence that has been presented it is clear that the economic impacts of tourism are largely beneficial, the social impacts are mainly undesirable, and the environmental impacts are mixed. The negative sociocultural effects are likely to be reduced if the growth of tourist facilities is neither rapid nor massive, and if there is time for local populations to adjust to this activity and for tourism to fit itself to the local society. Although our knowledge of tourist impacts is far from complete it is possible to make some general statements concerning the factors that influence the impacts that tourism may have. The size and level of development of a country are of particular importance, and these same characteristics are also likely to be of significance when considering destination areas within countries. De Kadt (1979: 16–17) summarized the situation as follows: Small countries, with relatively underdeveloped production facilities and infrastructure and relatively low levels of skills among their people, are likely to experience more negative sociocultural effects as a result of tourism development than are larger, more developed countries. Resource poor island economies with limited space are, however, precisely the ones that may have most difficulty in identifying viable development strategies which do not rely heavily on tourism. 326

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Summary

It is ironic that the destinations with the most to gain from tourism, particularly the developing countries, also appear to be the most vulnerable to its undesirable consequences. Tourism is a means of reducing unemployment and contributing to foreign earnings but the areas most in need of these benefits often suffer from high leakages, fragile traditional cultures and are prone to pronounced demonstration effects. Paradoxically, tourism is a force for both homogenization and diversification. Certainly, tourism has many common characteristics and there are many similarities in the forms that tourist development has taken throughout the world. Indeed, they are often instigated by the same developers, in response to global market forces and guided by the same consultants who offer similar advice in their plans. On the other hand, tourists want to visit special places and, as destinations strive to compete, they accentuate what is special and unique, striving to develop a distinctive brand to attract particular market segments. As we have seen, tourism is a complex phenomenon and global forces are mediated by particular local conditions. The future of tourism is also paradoxical for tourists are destroying the very resources that they have come to enjoy. The same is often true of destinations promoting tourism. With the rapid growth of tourism and its numerous and diverse impacts, it is imperative that planning be implemented to manage these effects. Planners should consider both the costs and benefits of tourism. Many countries and resorts promoting tourism have ignored the fact that there are limits to how much tourism a particular destination can absorb. Destinations need to consider these limits and plan their tourist industry accordingly. Research on the impacts of tourism should provide an understanding of the capacities of destination areas and of the consequences which occur both prior and subsequent to these limits being reached. Unfortunately, little has yet been done to devise measures or guidelines to determine such thresholds of change. It has been suggested that the impacts of tourism may be large, diverse, growing, vary by gender, difficult to assess and challenging to manage. But, at the same time, tourism is ultimately dependent on accessibility to and, in the long term, maintenance of high-quality environments, especially in a competitive global marketplace. As tourism is one of the most rapidly growing industries in the world, it is vital that its impacts are foreseen and understood, so that they can be accurately incorporated into planning and management. The main objectives of tourism planning are to ensure that opportunities are available for tourists to gain enjoyable and satisfying experiences and, at the same time, to provide a means for improving the way of life of residents of destination areas. Impact research is an indispensable input to the planning of tourist destinations and can help to ensure that these goals are met.

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Wilson, M. (1995) Travel and the emergence of infectious disease, Emerging Infectious Diseases, 1(2), 39– 46. Wilton, D. (2003) Tourism and the Canadian economy: trends, cycles, and the seasonal variation in tourism demand, in Wall, G.W. (ed.) Tourism: People, Places and Products. University of Waterloo, Department of Geography. Wimberly, G.J. (1977) Resort hotels: the challenge of gracious design, Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly, 18, 24–32. Witt, C.A. and Wright, P.L. (1993) Tourist motivation: life after Maslow, pp. 33–55 in Johnson, P. and Thomas, B. (eds) Choice and Demand in Tourism. Mansell, London. Witt, S.F. and Martin, C.A. (1985) Forecasting future trends in European tourist demand, Tourism Review, 4, 12–20. Witt, S.F. and Martin, C.A. (1987) Econometric models for forecasting international tourism demand, Journal of Travel Research, 25(3), 23–30. Witt, S.F. and Moutinho, L. (eds) (1989) Tourism Marketing and Management Handbook, 2nd edn. Prentice Hall, Hertfordshire. Wolf, C.P. (1977) Social impact assessment: the state of the art updated, SIA Newsletter, 29, 3 –23. Wolfson, M. (1967) Government’s role in tourism development, Development Digest, 5(2), 50 – 6. Wolski, I. (1977) Polish resort centres of health tourism, Proceedings of the Association Internationale d’experts Scientifiques du Tourisme (Berne, Switzerland), 18, 203–5. Wong, P.P. (1986) Tourism development and resorts on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 7(2), 152–62. Wong, P.P. (1993a) Island tourism development in peninsular Malaysia: environmental perspective, pp. 83 –99 in Wong, P.P. (ed.) Tourism vs Environment: The Case of Coastal Areas. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, Netherlands. Wong, P.P. (ed.) (1993b) Tourism vs Environment: The Case for Coastal Areas. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, Netherlands. Wood, R.C. (1992) Working in Hotels and Catering. Routledge, London. Wood, R. (1993) Tourism, culture and the sociology of development, pp. 48–71 in Hitchcock, M., King, V.T. and Parnwell, M.J.G., Tourism in South East Asia. Routledge, London. Wood, R.E. (1980) International tourism and cultural change in Southeast Asia, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 28(3), 561–81. Wood, Robert E. (1998) Bali: cultural tourism and touristic culture, Annals of Tourism Research, 25(3), 770 –2. Woodland, D.J. and Hooper, N.A. (1976) The effect of human trampling on coral reefs, Biological Conservation, 11, 1– 4. World Bank (1972) Tourism-Sector Working Paper. Washington, DC. World Commission on Environment and Development (1987) Our Common Future. Oxford University Press, Oxford. World Council of Churches (1970) Leisure-Tourism: Threat and Promise. Geneva, Switzerland. World Health Organization (1980) Environmental sanitation in European tourism areas, EURO Reports and Studies, 18. WHO, Copenhagen. 388

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Index

Note: Figures and Tables are indicated by italic page numbers

SUBJECTS Aboriginals 272, 279 access restriction 38, 152, 166, 210 accommodation sector employment in 132 entrepreneurial activity in 137– 8 labour productivity in 132 rates of return on investment 150 share of tourism industry 108, 123 accommodation types in coastal resorts 200, 201 and economic multipliers 115 –17 economic multipliers 128 features associated 65, 66 and income generation 120, 121, 121 acculturation 264 – 5 adoption of tourist culture 230 Agenda 21, 289 agriculture, effect of tourism 7, 9, 78, 138, 140, 184, 215, 216, 237 agro-tourism 215 AIDS/HIV 243, 244 air pollution 173 – 4 air transport deregulation of 25 pollution caused by 174 ‘airport art’ 276 alternative destinations, planning for 316 alternative development policies 315 Amish 282–3 analytical approach to impact assessment 306–7 antagonism stage (in social interaction) 228 apathy stage (in social interaction) 228 archaeological sites 166, 261 architectural impacts 203 – 4, 208, 219 areas (resources) 298 arts and crafts 261, 272–3 deterioration of 276 – 80 preservation and renaissance of traditional forms 274 – 6

attitudes of tourists 47 attitudinal frameworks for social impact analysis 54 – 5, 227– 32 authenticity 271–2 staged 272 balance, in Bali Sustainable Development Project 322 balance of payments 90–101 effects of tourism 92– 4, 148 examples 96–7 structure 91, 92 Bali Sustainable Development Project (BSDP) 320–4 sustainable development criteria 321 beaches 188, 204 bed-and-breakfast accommodation, economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 behavioural characteristics of tourists 45–9 behavioural decision-making models 40 benefit–cost analysis 70, 299–301 ‘billiard ball’ approach 54 body of knowledge 62–5 borrowing of cultures 263, 264–5 Brundtland Commission, definition of ‘sustainable development’ 289 buffer zones around national parks 184 built environments, impacts on 195–213, 219 business types, and import propensity 103 buying decisions 42 – 4 phases 43 – 4 unusualness 42 – 3 campsites (tents) economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121 environmental impacts 169, 188 capacity measures 34 capital investment 104–6 foreign investment 77–8, 88, 105–6 nature and origin 87–8

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Index capital–output ratio 87 caravans, economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 carrying capacity 33 – 5, 51, 177 relevant considerations 37 social context 221 variation between various sub-systems 38 casino resorts 248, 250 economic aspects 249 casinos 197, 202, 248, 249, 250 changes as result of tourism 52 – 67 Balinese example 56 destination characteristics affecting 61–2 evolving perspectives 54 – 6 spatial factors affecting 60 –1 temporal factors affecting 57– 60 types of tourism affecting 62 charter air travel 25, 81 churches/cathedrals/temples 166, 251 cities 49–50, 207–12, 234 see also urban tourism coastal resorts see seaside resorts coastlines, impacts on 187–9 codes of ethics 307– 8 colonialism, tourism as 240 –1 commercialization of culture and arts 5, 271–2, 274, 279, 286 – 7 of religion 251, 252–3 commodification (of culture/heritage/tradition) 231, 271, 271–2, 281 community, meaning of term 322 community-based tourism 307 community cohesion, breakdown in 238, 239 community involvement 165, 212, 307, 311 complementary contribution of tourism 311 conceptual frameworks 19 – 51 consequential elements 19, 20, 38 – 9 destination elements 19, 20, 33 – 7 dynamic elements 19, 20, 22 – 33 for ecotourism 309, 310 conflicts between tourism and environment 168 – 86, 217, 219 consequences 52 see also economic consequences; environmental consequences; social consequences conservation factors affecting 160 –1 relationship with tourism 160, 162 – 3, 167 see also restoration conservatism of (mass) tourists 28, 29 consumers, tourists as 30 –2, 44 cooperation between national organizations 86 –7

coping strategies 230 coral reefs and atolls 179, 186, 189–90 core–periphery concept 50 cost–benefit analysis 319 cost–benefit analysis see benefit–cost analysis costs 145–50 countryside 213–17 creative destruction 231 crime 244 – 8 effects on host communities 247 cross-cultural communication 267 – 71 crowding 231, 234, 235–6 cruise tourism 57, 62, 144–5 cultural arrogance 282 – 4 cultural assimilation 265 cultural change 263 –7 factors affecting 263 cultural consequences 259–84, 286–7 economic effects 151 cultural drift 265 – 6 cultural integrity 322 cultural symbiosis 264 cultural tourism 27, 28, 260–1 in Bali 321 features covered 261 supply/demand 282 cultural tourists, types 268–9 culture commercialization of 5, 274, 279, 286–7 as commodity 231, 271, 281 definitions 259 forms 262 material forms 272 – 80 non-material forms 280 – 4 culture brokers 62, 64, 253, 279 role of 269 curio trade 181, 182 currency controls 77 currency flows 93 factors affecting 102 – 6 customer service skills 134 data collection, economic data 70, 71 decision-making process 39–42, 50–1, 51 demand for tourism 22 – 6 factors affecting 23 – 6 demographic changes 238 effect on tourism 24, 32 demonstration effect 236–40, 253 destination area(s) attributes 48 benefits–costs analysis 70 characteristics 36, 37, 61–2, 65 definition 17

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Index destination area(s) (continued) limits on capacity 39, 326 reason for tourism 288 seasonality 57 – 8 destruction stage (in social interaction) 228, 231 developing countries economic characteristics 77 – 8 propensity to import 102–4 tourism in 78, 80 –1, 241 development, meaning of term 290 development-assistance agencies 310, 324 direct employment 127 direct impacts 53 direct social contact, language affected by 254 diseases 256 sexually transmitted 243, 244, 257 water-borne 172 Disneyland/world 205, 235 distance travelled 10, 11, 13 distribution channels 24 – 5 dolphin watching 162, 176 domestic tourism 66 – 7, 212 ‘drifters’ (tourist type) 28, 29, 224, 267 dual pricing system 236 duty-free concessions 77, 88 e-tourism 26 ecological footprint approach 305 ecological integrity 321 economic approach 15 economic assessment tools 70 –1 economic benefits 89 – 90 economic carrying capacity 34 economic consequences 1, 4, 38, 68 –153 economic costs 89 – 90 economic development conditions for 85 – 8 tourism affecting 88 – 9 tourism and 77 – 82 economic impact assessment factors affecting 70 –1 uses 72 – 3 economic modelling 69, 70 –1 economic multipliers 109 –19 see also income multipliers economic structure 36, 141–3 economic uncertainty 151 ecosystems, impacts on 187–95 ecotourism 62, 159, 315 evaluation of 308 –11 see also dolphin watching; safaris; whale watching; wildlife tourism education programmes 211 educational levels, effect on tourism 24

efficiency of tourism 321 elephants 180–1, 182, 183 employment 68, 81–2, 125–36 categories 126, 130–1 characteristics in tourism industry 132 – 6 migration of workers 135, 237–8 occupational shifts 141 research questions 126 – 7 employment multiplier 110 –11 employment multipliers 118, 128 – 9 entrance fees 162, 210 entrepreneurial activities 74, 136–40, 229 environment, meaning of term 154 environmental auditing 159 environmental consequences 38, 154–219 economic effects 151–2 research perspectives 156 – 7 environmental features 36 environmental impact assessments (EIAs) 293, 301–5 difficulties in conducting 155, 301–2, 303, 304 guidelines for use in tourism 304 – 5 limitations 302, 304 requirements for major developments 151, 155, 303 environmental impact statements (EISs) 6–7, 155 mountain resorts 192, 193 environmental labelling 308 environmentally responsible initiatives 166 – 7 equity 322 erosion 188, 189, 191, 216 estuary developments 189, 202 ethnic tourism 260 euphoria stage (in social interaction) 228, 232 European Association for Tourism and Leisure Education, definition of cultural tourism 261 European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) 142 eutrophication 172, 190 evaluation triangle 308–11 evolutionary changes 54–6, 65–6 excursionist, definition 13 expatriate labour 104 expenditure see tourist spending ‘explorers’ (tourist type) 28, 29, 224, 267 export, tourism as 73, 83 extended family system, erosion of 238 Fair Trade 279 fakes 277, 287 farm tourism 215 festivals 281, 283

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Index fire hazards 169, 188, 216 fishing activities 179, 214, 216 food and beverage, local sourcing of 103 food and beverage sector employment in 132 labour productivity in 132 share of tourism industry 108, 123 foot-and-mouth disease outbreak (UK) 257 forecasting 313 foreign exchange earnings 77, 79, 83, 106 leakages 79, 103, 106, 241 foreign investment 77 – 8, 88, 105 – 6, 241 forms of travel 27– 32 Fourth World 260 arts and crafts 273, 274 fragmented nature of tourism 22, 59, 62, 74, 303, 325 frame conditions, meaning of term 33 frameworks see conceptual frameworks fuel costs 151 future of tourism, economic indicators 150–2 fuzzy concept 291–2, 312 gambling 197, 248 –50 garbage dumping 169, 181 gastronomy 261 GDP (Gross Domestic Product), tourism’s contribution(s) 68, 106, 107, 108, 108 generation point characteristics 47– 8 genotypic behaviour (cultural change) 266 geographical location 87 geology, impacts on 186, 218 ‘ghetto’ effect 204, 224 globalization, effects 76, 105 – 6 goals and objectives 314 government organizations, functions 71, 86 government revenue multiplier 111 government revenues 124 – 5 guest houses economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 features 66 guides (culture brokers) 269 habitat loss 184 – 5 halls of residence, economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 health 255 – 8 health tourism 255 – 6 heritage/historical tourism 27, 62, 260 –1 high-rise developments 203, 205, 206 history of tourism 59, 163, 274 Holiday Inns 29, 88 horse riding 190, 192, 214, 216 horse riding activities 170

host–guest interactions 65, 223–6 characteristics 223 – 5 in resorts 204 in rural areas 183–4, 213, 216 in wildlife tourism 183 – 4 host irritation/resentment 36 hotels architectural aspects 203, 206, 219, 284 crimes in 247 economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 and entrepreneurial activity 137– 8 features 66 rates of return on investment 150 residential displacement effects 208, 219 urban 208–9, 219 hunting activities 179, 214, 216 impact assessment and monitoring 298–306 analytical approaches 306–7 benefit–cost analysis 299–301 environmental impact assessments 301– 5 indicators 305 – 6 impact indicators 7, 305–6, 312 impact research 2 contradictory findings 326 examples 317–24 limitations 63 – 4 types 317 impacts by tourism 5–8, 19 impacts of tourism 38, 50 imperialism, tourism as 240 –1 import multiplier 111 import propensity 102 – 4 of hotels 138 imported labour 122, 133, 135 incidental costs 145 – 6 income elasticity 75, 76, 83 income from tourism 1, 68, 251 income generation 120 –2 income multipliers 110, 111–13 applications 113–19 factors affecting 112 information given by 119 ‘orthodox’ income multiplier 111, 117 ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier 111, 117 values quoted for various regions 114 weakness of concept 112 incommensurables 299 indirect employment 127 indirect impacts 53 induced employment 127 induced impacts 53 industry, tourism as 15–17, 73–7, 99 inflationary consequences 141, 148–9, 151

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Index information search 48 – 9 information technology, effects 25, 26, 32 infrastructure 72, 78, 84, 115 and growth in tourist numbers 141 overloading of 204 input–output (IO) analysis 70 –1, 82 instability of tourism as export 74 institutional illegal behaviour 246 institutionalized tourism 15, 29, 267 intangibles 73, 83, 91, 222, 299 integrated resort developments 199, 205–6, 205–7 shortcomings 205 intercultural communication 267 – 71 factors affecting 267 – 9 interdisciplinary research 325 international travel statistics 71–2 International Union of Official Tourist Organizations data collection by 72 definition of ‘tourist’ 13 interpretation facilities 162, 211 Inuit 237, 272, 274, 275, 318, 319 investment see capital investment irresponsible behaviour 178, 186, 216, 219 irritation index 228, 265 irritation stage (in social interaction) 228 islands economic impacts 135 environmental impacts 189 knowledge base building 62 – 5, 317 labour intensity of tourism activities 133 labour shortages 82, 216 land use conflicts 9, 215 land values/prices 55, 141, 149 language, role in society 253 leakage of foreign exchange earnings 79, 103, 106, 241 leisure 8, 11 length of stay 10, 11, 12, 35 life-quality costs 146 lifestyles 32 linear developments of resorts 200, 202 linear resources 297– 8 linguistic impacts 253 – 5 litter 55, 181, 191 low-wage occupations 134, 135 – 6 management 294 – 6 techniques 32, 295 – 6 see also visitor management strategies mangroves 189 Maori 272, 275, 280

marine ecosystems, impacts on 189–90 marine tourism 176, 187 market research 211 marketing 51, 86, 211, 231, 280, 313, 316 Masai people (of Kenya) 185, 186 mass tourism 28, 29, 62 and cultural interactions 267, 270 migration of wildlife 185 of workers 135, 237–8 mineral springs 162, 255 see also spas mitigation/modification initiatives 38–9, 53 factors affecting 65 – 6 moral conduct 242–50 motivations of tourists 40, 46–7, 75 motor vehicle emissions 173, 174 mountain resorts 162, 196 mountains, impact on 190–2 multinational corporations 88, 105–6 multiple holidays 74 – 5 national parks 7, 164–5, 176 carrying capacity 177 community involvement 165 economic benefits 164 national tourism indicators (NTIs) 101 national tourist multipliers 115 natural resources, conservation of 164 nature-based tourism 159 nature reserves 164 Navajo Indians 274 needs of individuals 45 neocolonialism 240–1 ‘new tourism’ 30 –2 noise pollution 174 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) 310 oceanic islands, impacts on 189 off-road vehicles 170 off-season measures 58, 75 oil spills 172, 173, 190 opportunity costs 146–7, 186 opposition to tourist development 229 output multiplier 110 overdependence on tourism 147– 8 package holidays/tours 25, 28, 85–6, 106, 194, 267, 270, 325 park movement 160 see also national parks parking 57, 204 partnerships 307 part-time jobs 134, 135

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Index phenomenon, tourism as 17 phenotypic behaviour (cultural change) 266 physical presence of tourists 235 – 6 pilgrimages 250 –1 planning 293 – 4, 312, 313 –14, 316, 327 planning/development controls 39, 165 – 6, 202, 206, 293 poaching of wildlife 182 point attractions/resources 297 polar ecosystems, impact on 192– 4 political organization/structure 36 predator–prey relationships (wildlife) 180, 185 price elasticity 75 – 6 primary effects of tourism on balance of payments 92 Prince Edward Island study 318, 319 –20 product life cycle, of resorts 59, 197 – 8 production practices 32 project-oriented research 317 examples 317 –24 propensity to import 102– 4 property uses, changes 198 prostitution 242 – 4 protection of scenic and historical areas 38, 152, 163 pseudo-traditional art 276 public health facilities 256 public participation programmes 318 Pueblo Indians 272, 274 purchasing decisions 42 – 4 purpose of trip 13 typologies based on 27 rainforests 194 – 5 realization of potential 322 recreation 8, 9 and tourism 9 –11 regional economic development 142 – 3 characteristics of tourism’s role 142 – 3 factors affecting 143 regulation of use 296 religion 250 – 3 commercialization of 251, 252–3 religious centres 47, 251 religious symbols in traditional art 279 remedial measures 38 – 9, 206, 217 remittance payments (repatriation of earnings) 135, 238 resentment alternative policies to avoid 316 factors affecting 235 – 41 resistance to tourism 229 resorts 196 –207 classification 199

cyclical model 197– 8 environmental impacts 203 – 4 growth and change 59, 196–8 integrated developments 199, 205 – 7 meaning of term 199 morphology 200 – 3 remedial measures 206 – 7 types 196 see also integrated resorts; mountain resorts; seaside resorts; ski resorts restoration/conservation of buildings/monuments 38–9, 163 retirement areas 198, 254 retreatism 230 return visitors 224, 288 ribbon development 204 Rio Declaration 289 rural tourism 213–17 rural–urban migration 237–8 safaris 7, 177, 178 see also wildlife tourism sales/transactions multiplier 110, 118 SARS epidemic 148, 152, 257 satellite accounts see tourism satellite accounts scale of development 314 seaside resorts 196 morphology 200–3 renewal developments 203 seasonality 57–8, 74–5, 134–5, 149–50, 205 criminal activities 246 – 7 economic disadvantages 149–50 measures to offset 58, 75 second-home developments 212–13, 254 secondary effects of tourism on balance of payments 92–3 segregation of locals and tourists 204, 224 Sepik art forms 277–8, 278–9 sex tourism 242 – 4 sexually transmitted diseases 243, 244, 257 short-term gains 314 sightseeing 160, 188, 270, 282 siltation 190 site management 295 site modification 163, 210 ski resorts 162, 192, 196, 205, 206 skill shortages 82, 134 small-to-medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) 84 social consequences 38, 220–58, 285 economic effects 151 future research priorities 286 literature on 221–2 research categories 220 research platforms 222

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Index social impact assessment (SIA) 294, 304 social impacts definition 226 – 7 frameworks for measurement 227 – 32 social organization/structure 36 social tourism 226 –7 socio-economic characteristics, of tourists 35, 44 –5 soil, impacts on 169, 170, 218 souvenirs 42, 181, 275 space tourism 58 spas 196, 200, 255 see also mineral springs spatial classification 296 – 8 spatial constraints on tourist–host interrelationships 204, 224 spatial relationships 49 –50 special events 143 – 4 specific activities/locations, economic impacts 143 –5 staging of cultural attractions 282 – 3 stakeholders 307 ‘sunlust’ tourism 46, 81 supply-and-demand aspects 9 sustainability, meaning of term 290 sustainable development(s) 53, 159, 288 –312 difficulties of application 291, 292, 314 meaning of term 289 – 91, 292, 312, 321 sustainable livelihoods 293, 312 sustainable tourism 290, 292 symbiotic relationships cultural 264, 265 with environment 160 – 8, 217, 309 –10 tax and duty revenues 74, 124 – 5 temporal factors 57 – 80 terrorist activity 22, 148, 246 time–distance relationship 10 tolerance threshold, factors affecting 233 –4 tourism advantages in economic development 83–4 conceptual frameworks 3 – 4, 19 – 51 consequential elements 19, 20, 38 – 9 definition(s) 1, 11–15, 15 –16 destination elements 19, 20, 33 – 7 dynamic elements 19, 20, 22 – 33 economic consequences 1, 4, 38, 68 –153 environmental consequences 38, 154 –219 history 59, 163, 196, 200, 274 impacts 5 – 8, 19, 38, 50 as industry 15 –17, 73 –7, 99 as institution 15 as phenomenon 17 research issues 4 –5

significance 1–2 social consequences 38, 220–58, 285–6 types 62, 66 tourism balance 95 tourism–environment relationships 157– 60 conflicts 160, 168–86, 217, 219 symbiotic 160–8, 217, 309–10 tourism planning 293–4, 312, 327 tourism satellite accounts (TSAs) 72, 98–101 consumption /demand 99 definition 98 definition of tourism 14 employment data integrated into 131 measures used 100 objectives 100 supply/production categories 99 tourist–host interrelationships 220, 223 – 6 inequality 225 sociocultural differences 225 – 6 spontaneity lacking in 224–5 temporal and spatial constraints 204, 224 transitory nature of 223–4 see also host–guest interactions tourist industry 15 –16 economic characteristics 73 – 7 tourist resorts see resorts tourist spending beneficiaries 74, 122–4 in Canada 68 global 1, 68 types 110 tourist(s) behavioural characteristics 45–9 characteristics 35 – 6 definition(s) 12–14 socio-economic characteristics 35, 44 – 5 typologies 27–32 trade barriers 84, 103 traditional art forms deterioration of 276 – 80 effects by outside contact 272–3 preservation and renaissance of 274–6, 280 traffic congestion 57, 204 remedial measures 206 trampling 38, 169 marine ecosystems affected by 190 transportation sector air pollution caused by 173–4 effect of fuel costs 151 employment in 132 labour productivity in 132 share of tourism industry 108 travel account 94, 95 travel awareness 48

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Index trip features 48 tropical islands 189 tropical rainforests 194 – 5 United Nations conferences 13, 79, 190 –1 definition of ‘tourist’ 12, 13 urban regeneration 209, 212 urban tourism 50, 207–12 visitor management strategies 209, 210 –12 value systems 220, 227 vandalism 186 vegetation impacts on 168 – 72, 194 – 5, 218 protection measures 294 – 5 VFR (visiting friends and relatives) tourists, income from 116, 117, 120, 121, 121, 123 visitor, definition 13 visitor management strategies 38 – 9, 165 – 6, 209, 210 –12 volunteers 212 ‘wanderlust’ tourism 46 wars and military confrontations, effects on tourism 21–2, 148 water pollution 172 water quality, impacts on 172–3, 218, 257 whale watching 176, 177

wholesaling 138, 139 wilderness destinations 64, 190, 192 see also mountains; polar regions wildlife direct impacts on 176–80, 218 disease risks 180 disruption of feeding and breeding 178 effects of hand feeding 178 – 9 hunting and killing of 179 indirect impacts on 180 – 3, 218 management programmes 181–2, 183 natural control mechanisms 180 physiological and behavioural responses to stress 177 poaching of 182 predator–prey relationships 180, 185 wildlife tourism 175 – 86 effects on local (human) residents 183 – 6 opportunity costs 186 women, in workforce 135–6, 239 workmanship 276, 277, 279 workshops, sustainable development project 323 World Bank 87, 88 World Tourism Organization, definition of ‘tourist’ 13, 15 xenophobia 233

AUTHORS Abramson, J.A. 277, 279 Abt Associates 318, 319 Ackerman, L. 243 Adams, W. 165 Adu-Febiri, F. 80, 81, 89 Affeld, D. 220 Agarwal, R.K. 159 Agarwal, S. 197, 198 Agarwal, S.B.C. 302 Agrusa, J.F. 257 Airey, D. 91, 92, 96, 257 Alder, J. 187, 188 Alexander, L.M. 69, 163 Allen, C. 221, 233, 247 Allen, I. 183 Allen, L.R. 233 Allison, W.R. 190 Almedal, S. 115, 118 Altman, J. 279 Anderson, B. 221 Anderson, D. 183

Anderson, D.W. 178 Anderson, S.H. 176 Anderson, T.D. 221 Annals of Tourism Research (1994) 192 Anthony, W. 124 Ap, J. 220, 226, 230, 231, 233, 258, 269 Apter, H. 221 Aramberri, J. 223 Archer, B.H. 5, 23, 69, 70, 71, 89, 91, 103, 107, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128, 129, 136, 138, 145, 150, 214, 242 Arthington, A.H. 173 Ash, J. 5, 167, 220, 239, 266, 278, 280, 284 Ashworth, G. 49 Ashworth, G.J. 207, 209 Atkinson, R.G. 231 Bach, S. 247 Baier, S. 115 Bainbridge, S. 39

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Index Bali Sustainable Development Project 320 Ball, D.A. 83, 89 Baloglu, S. 49, 85 Bar On, R.V. 149 Baretje, R. 96 Barnes, R.F.W. 181 Barrett, J.A. 200, 201 Barrow, E. 165 Bascom, W.W. 273, 276, 277 Bateman 125 Baud-Bovy, M. 11, 14, 106, 196, 200, 205, 212 Bauer, I. 256, 257 Bauer, T.G. 243 Baum, T. 125, 126, 134, 135, 149, 187, 244 Beard, C. 30 Beauregard, R. 142 Becheri, E. 190 Beck, B. 162 Becker, C. 159 Beed, T.W. 158 Belisle, J.F. 138 Bell, R.H.V. 175 Berno, T. 55 Bianchi, R. 198 Biswas, A.K. 302 Bjorklund, E.M. 55, 228, 229 Blackwell, C. 261 Blaine, T.W. 76 Blake, A. 114 Bleasdale, S. 278 Bojö, J. 175 Bollaert, L. 27, 29 Bond, M.E. 82, 83, 89, 129, 140 Boniface, P. 260, 261, 262, 264, 272 Bonink, C. 261 Boorstin, D.J. 224, 271, 281, 282 Boote, R.E. 188 Booth, R. 175 Borg, M.O. 250 Borgstrom-Hansson, C. 305 Boskovic, R.M. 246 Bouquet, M. 214 Bover, M.J. 189 Boyd, S. 273 Bracey, H.E. 214, 216 Bramwell, Bill 187, 188 Brandon, K. 162, 311 Bras, K. 137 Brasser, T.J. 277 Breathnach, P. 135 Breen, A. 209 Breit, M. 47 Brent, M. 221, 287 Brinberg, D. 85

Brislin, R. 55 Britton, R. 10, 50 Britton, S.G. 79 Brody, J.J. 274, 276 Brohman, J. 79 Brown, D. 271 Brown, D.O. 234 Brown, G. 227, 230, 231, 258 Brown, G. Jr 175 Brownrigg, M. 78, 115, 117, 117 Brunt, P. 221, 233, 258 Bryan, F. 162 Bryden, J. 79, 102, 104, 113, 221, 236, 240 Buck, A.J. 250 Buck, R. 282 Buckley, R. 36, 154, 156, 157, 159, 161, 187 Buckley, R.C. 192, 193 Budowski, G. 159 Bugnicourt, J. 241 Buhalis, D. 105 Bull, A. 69, 95, 105, 112, 133, 145, 146 Bull, P. 208 Burkart, A.J. 10 Burn, H.P. 176, 205 Burns, G.L. 175, 183, 185 Burns, J.P.A. 144 Burns, P. 273 Burns, P.M. 126, 135, 239, 259, 262, 264, 265, 266 Burton, I. 318 Bushell, R. 189 Butler, J.R. 144 Butler, R.W. 5, 24, 34, 59, 65, 78, 79, 141, 149, 155, 159, 197, 198, 206, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 227, 228, 229, 229, 231, 253, 254, 257, 272, 290, 318, 319 Butynski, T.M. 175, 180 Bywater, M. 262 Callaghan, P. 262, 272 Cambourne, B. 30 Canadian Government Office of Tourism 318 Canadian Tourism Commission 68, 100, 100, 108, 132 Caneday, L. 250 Canoves, G. 136 Carbyn, L.N. 180 Caribbean Ecumenical Consultation for Development 252 Carson, R. 154 Carter, R.W.G. 189 Carter, S. 243 Casas, J.A. 189 Casellas, A. 267 Castley, R.J.Q. 126

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Index Cater, C. 189 Cater, E. 159, 187, 189 Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 304 Chadwick, R.A. 12, 15, 70 Charkravorty, U. 69, 71 Chavez, D. 307 Chen, J.S. 233, 258 Cheong, W.K. 109, 114, 125, 129 Chesney-Lind, M. 246, 247 Child, G. 310 Choi, H.S. 49 Chon, K.S. 49, 79, 205 Choy, D. 265 Choy, D.J.L. 198 Christaller, W. 50, 60, 197 Christie, I. 85 Church, A. 208 Clancy, M.J. 89 Clare, P. 172 Clark, A. 231 Clark, N. 257 Clarke, J. 159 Clement, H.G. 124, 158 Clift, S. 243, 257 Clout, H.D. 213 Cochrane, J. 165, 183 Cohen, E. 5, 12, 13, 27, 28, 29, 154, 162, 200, 202, 207, 219, 220, 221, 224, 227, 234, 236, 242, 244, 250, 252, 253, 254, 257, 259, 262, 267, 269, 271, 272, 273, 285, 287 Cohen, J. 258 Cole, D.N. 168, 169, 171, 173, 192 Cole, S. 283 Collett, D. 183, 184, 185 Collins, L.R. 265, 266 Collins, P. 58 Conlin, M.V. 135, 187 Cook, S.D. 32 Cooper, C. 5, 69, 105, 197, 198, 225 Cooper, M. 70 Cooper, R.L. 253, 254 Coppock, J.T. 213, 318 Cossar, J. 256, 257 Countryside Commission 215 Courtney, P. 221, 233, 258 Craik, J. 259, 262 Crampon, J. 42, 280 Crandall, L. 226 Crick, M. 232 Crittendon, A. 159, 188, 206 Croall, J. 176 Crompton, J. 46, 143 Crompton, J.L. 49, 76, 226, 230, 231, 233, 258 Crotts, J. 105, 273, 275

Crotts, J.C. 48, 246 Crouch, G. 77 Crowley, D.J. 272 Cukier, J. 29, 79, 125, 135, 136 Cukier-Snow, J. 125 Cullingford, C. 45 Cullington, J. 216 Cunningham, H. 8 Curry, S. 79, 81, 89 Curwen, M. 176 Dahles, H. 136, 269 Dalal-Clayton, B. 175, 180 D’Amore, L.J. 221, 267 D’Amore & Associates Ltd 318 Dana, L.P. 222 Daneshvary, R. 144 Daniel, Y.P. 283 Dann, G. 46, 262, 285, 287 Dann, G.M.S. 79 Darling, F.F. 181 Davidson, T.L. 16 Davis, J. 319 De Albuquerque, K. 247 De Holan, P.M. 115 De Kadt, E. 221, 223, 225, 239, 262, 287, 315, 316, 326 De Regt, J.P. 239 Deane, B. 70, 91, 125 Dearden, P. 159 Debarbieux, B. 191 Debbage, K.G. 69, 197, 198 Decker, D.D. 175 Deitch, L. 273, 274 Delisle, J. 98, 101 Dellaert, B.G.C. 43, 221 Demars, S. 200 Devlin, P. 269 Diamond, J. 79, 80, 89, 134 Dieke, P. 78, 79, 88 Dieke, P.U.C. 191 Diem, A. 141 Din, K. 251 Din, K.H. 137, 198 Ding, P. 155, 159 Doberstein, B. 301 Dodson, B. 209 Dogan, H. 54, 221, 229, 287 Domroes, M. 190 Donatos, G. 149 Dong, H. 142 Douglas-Hamilton, I. 180 Dower, M. 159, 167, 215, 267 Dowling, R.K. 30, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, 188, 190

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Index Doxey, G.V. 54, 227, 228, 228, 265 Drakakis-Smith, D. 189 Drea, S. 135 Driver, B.L. 9 Du, W. 257 du Cros, H. 221, 260, 261, 262, 268, 268, 270, 280 Dunphy, S. 137 Dwyer, L. 70, 105, 112, 120, 144, 145 Eade, J. 251, 252 Eadington, W. 220, 248 Eadington, W.R. 69, 73, 220, 248 Eagles, P. 159 East, P. 191 Economist Intelligence Unit 79, 115 Ecotourism Association of Australia 307 Ecotourism Society 307 ECTARC (European Centre for Traditional and Regional Cultures) 261 Edgell, D.L. 152 Edinburgh, University of, Tourism and Recreation Research Unit 239 Edington, J.M. 157, 159, 175, 178 Edington, M.A. 157, 159, 175, 178 Ehemann, J. 49 Ehrlich, P.A. 154 Eichhorn, N.D. 181 English Tourist Board 251 Enriquez, J. 310 Ettema, D.F. 43 Eurostat 14, 100 Evans, E. 262, 272 Evans, G. 260, 279 Evans, K. 79, 80, 89, 208, 233 Evans, N. 175, 267 Evans, N.J. 215 Faber, M. 113 Fainstein, S.S. 207 Farrell, B.H. 59, 60, 158, 159, 221, 262 Farver, J.A.M. 106 Faulkner, B. 60, 143, 144, 233 Fayad, H. 25 Fennell, D.A. 187 Fesenmaier, D.R. 39, 49 Fieler, S.I. 246 Filter, C. 243 Finlayson, J. 279 Finney, B.R. 221, 262 Fleming, W. 70 Fletcher, J. 70, 71, 225 Fletcher, J.E. 69, 71, 89, 91, 109, 110, 112, 114, 119, 125, 127, 129 Folks, M.C. 194

Font, X. 49 Forbes, B.C. 192, 194 Ford, K. 242 Forer, P. 137 Forster, J. 273 Forsyth, P. 70, 105, 112, 120, 144, 145 Fox, M. 220, 232, 233 Francillon, G. 221, 278, 284 Francken, D.A. 43, 45 Franz, A. 99 Fraser, J.D. 176 Frechtling, D.C. 11, 12, 23, 69, 70, 109, 112, 114, 115, 136, 145, 146, 147 Fredline, E. 233 French, T. 25 Frenzel, L.D. 176 Fridgen, J.D. 23, 47 Frost, W. 195 Gabbay, R. 79, 89 Gabrielson, G.W. 175, 176 Galley, C.C. 267 Gang, X. 70 Garcia, G.M. 189, 258 Garrod, B. 176, 187, 189, 260 Gartner, W.C. 213 Gauthier, D.A. 176 Gazel, R. 144 Gee, C. 265 Getz, D. 69, 143, 144, 195, 197, 198, 214 Ghosh, R. 79, 89 Giese, M. 159, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180 Gilbert, C. 295 Gilbert, D. 225 Gilbert, D.C. 15, 49, 74 Gilbert, E.W. 200 Giles, R. 227, 230, 231, 258 Gill, A. 33 Gill, R.B. 178 Girard, T.C. 213 Gjerald, O. 221 Glasson, J. 5, 208 Glendon, I. 46 Gnoth, J. 40, 45, 46 Godde, P.M. 187, 191, 192 Godfrey, K. 5, 208 Goeldner, C. 77 Goeldner, C.R. 260, 261, 270 Goffe, P. 127 Golden, J.E. 137 Goldsmith, E. 159, 188 Gómez, V.B. 91, 97, 108 Goodall, B. 159, 166, 167 Goodall, G. 49

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Index Goodey, B. 5, 208, 209 Goodwin, H. 175, 183 Goodwin, H.J. 69 Gossling, S. 305 Grabler, K. 207 Grabowski, P. 257 Graburn, N.H. 5, 160, 220, 242, 243, 266, 272, 273, 274, 275 Graefe, A.R. 209 Gray, F. 177, 178 Gray, H.P. 46, 69, 81, 82, 91, 95, 236 Green, H. 155, 159 Green, R. 175, 176, 177, 179, 180 Greenwood, D. 141, 142, 221, 237, 239, 281 Greig, M.A. 78, 115, 117, 117 Grekin, J. 273 Griffin, G. 159 Griffiths, M. 195 Groenenboom, K. 247 Grove, R. 183 Groves, K.W. 186 Gu, H. 257 Guerrier, Y. 50, 207, 208 Gulati, L. 113, 240 Gunn, C.A. 160, 293, 317 Gurung, G. 269 Gustavsen, T. 115, 118 Gutzwiller, K.J. 175, 178 Hafer, H.R. 233 Haider, D. 142 Hailey, A.J. 221 Haines, G.H. 167 Hakim, S. 250 Hall, C. 243 Hall, C.M. 30, 50, 60, 69, 78, 141, 143, 148, 193, 207, 209, 212, 214, 215, 217, 242, 243, 244, 272, 275 Hall, D. 135, 136, 143, 214, 215, 217 Hall, G.B. 188 Hall, J. 34 Hall, M. 59 Hall, P. 208, 209, 214 Halpenny, E.A. 189 Hammitt, W.E. 169, 173 Hanayama, H. 58 Haralambopoulos, N. 247 Hardin, G. 303 Harmston, I.K. 123 Harper, D. 247 Harrington, L. 208, 209, 214 Harrison, M.J. 76 Harron, S. 159 Hartmann, R. 248

Hartstonge, J.E. 273 Hassan, R. 269, 270 Hatch, J.H. 144 Hawkins, D.E. 103 Hawkins, J. 189, 190 Hawkins, J.P. 190 Hawkins, R. 166 Hayes, D. 98 Haywood, K.M. 198 Haywood, M. 198 Heerschap, N.M. 130, 130 Helber, L. 199 Hendee, J.C. 296 Henderson, D.M. 115 Heneghan, D. 249 Heng, T.M. 91, 94, 118, 125 Hennessy, S. 135 Henrici, J. 279 Henry, E.W. 70, 91, 125 Henry, M. 135 Henry, W. 175 Herbig, P. 137 Hernandez, S.A. 258 Higginbottom, K. 30, 175, 183 Higham, J. 59, 176, 177 Hillery, M. 159 Hinch, T.D. 272 Hjalagar, A.M. 166 Holden, A. 273 Hollinger, R.C. 246 Holloway, J. 269 Hoole, A. 318 Hooper, N.A. 190 Horner, S. 27, 44 Horstmeier, O. 305 Houghton-Evans, W. 174 Hovarth, E. 115 Hovinen, G. 198 Howard, D.R. 221, 233, 234 Hsu, C.H.C. 248 Hudman, L.E. 103, 252 Hudson, S. 30, 44 Hughes, H.L. 119 Hughes, J.W. 197 Huisman, S. 253, 255 Hulme, D. 159, 165, 175, 183, 185 Hunter, C. 155, 159, 302, 304, 305, 311 Huse, M. 115, 118 Hutchinson, A. 177, 180 Hutchinson, J. 50, 207 Huxley, J. 167 Hvenegaard, G.T. 144 Hyde, K. 43 Hyma, B. 314

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Index IMF (International Monetary Fund) 90, 94, 96 Ingram, T. 272 Inmann, K. 191 Inskeep, E. 159, 163, 167, 199, 225, 283, 293 International Congress on Pastoral Care of Tourism on the Move 252 Ioannides, D. 69 Ironside, G. 215 Iso-Ahola, S.E. 46 IUOTO (International Union of Official Travel Organizations) 13, 255 see also World Tourism Organization Iwasaki, Y. 58 Jaakson, R. 213 Jackson, R.H. 252 Jackson, R.T. 105, 188 Jackson, S. 198 Jafari, J. 70, 137, 147, 220, 221, 222, 226, 235, 236, 262 Jamieson, W. 261 Jansen-Verbeke, M. 207 Jarvis, S.L. 44, 45 Jeng, J. 39 Jenkins, C.L. 79 Jenkins, J. 78, 141, 214, 215, 217 Jensen, G. 166, 167 Johnson, P. 23, 126, 129, 136 Johnson, R. 220 Johnson, R.L. 71 Johnston, M.E. 60, 193 Jones, P. 247 Jones, S.B. 200 Jordan, J.W. 235 Jud, G.D. 89, 220, 245 Judd, D.R. 207 Jules-Rosette, B. 279 Jurowski, C. 45, 233, 234 Jutla, R.S. 250 Kalina, J. 175, 180 Kallenberger, M. 167, 199 Kalterborn, B.P. 193 Kanayama, H. 58 Kang, Y.S. 125, 233 Kariel, H.G. 318 Kaspar, C. 227 Kavanaugh, R.R. 257 Kay, A.M. 190 Kay, R. 187, 188 Keelan, N. 272, 275 Keller, C.P. 59 Kemmerling-Clack, J. 261 Kemp, S. 233

Kershaw, A.G. 91 Khan, H. 109, 114, 125, 129, 208 Kilian, D. 209 Kimes, S. 76 Kinder, R. 246 Kindt, J.W. 249 King, B. 197, 199, 221, 226, 232, 247 Kininmont, L. 280 Kinnaird, M.F. 195 Kinnaird, V. 135, 136 Knapper, C. 69 Knight, D. 188 Knight, R.L. 175, 178 Knowles-Lankford, J. 233 Koea, A. 238 Kothari, U. 135 Kotler, P. 142 Kottke, M. 71 Kousis, M. 159 Krakover, S. 59 Krannich, R.S. 233 Kraus, O. 179 Kreutzwiser, R.D. 306 Krippendorf, J. 46, 196 Krishnamoorthy, M. 15, 69, 114, 125, 127 Krystofiak, D.K. 144 Kweka, J. 114 Ladkin, A. 126, 134 Ladman, J.R. 82, 83, 89, 129, 140 LaFont, S. 243 Laimer, A. 99 Lane, B. 159, 214 Lanfant, M.F. 54 Lankford, S.V. 221, 233, 234, 258 LaPage, W.F. 58, 157 Lapierre, J. 98 Latham, J. 70 Lavery, P. 94, 200, 201 Law, C.M. 207, 209 Lawson, F. 11, 14, 106, 196, 200, 205, 212 Lawson, R. 226 Lawton, G.R. 137 Lawton, L. 59 Lea, J. 256 Lea, S.E.G. 233 Leader-Williams, N. 175, 180 Leckie, S. 30 Lee, C.K. 76, 125 Lee, G.P. 79 Leheny, D. 244 Leiper, N. 13, 73, 248 Lengyel, P. 281 Leontidou, L. 136

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Index Lerner, S.C. 154 Leung, P. 69, 71, 242 Levitt, K. 113, 240 Lewis, G. 240 Li, Y. 260 Lickorish, L.J. 70, 91 Liddle, M.J. 60, 156, 169, 172, 190 Lilieholme, R.J. 164 Lime, D. 295 Lin, T. 69 Lin, V.L. 245 Lind, I.Y. 246, 247 Lindberg, K. 34, 220, 221, 310 Lindh, C. 43 Lindsay, W.K. 183, 185 Litchfield, C. 180 Littrell, M.H. 273, 279 Liu, A. 82, 86, 134 Liu, J.C. 114, 125, 129, 221, 230, 258 Loeb, L.D. 277 Loeb, P.D. 245 Long, P.T. 221, 233, 247 Long, T.L. 233 Long, V. 304 Loukissas, P.J. 118 Low, L. 91, 94, 118, 125 Lowenthal, D. 255 Lowman, G. 159, 187 Lowyck, E. 27, 29 Lucas, R.C. 296 Lucas, R.E. 134 Luger, K. 191 Lujan, C.C. 272 Lundberg, D.E. 15, 46, 69, 102, 103, 114, 122, 123, 125, 127, 221, 234, 235 Lundgren, J.O.J. 137, 138, 138, 139, 140 Lundtorp, S. 198 Lusseau, D. 176, 177 McArthur, S. 212 McCabe, A.S. 46 MacCannell, D. 60, 61, 262, 271, 282 McCleary, K.W. 49 McCloy, D.B. 127 McCool, S. 34 McCool, S.F. 233, 258 Maccum Ali, I. 128, 249, 319 McDowell, A.J. 189 McEachern, J. 183 McElroy, J. 247 McFarlane, R.N. 318 McIntosh, A.J. 271 McIntosh, R. 77 McIntosh, R.W. 46, 260, 261, 270

Macionis, N. 30 MacKay, K.J. 49 McKean, P.F. 221, 264, 266, 272, 273, 283 MacKenzie, M. 278, 280 McKercher, Bob 159, 221, 224, 243, 244, 260, 261, 262, 268, 268, 270, 280 MacKinnon, J. 310 MacKinnon, K. 310 MacLellan, L.R. 191 McLeod, B. 269 McLeod, P. 233 McNeely, J.A. 159, 164, 192 McPheters, L.R. 245, 246 Madden, J. 70, 112 Makens, J. 265 Manfredo, M.J. 175 Mannell, R.C. 46 Manning, F.E. 239 Mansfeld, Y. 40, 49, 85 Mansfield, Y. 40, 44, 245 March, R. 105 Marr, J.W. 191 Marren, P.R. 187 Marron, C.H. 195 Marsh, J.S. 79, 105, 222 Martin, C.A. 70, 76, 97 Martin, S.R. 233, 258 Martin, W.H. 23 Martinka, C. 181 Martopo, S. 320 Mason, P. 257 Mason, P.M. 250 Mason, S. 23 Mathieson, A.R. 2, 20, 34, 41, 52, 55, 199, 205, 227, 304, 313 Mathisen, J.E. 176 Matthews, H.G. 240, 241 May, R.J. 273, 276 Mayo, E. 44, 45 Mazanec, J. 207 Mazzocchi, M. 59 Mead, S.M. 273 Medlik, S. 10, 73, 199 Meis, S.M. 98 Mercer, D. 272 Mercer, K.C.R. 46 Mescon, T.S. 145 Meyer, D. 257 Meyer-Arendt, K.J. 248 Middleton, M. 163 Middleton, V.T.C. 23, 30, 44, 51, 84, 159 Mieczkowski, Z. 304 Mihalicˇ, T. 83, 142, 308 Miles, J.C. 174

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Index Miller, J.J.B. 271 Miller, R. 311 Milman, A. 220, 221, 226, 232, 234, 246 Milne, S. 118, 125, 273 Milwan, A. 247 Mings, R.C. 81 Miossec, A. 189 Mitchell, B. 33, 188, 320 Mitchell, C.J.A. 231 Mitchell, F. 86, 87, 107 Mitchell, I. 272, 275 Mitchell, R. 30 Moment, G.B. 181 Momsen, J.M. 136 Moncrief, L.W. 45 Montini, A. 59 Monz, C.A. 192, 194 Moore, E. 71 Moore, K. 237, 253, 255 Moore, S.A. 30, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, 188, 190 Morey, M. 188 Morley, C. 25 Morrisey, O. 114 Morrison, A. 136, 137 Morrison, A.M. 76 Moscardo, G. 162, 175, 227, 233, 260, 269 Moscardo, G.M. 271 Mosisch, T.D. 173 Moss, L.A.G. 192 Mountfort, G. 159, 177, 181 Moutinho, L. 44 Mules, T.J. 144 Munsters, W. 261 Murphree, M. 159, 165, 175, 183, 185 Murphy, P. 47 Murphy, P.E. 47, 146, 221, 293, 307 Mvula, C. 184 Myers, N. 45, 177, 178, 180, 183, 185, 214 Nancarrow, B. 159 Nangia, S. 159 Nason, J.D. 272 Nepal, S.K. 191 Netboy, A. 164, 182 Nettekoven, L. 221, 223 Neulinger, J. 47 New Zealand Tourist Industry Federation 307 Newsome, D. 30, 154, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, 188, 190 Nichols, C.M. 45 Nicholson, M. 154 Nickerson, N.P. 45 Nimmonratoana, T. 221, 283

Noake, D.W. 169 Nolan, S.D. 48 Noronha, R. 227 Norris, J. 125, 135, 136, 291 Norton-Griffiths, M. 175, 183, 186 Notzke, C. 272 Nunez, T.A. 263, 264, 266 O’Brien, T.G. 195 O’Connor, P. 26 OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) 108 O’Flaherty, M. 135 Ogilvie, F.W. 12 O’Hagan, J.W. 76 O’Hare, G. 79, 80, 89 O’Hear, A. 273 Ohnuki, M. 58 Ongaro, S. 175 Oppermann, M. 79, 142, 242, 243 Orams, M.B. 159, 162, 175, 176, 178, 189 O’Reilly, A.M. 33 Ouma, J.P.B. 128, 221 Ovington, J.D. 186 Owen, J.S. 164 Oxford English Dictionary 12 Pacione, M. 142, 237 Pack, A. 175 Page, S. 137, 257 Page, S.J. 50, 148, 207, 209, 214, 257 Papatheodorou, A. 49 Parezo, N.J. 279 Parker, S. 60 Parks Canada 147, 318 Parsons, J.J. 81 Patmore, J.A. 201 Pavaskar, M. 129 Pearce, D.G. 70, 73, 79, 88, 142, 143, 148, 155, 156, 159, 174, 197, 199, 200, 201, 203, 207 Pearce, D.W. 125 Pearce, J.A. 270 Pearce, P. 227 Pearce, P.L. 221, 223, 226, 230, 233, 258, 260, 271 Peebles, G. 76 Pennington, G. 174 Perdue, L.R. 221, 233, 247 Perdue, R.R. 49, 233 Perez, L.A. 79, 89, 221, 240, 241 Pérez, M.V. 136 Peters, M. 69, 78, 91, 107, 196, 221, 222 Peterson, G. 295 Petit-Skinner, S. 264 Petty, R. 257

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Index Philbrick, A.K. 55, 228, 229 Phillips, N. 115 Picard, M. 283 Pickering, C.M. 154, 192, 193 Pierce, S.M. 195, 306, 309 Pigram, J. 70, 155, 159 Pigram, J.J. 197, 200, 201, 202 Pigram, J.L. 246 Pimm, S. 175, 180, 181, 183 Pizam, A. 5, 40, 44, 85, 220, 221, 226, 227, 232, 234, 242, 245, 246, 247, 249, 250, 318 Plog, S.C. 24, 27, 29, 30, 46, 197, 227 Plummer, D. 208 Pokela, J. 249, 250 Poland, R.H.C. 188 Pollard, H.G. 189 Pollard, J. 189 Pollock, N.C. 164, 181 Pomfret, G. 30 Pond, K. 269 Poon, A. 26, 30, 31 Popelka, C.A. 273 Popovic, V. 81 Poria, Y. 260 Potts, F.C. 175, 183 Prasad, B. 79, 89 Prentice, R. 259, 260 Prentice, R.C. 271 Price, M.F. 187, 191, 192 Price, R. 189, 190 Prideaux, B. 280 Prideaux, E.B. 247 Pruitt, D. 243 Przeclawski, K. 220 Putz, K. 177 Pye, E. 276 Quandt, R.E. 23 Quayson, J. 115, 118 Rapport, D.Y. 258 Redman, M. 76 Redman, M.R. 69, 73 Reed, M. 307 Rees, W.E. 305 Regel, J. 177 Reid, D.G. 175 Rein, I. 142 Reisinger, Y. 234, 287 Rensberger, B. 176, 180, 181, 214 Reynolds, P.C. 272 Reynosoy Valle, A. 239 Ricciuti, E.R. 191 Richard, C. 256

Richards, G. 259, 260, 261, 262 Richter, L. 86 Rickert, J.E. 200 Riley, M. 126, 134 Rimmington, M. 136, 137 Rinschede, G. 251 Ritchie, J.R. 28, 261 Ritchie, J.R.B. 77, 221 Ritter, W. 251 Rivers, P. 79, 176, 233, 234, 236, 282, 284 Roberts, C. 189, 190 Roberts, C.M. 190 Roberts, L. 143, 214, 215, 217 Robertson, M. 50, 207, 208 Robinson, H. 199, 200, 214, 227 Robinson, M. 260, 262, 264, 272 Robinson, M.E. 262, 272 Rodenburg, E.E. 314 Rodriguez, R.D. 189 Roe, D. 175, 180 Roehl, W.S. 248, 249, 250 Romney, L.R. 164 Ropponen, P.J. 273, 277 Ross, D.W. 319 Ross, G. 227, 233 Ross, S. 308, 309, 310 Rothfield, L. 42, 280 Rothman, R.A. 204, 245, 247 Roy, K.C. 154 Ruhanen, L. 5 Runyan, D. 158, 159 Russell, R. 60 Ryan, C. 46, 73, 122, 134, 220, 226, 243, 245, 246, 248, 255, 272, 273, 275 Sadler, P. 103 Saggel, S. 305 Saglio, C. 284 Salamone, F.A. 271 Saltzer, R. 162, 175 Samuelson, P.A. 91 Sandelowsky, B.H. 277 Sanford, D. 142 Satchell, J.E. 187 Saveriades, A. 287 Schadler, F. 272 Schaer, U. 204 Schiebler, S.A. 246 Schmoll, G.A. 23, 51, 74 Schneider, H. 73 Schwer, R.K. 144 Scoones, I. 293 Selin, S. 307 Selwyn, T. 262

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Index Seng, C.F. 109, 114, 125, 129 Sessa, A. 96, 126, 127 Sewell, W.R.D. 318 Shackley, M. 164, 175, 176, 182, 283 Shapiro, S.L. 250 Sharples, L. 30 Sharpley, J. 142, 214 Sharpley, R. 79, 83, 88, 142, 143, 214, 232, 255 Shaw, G. 10, 12, 27, 30, 79, 118, 126, 127, 136, 137, 141, 242, 243 Shaw, J. 305 Shaw, R.R. 174 Shea, S. 69, 115, 116, 117, 121 Sheldon, P.J. 26, 76 Shiviji, I.G. 265 Silberberg, Ted 262, 268 Simmons, D. 269 Simon, F.L. 115 Simon, H.A. 40 Simons, M.S. 272, 273 Simpson, P. 155, 301 Sinclair, M.T. 68, 69, 91, 97, 104, 105, 106, 108, 125, 136, 175 Sindiga, I. 79, 81, 175 Singer, M. 259 Singh, A. 205 Sinha, C.C. 189 Sinnott, J. 50, 207 Sirakaya, E. 49 Sisman, R. 166 Smeral, E. 76, 99 Smith, E.N. 175, 176 Smith, M. 188 Smith, M.D. 233 Smith, R.A. 199, 201, 205 Smith, S.L.J. 12, 15, 16, 23, 73, 98, 303 Smith, V. 5, 27, 61, 193, 221, 226, 237, 252, 260, 266, 269, 272, 275 Smith, V.L. 60, 220, 221, 287 Smithies, M. 272 Snaith, T. 221 Snepenger, D.J. 45 Socher, E. 191 Sofield, T. 183 Sofield, T.H.B. 272, 279 Song, H. 23 Sonmez, S.F. 22, 49 Soutar, G. 233 Southey, C. 186 Spengler, J. 124 Spicer, E.H. 265 Splettstoesser, J. 60, 194 Spurr, R. 70, 112, 120 Stabler, M. 69, 125, 136

Stabler, M.J. 159 Stankey, G. 34 Stankey, G.H. 296 Stansfield, C.A. 197, 198, 200, 227, 249 Statistics Canada 100, 108, 132 Stavenga, M.H. 15, 69, 114, 125, 127 Stebbins, R.A. 270 Stephen, L. 279 Stephenson, P.J. 195 Sternlieb, G. 197 Stevens, P.R. 186 Stokowski, P.A. 249, 250 Stonehouse, B. 193 Strange, W.B. 76 Strapp, J. 198 Stronge, W.B. 245, 246 Summary, R. 140 Sun, D. 159 Sung, Y. 69 Sutton, W.A. 223, 236 Swain, M.B. 135, 136, 272 Swarbrooke, J. 27, 30, 44, 76, 142 Swift, J. 183 Symanski, R. 242 Syme, G. 159 Syriopoulos, T. 97 Szivas, E. 126, 134 Talbot, N. 105 Tangi, M. 172, 187 Tanton, M.T. 186 Tapsell, S. 278 Taylor, P.D. 5 Telfer, D.J. 79, 83, 84, 88, 103, 138, 143, 291 Thapa, B.K. 191 Thomas, B. 23, 126, 129, 134, 136 Thomas, J. 46 Thomlinson, E. 195 Thompson, C. 79, 80, 89 Thorsell, J. 310 Thorsell, J.W. 159, 164, 165, 192 Thuens, H.L. 69, 91, 93, 102 Tighe, A.J. 280 Timothy, D. 307 Timothy, D.J. 59, 261 Tisdell, C. 79, 89, 154, 175 Tocher, S.R. 9 Toepper, L. 70 Tolvanen, A. 193, 194 Tooman, L.A. 198 Topham, N. 174 Tosun, C. 89, 125 Tourism and Recreation Research Unit, University of Edinburgh 239

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Index Towle, W.L. 183 Townsend, A. 134 Travel Industry Yearbook 2003 68 Travel Week Bulletin 152 Travis, A.S. 314 Tremblay, P. 97, 122 Triantis, S.G. 117 Tribe, A. 175 Tribe, J. 69, 83, 94 Truong, T.D. 243 Tsartas, P. 255 Tse, R.Y.C. 91 Turner, L. 5, 70, 79, 80, 87, 105, 167, 220, 239, 266, 278, 280, 284 Turner, L.W. 287 Turner, R.K. 125 Twining-Ward, L. 59, 60 Tyall, A. 260 Tyler, D. 50, 207, 208 Um, S. 49 UNESCO 220, 223, 236 Urbanowicz, C.F. 238, 242 Urry, J. 196, 262, 271 US News and World Report 235 Uysal, M. 23, 76, 124, 233 van Aarde, R. 175, 180, 183 Van den Berghe, P.L. 279 Van der Borg, J. 208, 209, 233 Van der Werff, P. 241 Van Doren, C. 94 Van Langenhove, L. 27, 29 Van Lier, H.N. 5 Van Raaij, W.F. 42, 43, 45 Van Schaech, C.P. 195 Van Tiggelon, J. 176, 178 Vane, R. 69, 115, 116, 117, 121 Vanhove, N. 69, 76, 83, 90, 94, 98, 99, 114, 120, 147 Var, T. 76, 115, 118, 221, 230, 258 Vaske, J.J. 175, 209 Vaughan, R. 69, 115, 116, 117, 120, 122, 128, 128, 129, 146 Vetter, F. 50 Vozikis, G.S. 145 Vukonic, B. 252 Wackernagel, M. 305 Wagar, J.A. 34 Wagner, J.E. 69, 71, 91 Wagner, P.L. 253 Wahab, S. 105 Wahab, S.E. 27, 42, 46, 151, 280

Wall, G. 2, 5, 20, 21, 27, 34, 38, 41, 42, 50, 52, 55, 58, 59, 66, 69, 70, 82, 84, 86, 91, 103, 105, 112, 113, 125, 126, 128, 134, 135, 136, 138, 155, 156, 157, 169, 172, 176, 188, 199, 205, 207, 218, 221, 227, 246, 249, 257, 271, 291, 295, 297, 298, 301, 302, 304, 308, 309, 310, 313, 314, 317, 319, 321, 323 Wallace, G.N. 195, 306, 309 Walmsley, D.J. 246 Walpole, M.J. 69, 175, 183 Walsh, D. 159 Wang, K.K.F. 269 Wang, N. 271 Wang, Y. 302, 317 Wanhill, S. 198, 225 Wanhill, S.R.C. 118 Wanjau, G. 257 Ward, R. 174 Warnken, J. 192, 193 Waters, S.R. 159, 162 Watson, A. 186, 221, 262 Waugh, R.E. 69 Wearing, S. 187 Weaver, D.B. 59, 140, 154, 159, 187, 198 Webster’s International Dictionary 12 Weg, H. van de 197 Weiler, B. 269 Wells, S. 99, 162 Werner, G. 301 West, G.R. 70, 115 Westlake, J. 25 Westvlaams Ekonomisch Studiebureau 29 White, P.E. 253, 254 WHO (World Health Organization) 256 Whyte, I. 175, 180, 183 Wight, P. 166 Wight, P.A. 159 Wilkinson, P.F. 147, 189, 198, 226 Willard, B.E. 191 Willetts, K. 233 Williams, A. 79, 233 Williams, A.M. 10, 12, 27, 30, 118, 126, 127, 136, 137, 141, 242, 243 Williams, C. 136, 137 Williams, D.R. 233 Williams, G. 198 Williams, J. 226 Williams, P.W. 33, 156 Wilson, C. 175 Wilson, D. 239, 242 Wilson, J.C. 176, 187, 189 Wilson, M. 256, 257 Wilton, D. 149 Wimberly, G.J. 203

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Index Winter, M. 214 Wirawan, D.N. 242 Witt, C.A. 46, 76 Witt, S.F. 23, 70, 97 Wöber, K. 207 Wolf, C.P. 220 Wolfson, M. 86 Wolski, I. 256 Wong, P.P. 187, 188, 189 Wood, R. 262, 264 Wood, R.C. 134 Wood, R.E. 54 Woodland, D.J. 190 Woods, B. 162 World Bank 88 World Commission on Environment and Development 289 World Council of Churches 252 World Health Organization see WHO World Tourism Organization see WTO World Travel and Tourism Council see WTTC Wright, C. 6, 38, 156, 157, 169, 172, 176, 218, 295

Wright, P.L. 46 WTO (World Tourism Organization) 1, 68, 90, 98, 107, 108, 155, 305 see also IUOTO WTTC (World Travel and Tourism Council) 68, 101, 105, 107, 108, 289 Xie, P. 271 Yan, M. 58, 70, 91, 103, 105 Yanagida, J.F. 69, 71 Young, G. 5, 70, 90, 105, 209, 220 Yunis, E. 257 Zairis, P. 149 Zalatan, A. 45 Zeiger, J. 250 Zeppel, H. 280 Zhang, W. 257 Zhou, D. 69, 71 Zimmermann, F.M. 187, 191 Zins, M. 28, 261

LOCATIONS Adriatic Sea 190 Africa 7, 164, 165, 166, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 214, 241, 272, 276, 277 see also Botswana; Chad; Gambia; Kenya; Madagascar; Niger; Seychelles; South Africa; Tanzania; Uganda Alaska (USA) 177, 194, 237 Alpe-d’Huez (France) 205 Alps 60, 235 Amboseli National Park (Kenya) 178, 185 Anglesey, Gwynedd (UK) 128 Antarctic region 60, 192, 194 Antigua 96, 140 Arctic region 192, 194 Arizona (USA) 129 Aruba 105, 108 Asia 134, 156, 182, 195, 214, 242, 276, 277 see also China; India; Indonesia; Japan; Korea; Malaysia; Maldives; Nepal; Pakistan; Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; Turkey; Vietnam Athens (Greece) 166 Atlantic City (USA) 197, 198, 200, 248, 249 Australia 70, 98, 105, 108, 156, 166, 169, 176, 179, 180, 183, 186, 200, 248, 272, 279, 307 see also Ayers Rock; Castlemain; Great Barrier Reef; Sydney Austria see Bad Gastein; Vararlberg

Avoriaz (France) 206 Ayers Rock (Australia) 186 Bad Gastein (Austria) 255 Baden-Baden (Germany) 196, 255 Bahamas 68, 69, 96, 104, 105, 108, 198 Bali (Indonesia) 56, 81, 125, 136, 206, 221, 242, 278, 279, 283, 284, 298, 320 – 4 Banff National Park (Canada) 75, 144, 200 Bangkok (Thailand) 243, 251 Barbados 227, 228, 234 Bath (England) 196, 255 Beamish (North England, UK) 129 Beijing (China) 152 Belize 162, 194, 195 Bermuda 69, 114, 115, 125, 131, 206, 239 Bethany (Delaware, USA) 247 Biarritz (France) 203 Black Hills (South Dakota, USA) 168 Blackpool 199 Bordighera (Italy) 196 Botswana 164 see also Okavango Valley Brazil 91, 194 Brighton (England) 196 Britain 94, 162, 166, 167, 201, 214, 251 see also United Kingdom British Columbia (Canada) 177

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Index British Virgin Islands 104, 107, 114 Buxton (England) 196 Cairo (Egypt) 208 California (USA) 168, 169 Cambodia 242 Canada 54, 57, 68, 71, 74, 84, 96, 98, 98, 108, 108, 131, 132, 133, 147, 149, 162, 180, 194, 209, 212, 215, 248, 257, 272, 274, 275, 276, 318, 319 see also Banff; British Columbia; Halifax; Newfoundland; Niagara; Okanagan Valley; Prince Edward Island; Stratford; Vancouver; Whistler Canary Islands (Spain) 237 Cape Cod (Mass., USA) 163, 249 Caribbean region 25, 68, 74, 78, 81, 87, 102, 104, 136, 137, 181, 198, 199, 221, 234, 247 see also Antigua; Aruba; Bahamas; Barbados; Belize; Bermuda; Cayman Islands; Cuba; Dominica; Dominican Republic; Jamaica; Virgin Islands; West Indies Carnon (France) 203 Castlemain (Victoria, Australia) 210 Cayman Islands 104, 198 Cervinia (Italy) 205 Chad 107 Chamonix (France) 196 Chiang Mai (Thailand) 283 Chile 98, 108 China 70, 91, 96, 103, 105, 107, 134, 166, 182, 257, 315 see also Beijing; Hainan Colorado (USA) 248 Cook Islands 232 Corsica (France) 142 Costa Brava (Spain) 81, 199, 205 Costa del Sol (Spain) 81, 188 Costa Rica 162, 165, 188, 194 Croatia 172 Cuba 75, 115, 283 see also Havana Cyprus 68, 136, 166 Damascus (Syria) 251 Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) 276 Deauville (France) 196 Dominica 165 Dominican Republic 114 East Africa 81, 86, 88, 164, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 184, 185, 221, 277, 284 see also Kenya; Madagascar; Mauritius; Seychelles; Tanzania; Uganda

Eastern Europe 156, 214 see also Croatia; Poland; Russia; Slovenia; Yugoslavia Edinburgh, Scotland (UK) 115, 115–16, 116, 120 –1, 120, 122, 128 – 9, 128, 129, 281 England 166, 251 see also Stonehenge Europe 25, 70, 134, 156, 163, 187, 196, 200, 202, 213, 240, 248, 255 see also Croatia; France; Germany; Greece; Ireland; Italy; Portugal; Slovenia; Spain; Switzerland; United Kingdom; Yugoslavia Fatima (Portugal) 251 Fiji 68, 79, 89, 114, 148, 232, 242, 282 Florida (USA) 25, 57, 122, 123, 144, 221, 246 France 81, 92, 96, 98, 142, 166, 172, 188, 200, 203 see also Alpe-d’Huez; Avoriaz; Biarritz; Carnon; Chamonix; Corsica; Deauville; La Grande-Motte; Languedoc-Rousillon; Lourdes; Menton; Paris; St Cyprien Fuenterrabia (Spain) 281 Galapagos Islands 179 The Gambia 79, 80, 89, 104, 106 Germany 94, 179, 256 see also Baden-Baden; Oberammagau Ghana 80, 81, 89 Glacier National Park 181 Gold Coast (Queensland, Australia) 202 Grand Canyon (Nevada, USA) 144 Grand County, Colorado (USA) 114 Graubunden Canton (Switzerland) 254 Great Barrier Reef (Australia) 179, 186, 190 Greece 68, 80, 81, 136, 142, 166, 167, 172, 188, 234 see also Athens Greenland 194 Gwynedd (North Wales, UK) 110, 114, 115, 116, 117, 117, 121–2, 121 see also Anglesey Hainan (China) 82 Haiti 283 Halifax (Nova Scotia, Canada) 212 Havana (Cuba) 249 Hawaii 25, 81, 87, 102, 114, 125, 129, 199, 202, 206, 221, 235, 247, 282, 283 see also Honolulu Himalayas 191 Honduras 194 Hong Kong 69, 114, 115, 148, 152 Honolulu (Hawaii) 281

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Index India 78, 107, 129, 182, 251 Indonesia 79, 94, 96, 103, 134, 195, 242, 283 see also Bali; Lombok; Yogyakarta Iowa (USA) 248 Iran 277 Ireland 70, 91, 114, 125, 144, 148, 215 Isle of Man 198 Isle of Skye, Scotland (UK) 114, 115, 117, 117, 216, 254 Italy 81, 87, 96, 142, 172 see also Bordighera; Cervinia; Rimini; Rome; Venice Jamaica 68, 114, 243 Japan 94, 107, 108 see also Tokyo Jerusalem 251 Kadhimain (Iraq) 251 Kentucky (USA) 125 Kenya 68, 78, 79, 80, 87, 94, 102, 104, 105, 106, 128, 135, 140, 164, 166, 179, 182, 185, 276 see also Nairobi Kinabalu Park (Malaysia) 165 Korea 96, 125, 243 Kotzebue (Alaska, USA) 237 Kouchibouguac National Park (Canada) 318 Kruger National Park (South Africa) 183 La Grande-Motte (France) 206 Lake Manyana National Park 164 Lake Manyana National Park (Tanzania) 184 Languedoc-Rousillon (France) 142 Las Vegas (USA) 248 Latin America 80, 214, 276 Leysin (Switzerland) 196 Lombok (Indonesia) 279 London (England) 50, 174, 208, 221, 234 Los Angeles (USA) 174 Lothian region, Scotland (UK) 115, 117, 117, 120, 122 Lourdes (France) 251 Macau 131, 248 Mackinac Island 206 Madagascar 195 Mahabalipuram (India) 280 Majorca (Balearic Islands, Spain) 74 Malaysia 165, 244 Maldives 68, 96, 107, 108, 131, 190 Manchester (UK) 174 Masai Mara National Park (Kenya) 178, 185 Mauritius 122

Mecca (Saudi Arabia) 251 Medina (Saudi Arabia) 251 Mediterranean region 60, 94, 172, 188, 199, 237 Menton (France) 196 Mexico 68, 74, 80, 82, 87, 88, 89, 94, 140, 142, 162, 199, 239, 245, 264 Middle East 148, 236 Minorca (Balearic Islands, Spain) 198 Missouri (USA) 114, 123 – 4 Mont d’Arbois (France) 206 Monte Carlo 199, 248 Morocco 74, 80, 88, 94 Mount Hutt (New Zealand) 144 Mount Kenya National Park 177 Muskoka region, Ontario (Canada) 117–18 Myanmar 182 Nadi (Fiji) 232 Nairobi (Kenya) 105 Nepal 88, 162, 191, 283 Netherlands 94 Nevada (USA) 144, 248 New Guinea 277 New Jersey (USA) 248 New York (USA) 50, 152, 234 New Zealand 90, 93, 168, 177, 215, 238, 255, 272, 275, 280, 307 see also Mount Hutt; Rotorua; Wellington Newfoundland (Canada) 147 Ngorongoro National Park (Kenya) 185 Niagara Falls 59, 198, 199, 200, 297 Niagara-on-the-Lake (Ontario, Canada) 227, 228, 232 Niger 162 Nile 178 Nome (Alaska, USA) 237 North Africa 188 see also Morocco; Tunisia North America 25, 70, 134, 156, 163, 176, 178, 179, 182, 213, 240, 248, 278 see also Canada; United States Norway 115, 118, 221 Oberammagau (Germany) 251 Okanagan Valley (Canada) 115 Okavango Valley (Botswana) 277 Ontario province (Canada) 68, 232 Orlando (Florida, USA) 144 Pacific Islands 105, 221, 232, 234, 272 see also Cook Islands; Fiji; Samoa; Tonga Pacific region 75, 186, 276, 277, 278 Pakistan 244

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Index Palestine 251 Paris (France) 50, 222, 234 Pennsylvania (USA) 282–3 Peru 279 Philippines 79, 166, 243 Pisac (Peru) 279 Poland 256 Portugal 166 see also Fatima Prince Edward Island (Canada) 318, 318 –20 Queensland (Australia) 115, 202 Red Sea 179, 190 Rehoboth (Delaware, USA) 247 Reno (Nevada, USA) 248 Riding Mountain National Park (Canada) 318 Rimini (Italy) 190 Rome (Italy) 47, 251 Rotorua (New Zealand) 281 Russia 194 Rwanda 162 S’Agaró (Spain) 199, 205 St Cyprien (France) 203 Samoa 232, 280 Scandinavia 194 Scotland 92, 142 see also Edinburgh; Isle of Skye; Lothian Region Senegal 284 Serengeti National Park 164, 177 Seychelles 70, 79, 81, 89, 91, 96, 107, 108, 123, 125, 129, 131, 239, 242, 243 Singapore 91, 94, 114, 114, 125, 129, 166, 207, 269 Sleat (Isle of Skye, Scotland) 254 Slovenia 179 Smokey Mountain Region (North Carolina, USA) 198 South Africa 183, 185 South America 156, 181, 278 see also Brazil; Chile South Dakota (USA) 168, 248 South Korea 96, 243 South Pacific Islands 272 South-east Asia 163, 165, 199, 270, 272 see also Indonesia; Malaysia; Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; Vietnam Southern Africa 164, 181 see also Botswana; South Africa; Zambia Spain 25, 68, 80, 81, 87, 91, 94, 97, 107, 108, 147, 172, 199, 206, 236, 237, 239, 256, 281

see also Canary Islands; Costa Brava; Costa del Sol; Fuenterrabia; Majorca; Minorca; S’Agaró Stonehenge (England) 38, 166 Stratford (Ontario, Canada) 199 Stratford-on-Avon (England) 199 Switzerland 162, 166, 204, 235, 256 see also Leysin; Zermatt Sydney (Australia) 210 Tahiti 158, 283 Tanzania 68, 79, 89, 114, 164, 181, 184, 206 Tayside region, Scotland (UK) 115 Thailand 81, 94, 134, 221, 242, 243 see also Bangkok; Chiang Mai Tijuana (Mexico) 249 Tokyo 174 Tonga 6, 232, 238, 242 Toronto (Canada) 148, 152 Trinidad and Tobago 128, 249 Tsavo National Park 177 Tunisia 80, 88, 172, 206, 239, 278, 282, 284 Turkey 80, 89, 114, 125, 135 Uganda 178, 184 United Kingdom 84, 90, 94, 96, 107, 114, 122 – 3, 134, 142, 156, 215, 221, 257 see also Bath; Blackpool; Brighton; Britain; Buxton; Edinburgh; England; Gwynedd; Isle of Man; Isle of Skye; London; Lothian; Manchester; Scotland; Stonehenge; Stratford-on-Avon; Winchester United States 25, 84, 96, 108, 114, 124, 180, 182, 200, 201, 249, 272, 274, 275 see also Alaska; Atlantic City; California; Cape Cod; Florida; Grand Canyon; Kentucky; Las Vegas; Los Angeles; Missouri; Nevada; New York; Orlando; Pennsylvania; Reno; Smokey Mountain; Vail; Washington; Williamsburg; Yosemite Vail (Colorado, USA) 174 Vancouver (British Columbia, Canada) 212 Vararlberg (Austria) 115 Venice (Italy) 208, 209, 222 Victoria (British Columbia, Canada) 114, 212 Vietnam 107 Virgin Islands 104, 107, 114, 234, 235 Waikiki Beach (Hawaii) 206 Washington city (USA) 115 Wellington (New Zealand) 212

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Index West Africa 277 see also Gambia; Ghana; Niger; Senegal West Indies 54, 89, 227, 240 West Virginia (USA) 270 Whistler (Canada) 75 Williamsburg (Virginia, USA) 163 Winchester city (UK) 114

Yogyakarta (Indonesia) 307 Yosemite National Park (USA) 166, 173, 181 Yugoslavia 88 Zambia 277 Zermatt (Switzerland) 196

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