Tokutomi Soho, 1863-1957: A Journalist for Modern Japan [Course Book ed.] 9781400856435

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Tokutomi Sohō, 1 8 6 3 - 1 9 5 7

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>l< Tokutomi Soho, 1863-1957 A JOURNALIST FOR MODERN JAPAN * John D. Pierson

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

Copyright © 1980 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Guildford, Surrey All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be found on the last printed page of this book This book has been composed in VIP Aldus Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

for papa's little toots *

LIANE

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Contents List of Illustrations

ix

Introduction

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CHAPTER I

The Son of Kumamoto Goshi The Tokutomi Family in Higo The Comforts and Traumas of Childhood

14 15 28

CHAPTER II

Training in Western Studies and Christianity Break with the Jitsugaku Tradition To Serve Society and Nation

40 42 53

CHAPTER III

Study and Teaching in Kumamoto Supporting Freedom and Popular Rights Teaching Freedom and Democracy Educating Meiji Youth for the Modern Age

79 81 90 105

CHAPTER IV

Heiminshugi for Modem Japan Adoption of Spencerian Evolutionary Social Theory The Appeal of Spencerian Evolutionary Social Theory

125 126 139

CHAPTER V

The People's Friend New Family Responsibilities Success as a Publicist Promoting Liberal-Democratic Reforms

152 155 164 177

CHAPTER VI

New Goals and New Principles for Modern Japan Diminishing Prospects for Democratic Progress Adjusting to the "Trends of the Time" Turn to Imperialism and Statism

199 202 212 234

CHAPTER VII

Friend of the Oligarchs Hensetsu Kan Publicist for the Government Responding to the Power of the Masses

248 252 265 285

CHAPTER VIII

Prominence Regained Return as an Independent Social Critic

305 309

viii

Contents

Public Honors and Personal Tragedies The Imperial Way as National Essence and Mission

329 349

CHAPTER IX

Autumnal Reflections

381

Notes

399

Bibliography

435

Index

447

List of Illustrations (following page 247) All photos courtesy of Chuo Koron 1. Oe Gijuku students and staff, 1886. 2. Soho while on route to Tokyo to seek a publisher for Shorai no Nihon, 1886. 3. Manuscript for Shorai no Nihon. 4. Min'yusha staff in 1890. 5. Family portrait, 1892. 6. Soho at the time of the Triple Invention, 1895. 7. A "souvenir" from the beach at Port Arthur. 8. Soh5 with friend Matsukata in 1899. 9. Soh5 with Roka in 1900. 10. Family portrait, 1910. 11. Soho with staff on ruins of Kokumin shimbun offices after the Great Kanto earthquake. 12. Soh5 with Shizuko in 1947. 13. Soho in 1956.

Tokutomi Soho, 1863-1957

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Introduction Japan's rise to a major world power from conditions of relative obscurity, backwardness, and weakness just one hundred years ago is one of the most fascinating and remarkable accomplish­ ments of any country in recent times. This transformation has naturally attracted the interest of Japanese specialists and students of modern history and of modernization throughout the world. Extensive research into the Japanese modernization experience has in recent decades made possible a better understanding of this phe­ nomenon than ever before. Most of the major events and turning points in politics, economics, military and foreign affairs, as well as the special qualities of the men who led the nation in these areas, have now been studied. Considerably less attention, how­ ever, has been given to investigating the experiences, activities, and achievements of leaders in other areas of society. Yet it is now obvious that Japan's modern transformation was not accomplished only because of the special talents and efforts of a small select group of individuals who dominated the national administration and guided the country in politics, economics, military and foreign affairs. No less important were the qualities possessed by the Japa­ nese people—their capacity for education, innovation, industry, and discipline in the quest for national advancement. No single quality was perhaps more basic or significant for success than the simple determination and drive, cultivated and directed by elites within and outside government, to propel Japan into the ranks of the great powers. This study of the life of Tokutomi Soho was begun with the hope that it might provide insights into how social elites helped to guide the attitudes and views toward national progress held by the Japanese people in the modern era. Tokutomi Soho is a worthy subject for this investigation. His life spanned almost the whole of the modern age. He was born in 1863, five years before the Meiji Restoration in 1868, which marked Japan's break with feudalism and the beginning of its drive toward modernity. He died in 1957, just as the country was beginning its rise as a leading commercial and industrial power following defeat and destruction in a world war that resulted from attempts to gain great power status during

4

Introduction

the first half of the twentieth century by military might and im­ perialistic aggrandizement. Soh6 was actively involved in public affairs throughout his adult life. He functioned at various times as an educator, political activist, and confidant and advisor to the na­ tion's leaders in government. Mostly, however, he worked as a journalist and publicist, a commentator and critic of current events. Between the mid-1880's when his career as a writer began, and 1945, when his public life ended, he produced several impor­ tant journals and, for thirty-eight years, published and edited one of the country's most influential newspapers. He wrote, in addi­ tion, more than 350 books of commentary on current domestic and international affairs, history, biography, literary study and criti­ cism. Although a journalist by profession, Soho was not simply a pub­ lisher, editor, and reporter of news. For Soho, journalism was more than just an occupation; it was a form of public service, an expression of personal devotion to promoting the general welfare of his society and nation. As a patriotic writer, his most funda­ mental and important concerns focused on the issues of how the country was progressing, and how the country should progress in modernization. He saw himself as essentially an educator and leader of public opinion, having the duty above all else to en­ lighten the people and to guide them in the directions he believed essential for Japan to become a prosperous, strong, and great nation. In this sense, he was, as is suggested by the title of this study, a journalist for modern Japan. Soh5 was hardly a typical or ordinary Japanese. The tremendous volume and variety of his publications alone, seldom matched anywhere, within or outside Japan, are sufficient to mark him as a man of extraordinary energy and abilities. In the course of his career, moreover, he made many significant contributions to the development of modern journalism in Japan; and he was, throughout most of his public life, one of the most popular and influential leaders of the press. Soho clearly ranks among modern Japan's most prominent social elites; and, as such, he often served as a spokesman for the goals and ideals of the modernizing estab­ lishment, even though he generally functioned independently of the government and was at times a critic and opponent of the na­ tional administration. Nonetheless, he can in many ways be re-

Introduction

5

garded as a representative figure of modern Japan, in his personal devotion to serving the good of society and nation and, most im­ portantly, in the kinds of ideals he held for his country at various stages in his life. Soho's views about how the nation should modernize changed considerably during the course of his career. As a member of the first generation to be educated primarily in Western studies after the Meiji Restoration, his conceptions of modernity were always most strongly influenced by his understanding of how modern societies in the West were developing in the contemporary world. Because the most advanced, the strongest, and the wealthiest na­ tions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were the Western industrial democracies, because, indeed, the Western in­ dustrial democracies were the only models of modernity then available, Soho only naturally assumed that the modernization process in Japan must proceed along these same lines of develop­ ment. Thus, as a young man, he accepted without serious question or reservation the idea that modern progress required the near total Westernization of Japanese society. He rejected Japanese tra­ dition as irrelevant and advocated sweeping reforms that would create a new national order based on the principles of liberalism (jiyushugi) and democracy (heiminshugi). In the last years of the nineteenth century, Soho's views and ideals changed. During the 1890's he abandoned his early liberaldemocratic principles. He began to espouse a more conservative statist view of modernization which affirmed collectivist ideals and interventionist practices in order to promote harmony, unity, and order within society and expansionism abroad. At the same time, he rejected the notion that modernization required the total West­ ernization of Japanese society; certain aspects of the Japanese tra­ dition, he came to believe, could and should be preserved as useful for enhancing the national strength and well-being. Although Soho was previously an opponent of the approach to moderniza­ tion adopted by the nation's political leaders since the Meiji Resto­ ration, these changes in ideological orientation transformed him into a supporter of the policies and programs sponsored by the na­ tional administration. Soh5's national ideals continued to develop along these more conservative, nationalist lines throughout the first two decades of

6

Introduction

the twentieth century. Political, economic, and social problems ac­ companying modernization seemed to require strong national leadership and an active role for the state in promoting a balanced progress. Mounting difficulties in foreign affairs, resulting from Japan's rise as a major imperialist power in Asia after the turn of the century, made building national strength through arms de­ velopment and through the willingness of the people to unite in support of state goals seem essential to protect the country's secu­ rity and interests abroad. Throughout much of this period, Soho worked to promote these goals and policies in cooperation with the nation's foremost political leaders. From the 1920's Soho's ideals for modern Japan were marked by increasing xenophobia and chauvinism; at the same time the forms of his nationalistic expression became increasingly particularistic. Although he had no formal ties to government, his conception of what modern Japan should be like was fully in line with the or­ thodox ideals of society and nation established by the state. He came to deny completely the idea that modern Japan should emu­ late the West. He maintained that the nation should be founded upon the principles and ideals embodied in Japan's unique, and superior, tradition of the Imperial Way (kodo), the legacy from antiquity which affirmed harmony and the unity of the Japanese people as members of the "sacred" Yamato race and nation headed by the divinely descended Imperial dynasty. Soho not only re­ jected Western models and influences for Japanese society but went on to advocate the attainment of national greatness by ex­ tending the blessings of Imperial rule to neighboring countries, thus ending domination of world affairs by the Western powers and establishing Japan as the undisputed leader of all Asia. If mili­ tary action against other Asian peoples, and even war against the West, were necessary to achieve these purposes, he would support it—and he did. This pattern of change in attitudes and ideals regarding the des­ tiny of modern Japan by no means represents an individual aberra­ tion. A great many Japanese, perhaps even most, shared his views at every turn. This is clearly evidenced by the prominence Soho enjoyed as a social commentator and critic throughout his career. His publications were always very, often extraordinarily, success­ ful. His first periodical, published from the late 1880's to the late

Introduction

7

1890's, was by far the most widely read journal in the country. His newspaper, which he produced from 1890 to 1928, always held an important position among the Japanese press. Moreover, at al­ most every period or stage in Japan's modern development from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries, one or more of his books would be featured on any list of current best sellers— Soho's thoughts and opinions obviously drew a sympathetic re­ sponse from large segments of the Japanese population. Soh5's importance as a leader in journalism and as a man who spoke to and represented the sentiments and thoughts of the public has long been recognized by specialists in modern Japanese his­ tory. Surprisingly, however, his life and thought have not yet been carefully examined. Only one full-length biography exists even in Japanese, a general, non-critical account written by Soh5's attorney and friend, Hayakawa Kiyoshi, Tokutomi Sohd (Tokyo, 1968). Certain aspects of Soho's life and some of his intellectual development and changes have been given serious attention by Japanese scholars. Most often, however, these studies are limited in scope; they focus on his early years and emphasize certain select themes or problems related to Japanese modernization experiences of the late nineteenth century. Almost no studies of Soh5's ac­ tivities and thought during the twentieth century have yet been made in Japan; the principal reason for this neglect seems to be that most scholars and intellectuals in contemporary Japan con­ tinue to hold strong feelings of animosity toward Soho because of his prominence as a spokesman and defender of the old pre-war Imperial national order. In Western literature on modern Japan, Soho has been given more than casual or passing treatment only in Kenneth B. Pyle's stimulating monograph, The New Generation in Meiji Japan (Stanford, 1969); even here the emphasis is exclu­ sively on his early years. This study goes beyond what exists and tries to give a more comprehensive account of Soh5's experiences and thought. In this effort, Soho's published works and many of his private papers, manuscripts, diaries; and letters, many of which are newly discov­ ered sources, have been analyzed. The story of his life and his thought about Japan's progress is presented in essentially narrative style; no attempt is made to organize or interpret data to fit any single particular thesis or to construct a comprehensive new

8

Introduction

"theory" about the modern Japanese experience. The structure and interpretations presented here evolved mainly in response to the themes and problems that seemed to emerge naturally from the materials examined. Nonetheless, the process of investigation was often influenced by the kinds of "problem consciousness" (mondai ishiki), the questions and patterns of analysis, developed by other researchers who have studied Soho and who work in the area of modern Japa­ nese intellectual and social history. Because this book is not overtly structured to attack or confirm any particular thesis or theses, yet does offer interpretations that differ from those of other researchers, some mention should be made of the kinds of problems and views often encountered in secondary sources that attempt to explain certain aspects of Soho's life and thought, and that stimulated inquiry in this biography. Considerable attention, for example, has been given to inves­ tigating the nature of the Tokutomi family status and standing in the traditional, pre-Meiji Restoration, social order, and of the na­ ture of Soho's socialization and education. These topics have not been given extensive treatment by others, although it is often sug­ gested, or simply assumed, that much of Soho's ideals as an adult were strongly influenced, perhaps even determined, by the charac­ ter of his family and early education. As is related in the text, some writers have held that because the Tokutomi were wealthy farmers and merchants whose ambitions were frustrated by the limitations placed on their mobility under the old feudal system, Soho, during his youth, was naturally attracted to Westerninspired reformist ideals and principles of liberalism and democ­ racy. This view no doubt has some validity. But this study also suggests that the character of the Tokutomi family cannot be de­ fined primarily in terms of their economic situation. The Tokutomi were not merely a prosperous family, and their life and social patterns cannot be understood primarily in terms of their quest for riches. More important in determining their social char­ acter and activities were the ways they used wealth, not for in­ vestment to obtain greater riches in the manner of bourgeois capitalists, but to educate themselves and to gain entrance into the upper strata of local elites as officials in the traditional structure of rural administration. This legacy of local importance, of political

Introduction

9

and social service to their home community, strongly influenced the nature of Soho's childhood experiences and education, which in turn influenced the evolution of his views about the need for liberal-democratic, anti-feudal reforms in the modern society. Most studies of late-nineteenth-century Japanese intellectuals give emphasis to the persisting influence of Confucianism upon their political and social ideals, even in the modern era. Because Confucianism dominated the intellectual life of feudal Japan, be­ cause, indeed, Confucian values and world views became practi­ cally synonymous with Japanese values and world views during the feudal era, even those political and social thinkers most recep­ tive to importing Western culture for modernization as well as those who espoused liberal-democratic reformist ideals seemed unable fully to escape or transcend the weight of this tradition. Tokutomi Soho is often looked upon as typical of his age and gen­ eration in this regard. His family had close ties to the midnineteenth-century Confucian reformer, Yokoi Shonan, who was Soho's father's teacher and brother-in-law, and who was thus Soho's uncle by marriage. Moreover, Soh5's first training was in the tradition of the Confucian classics; and throughout his life his writings and pronouncements were often liberally embellished with quotations and concepts drawn from this classical tradition. However, this book suggests that Soho cannot be regarded as primarily, even significantly, a Confucian-oriented thinker. Al­ though well-read in the classics, he had no deep understanding of Confucian philosophy and no personal or ideological attachment to any Confucian school of political and social thought. As a Jap­ anese, he only naturally held many attitudes and values that can in a very general sense be considered Confucian in character. Yet his world view and ideals were most profoundly influenced by his edu­ cation in Western studies and by his exposure to Christianity. A major portion of this book is given to examining the nature of the liberal-democratic ideals that the young Soho held for modern Japan, and to the problems of how and why he came to abandon these ideals at the end of the nineteenth century. These issues have previously been more closely examined and analyzed than any other aspect of his life and thought; and they have been treated and interpreted in a variety of ways. Most writers have not taken seriously Soho's espousal of liberal-democratic principles

10

Introduction

and ideals. It is often observed that his early liberal thought was badly flawed, the product of a young, immature mind not well grounded in modern democratic social theory, and never fully de­ veloped conceptually or concretely. It is generally held that Soho neither fully understood nor appreciated all the philosophical, as well as political and social, implications of his liberal-democratic ideals. The influence of his, and Japan's, Confucian heritage, coupled with his strong patriotic identity and orientation, are often cited as factors which weakened Soho's commitment to liberalism and democracy, causing him, like many other Japanese intellectu­ als and reformers, to give emphasis, not to securing freedoms and rights for the people as individuals, but to promoting the welfare of the society and nation. The fact that he abandoned these early ideals and turned to conservative nationalism is usually accepted as substantiating this interpretation. Another reason frequently given to explain this turn of thought and position is personal op­ portunism: Soh5 formulated his democratic philosophy at a time when enthusiasm for Western-inspired liberal reforms was at its height; and he changed his principles when it became obvious in the last years of the nineteenth century that the public was no longer receptive to Western influences in society. Retaining his popularity and influence as a journalist, in other words, was more important to him than fidelity to principles. Again, this study suggests that many of these interpretations seem to be without solid foundation. While certainly not a sophis­ ticated or deep thinker, Soho nonetheless did have a basically sound understanding and appreciation for the essentials of the liberal-democratic ideals espoused during his youth, for the very reason that his mo'st significant training had been in Western studies, not in Confucian thought. Nor did the factor of national­ ism, the desire to see modern Japan become a powerful and great country, significantly impair his ability to affirm the basic tenets of liberalism and democracy. While nationalism and liberalism may be logically conflicting philosophical principles, they are not neces­ sarily mutually exclusive. Certainly for Soh5, and no doubt for others as well, promoting the liberties and rights of the people in society was not inconsistent with his desires to see his nation pros­ per, become strong and great; rather, securing the liberties and rights of the people in a free society was to be the basis for national

Introduction

11

wealth, power, and prominence in the world. Nor does it seem ap­ propriate to depict Soh5, as many writers have done, as simply an opportunist who would freely alter his views for the purpose of insuring his own importance and popularity. Soho's change from a proponent of liberal-democratic principles to a conservative na­ tionalist can be more fully and accurately understood as essentially a response to changes in his perceptions of how modern Western societies seemed to be developing in the late nineteenth century, and of how Japan's domestic and international situation was chang­ ing in the process of modernization. Finally, it is generally held that Soho's change from liberaldemocratic principles to conservative nationalist ideals of society and state represented, at the same time, a repudiation of the idea that modern Japan should proceed in accordance with the examples of national organization and practices set by the advanced coun­ tries in the modern West. Soho did ultimately come to this view and position, but it was a transformation that took place gradually and was not completed for many years. Until the third and fourth decades of the twentieth century, his conception of how Japan should progress continued to be strongly, although not exclusive­ ly, influenced by his view of how Western societies were currently evolving. Even in the 1920's and 1930's, when Soh5 finally re­ jected Westernism totally and turned to the particularistic tradi­ tion of the Imperial Way for his national ideals, this shift was made largely in response to his understanding of currents of change then taking place in the contemporary Western world. Although this study of Tokutomi Soho's life focuses primarily on the development and changes in his thought about the course of modernization in Japan, an effort is made throughout to present his activities, experiences, and views in the general context of his times and milieu, particularly when these touch upon aspects of modern Japanese society that have not been well discussed in other English-language studies. An attempt has also been made to por­ tray something of the nature of Soho's character and personality. Unfortunately, there are few materials available that relate to his personal life and relationships. From the sources examined, and from talks with members of Soh5's family and circle of associates, it appears that little distinction can be made between the private and public Soho. He was, it seems, always the quintessential pub-

12

Introduction

lie figure, a man whose life and range of activities were carefully controlled and ordered to the single purpose of working to promote what he believed to be in the public and national interests. As such, he was a rather dry and unexciting personality who almost never allowed himself any conspicuous extravagances or indul­ gences and who seldom, if ever, deviated from his professional identity and his role as patriotic journalist in the service of modern Japan. Responsibility for the information and interpretations presented here, including whatever errors may appear, is of course mine alone. However, many organizations and individuals have made important contributions, and, while it is impossible to acknowl­ edge all of them, a few words of appreciation and recognition are certainly in order. I am grateful for financial assistance received from National Defense Modern Foreign Language Fellowships while a graduate student in 1966 and 1968, and from research grants provided by the Fulbright Commission in the United States and Japan in 1967 and again in 1976. Additional funds for research in Japan were provided by The Japan Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities in 1973 and 1974, and, at various times between 1971 and 1978, by the Research Board and Center for Asian Studies of the University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign; this assistance is also gratefully acknowledged. I wish to recognize, in addition, help given in the acquisition of materials by the late Mr. Oishi Konosuke, Soho's former assistant and Pres­ ident of the Shizuoka Shimbun Sha. Many individuals on both sides of the Pacific have provided me with help, encouragement, and stimulation in the research and preparation of this study. I wish to thank especially Professor Marius B. Jansen, under whose direction this book was initiated while I was a graduate student at Princeton University; Professor Jansen's vast knowledge of Japan and his keen sensitivity to the complex problems involved in studying modern Japanese history, as well as his unfailing encouragement and support, have been a constant source of inspiration. I am grateful also to colleagues and friends in Japan who have generously shared with me their knowl­ edge of facts and sources pertaining to the study of Japanese intel­ lectual and social history, especially Professor Sugii Mutsuro of Doshisha University, Professors Yoshida Mitsukuni and Moto-

Introduction

13

yama Yukihiko of Kyoto University, and Mr. Hanatachi Saburo in Kumamoto. I wish to thank as well the Tokutomi Keitaro family for allowing me access to their collection of materials, and the staff of the Soh5 Kai for helping in the search for sources and informa­ tion about Soho's activities. I appreciate, in addition, the efforts of Mr. Kamikawa Rikuzo in Tokyo, who guided my training in Japa­ nese with kind patience; of my father, John Dunlap Pierson; and of my friends at the University of Illinois who have read portions of the manuscript and critiqued my work: Professors Frederic Jaher, Howard Wechsler, Chieko Mulhern, David Plath, and Ronald Toby. Finally, I must extend a special note of thanks, ap­ preciation, and love to my daughter, Liane Lynn Pierson, to whom this book is dedicated, for her patience and understanding while "Papa" spent many long hours and days preoccupied with "the Tokutomi book."

CHAPTER I

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CHAPTER V

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