Thomas Usk's Testament of Love: A Critical Edition [1 ed.] 9781442682641, 9780802054715

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Toronto Medieval Texts and Translations, 13 Thomas Usk: 7£ S TAME NT OF LOVE Edited by Gary W. Shawver

Thomas Usk, a contemporary of Chaucer, was a political figure and scrivner who became involved in the tempestuous politics of late fourteenth-century London. In 1384 he took part in John Northampton's agitations against the mayor of London and was imprisoned. While in custody, he had an apparent conversion experience and wrote a detailed accusation of Northampton and his followers. Shortly thereafter, while still in custody, he wrote-Testament of Love, which contains an allegorical apologia for his change of heart, a meditation on the fickle nature of worldly fortune, and an exploration of the relationship between grace and free will. Usk was eventually freed and briefly enjoyed the favour of King Richard II. However, he was arrested along with others of Richard's party in December 1388 by order of the Lords Appellant. After a one-day trial, the Merciless Parliament convicted him of treason on 4 March 1388 and he was executed on the same day. Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++is an interesting document that presents many challenges to the reader. While it has been over a hundred years since Walter Skeat's edition of the text, there has been much recent scholarly activity on this work. Gary Shawver's critical edition of++++++++is based on John F. Leyerle's work on the text, and reflects modern knowledge of the period, as well as containing new insights into the source of Usk's material. As Usk's work survives in only one witness, namely Thynne's 1532 print edition, The +++++++++++++++++++---Gary Shawver provides a text that is as faithful as possible to this witness in a form that modern readers and scholars of Chaucer's works can understand. GARY w. SHAWVER is a Humanities Computing Specialist at New York University.

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THOMAS USK

Testament of Love Edited by Gary W Shawver Based on the edition of John F. Leyerle

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2002 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-5471-4

Printed on acid-free paper

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Usk, Thomas, d. 1388 Testament of love (Toronto medieval texts and translations) Includes bibliographic references and index. ISBN 0-8020-5471-4 I. Philosophy and religion - Early works to 1800. 2. Political prisoners - England - Early works to 1800. I. Leyerle, John II. Shawver, Gary W. (Gary Wayne), 1959-+++III. Title. IV. Series. PR2148.U75T47 2002

828M

C2001-901267-5

Excerpts from the modern English translation of St Anselm on pp. 135-95 are from De Concordia © Thomas Bermingham 1998. Reprinted from St. Anselm of Canterbury: The Major Works edited by Brian Davies and G.R. Evans (Oxford World's Classics 1998) by permission of Oxford University Press. The author has made every reasonable effort to locate the copyright holder of Schmitt's Latin edition of Anselm. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).

Contents

F O R E W O R D+++Vll P R E F A C E+++xi

Introduction 1 The Text, the Acrostic, and the Author 3 2 The Life of Thomas Usk 7 3 The Date of theTestament+++++++++ 4 The Sources of the+++++++++++++++++. 5 Some Notes on Significance 34 Notes to the Introduction 37 Testament of Love Book I 45 Book II 80 Book III 126 Appendix 197 Abbreviations 207 Commentary+ Book I 210 Book II 244 Book III 276

vi Contents T E X T U A L A P P A R A T U S+++2 9 9 W O R K S C I T E D++309. I N D E X A N D G L O S S A R Y+++3 2 1 I N D E X O F P R O P E R N A M E S+++3 5 1

Foreword

Many years ago when I was an undergraduate, a new edition of+The Testamen of Love+by Thomas Usk was recommended to me as a suitable project for a PhD thesis by J.A.W. Bennett, my tutor at Magdalen College, Oxford. Subsequently, when I was a graduate student at Harvard University, my supervisor, BJ. Whiting, recommended to me John Arderne's Middle English version of the medical +++++++++++++++as an appropriate subject for my PhD thesis. Bearing in. mind Professor Whiting's love of jests, I wondered if his advice might be one of them. If I accepted his recommendation, I feared I would be the object of his jess forever, 'How's the+++++++John?' So I kept away from John Arderne's text and worked on Thomas Usk's. Little did I realize at the time that+The Testa ++++would turn out to be an endless source of other jests, because my work on it has stretched out over my entire academic career. Near the end of the last chapter of The Testament, which has the style of a love allegory, Usk writes these cautionary words to the reader: In this boke be many privy things wimpled and folde; unneth shul leude men the plites unwinde. (III.9.68-9) Perhaps he ought to have heeded the caution himself. He veiled his meaning in so many foldings that even his authorship was not recognized for over 500 years. Until the late nineteenth century the work was attributed to Chaucer; in 1893 W.W. Skeat announced his discovery of an acrostic in the text formed by the first letter of each chapter; when the chapters in Book III are put in correct order, the author's name is revealed as Usk, who was a scrivener working in London in the 1380s and a contemporary of Chaucer. In 1897 Skeat published the first scholarly edition of+++++++++++++++Chaucerian and Other Piece Being a Supplement to the Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer; Skeat pre-

viii

Foreword

sented a usable text, but did not concern himself with examining what meaning was veiled by the style of the love allegory. The historical references beneath the love allegory of The Testament were identified and explained in a brilliant PhD thesis prepared by Ramona Bressie in 1928. In this thesis and in an article based on it, Bressie demonstrated that the first two books of the work are autobiographical and give a fascinating account of Usk's part in the tumultuous politics of London. His activities are quite well recorded in other documents of the time, so that the veiled references of+++++++++++++++++++++an be underst historical context. As such Books I and II form a rarity in Middle English prose, an autobiography that can be related passage by passage to actual events recorded in other contemporary sources. Book III has relatively little autobiographical material, but is based directly on Anselm of Canterbury's tract De concordia praescientiae et praedestinationis et gratiae del cum libero arbitrio,+which Usk attempts to translate. This source was identified by George Sanderlin in an article published in 1942. Usk had trouble with Anselm's Latin to the point where some passages in this section of The Testament make little connected sense. Usk's efforts with his source present many challenges to the editor, but he need not be over-much blamed. Book III and Chaucers++++++are the first attempts in Middle English to translate Latin philosophical writing; Chaucer was the better translator, but then he is a more gifted writer than most of his contemporaries. As will be clear from this brief account, the complexity of+++++++++++++ considerable and there are quite probably more 'pikes' yet to be unfolded, discoveries that can be left as pleasing difficulties for perceptive readers of this edition to mull over. Usk was skilled at veiling his underlying meaning and one can look at a problem for years before realizing what a passage may mean. One example may suffice. After working on this text for nearly forty years, I realized recently that the figure of Margarete of Virtw is probably not a veiled reference to some contemporary of Usk, but a rare example in the text of direct statement; the acrostic takes the form of a prayer to Margarete of Virtw, who is probably Saint Margaret, a very popular object of veneration in medieval England who had more parish churches named for her there than had any other saint. Usk is invoking a saint to aid him in his difficulties. My failure to heed the advice of my supervisor has spared the reader (and me) the burden of an edition o+++++++++++++On the other hand, my studen Gary Shawver did heed my advice so that the reader now has a new critical editio of+++++++++++++++++++o use. I thank Gary Shawver for his willingne. on the project and see the work through publication; I acknowledge his patience, scholarship, and tact with great appreciation. His sustained and excellent work has been a major contribution to this edition.

Foreword

ix

My obligation to other scholars is not limited to those individuals already mentioned in this preface. Many others merit my deep thanks. Another of my former students, David R. Carlson, did considerable research for me in the Public Record Office and gave expert advice with the translation and linguistic probems of Anselm's++++++++++++My colleagues A. George Rigg and Peter L. Heyworth provided great help with Usk's textual cruces and with Anselm's Latin. Anne Hudson, A.J. Minnis, and Anne Middleton read the edition as it neared completion and made helpful suggestions, while also encouraging me to carry on with the project when I was tempted to abandon it. The writings of several scholars have also been of great help to the project; I think in particular of David R. Carlson (again), C.S. Lewis, Anne Middleton (again), Claes Schaar, Margaret Schlauch, Barbara Lorraine Siennicki, and Paul Strohm. My greatest debt, however, is to Patricia J. Eberle, my spouse, who was an important collaborator in the project over the last twenty-five years. Without her expert knowledge of late-fourteenth-century England, of Chaucer, of medieval Latin, and of intellectual history, my work on this edition might never have come to completion; what polish it has is largely a result of her loving support and great erudition. All those who helped with this edition have no responsibility for its omissions and errors. They can be attributed to Gary Shawver and me, but Usk himself can safely be blamed for some of them, especially in Book III. I hope that our work presents the reader with a helpful edition of this fascinating, if puzzling text, which is to be read with the expectation that more discoveries about it remain to be made. John Leyerle Hope Township, Ontario 21 March 2002

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Preface+

This edition is based on John F. Leyerle's 1977 thesis+++++++++++Testamen +++++++++++++++++++++It preserves, with appropriate alterations, his text, introduction, commentary, and apparatus. This task was undertaken with Leyerle's generous help and approval. He made available a veritable treasury of notes and other materials that I have tried to use judiciously and for which I am immensely grateful. I found our discussions of the text itself very enlightening, for Leyerle brought to them a depth of knowledge and experience that made what could have been a very dry task both enjoyable and fruitful. His suggestions for improvement were uniformly sensible and insightful. This edition follows Leyerle's practice of silently expanding all abbreviations, presenting+++++++++according to modern practice and following modern conventions of capitalization, paragraphing, and word division. Punctuation follows Thynne's pointing of the text, except where it hinders understanding and is therefore not fully modern. All other alterations to the text that are explicable according to palaeographical and codicological principles are set off by square brackets and appear in the textual apparatus. Such emendations have been kept to the minimum required for making sense of the text. Some passages (about ten) resist any attempt at obtaining sense and readers who enjoy solving textual cruces are invited to come up with their own resolutions to these puzzles. Book III contains a number of alterations that are explicable only in terms of Usk's source, Anselm of Canterbury'sDe+++++++++++++++++++ praedestinationis et gratiae del cum libero arbitrio.These alterations are reconstructions based on Anselm's Latin text and Usk's translation practice. I set them off by braces and note them in the textual apparatus. They have been added when Usk's probable Latin source indicates something that is missing in Thynne's edition and where the sense of Thynne's text is lacking. This is not a variorum edition. The nature of Usk's text invites emendation

xii

Preface

and I have not recorded all the emendations made by all the editors and readers of Usk's text; this includes the emendations Leyerle made that have not found their way into this edition. However, I have duly noted emendations made or proposed by others that I have adopted. Of course, some debts are not so easily noted; R. Allen Shoaf's minimalist editorial policy inspired a more conservative approach in this edition - an influence that cannot appear in a textual apparatus because I have not recorded emendations not made or adopted. I have incurred a number of other debts in the production of this book. I would like to acknowledge the help of the University of Toronto Press in bringing the project to fruition, especially Barb Porter, who managed this project from a distance but was always there, and John St James, whose copy-editing work has saved the reader from many annoyances and this editor from much embarassment. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the help and support of Cynthia Shawver, whose efforts in proofreading the initial versions of this text were invaluable.

INTRODUCTION

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Introduction+

1. The Text, the Acrostic, and the Author The ony textual witness to the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++The Workes of Geffray Chaucer Newly Printed, With Dyver. Workes Whche Were Never in Print Before, As in the Table More Playnly Dothe Apper++Thus, until the middle of the nineteenth century the++++++++++++. attributed to Chaucer because of its presence in Thynne and in derivative later editions of Chaucer's collected works. Gower's greeting to Chaucer in the first recension of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. ... now in hise dales olde Thow schalt him telle this message, That he upon his latere age, To sette an ende of alle his werk, As he which is myn owne clerk, Do make his testament of love, As thou hast do thi schrifte above, So that mi Court it mai recorde (VIII.2950*-7*).2

As a result, Chaucer's biography had many fictional elements derived from the Testament++uch as an exile in Zealand and imprisonment in the Tower for political intrigues in London (Lounsbury 1.180-200). The discrepancies between the biographical fictions derived from the+++++++++and early documents were first stated by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas in his++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ in 1843. Nevertheless, Nicolas accepted the Testament as Chaucer's work, bu witout biographical value because of its allegorical nature.+++++++++++. years later Wilhelm Hertzberg rejected the+++++++++rom the canon of Chau-

4 Introduction cer's works for three reasons: Lydgate does not mention it in his list of Chaucer's work in the preface to his+++++++++++++the narrator always refers to himself in the first person, unlike the complex self-references of Chaucer; and Chaucer's characteristic and humorous self-portrait as a bemused incompetent hardly fits with the extravagant praise of him by Love at III.4.23G-40. In 1893 Skeat announced his discovery of an acrostic in a letter to The Academy ('The Author,' 222-3). The first letters of each of the eleven chapters of Book I spell two words: M A R G A R E T E P 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

OF 9 10

This plan involves acceptance of Skeat's emendation of++++t the beginnin of 1.8 to Eft in order to produce a spelling of MARGARETE rather than MARGARETO. In Book II Thynne has fifteen chapters; the first letters of each chapter spell three words: V I R T W 1 2 3 4 5

HAVE 6 7 8 9

M C T R C I 1011 1213 1415

Thynne's chapter 11 of Book II begins at the top of folio 346v with the words ' "Certayn," quod I. "Amonge thynges, I asked a question, whiche was the way to the knot."' Chapter 12 begins with the word Trewly on folio 347r and ends a column and a half later, making it far shorter than any other chapter in Thynne. Skeat puts part of Thynne's chapter 11 with chapter 10 and the rest with Thynne's chapter 12; this reduces the total number of chapters in Book II to fourteen and eliminates both the C and the T. For the sake of the acrostic, Skeat puts the chapter division at a word beginning with E,+++++++++++++++++++. at this point seems dubious because it divides Love's discourse on the resonable lyf and makes an awkward interruption in the middle of one of her remarks. Thynne's chapters 11 and 12 are best treated as a unit that contains Love's answer to Usk's question quoted above: 'Amonge thynges, I asked a question, whiche was the way to the knot.' Chapter 11 is best started with the word Amonge.++++++++++++++++++++s Leyerle did may not be necessar since marci is an attested form of merci in the MED. Such a spelling would not have been uncommon and represents the lowering of e to a seen in the divergent American and British pronunciation of clerk.4 The fact that this spelling does not appear in the text of the++++++++++s no obstacle to its inclusion in th acrostic, since neithe+++++++++++++++++appear as such in the text either Thus the third word of the acrostic in Book II becomes

Introduction 5 MA R C I 1011 121314

A further result of this redivision is that Book II has 14 chapters in its edited version, not the 15 chapters as in Thynne. In Book III Thynne has nine chapters and the acrostic is as follows: ONTHS KNVI 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Initially Skeat took the letters from chapters 3 and 5 to 9, TSKNVI, as an anagram for the name Kitson, whom he supposed to be the author, adding that whatever the letters signified, they could not be made to read CHAUCER. Although the end of chapter 3 of Book III is clearly marked with two short lines centred in the column of type, the H of chapter 4 is an ordinary capital; Skeat either missed it or ignored it in his first analysis of the acrostic. The Bradley shift (discussed in full in the appendix) makes sense of the acrostic by putting most of Book III in correct order; whether one uses the original Bradley shift, or the simplified version of it explained in the appendix, the result is the same: ON THIN VSK. The entire acrostic thus reads as follows: MARGARETE OF VIRTW HAVE MARCI ON THIN VSK. Bradley states in his letter to+++++++++++++hat he had 'for a long time felt al but sure, on historical grounds, that the "Testament of Love" was the work of Thomas Usk' (184). The rearranged order of text in Book III is confirmation of Usk's authorship, which has been accepted without question by all subsequent writers. In the introduction to his facsimile reproduction of Thynne's edition (hereafter referred to as Facsimile), Skeat reports (xl) that Bradley saw traces of an earlier design of the acrostic with an ending THOMAS USK. There is a prominent O at III.4.147 in a chapter far longer than the average. The M and A are both in chapter 6 (Skeat's chapter 5): M at III.6.18 and A at III.6.135. The letter S, however, is in chapter 5 (Skeat's chapter 6) at III.5.109. Here the traces of an earlier design are amiss because of the simplification of the Bradley shift; in the correct order of the text, the letters noted by Bradley spell THOSMA. The S might well be ignored, however, to give a spelling THOMA, as the name appears in the Issue Rolls of the Exchequer for July 1385 (E403/508/m. 6),pro Thoma Usk.++Yet to obtain an acrosic readi+ng of THOMA instead of THI results in serious difficulties. THIN, 'thine,' makes better sense than THOMA

6 Introduction in a prayer to MARGARETE OF VIRTW, and the resulting variation in chapter lengths is impossible: 239 lines from III.4.147 to III.6.17; 117 lines from III.6.18 to 134; and but 4 lines from III.6.135 to III.7.1. One is left with the inescapable sense that no such earlier design as Bradley thought might exist can be demonstrated convincingly. There has been much speculation about the identity of the Margarete of Virtw in the acrostic.6 Some critics interpret the figure of Margarete symbolically.7 Paul Strohm, for example, associates the+++++++++++ I.3.66ff. with hoped-for patronage ('Politics and Poetics,' 102). This begs the question of the imprecatory nature of the acrostic. Others have attempted to link+++++++++to a contemporary, historical figure. Ramona Bressie was the first scholar to propose such an identity. In The Date of Thomas Usk's "Testament of Love"' she suggests that Margarete is Anne of Bohemia, Richard IPs queen (27).8 Barbara Siennicki argues that the Margarete is Richard II himself (203-4). Most recently, Lucy Lewis proposes 'Margaret Berkeley, the wife of the Thomas Berkeley who was active as a literary patron at the close of the fourteenth century' (The Identity of Margaret in Thomas Usk's Testament of Love,' 63); see the note to I.3.23ff.9 The assumption that the acrostic was addressed to a contemporary leaves open the question of why Usk chose to entrust his future wellbeing, and possibly his life, to an encoded message. The third possibility, and one that to my knowledge has not been raised previously, is that the acrostic is a prayer to St Margaret. My reasons for believing this are manifold. First, as mentioned above, there is the obscurity of the acrostic itself. Regardless of the specific date, most critics are in agreement that Usk's state of affairs when he composed the+++++++++was parlous; at best he was 'n a state of undoubted isolation' (Strohm 'Politics and Poetics,' 105), at worst in fear for his life. Why should he then have chosen such an obscure means to deliver his message if his intended recipient was a living human being? A prayer to a saint makes more sense here. Second, there are Usk's personal and collective ties with St Margaret. On a personal level, he was arrested for his associations with Northampton 'Circa festum sanctae Margaretae++++++++X.45); see section 2 below. As a Londoner, he would have been well aware of the prominence of the saint in the names of London's churches.10 St Margaret's popularity in England as a whole is also well attested (Mack x-xii). Third, as Partricia Eberle has pointed out, there is the curious phrasing of the name itself:+++++++++++++++++++onal names of the time tended to link persons with places - for instance, Anne of Bohemia, John of Gaunt, or, indeed, Thomas Usk - not abstract qualities. This curious title seems more appropriate to St Margaret, whose legend in the Legenda aurea begins with a passage in which forms of the Latin virtus are prominent.11 Usk's acrostic is one of the early examples in Middle English, and Skeat

Introduction 7 makes the plausible suggestion that the acrostic in H++++++++++++++++ gave Usk the idea to do the same in th+++++++++++homas Usk,' 245). Usk's use of th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ and II.2.104-6, passages where he apparently drew on Trevisa's translation, however, not on the original. Usk also uses the++++++++++++++++42 and III.2.20-3, passages where he apparently drew on the Latin original. He was known to the Monk of Westminster, the continuator of the Latin text of the+++++++++++++++ose detailed description of Usk's execution seems to be based on personal observation and is certainly written in a tone sympathetic to Usk. Skeat's suggestion is reasonably well supported by the evidence, and the acrostic in the Polychronicon can be taken as the probable inspiration for the acrostic in the Testament. Knowledge of acrostics in Middle English is not advanced. John L. Cutler identifies seventeen and states that they are 'not abundant in Middle English' (87). His list does miss some examples of acrostics, such as the following: 1 Lines 245-9 of Play 9 of the N-town cycle of mystery plays form the acrostic MARIA. 2 There are acrostics in Lydgate's 'Ave, Jesse Virgula,' stanzas 15-7, 'The Testament of Dan John Lydgate,' stanzas 22-4, and 'A Praise of Peace,' stanza 3. 3 Dunbar's The Ballade of Lord Bernard Steward' has an acrostic in stanza 12. 4 Usk uses the acrostic in theTestament. Some of the acrostics and anagrams detected by Ethel Seaton are certainly authentic, but they tend to be obscured by the mass of uncritical claims put forward in her attempts to extend the canon of writings of Sir Richard Roos. The+++++++++itself may have more secrets to yield than have yet been found: 'In this boke be many privy thins wimpled and folde; unneth shul leude men the plites unwinde' (III.9.69-70). Whether other convincing acrostics can be found in the Testament is a question to be treated with caution, but it would certainly be a logical place to seek them. Whatever the origin, earlier state, or undetected companions of the acrostic may be, its existence is clear internal proof of Usk's authorship of th++Testament. As a result, the considerable amount of autobiographical material in the text can be fitted with other documents about his life without danger of developing a circular argument. To Usk's life the discussion can now turn. 2. The Life of Thomas Usk For Skea the+++++++++++++++belonged primarily in a religious context. He viewed Usk with little warmth, and his attitude to his work was often unsympa-

8

Introduction

thetic, even hostile. Skeat's account of Usk's life in Chaucerian and Other Pieces is brief, but generally accurate (xxiii-iv); he noted several autobiographical references in the text, but he did not realize that the Testament is primarily a historical apologia. About thirty years after Skeat's edition appeared, Ramona Bressie demonstrated that much of the+++++++++++++++is an autobiographical account that explains the reasons that Usk had in accusing Northampton of treason against the king; although the Testament has religious elements, the work belongs primarily in the historical context of the place and time where it was written - in London, probably during the first half of 1385. The full statement of Bressie's work is in her 1928 unpublished thesis, 'A Study of Thomas Usk's Testament of Love+as Autobiography.' Bressie published a five-page abstract of her thesis and one article based on it, but her important contribution to knowledge about Usk and his work has remained relatively inaccessible. One result is that readers of the Testament, until recently, tended to take Skeat's view as authoritative wihout realizing that the++++++++++nd its author are rather different from the way that Skeat saw them. A review of Usk's life is thus important in introducing the Testament and merits major emphasis here. The account that follows is heavily indebted to Bressie's pioneering work. Usk has been well served by the scholars who have worked on the Testament, but none has done better by him than has Bressie: she was the first to realize what the+++++++++was mainly about and why Usk wrote it, and she did a thorough job of locating the relevant documentary material. Paul Strohm has been the most recent major scholar to take up Usk, bringing a neo-historicist reading to his life and works. The earliest records of Thomas Usk date from 1375. On 13 September, Margaret Mitford of London granted a release and quitclaim to Thomas Usk, who is described as clericus (Calendar of Plea and Memoranda Rolls, 11.204).12 In a deed of the same year he conveyed a tenement in Newgate opposite le Bulstake. This tenement had been acquired in 1363 by his parents, David Usk, a cap maker, and his wife, Alice; between 1363 and 1375 Thomas Usk had received claim to this tenement, probably on the death of his father, and had reached his majority, since he was able to convey the property. Consequently, his date of birth would be in 1354, or before. In July 1376 he acted as attorney in prosecuting two actions for damages suffered by John Bere, a haberdasher, and perhaps a friend of his father from association in the clothing trade+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ £23.6.8 were awarded Bere, which was a considerable sum. Such a case would not be handled by a man without some experience, an indication that Usk was probably several years past his majority in 1376.

Introduction 9 In th++++++++++++++++, 'In my youth I was drawe to ben assentaunt and in my mightes helpyng to certain conjuracions and other great maters of ruling of cytezins' (1.6.46-8). In context this reference is to his service to John of Northampton, mayor of London from October 1381 to October 1383. How long he was allied with Northampton before 1381 is uncertain; the passage at 1.5.8094 may include a reference to seven years of service to Northampton, although the allusion is too veiled to allow more than a conjecture. The Testament was probably written between December 1384 and June 1385 (see section 3) so that Usk's connection with Northampton would date from 1377-8, if the conjecture is correct. The reference to his youth may be a way of explaining actions as immature that he afterwards regretted. Caution is needed about defining the upper limit of youth. Dante took thirty-five to be 'nel mezzo del cammin de nostra vita' (Inferno I.I). On the other hand, Lydgate states in his Fall of Princes+++++++++++++++was written 'In Youthe' (Prol. 283), yet the poem can be dated with assurance in 1385, when Chaucer was past forty. There is evidence to show that Usk was born before 1354, but how much before then we do not know. He does tell us that he was born and reared in London, which he describes with evident affection: 'the cytie of London, that is to me so dere and swete, in whiche I was forthe growen - and more kyndely love have I to that place than to any other in erthe, as every kyndely creature hath ful appetyte to that place of his kyndly engendrure and wylne reste and peace in that stede to abyde' (1.6.86-90). There are several other records of him before 1384. For example, in 1376 he was surety, or mainpernor, for a London skinner to appear in court++++++++++ Letter-Books, 29-30).14 In 1379 he took an oath proving a will (Plea and Mem. Rolls,+11.257), and in 1382 he was witness to a deed and signed last, the usua place for the scrivener+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ by profession, a scrivener, as is shown by several references, the earliest of which is in the quitclaim of 1375, where he is called clericus. In 1384 records of Usk become relatively plentiful and he is described in them as++++++++severa times: in the warrant for his arrest, dated 6 August(Calendar of the Patent Rolls [1381-5], 500);16 in an order to the mayor of London, dated 20 August, to take Usk back to London from Reading and keep him in safe custody (Close Rolls 1381-5,++++++++++++++++++++++++++atent Rolls 1381-5, 467); and in a report of Northampton's conviction, dated 6 October (Patent Rolls 1381-5,470). In the Appeal that Usk wrote in 1384 charging Northampton with various offenses (22-31)17 he lists the names and crafts of the chief members of Northampton's party, concluding with his own, 'I also, Thomas Vsk, to write thair billes' (Appeal, 11). In Roll 507 of the Coram Rege Rolls is a record of Norhampton's trial before the king and his council at Reading in 1384. Part of

10 Introduction this document is Usk's testimony, a more or less literal translation of the Appeal into Latin; in it he is described as skriveyn ad scribendum billas suas.l& Elsewhere in the Coram Rege Rolls Usk is referred to frequently, usually among the principales of Northampton's party, and is twice again described as a scryueyn (CRR+++++++++++++++Extract II, 134). The names of two other recording clerks are mentioned in the Appeal, but they played an insignificant part in the events described there: 'on) Willy ngham, a scryuen, & on [a gap] Marchaund, clerk, writen many thynges in myn absence, & atte some tymes wer^ ther mo[r]e pryuier than F (51-4). John Marchaund had been clerk of the Mayor's Chamber since 29 September 1380 (Letter-Book H, 163). The evidence in the documents shows very clearly that Usk was a scrivener and employed in drafting documents for Northampton from October 1381 to October 1383, but he was more than a recording copyist; along with John More, Richard Norbury, and William Essex, Usk was a member of the group of Northampton's chief supporters and had a full share of responsibility for what happened during Northampton's mayoralty and immediately after it. These men were united by their grievances against the merchant capitalists who had controlled London's political and economic life for years. In 1371 Northampton, Essex, More, and others had been remanded to the Tower for disturbing the peace of the city, and in 1377 Essex, More, Norbury, and two other supporters of Northampton were expelled from the Common Council for having allegedly betrayed the secrets of the council. Northampton's followers came largely from the non-victualling guilds, but his support was not based on guild allegiance alone. Most of the wealthy and influential members of the non-victualling guilds took small part in the struggle, if they were not, in fact, active supporters of the other side. Northampton's party was composed of men who hoped to gain by upsetting the rigidity of economic and political power in London. Many of them had given support to the peasants in the Revolt of 1381 (Wilkinson 12-35). They were ambitious and impatient. The opposing party was led by Nicholas Brembre, John Philpot, William Walworth, and other merchant capitalists of London, men who controlled the economic life of London and were engaged in foreign trade and money lending. They tended to support Richard II, who seemed most likely to continue their prerogatives and support their varied interests. They had ridden with him to Smithfield in the summer of 1381 at the time of the Peasants' Revolt. This act strengthened ties with the young king, who knighted the three after Walworth killed Wat Tyler, but it also alienated enough popular sentiment in London to ensure Northampton's election as mayor in the following election of October 1381. After a cautious start, Northampton began using his office to undermine both

Introduction

11

the political and economic power of the other party. London was opened by city ordinances to foreign traders in fish, that is, to dealers who were not freemen of the city, thereby breaking the monopoly enjoyed by the fishmongers.19 The move was popular with all but the London fishmongers because the competition drove the price of fish down considerably. The success of this action led to a petition in Parliament that resulted in a statute far more sweeping than the city ordinances (Rotuli parliamentorum, III.141-3).20 In his second term Northampton's measures against the power of the guilds, especially those concerned with victualling, increased (Letter-Book H, 1834).21 However, as the impact of his reforms spread, he lost a considerable measure of his popularity. In October 1383 he tried to secure re-election as mayor for a third consecutive term and even resorted to the use of force, but the effort failed, and Nicholas Brembre was elected. Up to this point Northampton's career as a militant reforming mayor prepared to maintain himself in office by controlling the electors, even by the use of some force if he thought it necessary to win, was a matter of London politics, and his actions had parallels in what some other mayors of the time had done. However, his response became progressively more belligerent after his defeat. He began by trying to upset the election and sent Richard Norbury, Robert Ryseby, and Thomas Usk to John of Gaunt, King Richard's uncle, to ask for 'the kynges writ to go to a newe eleccion' (Appeal, 178-9). This attempt failed; Gaunt replied, 'Nay certes, writ shul ye non have, avise you amonges yowr selve++++++++++++0). It was also risky. The influence and power of Gaunt rivalled that of Richard himself, who was only sixteen in 1383 and not yet ruling fully in his own right. An alliance with Gaunt in opposition to the royalist party in London traditionally friendly to the king might give to Northampton and his party the look of treason in the king's eyes, which was what did, in fact, happen by August of the next year. Northampton's mission to Gaunt is the first known contact between the two men; although Northampton's request was refused by Gaunt, an alliance did emerge in time between them, a development that enlarged a London dispute into one that soon involved many of the most powerful men in England. Meanwhile Northampton continued to agitate against Brembre. On 17 January 1384 he called a meeting at the Bowe where he 'shewed a bille'++Appeal 240-1) prepared by Brembre against him and asked for continued support from his followers despite the results of the election. Northampton was arrested on account of these agitations, and he made another attempt to obtain Gaunt's help by sending a second embassy on 7 February, consisting of Usk and two other men. They informed Gaunt: 'quod lohannes Norhampton fuit optimus maior qui unquam exstitit et deterioraverunt Nicholaum Brembre et eius gubernac-

12 Introduction ionem' (CRR Extract I, 33). Another riot took place on the llth of February; among the participants listed in the Coram Rege Rolls was Usk. Brembre suppressed his opponents sternly; he held inquisitions into the disturbances,22 and he had John Constantine, a relative by marriage of Northampton, executed in Cheap as an example. Brembre's actions ended the disturbances. Northampton's party decided to stop public actions in order to avoid further retributions by the mayor. Usk's activities after the llth of February are difficult to reconstruct. In a petition of the mercers to the king some of Northampton's followers are said to have 'fledde the citee for feere' after Brembre's measures against them (Rot. pad.,++25); Usk was one of them. On 17 Fe+ruary+1384, ichard Norbu+ry received a grant of £40 from the king to go to Middleburgh and Ghent on secret business assigned him by the king. This large sum was for a ship and sailors, a provision, apparently, for a group of travellers.23 The names of Norbury and Usk do not appear among those of Northampton's party who were required to have mainpernors to see that they kept the peace after the riots of February (Plea and Mem. Rolls, III, 57ff.), a precaution that Brembre took against his opponents. This circumstance and a passage in the Testament spoken by Love suggest that Usk was absent from London with Norbury on this trip: 'Owen nat yet some of hem money for his comens? Paydest nat thou for some of her dispences tyl they were tourned out of Selande? Who yave the ever ought for any rydynge thou madest? Yet, pardye, some of hem token money for thy chambre, and putte tho pens in his purse unwetyng of the renter' (1.7.93-7). Usk could pay 'some of her dispences' in Zealand only if he were with the expedition. This was business of the king and could hardly be the same trip as Usk's period of exile mentioned at 1.7.84, which is the way Bressie understands the reference in her dissertation (16-18). While Usk was absent, rent monies due him apparently were pocketed by his London associates. The payment of £40 that Richard made for this trip is an indication that he had not yet taken one side or the other in the quarrel between Brembre and Northampton. Perhaps his support for Northampton's followers indicates no more than the overconfidence of youth that his subjects, including those in opposition to the royal party, would do as he commanded. His confrontation with the peasants in 1381 made a deep impression on him. He granted them his pardon - which turned out to be of little value - and urged them to accept him loyally as their king. The peasants agreed; this success seems to have given him an unrealistic estimate of his personal influence with those disturbing the established order. Whatever his reasons were, he continued to give favours to members of Northampton's party until late July of 1384, even though they were openly hostile to Brembre's party, Richard's main support in the city of London.

Introduction

13

The dispute between the two parties took on added dimensions in the first half of 1384, when Gaunt started to support Northampton. Gaunt, ever astute to see possible advantage for himself, realized that the quarrels in London could be turned to his own purposes; by aiding Northampton's party, Gaunt saw that he could gain a political base in London, where he had long been unpopular. Although he had denied Northampton's request the previous October, he now became his active patron, a development that eventually had severe consequences for Brembre, for his supporters, and even for the king. If Richard were aware of Gaunt's new connection with Northampton, he was not concerned to move against those involved as late as 23 July 1384, when he granted the guardianship of William Clenche, a minor, to Simon Wynchecome and Richard Norbury (Letter-Book H, 254). Yet on 15 August, three weeks after Norbury received this patronage, he was on trial before the king and his council at Reading on charges of treason. The events leading to the sudden change in the king's attitude can be reconstructed in some detail and are quite important o an understanding of th++esta+ment.+Brembre and his party decided to pursue th+ir quarrel by givingthe actions and plans of Northampton a look of treason in the eyes of the king. The departure of Gaunt to negotiate a peace treaty with France at the end of June 1384 left Brembre free to act against Northampton without interference from Gaunt. Usk, who had returned to England from Zealand, was seized by Brembre's men on 20 July, or thereabouts. Although somewhat hostile to Usk, the account in the continuation of the Polychronicon of this event and what followed is instructive: Circa festum sanctae Margarets [20 July 1384] quidam Londonienses ceperunt Thomam Husk, clericum, vicecomitem Londoniae et praecipuum J. Northampton, qui plura quae in civitate facere proponebat, redigebat in scriptis, missusque in carcerem in quo aliquamdiu erat detentus ea de causa ut secreta J. Northampton revelaret. Qui videns viam evadendi sibi fore praeclusam ac illos quibus antea coherebat carcerali custodiae deputari nee sibi posse in aliquo suffragari caute votis illorum cessit quos protunc noverat praevalere. Satagebat namque astu et arte illorum amicitiam sibi attrahere quos procul dubio ante capitales hostes sibi fuisse cognovit. Unde major Londoniae eum recepit in gratiam licet confessus fuerit proditorem fuisse civitatis praedictae. Liberatusque de carcere in domo majoris manebat eo mandante ubi interim contra Johannem Northampton multa enormia et sinistra in diversis articulis recitavit et eum super hujusmodi appelavit ac in scriptis redegit. (IX.45)

As can be seen in the first sentence of this passage, when Usk was seized, he had already put in writing++++++++++++++++many of the things that North-

14 Introduction ampton proposed to do in London. The making of such a statement may indicate that Usk was already wavering in his loyalty to Northampton by 20 July; perhaps he was seized because his state of mind on the matter was known to the other side. Whatever the reason for his seizure, Usk found himself the object of Brembre's 'menacing courtship' (Strohm, 'Politics and Poetics,' 90), and he did not hesitate long before revealing all that he knew. According to Usk, his reasons for this course of action go far deeper than discontent over the financial losses he suffered both in Zealand and London during his trip; he writes in the Testamen+that his change of heart came about because of the 'tyrannye purposed' by Northampton. He reports that 'by counsayle of myne inwytte, me thought the firste paynted thynges malyce and yvel meanynge, withouten any good avaylyng to any people, and of tyrannye purposed' (1.6.59-61). The 'paynted thynges' are Northampton's actions and proposals; compare 1.6.48-51 (and Criseyde's phrase, 'paynted process+++++++4). Usk continues with an. account of his confinement in prison and in Brembre's house and of the pressures put on him to reveal what he knew about Northampton's activities and plans: "It was fully supposed my knowyng to be ful in tho maters" (1.6.72). Then follow Usk's reasons for turning against Northampton and for writing the Appeal: a man must uphold the common good, even if he has to accuse a guilty companion (73-7); no one can help the soul of a man who dies in falsehood (77-8); he wished to avoid compounding his early offences with other crimes (78-82); the peace of London, the city of his birth and fostering, was threatened (82—7); and peace was a lesson of the Incarnation, which brought peace between God and humankind, and guide to Athens, which was named after Athene, 'god of peace' (91-102). Usk continues by putting great emphasis on civil peace; its preservation was evidently the chief reason for his decision to reveal Northampton's conspiracies, which he briefly recapitulates (103-38). The same point is restated again at the beginning of the third book of the Testament (III. 1.74-86). Usk's accusations do not stand alone; the disruption of civil peace is constantly emphasized as Northampton's chief offence in the documents relating to those events.24 The eventual confessions of Northampton, Norbury, and More at a second trial in September of 1384 are indications that Usk's statements are correct; Usk includes an allusion to these confessions in the Testament at 1.6.138-42. There can be little doubt that Northampton's schemes did pose a real threat to the peace and concord of London. Usk's developing disaffection with Northampton was reinforced by Brembre's arguments, and Usk made a statement about what he knew. The result is the Appeal, the formal accusation against Northampton that was introduced as evidence in the subsequent trial. It was written after 20 July, when Usk was seized, and before 31 July, when Brembre petitioned the king for process of law

Introduction

15

against Northampton and the others of his party who had upset the peace and unity of London (Letter-Book H, 244). It needs to be emphazed that Usk's Appeal was the evidence that led to Northampton's trial, not an attempt on Usk's part to escape punishment by switching sides after the judicial process had already started. The speed with which Brembre moved is impressive. In the rough and tumble of London's politics he knew that he held authority for a time as mayor, but the annual election in October was not far off. Northampton's actions of the previous winter showed that he was determined to regain power. He still had a considerable following in London, and his developing connection with Gaunt posed an increasing risk for Brembre. The mayor's speed had a specific reason; Gaunt's return could thwart any move against Northampton. Brembre hoped to win the king to his cause and eliminate Northampton's political power, but he had o act fast. With Usk's++++++in hand he knew that he had the evidence he needed. Brembre saw hot iron and he struck. Richard was alarmed by Brembre's petition and by the facts in the Appeal on which it was based; he ordered that Northampton be brought to him straight away at Reading. The trial was held there before the king and his council on 15 August. A close paraphrase of much of the Appeal, often amounting to a literal translation, was entered n the record of the tria++++++++tract I, 27-34). This Latin version is used here for the articles in the damaged beginning and end of the+++++++A knowledge of these articles is essential to an adequate undersanding of th++++++++++++++++because the work is, in part, an att explain and justify the charges made in the++++++++he general points of the Appea++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++llusive langua Usk seems to have assumed that his readers would have full knowledge of their substance. The text of the Appeal and its equivalent in the Coram Rege Rolls written in Latin are the basis for the summary that follows, article by article. References are to line numbers of the+Appeal. 1. Guilds opposing Northampton were allowed only two members on the Common Council. Those supporting him could send as many members as they wanted (18-30). 2. Four measures were taken to ensure Northampton's maintenance in office: aldermen were to serve for only one year; the Common Council was to be chosen on a basis of guilds, not districts; no one engaged in victualling could hold judicial office; and victuallers from outside London could trade freely in the city (31-60). 3. Senior officials opposed to Northampton were to be replaced by his sup porters. Northampton's followers stirred up dissension between '[t]he worthy

16 Introduction persones & the smale people of the town' (72), by stating that anyone opposing them was against the common good (61-74). 4. A bill was obtained requiring John Philpot to return certain moneys he had borrowed while mayor. Northampton's intent was to ensure that Philpot would be deprived of all public office (75-82). 5. Northampton conspired in secret before his second election to ensure his return to office. He planned to have the city ordinances confirmed by the king in Parliament and made into statutes of the realm (83-93). 6. Northampton had Usk inform the common people about the ordinance against London fishmongers so they would choose Norbury and Essex for Parliament, where they would sponsor a similar petition for enactment into statute. This article is omitted in the++++++++++++++++perhaps it was felt toimpugn the integrity of Parliament (94-103). 7. At the same Parliament a patent was obtained to allow the mayor to prosecute moneylenders (104-26). 8. Unfounded charges were made against some of Brembre's men. Brembre was to be indicted for the 'meigtenance of Thomas Farndon' (131-2), but Northampton's supporter More changed his mind and the charge was not made (127-34). 9. Before Brembre's election, Northampton sent More, Norbury, Essex, and Usk to the goldsmiths' hall to rally support for Northampton's re-election. If Northampton lost, they were to give him full support against the new mayor (135-54). 10. On the night before the election More told his men to be armed at the Guildhall next day and to admit only Northampton's supporters to the election (155-60). 11. After the election Northampton prepared to assemble his followers in the goldsmiths' hall to upset the election. He sent Norbury, Rysby, and Usk to Gaunt asking for a royal writ to call a new election. They were refused (16182). 12. At the meeting next day Northampton vilified Brembre and rallied his followers to upset the election. Only the timely arrival of the aldermen prevented open violence (183-98). 13. During his time in office Northampton traduced the common people into supporting him for what he represented as the 'comun profit' (208). He encouraged the common people to be rebellious against their rulers: 'that ys in poynt to truble al the realme; & the city hath stonde in grete doute & yet doth' (199234; quotation in lines 224-6). 14. Northampton encouraged the people to support him and sent Usk to the Bowe to show a petition against Northampton in order to rally the common people in his aid (235-45).

Introduction

17

Here the text of the Appeal becomes badly damaged. 15. When Northampton was arrested [on 7 February 1384], Franceys, Lincolle, and Usk were sent to inform Gaunt that Northampton was the best mayor who had ever held office and to calumniate Brembre (ca. 246-50). 16. On 11 February More, Norbury, Franceys, and others incited a riot against Brembre. A sign of the start was the closing of doors and windows of shops in certain streets of London++++++xtact I, 33-4; apparently this item+ was not in the Appeal}. After line 250 little sense can be made of the damaged text of the Appeal, but there is another reference to 'the duk' (254), probably John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. The Coram Rege Rolls material continues with a recapitulation of some of the charges and describes Northampton's arrest. The charges in the Appeal are plausible. Northampton tried to pack the Common Council with his own men and to disqualify his powerful opponents, who were represented to the common people as opposed to their interests. He tried to undermine the economic power of his opponents by breaking their trade monopolies and regulating their moneylending. He tried to prevent access to the election hall by all who opposed him. When all his efforts failed and he los office, he resorted to civil commotion and was determined enough to go outside London and ask Gaunt for help. Brembre used Usk's information skilfully and persuaded the king that his interests were being threatened by what, in fact, had affected little outside London. As noted above, an allusive summary of the main points of the Appeal, especially items 3, 9, 12 to 14, and 16, occurs in the Testament, 1.6.104^12. The passage rom 119 to 122 may refer to items 4 and 7 of the+++++++but the language is too vague for certainty. Lines 125 to 138 are probably a repetition of the charges in items 10 to 12. Despite the apparent relevance of the++++++to this passage in the+++++++++++me cautionis necessary in isolating historical ll+u sions. Lines 115 to 117, which have the appearance of being a reference to events in London, are taken amost wod fo+r word from Chaucer's+Boece: '[T]he governementz of cites, ilefte in the handes/of felonous turmentours citezeens, ne schulde/noght bryngen in pestilence and destruccioun to/goode folk' (I.pr4.36-9). Such use is less an argument against the applicability of the words to the situation in London, however, than a striking illustration of the way Usk places events of his own history in a literary and philosophical context. In the Testament he was less concerned with chronicling events than with conveying his sense of their full significance. Consequently, the autobiographical elements are not the end purpose of the discussion in the Testament, even though they loom large. Usk was brought to Reading by Brembre as directed by the king's warrant of 6 August. The continuator of the Polychronicon records that Usk was the chief

18 Introduction witness against Northampton at the trial, and he repeated the articles of his Appea++S]tans coram rege et toto consilio dixit: "Ego Thomas Husk proditor civitatis Londoniae et totius regni scienter scripsi ea et celavi quae Johannes Northampton cum omnibus fautoribus in destructionem et enervationem civitatis praedictae proposuit ordinare." Sicque ibidem seriatim in diversis articulis mala non pauca et odiosa contra Johannem Northampton et complices sine erubescentia publicavit ac eum super eisdem articulis sic appelavit'++Higden IX.45-6). Northampton denied the charges vigorously, calling Usk 'falsum ribaldum morteque dignum' (IX.46) and offered to settle the matter by judicial combat. The king proposed that the court proceed to judgment, and Northampton, clearly a bold man, then angered Richard by expressing the impolitic hope that the king would not judge him in the absence of John of Gaunt: 'Spero domine mi rex quod in absentia ducis Lancastrian avunculi vestri non vultis ad judicium procedere neque in ista causa pro tribunali sedere' (IX.46). The king sentenced him to be drawn and hanged and confiscated all his goods. As a result of the queen's intercession, Richard remitted the punishment to perpetual imprisonment. The sentence was harsh, but allowance must be made for the fact that the king was only seventeen in 1384, and Northampton had taunted him on a sensitive issue. More, Norbury, and others were ordered to be arrested on 20 August (Close Rolls 1381-5, 474-5). On the same day Brembre was directed to take Usk back to London and keep him in safe custody (ibid., 476). More and Norbury were brought before the king and his council in Westminster on 4 September and remitted to the Tower for trial (Patent Rolls 1381-5, 470).25 After some further hearings, the three men were tried in the Tower in the second week of September. Robert Tresilian, Lord High Justice, hesitated to pass judgment on the grounds that the prisoners were under the mayor's jurisdiction. The trial was presided over by John de Montagu, the king's seneschal. As noted before, all the accused freely acknowledged themselves to be guilty; they were sentenced by Montagu to be drawn and hanged. As soon as sentence was passed, Michael de la Pole, the king's chancellor, entered with writs of Privy Seal directing that the sentences not be carried out until further notice. On 26 September the sentences were reduced to perpetual banishment: the men were ordered, on pain of death, not to approach within eighty miles of London. This remission was the result of 'the urgent prayer of John, Duke of Lancaster'++++++++++++307).2. That Gaunt gave no help in January and February of 1384 is a good indication that he was not then Northampton's patron. On the other hand, Northampton's bold remark at the trial in August and Gaunt's intercession to reduce the sentences passed in September indicate that by then he had committed himself

Introduction

19

in support of Northampton. From then on the two men worked together closely; Gaunt soon obtained a full pardon for Northampton, and they waited an opportunity to settle their score with Brembre and his supporters. On 24 September 1384 Usk was pardoned for his part in the disturbances caused by Northampton's party, but he was certainly a marked man, and his troubles continued, nor is this the last time Usk is mentioned in official documents until his appointment as under-sheriff in October 1387 (cf. Strohm, 'Politics and Poetics,' 87-8). A document in the Public Record Office allows the events of the nine months after Usk's pardon to be reconstructed in some detail. The document is dated 3 July 1385 and details an omnibus reimbursement of Nicholas Brembre for a series of expenditures he had incurred some time earlier for (1) discovery of Usk's whereabouts in England and for returning him to prison in London, (2) Usk's safekeeping for half a year, probably in Brembre's custody but not in prison, (3) delivery of Usk from prison to Reading, (4) capture and return to London of a certain 'apprentices' of Northampton, and (5) return of certain valuable articles taken by Northampton: In denariis allocatis Nicholao Brembre maiori London pro tot denariis per ipsum solutis per vices videlicet sex hominibus assignatis per commissionem Regis ad inquirendum in diversis partibus Anglic pro Thoma Husk clerico indictato de concensu et facto diversorum articulorum supermissorum super Johanne Norhampton nuper maiore London Johanne More Richardo Northbury et alijs et ad dictum Thomam virtute dicte commissionis capiendum et usque London ducendum ibidem prisone Regis manipandum quousque dominus Rex de dicto Thoma aliter duxerit ordinandum. vj. li. x. s. Necnon pro custibus et expensis ipsius Thome et trium hominum assignatorum per breve de magno sigilio Regis ad dictum Thomam salvo et secure custodiendum videlicet per spacium dimidij anni. xiij. li. xii. s. Ac eciam pro custibus et expensis factis super ipso Thoma videlicet in conductione quinque hominum et sex equorum ad salvo ducendum eundem Thomam iuxta mandatum brevis de magno sigilio Regis directi dicto maiori London de prisona Regis de Luddegate usque Redyng coram domino et consilio suo. cvi. s. Et pro custibus et expensis sex hominum missorum versus partes Kant ad capiendum ceteris de causis dominum Regem et consilium suum moventibus quendam apprenticium Johannis Norhampton supradicti in dictis partibus latitantem et usque London virtute mandati brevis Regis eundem apprenticium venire faciendum, iiij. li. xix s. Ac eciam pro tot denariis per ipsum maiorem solutis cuidam homini de regardo pro assiduo labore et diligentia per ipsum habitis ac custibus per ipsum hominem factis in explorando pro comodo Regis diversa vessellamenta argenti que fuerunt Johanni Norhampton in certis locis infra civitatem London concelata. xx. iiij. s. Per consideracionem consilij Regis ut patet per particulas remanentes in hanaperio de hoc termino xliij. li. xiij. s. viii. d. (Issue Roll E 403/508, m.17)27

20 Introduction While there is some controversy on this point, I shall here follow Bressie and Leyerle in suggesting that this order does not refer to the trial at Reading on 15 August 1384, when Usk's Appeal, which was similarly referred to in the Polychroncon+as being 'in diversis articulis,' was the main evidence against Northampton. His indictment was 'de concensu et facto diuersorum articulorum supermissorum super Johanne Northampton,' etc. It seems that the indictment descrbed here was a result of his making his++++++++++++++++++++++++++ behind the indictment is likely. Usk was kept under guard by three men for six months and then brought to Reading for trial before the king and his council. In 1385 the council at Reading began in June; Usk was therefore seized in December 1384 after a search 'in diuersis partibus Anglic' by six men. Shortly after his pardon in September 1384, it appears that Usk fled from London to escape the threat that Gaunt's support for Northampton presented. For two months, or so, in October and November of 1384, he was in flight from London, possibly the period of exile alluded to in 1.7.83-92 and 102-5. The trip mentioned at I.3.23ff. would also fit this occasion, except that Usk says that it took place long before: 'long sythen by many revolvyng of yeres, in tyme whan Octobre his leave gynneth take, and Novembre sheweth hym to syght.' If the words 'long sythen by many revolvyng of yeres' have literal significance, the allusion is to another trip in Usk's past of which we have no knowledge beyond this one remark. Between December 1384 and June 1385 Usk was once again in Brembre's custody, quite possibly in the same place where he had been the previous summer (1.6.68). One may reasonably infer that Gaunt prevailed on the king to arrest Usk for having turned against Northampton and written the Appeal. After Usk was captured, he was confined for a considerable time and then delivered for trial by Brembre, the man he had helped. Brembre probably did not have much choice in the matter, but Usk found the circumstances painful, as is clear from his remarks about the situation in the Testament at 1.6.143-80. Usk did not suffer from an adverse judgment in his trial of June 1385, possibly because Gaunt did not attend the meeting of the Council++++++++IX.60) Matters in London had calmed down considerably, and Usk would soon be receiving royal preferment. During the summer of that year he appears in records as serviens Regis and is sent to the west of England to requisition ships and sailors for an expedition to lift the siege of Damme, which had begun on 10 July 1385 (Issue Roll E 403/5II).28 The city surrendered on 23 August; his trip must have started before news of Damme's capitulation reached England. A series of Exchequer and Chancery documents, accounting payments to Usk for execution of similar royal commissions and dated between 10 May and 18 September 1386, refer to Usk as+++++++++++++++++++uring this period he travelled on the king's business in Essex, Kent, Surrey, and Sussex (Issue Roll E

Introduction 21 403/512 m.3, m.4, m.21; PRO C 76/71 m.20). He acted as mainpernor on 21 August and again on 10 September 1387 for Nicholas Exton, then mayor of Londo+++++++++++++++++++++++199-200). In these documents he is called the king's sergeant at arms. On 2 September 1387 the mayor and the sheriff of London were requested by the king to appoint Thomas Usk as under-sheriff of Middlesex. In a letter of Privy Seal dated 7 October 1387, the king expressed gratification that his request had been acted upon (Letter-Book H, 316-17). Thus, from May 1386 at the latest, although he may have been made one of Richard's sergeants at arms a good deal earlier, Usk was a fully acknowledged and perhaps even valued official of the king's court. All now seemed to be going well for him. Usk's appointment as under-sheriff of Middlesex would prove to be his undoing. Shortly after it was made, the king's uncle, Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, supported by Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, and Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, decided to protect their own prerogatives and interests by replacing the advisers around Richard with their own supporters. They were joined by Thomas Mowbray, the Earl of Nottingham, and by Gaunt's eldest son, Henry, Earl of Derby. They routed Robert de Vere, the Earl of Oxford and one of the king's closest supporters, at the battle of Radcotbridge on 20 December 1387 and marched to London, where they demanded the keys to the Tower in what amounted to a coup d'etat. On 27 December they walked with arms linked before the helpless king and appealed the king's supporters for treason. Their charge was that the members of the king's household had given the king bad counsel and taken upon themselves royal prerogatives. Thereafter the nobles involved were referred to as the Lords Appellant. Robert de Vere, Michael de la Pole, Alexander, Archbishop of York, Nicholas Brembre, and Robert Tresilian were indicted. The Lords Appellant were not content with the great. On 28 December the mayor and sheriff of London were ordered to take Thomas Usk into custody, to come before the king in chancery to give information(Close Rolls 1385-9,+++. The written appeal made by the Lords Appellant had thirty-nine articles; Usk was charged in Article 26: '& qe ceux faux Arestes, Enditementz, & Atteindres serroient faitz en Loundres, ou en Middelsex, & par celle cause firent une faux & malveise person' de lour covyne, Thomas Huske, d'estre Southviscont de Midd', qy par lour assent, procurement, & comandement, emprist, q les ditz faux Enditementz & Atteyndres serroient faitz & accomplies par la manere susdite'(Rot.parl.,IIl, 234). The Lords Appellant brought to trial as many of Richard's supporters as they could capture. The trials were held before the king in Parliament during February and March 1388, later called the Merciless Parliament.29 After being con-

22 Introduction demned+++++++++++resilian was dragged from sanctuary and executed on 19 February; the next day Brembre followed him to Tyburn. On 3 March Usk and John Blake were brought before Parliament for trial. Usk's defence was that he did what he did on behalf of the king+++++++++II.240). Parliament reconvened next day and decided that Usk's defence proved his guilt because he appeared to the Lords Appellant, who controlled Parliament, to be arrogating royal authority to himself. The charge was as flimsy as the logic of judgment, but the lack of substance in the proceedings is beside the point; the Lords Appellant had decided to remove Usk, and remove him they did. Sentence was passed at once that Usk, 'come Traitour & apiert Enemy du Roi & de Roialme, feusse treyne, pendu, & decolle, & son chief assis sur la Porte de Newgate de Loundres; & q'il & ses heires feussent desheritez a touz jours, & ses Terres, Tenemenz, Biens, & Chateux, forfaitz au Roi+++++++++II.240). The sentence was carried out on the same day that it was pronounced. The continuator of the Polychronicon gives an account of the execution that is worth quoting in full: Item quarto die Martii in pleno parliamento adjudicati fuerunt trahi et suspendi Johannes Blake et Thomas Uske, qui cum magna contritione cordis summaque poenitentia mortem suscepit dicensque cum traheretur valde devote 'Placebo' et 'Dirige,' 'vii. Psalmi Poenitentiales,' Te Deum Laudamus,' 'Nunc Dimittis,' 'Quicunque Vult,' et alios in articulo mortis devotionem tangentes, cujus contritio fuit aliis in exemplum corrigere suorum vitam retrahendo se a malo et ad bonum se quantocius convertendo. Demum iste Thomas Uske fuit suspensus ac incontinenti depositus, ac pos+++++++++++++++++++++ decapitatus semper usque ad mortem nunquam fatebatur se deliquisse contra Johannem Northampton, sed erant omnia vera quae de eo praedicaverat coram rege in quodam consilio habito apud Radyngum anno elapso. (IX. 169)

This account has the sound of an eyewitness report. Usk's concern for his soul is apparent in this description; it has echoes of his own statement in the Testament at 1.6.77-8, that no one can help the soul of a man who dies in a state of sin. He went to his death a penitent, but in the midst of the horrors of his execution Usk insisted that the articles of his Appeal of Northampton were all true. His insistence shows that he was well aware that he was being killed because of theAppeal. The sentence for decapitation and display was the most humiliating adjudged by the Merciless Parliament. According to Knighton, Usk's head was placed above Newgate 'causa opprobrii parentelae suae quae in illis partibus civitatis morabatur' (II.294).30 The sentence also indicates that Usk's Appeal and the cir-

Introduction 23 cumstances that led to it were apparently viewed as an action requiring special vengeance. There is a note of almost gleeful sarcasm in the description of Usk's brutal execution written by Thomas Favent, a sympathizer of the cause of the Lords Appellant, who was probably an eyewitness of the Merciless Parliament: 'Ast, truncato capite Thome Usk, postquam suspenditur, super Newegate Londonie volucrum rostribus lacerandum priuilegio mittitur' (20).31 In the turbulent events of which Usk was a part, simple moral or political judgments rarely apply. He was not, of course, guilty of treason in the sense that the word is used ordinarily, but his association with Brembre's group and his declarations in the Appeal made him an obvious target of the Lords Appellant, who used the charge of 'treason' to eliminate their political enemies. Usk's execution was little more than judicial murder, and May McKisack's summary of the actions of this session of Parliament registers the disapproval of a later age: 'The Merciless Parliament well deserved its name. Never before in our history, not even in the dark days of Edward II, had legal sanction been claimed for the destruction on such flimsy pretexts of so many men of gentle birth. It may readily be conceded that the courtiers, or most of them, were greedy, irresponsible, provocative, and wrong-headed; but none of them was a criminal and none'was deserving of murder by act of parliament' (459). Usk changed sides partly because of personal reasons and partly because of convictions, set out in the Testament, that he owed loyalty to the king and that peace was the chief function of good government. The articles of his Appeal against Northampton and his supporters were admitted by them in the trial of September 1384. Usk became one of Richard's trusted servants and died in a purge of the king's close supporters in what amounted to a++++++++++++fa ioned by the Lords Appellant; even during his execution he protested the truth of the Appeal at the immediate peril of his soul if he were lying. He does not merit the contempt given him by those who have not taken the trouble to ascertain the circumstances of his life and times. In the oft-quoted words of Paul Strohm, 'A decent and epistemologically humble stab at comprehension, rather than judgment, is what we can offer poor Usk now' (Hochon 's Arrow, 160).32 These events of his life have been set forth at some length here because the Testament is filled with autobiographical allusions and needs something of its original context for adequate understanding. Even so, many of the references remain obscure; doubtless, events that could be evoked by the barest allusion in the 1380s have left too little record for us to identify them six hundred years later. Consequently, no attempt has been made to explain allusions unless the explanation fits the facts known from other sources and is consistent with the whole of the Testament.

24 Introduction 3. The Date of theTestament+of Lov The date of the+++++++++an be established with some precision because of the autobiographical allusions in the text. There are a number of references to confinement in prison throughout Books I and II. The first two occur in the first chapter of Book I: 'I endure my penaunce in this derke prisone ... Howe shulde I... endure in this contrarious prison?' (1.1.14, 33-4). In context, both of these could be interpreted as being figurative, but the inquiry addressed to Love asking why she has deigned 'to entre into so foule a dongeon, and namely a prisone, without leave of my kepers' (1.2.23-5) is likely an allusion to a real prison. The passage has no paralel in the++++++++++and cannot be explained a merely the use of that source. At 1.3.102 Usk refers to the 'bondes and chaynes' that hold him. The reference at 1.6.67-72 is the basis for Bradley's statement in +++++++++++++++++++++++++++that 'Usk speaks of his first imprisonment as a thing of the past.'33 This conclusion is sound, but it rests on more than this one passage. At II.4.95-6 Love points out that Usk was, at first, loath to change his views when he was 'arested and fyrste tyme enprisoned.' This and the following reference to the time when 'thy king and his princes, by huge wordes and great, loked after variaunce in thy speche' (11.4.103^4) must refer to the trial of Northampton before the king and his council at Reading in August 1384. Yet at the writing of the Testament, Usk says that 'nowe am I enprisoned' (11.10.50); this is the last certain reference to actual imprisonment.34 The allusion to 'this present scorg3 of my flessh' (III.9.62) may be to confinement, but it could equally well refer to sickness; cf. III. 1.154-5. At III.5.133 Usk is said by Love only to be 'in disease'; cf. 11.14.62. Not all the references to prison are literal, for Usk clearly gave his prison an additional transferred significance in the Testament. At 1.3.127ff. his keeper, who has bound him 'in stockes,' is Sir Daunger. Love tells Usk at II.8.112-13 that his 'first out-waye goynge,' the ill-advised service to Northampton, 'prison and exile may be cleped.' Usk refers to it as an 'enprisonment' at II. 11.4. This tendency to give real circumstances heightened significance is characteristic of the+Testamen and means that caution is necessary so as to avoid too literal a reading. The only alleviating factors mentioned in the+++++++++++++++++++++++ and an allusion to the king's pardon of him on 24 September 1384, given after his first imprisonment: Trewly, I wol that thou it wel knowe, for I se the so set and no chaungynge herte haddest in my servyce. And I made thou haddest grace of thy kynge in for-yevenesse of mykel misdede. To the gracious kyng arte thou mykel holden, of whose grace and goodnesse somtyme herafter I thinke the enforme, whan I shew the grounde whereas moral vertue groweth' (II.4.107-12). The allusion at II. 14.67-9 is probably to the pardon also.

Introduction

25

Thus far the evidence leads to several conclusions. Books I and II were probably written in prison, but this prison is invested with transferred significance, making care necessary in estimating where history leaves off and allegory starts. This is not the imprisonment of July through September 1384, because it is spoken of as passed and there is clear reference to the pardon that ended it. Book III was written in a state of 'disease' and no mention of the prison is made, even at the end where such a reference could be expected, if Usk were then in prison. The question remains whether the++++++++was composed during the second or third imprisonment. The references in chapter 6 of Book I are to the Appeal and to the fact that the validity of Usk's evidence is being impugned. One of Love's declared reasons for visiting Usk is to attest to the truth of his statements; see 1.2.155 and 170-1. Love's 'witnessynge' (1.2.166), or declaration, gives the work its title of+Testament of Love, which means the 'testimony of Love.' The MED records this sense in VIII.2955* of Gower's+++++++b); it seems the sense was anticipated by Usk by a number of years. This testimony, or evidence, supports the truth of Usk's Appeal by showing that his support of Northampton was a 'de[vi]acion,' or 'goyng out of trewe way' (III. 1.6). In Book II the 'deviacion' is described and its errors explained from a philosophical point of view derived from Boethius. In Book III the 'trewe way' is shown to be the innate propensity of man's will to choose the good, a demonstration taken from St Anselm. Thus, the whole work arises from the events of July and August 1384. Although the references in II.9.96-102 and 11.13.113-14 would also fit the third imprisonment, the case of the Lords Appellant against Usk is not relevant to anything in the text. The passages at III.5.130-7 and III.8.6-11 refer to Usk's service to Northampton. The articles of the++++++are almost certainly the 'thinges that nowe han brought the in disease' (III.5.132-3). In sum, the whole of the Testamen++s directed towards substantiating and justifying Usk's charges in the Appeal+nd has no demonstrable reference to anything that happened after the end of Usk's second imprisonment in June or July 1385. In Book III Love expresses wonder that Usk passes so lightly over the law that 'rewardeth and yeveth mede to hem that lawe strengthen' (III.2.9-10). She continues by advising him 'apartly thy mede might thou chalenge' (III.2.28). Lines 108-9 of the same chapter make the point that righteousness deserves reward. Love defines good service as 'resonable workynges in plesaunce and profile of thy soverayne' (III.2.39-40). There is no reference at all to the preferment he received from the king in the summer of 1385. Such preferment could hardly be ignored in such a passage without risking the king's displeasure for ingratitude.. The evidence about dating is consistent and fairly conclusive. The+Testament

26 Introduction was probably composed between December 1384 and June 1385. The first two books were written in prison, but the conditions were lenient enough for Usk to have been able to compose a long and quite complex work. Book III may have been written while Usk was in Brembre's custody at his house; the expense for three men to guard Usk indicates that some special provision was made, hardly necessary in an ordinary jail. This half-year imprisonment would provide sufficient time for composition, but the final imprisonment in 1387-8 of less than three months appears to be too short. Certainly he was able to make close and continuing use of Anselm's+++++++++++while he wrote Book III, and he had access to other books throughout the time he was writing Books I and II. The total absence of allusions to prison in the Prologue to Book I indicates that this prologue, like many others, was probably written last. One difficulty with this dating is Tatlock's argument in The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works+++++++++++++++++++Legend of Good Women+n three places (20-4).35 Aside from the general objection that this bor rowing would date the LGW before the summer of 1385, the individual passages do not bear out Tatlock's contention. He suggests that I.Prol.87-98 is baed on the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 21) that the source for Usk's passage is the++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the reference to Jason in 1.2.80-1 as coming from the++++++++1368 and 137 bu R.K. Root argues convincingly that the similarities are too general to show borrowing (138-9). The same applies to the third passage, 1.3.104-5, supposedly taken from the LGW F 278-9. See the notes to the individual passages in this edition for details. Tatlock's claim thus is not supported by the evidence. Stephen Medcalf proposes another composition date for the++++++++++++ gesting it 'shows evidence of having been written under two sets of circumstances, the first in the period leading up to his under-sheriffship, the second when he was aware of the risk that his life was forfeit' ('World and Heart,' 232). The autobiographical data in the+++++++++llow for the work's composition to be dated between December 1384 and June+++++++++++++++++++++++ suppor this date for the composition of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ its author's immediate and practical objective: Usk began to received royal favour in the summer of 1385. 4. The Sources of the+++++++++f Love The only author Usk singles out for praise is his colleague and friend Geoffrey Chaucer, whose work he made use of throughout the++++++++++e borrowed from three of Chaucer's works, the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++and Boece31

Introduction 27 A long passage from the House of Fame, lines 269-359, is woven into II.3.41-72, often with phrases taken from the source without change. Skeat's comment about this unacknowledged borrowing, which is quoted in the note to the passage, ignores the fact that many passages in Chaucer's work show the same sort of dependence on his sources, as does a significant amount of all learned writing from the Middle Ages. The passage at III.6.51-64 about how all things have their natural places has echoes of the++++ines 737-56, which may well be the specific source. A third place of possible use of the HF is at 1.8.834; this passage does draw on the++++++++++++I.pr7.8-10, however, which be the source for both Chaucer and Usk. Infuence from++++++++++++++++++is scattered. There are thirteen passages that appear to be derived from Tr, although the debt is clearer for some than for others. Testament 1. I.Prol.68-9 2. 1.1.8 3. 1. 1.64 and III. 1.123 4. 1.2.147-8 5. 1.3.109 6. 1.6.68-9 7. II.8. 108-9 8.+II.9. 105-6 9. IH.4.230-40 10. III.5. 135-8 11. III.7.30-4 12. III.7.43-4 13. III.7.87-8

Troilus and Criseyde

I V.I 540 V.I 396 III. 1282 IV. 460-1 III.527 V.6-7 1.217 III. 1656-9 IV. 953-1074 II. 715-18 II. 538-9 V. 1432-3 II. 1380-3

Eight of these items (3-5, 7, 10-13) are proverbs, an interesting point in itself, and one that suggests a further reservation about the degree of borrowing. By their nature, proverbs are not good evidence for literary borrowing,38 but Usk's repetition of phrase and idiom is occasionally striking, as for items 4, 10, and 13. Here Usk's debt to Chaucer seems clear. The random order of selections from Tr shows that Usk did not follow the order of that poem in any sustained manner. The most important of these borrowings from+++++++++++++++++++is the passage a III.4.230-40. Here Love refers Usk to+++++++++++++++++++++++

28 Introduction

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Testament

Boece

1.6.20-5 1.6.115-17 1.9.33 1.10.65-8 II.2.92 II.2.101ff. II.2.107-9 II.2.112-17 II.7.17-18 II.7.45 H.8.60-3 II.8.95-6 II.9.125-7 II.10.60-3 11.10.78-94

I.pr4.288-94 I.pr4.36-9 I.pr4.261-2 II.pr2.32-5 II.pr3.35 III.pr6.34ff+. III.pr6.47-51 III.m6.10-14 II.pr5.7-9 III.pr5.33^ III.pr6.4-8 III.pr8.59-61 II.pr2.72-6 II.pr4.77-84 II.pr3.37-51

and foreknowledge; for details about the borrowing, see the note to the passage. Love's reference is to the soliloquy of Troilus in Book IV.953-1074, itself taken from the++++++++++.pr2 and pr3. As Root has shown, this passage was not in the first version of the poem+++++++++++++++++16-20). Usk therefore kne the revised version of Tr in which this passage appears. The reference by Love has an interesting bearing on the dating of Tr. The unusual planetary situation referred to in Tr III.624ff. is an allusion to an actual rare conjunction that took place in mid-May 1385. This planetary conjunction is an important piece of evidence for dating Tr and it coincides exactly with the time when Usk was well advanced in writing the++++++++++f he spent about two months on each book he was working on Book III in April and May of 1385. A further point of interest arises; Usk must have seen Tr almost as soon as Chaucer finished it, if, indeed, he did not see it in the making. A scrivener by profession, he may even have had some hand in the process of copying it. The evidence points to a close contact between the two men. Details can only be conjectured, but there is little question that++++as in substantially finished form, including the soliloquy of Troilus in Book IV, in May of 1385 when Usk used it. This is the strongest evidence for precise dating of Tr that has appeared. Usk's greatest debt to Chaucer was his use of+++++++++++++++++++++ considerable, it was exaggerated by Skeat, whose opinion has been taken as authoritative. There are passages that certainly come, almost word for word, from++++++these passages are listed above.39

Introduction

29

Items in this list are not of equal value in determining Usk's use of+Boece Some are certainly from Boece, such as the passage at 1.6.20-5, where Usk incorporates the gloss that Chaucer added to his translation. Other passages are no more than verbal parallels that may indicate little more than the fact that both Chaucer and Usk translate the same source. The list above may easily look more impressive than it is, because most of the passages are less than five lines long, but the Testament is a book-length work of over 6000 lines of prose. Even f the items listed are accepted as being certain borrowings from++++++++he tot still amounts to only about 1 per cent of the whole Testament. Another point worth remarking is the absence of parallels with Boece in Book III; there Usk follows another source on the subject of free will and foreknowledge, St Anselm's De concordia. The allusion at III.4.239-40 to the passage in Book IV o+++++++here Troilus reflects on free will and foreknowledge Boethian terms shows that Usk was well aware of Chaucer's treatment of the subject. He might have used it, or its source in the++++++++++had he wished but he was not a slavish imitator of Chaucer's work and used St Anselm's text, which suited his purposes better than did the Consolatio, Boece, or Troilus and Criseyde. Usk's borrowings from Boece in the period from December 1384 to about April 1385 provide external evidence that Chaucer had finished his translation before then. This dating is the widely accepted one, but has been based mainly on the chronology of Chaucer's other works and their relations to++oece. In addtion to the use he made o+++++++Usk drew heavily on the original. particularly in Book II. The protests that Boethius makes against bad government and the imprisonment he suffered when he tried to put matters right find parallels in Usk's situation. One significant difference exists, and Usk emphasizes it: he had made an error in following Northampton. Indeed, much of Book I is a statement and explanation of what he calls his 'de[vi]acion, that is to say, goyng out of trewe way' (III. 1.6), or 'erroure of mysse-goynge' (III. 1.22-3), and Book II is a treatment in Boethian terms of the implications of that error. Book I is too heavily autobiographical for Usk to make extensive use of the Consolatio+ntil chapters 8 and 10, which start the transition from his persona. concerns to the philosophical reflections of Book II. The significant correspondences between Book I and the+++++++++++are as displayed below Usk's description of Book II is revealing: 'In the seconde, is grace in good waye proved, whiche is [vjaylinge, without deserte, thylke first mysse amendynge in correction of tho erroures [in] even waye to bringe, with comforte of welfare into amendement wexynge' (III. 1.24-7). In Book II reliance on Boethius is heavy. Usk's change of sides and subsequent tribulations had resulted in the loss of his property, position, and good

30

Introduction Testament

1. 1.2.33 2. 1.4.22-5 3. 1.4.35-40 4.+++++++ .6.15-33 .8.83-123 5.+++++++++ .10.10-16 6++++++++++. 7. .10.23-36 .10.76-107 8.++++++++++

Philosophiae consolatio I.pr3.8-10 I.pi2.2-4 Il.mS II.pr6.6-27 and I V.pr6. 160-71 II.pr7.8-75 I.pr4. 132-40 I.m5 H.prS (possibly with some use of Boece)

reputation. Languishing in jail, he set out, following the example of Boethius, to show that these worldly benefits are insubstantial and have no lasting value. By distracting men, such benefits tend to lead them out of the true way, with the result that civil peace and order in government of cities and realms are mpaired.++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ power of II.7; and rename, 'good reputation,' of II.8. There is some overlap in the list below with the correspondences already noted with++++++++he heavy use that Usk made of Books II and III of the Consolatio is noteworthy; the details of that use are displayed in the following table.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Testament

Philosophiae consolatio

H.2.109-12 II.4.3-19 II.4.20-36 H.4.58-82 II.5 H.6.1-73 H.6.102toend II.6.68-9 II.7.1-95 II.8.63-90 II.8.91-5 11.10.24-30 11.10.31-9 11.10.60-78, H.10.94 to II. 11.20 II. 11.65-9

III.m6 III.pr2.2-l 3 II.pr2.13-21 II.pr5, pr.6, and pr.7 Il.prS (with verbal parallels with Boece) II.pr6 (with verbal parallels with+Boece) III.pr4 II.m6, III.m4 Il.prS III.pr6 IH.prS. 19-25 HI.m7 II.pr3.19-30 II.pr3 and pr4 III.m8.3-8andl7-18

Introduction

31

Use of the++++++++++s very limited in Book III. There is one certain borrowing and another passage that may be based less directly on the text: Testament 1. III.3.158ff. 2. IH.4.49-58

Philosophiae consolatio V.pr6.75-6 V.pr6.6ff. (a comparison, rather than the source)

The reason for the sharply restricted use of the Consolatio in Book III is that Usk is not concerned about the problem of free will and foreknowledge so much as with the nature of free will itself. In an article of central importance to an understanding of Book III, George Sanderlin shows that Usk makes extensive use of St Anselm's++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ in II. 13.8-19 and II. 13.62-3, as indicated in the notes to those passages. Starting with III.2.137, Usk follows+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ing his source at length. He describes Book III as being concerned with the 'joye and blysse graunted to hym that wel canne deserve it, and hath savour of understandynge in the tyme of grace' (III. 1.27-9). Usk uses Anselm's arguments to present the idea that the will has a natural aptitude to good, although free to choose evil. Usk's point is that his rejection of Northampton was an act of free will in which he turned away from evil and reasserted the innate propensity of his free will towards good (see III.8.144-76 and the note to the passage). Unfortunately, Anselm's incremental ratiocination does not lend itself easily to adaptation and reshaping, nor is his discussion easy to follow. Usk makes changes that confuse Anselm's logic, chiefly the substitution of the word love, in various grammatical forms, for a variety of conceptions in the original, particularly those described by the words justitia and rectitudo. He occasionally mistranslates his source. The greatest difficulty, however, arises from the serious corruption of Usk's text. The Bradley shift, as simplified here, repairs the worst aspects of the corruption, but other lesser ones are all too frequent: passages are repeated, left out, or rewritten erroneously by an uncomprehending scribe or typesetter. There is not another text in early English literature that presents such difficulties as occur in Book III; with patience many of them can be resolved, however, and reasonable sense obtained from most o+f this part of the++estament. Usk translates a good deal of+++++++++++but not so much of it as Sanderlin says. He often paraphrases or condenses the work and occasionally adds substantial interpolations into material drawn from Anselm. Details are given in the notes to the relevant passages. The following list is a guide to the major correspondences between Book III of the++++++++++++++++++++++

32 Introduction

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Testament

De concordia

III.2.137^2 III.3 III.4.1-222, less 206-11 III.4.223-9 III.5.51-85 III.5.89-101 III.7.115-19 III.8.19-35 III.8.38-78 III.8.81toend HI.9.1-3 III.9.6-34

1.1 (the beginning) 1.1-3 1.3-5 1.7 III. 11 III. 11 (a parallel, rather than a source) III.5 III.3 (a parallel, rather than a source) III.4 (free translation, almost paraphrase) III. 12-13 111.14 II.2-3

Book III draws on one other text, which, like TV, presents interesting problems of dating and shows Usk's active interest in the composition of his contemporaries in England. The tree of charity, a sustained image in chapters 5 through 7, also appears in Piers Plowman B.XVI.23-6, but the similarity is not enough to indicate it as a source (see the note to 111.7.60-4). Usk's treatment of this image has been mentioned at the end of the appendix that follows the+++++++++elow. The order of the discussion, beginning in chapter 5 with the ground where the tree grows and concluding in chapter 7 with the tree's fruit of grace and charity, has major bearing on the simplification of the Bradley shift. This image of charity as a tree is unusual, but the obligation of the++++++++ +++++++imited as it is to a few lines of text in that poem, is dubious.++++++ suggests in his notes, followed by Sister Mary Aquinas Devlin in 'The Date of the C Version+of Piers the Plowman,++++++++++++++++++++++++ the parallel passages again makes that view doubtful. Lucy Lewis's 'Langland's Tree of Charity and Usk's Wexing Tree' contains a detailed analysis of the differences between Usk's and Langland's use of the image and concludes that 'Usk's "wexing tree" ... has its origins in Anslem's treatise [De concordia] rather than in+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++ut they are not sufficient for a convincing argument to be made about which version (if either) they come from. Items 1, 3, and 5 are proverbial and therefore of little value in showing borrowings. Item 2 is not very close to the passage in++++++++++++++++++++.. as easily from the B-text as from the C-text. No borrowing in the++++++++

Introduction

33

Testament+++++++++

1. 1.3.135-6 II.9.158-9 II.13.79ff. 2. 1.5.104-5 3. 1.7.53 4. II.6.144-5 5. II.9.117-20

B.XVIII.4(C.XXI.212) C.VII.23-6 C.II.145 C.VII.290 all in Latin C.XVIII.40 B.V.587 (C.VIII.225) B.XVIII.409-10 (C.XXI.456-7)

from the C-text can be demonstrated convincingly, a conclusion shared by others (Shoaf 14-17). Intriguingly, Anne Middleton, in 'Thomas Usk's "Perdurable Letters,'" suggests just the opposite, that Usk's text and life find echoes in Langland's text (101). The other sources of the Testament can be treated briefly here, text by text, in summary form. Details are in the notes to the passages cited below. 1. There are many references to the Bible and a number of citations, drawn from books in both the Old and the New Testaments. At 1.5.91-2 Usk shows acquaintance with biblical commentary. 2. At II. 1.70-1 Usk uses material ultimately derived from Gregory's 26th Homily from+XL homiliarum in evangelia libri duo,ut the point was a commonplace in medieval literature and cannot be attributed to a specific source. 3. There are apparent references at I.Prol.62 and III. 1.38-46 to theDe+proprletatibus rerum by Bartholomaeus Anglicus. This work is probably the source for material on the nature of pearls, at II. 12.29^48 and III. 1.38-46, but the DPR is a compendium of earlier authorities, such as Isidore, and became, in turn, a source for others. Here it may only be representative of Usk's source rather than the specific one. 4. Schaar suggests that Usk used+++++++++++++++++++++y Alanus de In II.2.1-16 and II.9.27-39+++++++++++Testament, 16-18, 27-8). The parallels are too distant for establishing specific borrowings, but the similarities are sufficient to indicate that Usk knew the work. Schaar suggests elsewhere that the phrase++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++III (1872, 511) is the source for Usk's image of the 'knot in the hert' introduced at II.4.123-7 ('Usk's "Knot in the hert,'" 260-1).43 Perhaps Usk looked no furher for the image than Chaucer's+++++++++++++++++++ poem filled with images of binding and of the heart;44 the narrator reports, for example, that

34 Introduction Criseyde is 'slydynge of corage' (V.825) and that 'bothe Troilus and Troie town shal knotteles thorughout hire herte slide' (V.768-9). +++++++++++++++++++++a source for several historical or pseudo-historical references. The Latin version seems to be used at 1.6.42-3, II.7.104, and III.2.17ff., and Trevisa's English translation at I.Prol.73-98 and 11.2.104-6 (cf. 1.2.81-2, II.7.15-17, and III. 1.4-23). For details, see the notes to the passages cited. Usk's probable use of Trevisa's English version is interesting because Trevisa tells us that he did not finish that work until 1387. Usk's borrowings from the English version are early in that work; he must have seen it as the translation was in progress, perhaps in his professional work as a scrivener. He clearly kept up with what was being written in the London of his day: he uses +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++almost as soon as Chaucer finishe them and Trevis++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 6. At II.14.22ff. Usk apparently draws on Augustine's+++++++++++nd may use that work again at III.2.81-3. 7. There are several citations attributed to Aristotle, but none can be pinpointed to a precise source. Usk probably drew such material from a florilegium, rather than from a Latin version of Aristotle's writing. ++++++++++++++++++a work of a well-read man who undertook an ambi-. tious composition based on his own experience and his reading. Although the +++++++++as an autobiographical basis, it opens Usk's personal concerns into large concerns of literature and philosophy. In the process, the work's origin and coherence tend to be somewhat blurred. The irony of its history is that readers have so concentrated on the large concerns that they missed the personal ++++++++++++++++++n which everything else in the work turns. Without an understanding of this personal basis the+++++++++s all but unintelligible. 5. Some Notes on Significance The text of the+++++++++++++++as been a source of both admiration and co tion for its modern readers and editors. It has passages of great beauty and wit: 1.3.23-53, 123-6; 5.106-10; 9.43-8; II.2.42-67; 3.75-84; 14.35-9.45+Other passages present such great difficulties as to produce only bafflement: I.Prol.l03ff.; 9.71-81; II. 1.12-16, 35-8, 48-53, 85-9; 6.33-5; 9.68-75; ffl.3.146-51; 4.25-9, 187-93; 6.84-8. Readers will no doubt find other passages that either delight or perplex. Such judgments are necessarily subjective. ++++++++++++s significant for a number of reasons. Stephen Medcalf points out that if one excludes the works of English mystical writers, it may well be 'the first work of original philosophy in the English language' ('Transposition,'

s++++++++++++ 181). Usk may also be 'the first user in English of a whole clutch of terms of philosophy -++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ibid.). In 'Private Selves and the Intellectual Marketplace,' Andrew Galloway sees both the social vision informing the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ self through his text as 'Proto-humanist,' suggesting that Usk anticipates the Italian humanists of a later century who would 'extol human rational abilities and the human capacity for self-redemption by rational means' (302)++ ++++++++++++ also significant for the way it applies the language of lov+ to the subject of political power, reversing the process, begun earlier in the Middle Ages, of applying the language of political power to the subject of love (see the notes to 1.3.127; III.5.79-83). In this Usk is not alone, nor the first. As Sylvia Federico has noted in 'A Fourteenth-Century Erotics of Politics: London as a Feminine New Troy,' Gower's and Walsingham's descriptions of the rebellion of 1381 and Maidstone's poem about the reconciliation of Richard II and the city of London are fraught with sexual imagery, intertwining 'the two discourse of erotics and polities' (133). However, Usk's+++++++++++s to have accomplished this transfer on a more sustained and extended level than any previous Middle English works.47 Of course, the significance of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++is ultimately for the reader to decide. However, because of the difficulties of Usk's text outlined above, I have here adapted Stephen Medcalf's eminently sensible device of using the acrostic as an aid in memorizing the+++++++++++++++++ of thought' ('World and Heart,' 229-30). This table is only a general guide to +++++++++++++++++++++++t is a useful starting point, nothing more.

Book+++++++++++++++++ I

Prologue++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ author. 1. A In prison, he entreats the favour of his beloved, the absent Margaryte. 2. R Lady Love enters his prison, and encourages him. A dialogue between the two commences. 3. G Usk tells of an allegorical sea voyage during which Love reveals to him the Margaret pearl. He despairs of ever attaining the Margaryte and again laments his imprisonment. 4. A Love comforts him. She asks him the reasons for his despair. He answers: his undeserved infamy and the Margaryte's unparalleled preciousness.

36 Introduction Book

II

Chapter

Acrostic

5.

R

6.

E

7.

T

8.

E

9.

O

10.

F

1.

V

2.

I

3.

R

4.

T

5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

W H A V E

10.

M

Love assures him that these are not obstacles to those whom she helps. In an extensive autobiographical statement, Usk tells of his conversion from the Northampton faction and the reasons for it. Usk reaffirms the truth of his words. Love notes that his opponents confirmed his accusations and excoriates their character. Love assures Usk that his former misdeeds have been negated by his public conversion; the resulting slanders are no obstacle to the Margaryte. Love argues that only God is above humankind in the order of things. Therefore, Usk's love for the Margaryte is not above him. Love shows that good fortune is deceptive and bad fortune reveals the true nature of things. Their dialogue pauses. A prologue, in which the author sketches the rest of book II and alludes to a future treatise about the Margaryte. Love sings. Eclipsed by envy in the hearts of men, she withdraws to an island. Love is not in riches, and therefore has been rejected by both clergy and laymen. Love and the author resume their dialogue. The merciful nature of women leaves them vulnerable to the treacherous infidelity of men. They discuss Usk's early misteps and his attempts to attain bliss in love by means of the four bodily goods: riches, dignities, renown, and power. Riches do not lead to the 'knot in the herte,' nor do dignities, nor power, nor renown, for they are all external properties. Love likens the 'blisse of the knotte' to the joy experienced by those who hear the music of the spheres. The knot is good and can be obtained only by goodness. Love assures Usk he is on the right path. Love resumes a discussion of the three lives - sensual, worldly, and rational - first mentioned in chapter 4. They revisit the four bodily goods and Usk's initial error and conversion.

Introduction Book

Ill

Chapter

Acrostic

11.

A

12. 13.

R C

14.

I

1.

O

2.

N

3.

T

4.

H

5.

1

6. 7.

N U

8.

S

9.

K

37

Love shows that virtue and goodness are the way to the knot. Margaryte is perfect in all virtues and goodness. True being derives from participation in the Good; therefore evil has no real existence. Love tells the parable of an innocent 'scholer,' temporarily lead astray by the strumpet 'fayned love.' The dialogue pauses. A prologue, in which the author discusses the triadic nature of both the structure and content of the+Testament. The dialogue between Love and the author resumes; Love assures Usk that his conversion, freely undertaken and maintained, will be rewarded. Love and the author explore the conflict between human freedom and divine foreknowledge, and discuss two kinds of necessity. Human freedom and divine foreknowledge do not conflict when considered in relation to the eternal present in which God dwells. Love begins a discussion of the tree of charity, beginning with free will, the ground in which it grows; proceeding to continual good works, its 'spire'; and finishing with grace, its branches and fruit. Love enters Usk's heart. The author recapitulates much of Love's teaching in book III. He reflects on the relationship between grace and free will. There is no conflict between free will and divine foreknowledge. Grace is both the reward and origin of a free will turned to righteousness. The author takes his leave.

NOTES

1 I have moved Leyerle's detailed and, at times, highly technical analysis of the text and its rearrangement to the appendix. 2 In contrast to Henry Bradley, who suggested in a letter to++++++++++++that this passage is Gower's way of 'quizzing [Chaucer] about his disreputable admirer,'

38

Introduction

Anne Middleton suggests that it actually shows Gower's genuine admiration of the Testament (Bradley 184, Middleton 88-9). Her nuanced reading in note 35 of Thomas Usk's "Perdurable Letters": The Testament of Love from Script to Print' may well be right. David Carlson offers yet another reading of the passage in 'Chaucer's Boethius and Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++++Politics and Love in the Chaucerian Traditon,' raising the possibility that Gower might have thought the+++++++++++++ cer's, or at least Chaucerian, and that 'Chaucer had better do something to rectify the impression of himself that Usk's writing would have fostered' (31). 3 This work was subsequently included in The Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, with a memoir by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas (1.9-107). 4 A.G. Rigg suggested keeping the Thynne spelling in his immensely helpful unpub lished reading notes to this edition. I have adopted his eminently sensible suggestion. 5 The words are in a passage from the Issue Rolls of the Exchequer quoted by Bressie in The Date of Thomas Usk's++++++++++++++++++. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Syon,+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++Dialogue dated some time before 1425 (316.2). St Catherine's book began its circulation oly after her death in 1380 (vi). 7 See S.K. Heninger's The Margarite-Pearl Allegory in Thomas Usk'+++++++++. Love'++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++or examples of this school, as well as Paul Strohm's 'Politics and Poetics: Usk and Chaucer in the 1380s.' 8 Bressie attributes the idea to 'Professor Rickert' (presumably Edith Rickert), but provides no other citation. Bressie's proposal is bolstered both by the association f Anne with the margarita (cf. LGWF++++++++++++++++++++++++ Richard's court. David Wallace's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Associational Forms in England and Italy+contains an excellent discussion of he 'cultural and political significance,' especially as it relates to the LGW(Wallace 357-78). 9 Of a similar school to these is May Hallmundsson, who suggests in The Community of Law and Letters: Some Notes on Thomas Usk's Audience' that the Testament was not addressed to any particular contemporary but rather was Usk's plea 'to the clerks, lawyers, and judges of Chancery' designed to convince them of the justice of his actions (360). ++++++++++++++++++of London shows no fewer than six churches in the London area named after St Margaret; they are St Margaret's of Westminster, Southwerk, Lothbury, Moses, New Fish Street, and Pattens (406). This lends a possible literal meaning to Usk's words that 'Margarite a woman betokeneth ... holy church' (III.9.91-2) 11 The legend begins thus: 'Margarita dicitur a quadam pretiosa gemma que margarita uocatur, que gemma ist Candida, parua et uirtuosa; sic beata Margarita fuit cand-

Introduction

39

ida per uirginitatem, parua per humilitatem, uirtuosa per miraculorum operationem. Virtus autem huius lapidis dicitur esse contra sanguinis effusionem, contra cordis passionem et ad spiritus confortationem; sic beate Margarita habuit uirtutem contra effusionem sui sanguinis per constantiam ...' (Jacobus de Voragine 616). I am indebted to John Leyerle for the suggestion, in conversation, that the acrostic might be a prayer to this saint. It should be noted that these three points make a case that the Margaret of the acrostic may be St Margaret. They are not intended to limit the multivalent meanings of Margaret in the text, nor does the identification of the acrostic as a prayer to a saint diminish the political aspirations of the text. The recruitment of saints and deities to political causes is not unknown in either medieval or modem times. 12 'Noverunt universi per presentes me Margaretam Mitford London remisisse et in perpetuum relagasse Thome Usk dicte civitatis clerico.' Hereafter this work is cited as++++++++++++++++++y volume and page. 13 This connection is probably a significant one because John Bere was one of Northampton's supporters mainprised to keep the peace in 1384(Plea and Mem. Rolls, III.59). This might suggest that Usk's association with Northampton was a long one, considerably predating the latter's election as mayor. 14 Hereafter this work is cited a++++++++++++++ note 2 on page 316 Sharpe states that Usk was 'a collector of customs during part of the time that Chaucer was comptroller,' but he gives no reference for this information. Although Sharpe may well be right, Leyerle was unable to locate evidence to support his statement. Chaucer was comptroller from 1374 to 1386. 15 Hereafter this work is cited as++++++++++++++++++++++++++++Richard II Vol. IIIA.D. 1385-1389+++++++++++++lose Rolls 1385-9. 16 Hereafter this work is cited a+Patent Rolls 1381-5. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++tes are on pages 237-43. Hereafter this work is cited a+++++++y line references to this edition. The beginning and end of the manuscript are badly damaged. Shoaf's edition of theTestament also contains a text of the Appeal (423-9). 18 Parts of the++++++++++++ls+oncerning Northampton's trial have been printed twice. They appear in 'Extracts from Inquisitions taken at the trial of John of Northampton' in Edgar Powell and G.M. Trevelyan's+he Peasants' Rising and the Lollards+++++++++++++++++++++Extract I). They also appear in appendix IV of Ruth Bird's The Turbulent London of Richard II, p. 134—40 (hereafter cited as CRR++xtract II). Bird's extract contains a number of transcription or typographical errors, but is otherwise a faithful presentation of the contents of the manuscript at the point of her extract. The extract of Powell and Trevelyan is freer from simple error, but is not a particularly honest or faithful presentation of what is in the manuscript. They omit without indication passages as long as and even longer than the passages

40 Introduction

19 20 21 22

23 24 25 26 27 28

29

30

of which they do indicate omission; they omit several lists of names, not only of Northampton, More, Norbury, Essex, and Usk; and they omit virtually all of the document's emphatic doublings of terms and phrases. The effect of the full text is to suggest disruption in London on a greater scale, involvement of larger numbers of specific, named individuals, and, for our purposes, participation by Usk of a more active and extensive nature. See 1.2.49-50, II.12.31-2, and+++++++++++8 and 9 Hereafter this work is cited as+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ummarized below, for details. See also Higden, IX.29. Records of such inquisitions are included in the Exchequer file (London, PRO, E 163/5/28), which also contains the only extant copy of Usk++++++++++ere are three of them; the first is dated 'die mercurij in prima septimana quadragesimo anno regni Regis Ricardi secundi septimo'; the second is dated 'decimo ottavo die maij anno regni Regis Ricardi secundi septimo'; the date of the third is no longer legible. They suggest that Brembre was preparing charges to be brought against Northampton and his supporters long before the trial of August 1384, and probably before he could have known that Usk would make his Appeal. The texts of the three inquisitions are at least as badly damaged and faded as the text of the Appeal. Exchequer Account E 101/327/12f. B6d, cited by Bressie in her dissertation (16). See, e.g., Patent Rolls 1381-5, 470, and Plea and Mem. Rolls, 55-6 and 109-13. Essex is not mentioned because he had taken sanctuary in Westminster. The sources vary on dates and exact terms of punishment. This record of expense also appears, in a shortened form, in Bressie's dissertation (30). I have here used David Carlson's unpublished transcription of this record. The roll is dated 31 October 1385 and is quoted in Bressie's dissertation. It does not quite call him the king's sergeant at arms as Bressie claims. I have here used David Carlson's unpublished transcriptions of this record and of Issue Roll E 403/512 and PRO C 76/71 below. Shoaf suggests in his note to I.3.23ff. that Usk's recollection of the feral beasts of his autumn journey is an allusion to "the political aggressions of the Merciless Parliament" (321). This assumes a later date for the composition of the+++++++++han is now accepted and seems unlikely given the relatively short, and presumably brutal, conditions of Usk's imprisonment before his execution by said parliament. The conditions of Usk's imprisonment and the speed of his fall also present obstacles to Medcalf's speculation that Book III was composed during this period ('World and Heart of Thomas Usk,' 232ff.). The location of the tenement opposite le Bulstake in Newgate, formerly the property of Usk's parents and conveyed by him in 1375 (as noted above), supports Knighton's statement that the family lived in the district.

Introduction

41

31 In 1641 an unreliable translation appeared and was reprinted i+++++++++++++++++ +++++avent 1753-6, VII.244-58). 32 Strohm's two essays 'Politics and Poetics: Usk and Chaucer in the 1380s' and 'The Textual Vicissitudes of Usk's "Appeal"' (quoted above) offer, in Anne Middleton's words, 'the most nuanced and attentive reading that Usk's career and writing have had recenly, or perhaps ever' (68 n.). Nigel Saul's++++++++++ a good history of the time. 33 Bressie takes the same view in he+++++++++++++++article (17 n.l). Anne Middle ton notes that Bradley's entry 'remains the best succinct account of Usk's career, and of the main events in the discovery of Usk's authorship' (63 n.)- Leyerle's entry on +++++++++++++hould also be consulted by those wishing to acquaint themselves with basic information about Usk's life and works. 34 Other allusions to prison or captivity, not discussed here, are at 1.2.158-60,1.4.66, and II. 11.78. The reference at III. 1.155 to Usk'+++++++++++++++++ight possibly be to a prison, but the context indicates that it is to his body. 35 Tatlock does not discuss the one passage in th+++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++ight possibly be argued; however, the reference the+e is too vague to support a claim that Usk describes the LGW or borrowed from it. 36 Paul Strohm argues for a similar date of composition in 'Politics and Poetics: Usk and Chaucer in the 1380s,' suggesting the+++++++++++as composed 'in 1385-8 (97-8 n. 18). 37 A parallel exists at 11.11.112-13 with the ParsT 670-2, but the correspondence is insufficient to argue that one text influenced the other. 38 Tatlock points out two similarities between th+++++ament and KnT, which he regars as too late for Usk to have used (24 n.3). Both passages are proverbs also used in 7>: Testament 1. 1.1.64 and IH.1.123 2. Hl.7.43-4

KnT 3089

Tr III. 1282

1838

V. 1432-3

These instances are items 3 and 12 in the list of parallels. Clearly, caution is necessary in ascribing literary influence on the basis of shared proverbs. 39 The relationship between the++++++++++++++++s more extensively explored by Barbara Siennicki in appendix A of her thesis 'No Harbour for the "Shippe of Traveyle": A Study of Thomas Usk's++++++++++++++(225-63). 40 All references are to++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ orvm. Series Latina, 94. Turnholt: Brepols, 1957. 41 For an account of tree symbolism in early English texts, see A devout treatyse called the tree & XH.frutes of the Holy Goost+Ivi-lxxvi). Vaissier does not discuss the tree allegory in PPl, or in the Testament.

42

Introduction

42 Chapter VI is The Relation of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ mary of the thesis, se+Abstracts of Theses. 43 Schaar's note produced disagreement from J. Norton Smith (1961, 90-3). A further exchange followed: Claes Schaar, 'Usk's "Knot in the Hert" Again,' followed by a rejoinder in++++++++++++by J. Norton Smith (1961, 232-4). 44 See Stephen A. Barney's Troilus Bound' (1972, 445-58), and John Leyerle's The Heart and the Chain' (1974, 113-45). 45 In such passages, one is lead to concur with Stephen Medcalf in Transposition: +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++states that it is 'also the first book in which English prose is made to have something of the pattern, gorgeousness and poignancy of poetry'(182). 46 An interesting point of comparison can be found in 'Past and Present: Chaucer as Petrarchan Humanist,' a subsection of David Wallace'+++haucerian Polity: Absolutist Lineages and Associational Forms in England and Ital++370-6). 47 See also David Carlson 'Chaucer's Boethius and Thomas Usk's++estament of Love' for another perspective on this topic.

TESTAMENT

OF LOVE

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BOOK I The Prologue

10

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MANY MEN THERE BEN that with eeres openly sprad so moche swalowen the delyciousnesse of jestes and of ryme by queynt knyttyng coloures, that of the goodnesse or of the badnesse of the sentence take they lytel hede or els none. Sothely, dul wytte and a thoughtful soule so sore have myned and graffed in my spyrites that suche craft of endytyng wol not ben of myn acqueyntaunce. And for rude wordes and boystous percen the herte of the herer to the inrest poynte and planten there the sentence of thynges so that with lytel helpe it is able to spring, this boke, that nothyng hath of the great floode of wyt ne of semelych colours, is dolven with +rude wordes and boystous, and so drawe togyder to maken the catcher therof ben the more redy to hent sentence. Some men there ben that peynten with colours ryche, and some with vers, as with red ynke, and some with coles and chalke. And yet is there good matere to the leude people of thilke chalky purtreyture, as hem thynketh for the tyme; and afterwarde the syght of the better colours yeven to hem more joye for the first leudenesse. So, sothly, this leude clowdy occupacion is not to prayse, but by the leude; for comenly leude, leudenesse commendeth. Eke, it shal yeve syght that other precious thynges shal be the more in reverence. In Latyn and French hath many soverayne +wyttes had gret delyte to endyte, and have many noble thynges fulfyld but certes there ben some that speken their poysye mater in Frenche, of whiche speche the Frenche men have as good a fantasye as we have in heryng of Frenche mennes Englysshe. And many termes there ben in Englysshe whiche unneth we Englysshmen connen declare the knowlegynge. Howe shulde than a Frencheman borne suche termes conne jumpere in his mater, but as the jay chatereth Englyssh? Right so trewly, the understandyng of Englysshmen wol not stretche to the privy termes in Frenche, what-so-ever we bosten of straunge langage. Let than clerkes endyten in Latyn, for they have the propertie of science and the knowinge in that fac+ultie; and lette Frenchemen in their Frenche also endyten their queyn termes, for it is kyndely to their mouthes. And let us shewe our fantasyes in suche wordes as we lerneden of our dames tonge. And although this boke be lytel thankeworthy for the leudnesse in travaile, yet suche writynges exciten men to thilke thynges that ben necessarie; for every man therby may, as by a perpetual myrrour, sene the vyces or vertues of other, in whiche thyng lightly may be conceyved to eschewe

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peryls and necessaryes to catche after, as aventures have fallen to other people or persons. Certes, [perfection is] the soveraynst thing of desyre, and moste creature[s] reasonable have, or els shulde have, ful appetyte to +their perfection; unresonable beestes mowen not, sythe reason hath i hem no werkyng. Than reasonable that wol not is comparysoned to unresonable, and made lyke hem. Forsothe, the most soverayne and fynal perfection of man is in knowyng of a sothe, withouten any entent disceyvable, and in love of one very God that is inchaungeable: that is, to knowe and love his creatour. Nowe, principally, the meane to bringe in knowlegyng and lovyng his creatour is the consyderacion of thynges made by the creatour, wherthrough, be thylke thynges that ben made understanding here to our wyttes, arne the unsene privytees of God made to us sightful and +++owyng in our contemplacion and understondyng. These thynges than forsoth, moche bringen us to the ful knowlegynge [of] sothe, and to the parfyte love of the maker of hevenly thynges. Lo, David sayth, Thou haste delyted me in makynge' (as who sayth, to have delyte in the tune how God hath lent me) 'in consyderacion of Thy makynge.' Wherof Aristotle, in the bok++++++++++++++aythe to naturel phylosophers, 'It is a great lykyng in love of knowynge their creatour and also in knowynge of causes in kyndely thynges.' Consydred, forsoth, the formes of kyndly thinges and the shap, a great kyndely love me shulde have to the werkman that hem made. The crafte of a werkman is shewed in the werke. Herfore +truly, the phylosophers, with a lyvely studye, many noble thynges rygh precious and worthy to memory writen, and, by a great swetande travayle, to us lefte+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ whiche, therfore, phylosophers it was more joy, more lykynge, more herty lust in kyndely vertues and matters of reason, the perfection by busy study to knowe, than to have had al the treasour, al the richesse, al the vainglory that the passed emperours, prynces, or kynges hadden. Therfore, the names of hem in the boke of perpetual memory, in vertue and peace, arn wyten; and in the contrarye, that is to sayne, in Stixe, the foule pytte +of helle, arn thilke pressed that suche goodnesse hated. And bycause this ++ke shal be of love, and the pryme causes of sterynge in that doynge with passyons and dyseases for wantynge of desyre, I wyl that this boke be cleped THE TESTAMENT OF LOVE. But no we, thou reder, who is thylke that wyl not in scorne laughe to here a dwarfe, or els halfe a man, say he wyl rende out the swerde of Her-

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cules handes; and also he shulde set Hercules Gades a myle yet ferther; and, over that, he had power of strengthe to pul up the spere that Alisander the noble might never wagge; and that, passyng al thynge, to ben mayster of Fraunce by myght, there-as the noble, gracyous Edwarde the thyrde, for al his great prowesse in victories, ne myght al yet con80 +quer? Certes, I wote wel, ther shal be made more scorne and jape of me that I, so unworthely clothed altogyder in a cloudy cloude of unconnynge, wyl putten me in prees to speke of love, or else of the causes in that matter, sythen al the grettest clerkes han had ynough to don, and (as who sayth) gathered up clene toforne hem, and with theyr sharpe sythes of connyng al mowen and made therof great rekes and noble, ful of al plentyes, to fede me and many another. Envye, forsothe, commendeth nought his reason that he hath in hayn, be it never so trusty. And, althoughe these noble repers, as good workmen and worthy theyr hyer, han al drawe and bounde up in the sheves and made many shockes, yet have I ensample to 90 +gader the smale crommes, and fullyn my walet of tho that fallen from th borde amonge the smale houndes, notwithstandynge the travayle of the almoygner, that hath drawe up in the cloth al the remyssayles, as trenchours, and the relyef to bere to the almesse. Yet also have I leve of the noble husbande Boece, although I be a straunger of connynge, to come after his doctryne, and these great workmen, and glene my handfuls of the shedynge after theyr handes. And if me fayle ought of my ful, to encrease my porcyon with that I shal drawe by privytyes out of the shocke. A slye servaunt in his owne helpe is often moche commended. Knoweyng of trouth in causes of thynges was more hardyer in the first 100 sechers - and so sayth Aristotle - and lyghter in us that han folowed after. For theyr passyng study han fresshed our wyttes, and our understandynge han excyted, in consideracion of trouth, by sharpnesse of theyr reasons. Utterly these thynges be no dremes, ne japes, to throwe to hogges. It is lyfelyche meate for chyldren of trouthe and .... ... as they me betiden, whan I pilgrymaged out of my kyth in wynter, whan the wether out of measure was boystous, and the wylde wynde Borias, as his kynde asketh, with dryenge coldes, maked the wawes of the occian see so to aryse unkyndely over the commune banke's that it was in poynte to spyl al the erthe. 110 Thus endeth The Prologue, and hereafter foloweth the fyrst bok+6e THE TESTAMENT OF LOVE.

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Alas! Fortune! Alas! I, that somtyme in delycyous houres was wont to enjoy blysful stoundes, am nowe dryve be unhappy hevynesse to bewayle my sondrye yvels in tene. Trewly, I leve, in myn herte is writte, of perdurable letters, al the entencyons of lamentacion that nowe ben ynempned. For any maner disease outwarde, in sobbyng maner, sheweth sorowful yexynge from within. Thus from my comforte I gynne to spylle, syth she that shulde me solace is ferre fro my presence. Certes, her absence is to me an hell. Mysternyng dethe thus in wo it myneth that endelesse care is throughout myne herte +lenched. Blysse of joye, that ofte me murthed, is turned into galle to thynke on thyng that may not, at my wyl, in armes me hent. Myrth is chaunged into tene, whan swynke is there contynually, that reste was wont to sojourne and have dwellynge place. Thus, wytlesse-thoughtful, syghtless-lokynge, I endure my penaunce in this derke prisone, cayti[fv]ed fro frendshippe and acquayntaunce, and forsaken of al that any wode dare speke. Straunge hath by waye of intrucyoun made his home there me shulde be, if reason were herde as he shulde. Never-thelater yet, hertly, lady precious Margarit, have mynde on thy servaunt, and thynke on his disease, how lyghtles he lyveth, sith the beames brennende +in love of thyn eyen are so bewent, that worldes and cloudes atwene u twey wol nat suffre my thoughtes of hem to be enlumyned. Thynke that one vertue of a Margarite precious is, amonges many other, the sorouful to comforte; yet, [y]wy[s], of that (me sorouful to comforte) is my luste to have nought els at this tyme. Dede ne dethe, ne no maner traveyle hath no power myne herte to moche to fade, as shulde to here of a twynckelynge in your disease. Ah, God forbede that! But yet lette me dey, lette me sterve withouten any measure of penaunce, rather than myne hertely, thynking comforte in ought, were diseased. What maye my servyce aveyle in absence of her that my servyce shulde accepte? Is this nat end+alesse sorowe to thynke? Yes, yes, God wote, myne hert breaketh ny asonder. Howe shulde the grounde without kyndly noriture bringen forthe any frutes? Howe shulde a shippe withouten a sterne in the great see be governed? Howe shulde I, withouten my blysse, my herte, my desyre, my joye, my goodnesse, endure in this contrarious prison, that thynke every hour in the day an hundred wynter? Wei may nowe Eve sayne to me, 'Adam, in sorowe fallen from welth, driven arte thou out of paradise, with sweate thy sustenaunce to beswynke.' Depe in this pynynge pytte with wo I lygge ystocked, with chaynes

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lynked of care and of tene. It is so hye from thens I lye and the commune +erth, there ne is cable in no lande maked that myght stretche to me t. drawe me into blysse; ne steyers to stey on is none, so that without recover endlesse here to endure, I wotte wel, I [am] purveyde. O, where arte thou nowe, frenshyppe, that somtyme with laughande chere madest bothe face and countenaunce to mewards? Truely, nowe arte thou went out of towne. But ever, me thynketh, he weareth his olde clothes, and that the soule, in the whiche the lyfe of frendshyppe was in, is drawen out from his other spyrites. Nowe than, farewel frendshyp, and farewel felawes. Me thynketh ye al han taken your leave; no force of you al at ones. But, lady of love, ye wote what I mene; yet thinke on thy servaunt that for +thy love spylleth. Al thynges have I forsake to folowen thyn hestes rewarde me with a thought, though ye do naught els. Remembraunce of love lythe so sore under my brest, that other thought cometh not in my mynde, but gladnesse to thynke on your goodnesse and your mery chere; fferdnes] and sorowe, to thynke on your wreche and your daunger, from whiche Christe me save. My great joye it is to have in meditacion the bounties, the vertues, the nobley in you printed; sorowe and hel comen at ones to suppose that I be veyned. Thus with care, sorowe, and tene am I shapte, myn ende with dethe to make. Nowe, good goodly, thynke on this. O wretched foole that I am, +fallen into so lowe; the heate of my brennyng tene hath me al defased How shulde ye, lady, sette prise on so foule fylthe? My connynge is thynne, my wytte is exiled, lyke to a foole naturel am I comparysoned. Trewly, lady, but your mercy the more were, I wote wel al my labour were in ydel; your mercy than passeth right. God graunt that proposycion to be verifyed in me, so that by truste of good hope, I mowe come to the haven of ease. And sythe it is impossyble the colours of your qualyties to chaunge, and, forsothe, I wote wel, wemme ne spotte maye not abyde there so noble vertue haboundeth, so that the defasyng to you is verily [unjymagynable, as countenaunce of goodnesse with encresynge vertue is +so in you knytte to abyde by necessary maner. Yet, if the revers might fal which is ayenst kynde, I wol wel myn herte ne shulde therfore naught flytte by the lest poynt of gemetrye, so sadly is it so[u]ded, that away from your servyce in love maye he not departe. O, love, whan shal I ben pleased? O, charyte, whan shal I ben eased? O, good goodly, whan shal the dyce turne? O, ful of vertue, do the chaunce of comforte upwarde to fal. O, love, whan wolt thou thynke on thy servaunt? I can no more, but here, outcaste of al welfare, abyde the daye of my dethe, or els to se the syght that might al my wellynge sorowes voyde, and of the flodde make

50 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love an ebbe. These diseases mowen wel, by duresse of sorowe, make my lyfe +to unbodye, and so for to dye. But certes, ye, lady, in a ful perfectyon o love, ben so knytte with my soule, that dethe may not thilke knotte unbynde ne departe, so that ye and my soule togyther [endelesse] in blysse shulde dwel; and there shal my soule at the ful ben eased, that he may have your presence, to shewe th'entent of his desyres. Ah, dere God, that shal be a great joye! Nowe, erthely goddesse, take regarde of thy servant, though I be feble, for thou arte wonte to prayse them better that wolde conne serve in love, al be he ful mener than kynges or princes that wol not have that vertue in mynde. Nowe, precious Margaryte, that with thy noble vertue haste drawen me 90 +into love first, me wenynge therof to have blisse; a[la]s, galle and aloe are so moche spronge that savour of swetnesse may I not ataste. Alas! that your benigne eyen, in whiche that mercy semeth to have al his noriture, nyl by no waye tourne the clerenesse of mercy to mewardes. Alas! that your brennande vertues, shynyng amo[n]ges al folke, and enlumynynge al other people by habundaunce of encreasing, sheweth to me but smoke and no light. These thynges to thinke in myn herte maketh every day wepyng in myn eyen to renne. These lyggen on my backe so sore, that importable burthen me semeth on my backe to be charged; it maketh me backwarde to meve, whan my steppes by comune course even forthe pretende. These 100 thynges also, on right syde and lyft, have me so envolved with care, that wanhope of helpe is through out me ronne; trewly, [I] leve that gracelesse is my fortune, whiche that ever sheweth it mewardes by a cloudy disease, al redy to make stormes of tene; and the blysful syde halte styl away ward, and wol it not suffre to mewardes to turne. No force, yet wol I not be conquered. O, alas! that your nobley, so moche among al other creatures commended - by folowynge streme, by al maner vertues - but ther ben wonderful. I not whiche that let the flode to come into my soule. Wherefore, purely mated with sorowe thorough sought, my selfe I crye on your good110 ++++to have pyte on this caytife, that in the inrest degre of sorowe and. disease is lefte, and without your goodly wyl from any helpe and recovery. These sorowes maye I not sustene, but if my sorowe shulde be tolde and to youwardes shewed. Although moche space is bytwene us twayne, yet me thynketh that by suche jole[yn]ge wordes, my disease gynneth ebbe. Trewly, me thynketh that the sowne of my lamentacious wepyng is right nowe flowe into your presence, and there cryeth after mercy and grace, to which thing, me semeth, the lyst none answere to yeve; but with a deynous chere ye commaunden it to avoyde. But God forbid that any 80

Book I, Chapter 2 51 worde shuld of you springe to have to lytel routh. Parde, pyte and mercy 120 ry M--------argarite is closed by kynde amonges many other vertues by qualities of comforte, but comfort is to me right naught worthe, withouten mercy and pyte of you alone, whiche thynges hastely God me graunt for His mercy. Chapter 2

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Rehersynge these thynges and many other, without tyme or moment of rest, me semed, for anguysshe of disease, that altogyder I was ravyisshed; I can not tel howe, but holy al my passyons and felynges were loste, as it semed, for the tyme. And sodainly, a maner of drede light in me al at ones, nought suche feare as folke have of an enemy that were myghty and wolde hem greve or done hem disease - for I trowe this is wel knowe to many persones, that otherwhyle, if a man be in his soveraignes presence, a maner of ferdenesse crepeth in his herte, not for harme, but of goodly subjection - namely as men reden that aungels ben aferde of our savyour ++++even. And parde, there ne is, ne maye, no passyon of disease be; but i is to meane that angels ben adradde - not by f[erdnes] of drede, sythen they ben perfytely blyssed - as affection of wonderfulnesse and of obedyence. Suche ferde also han these lovers in presence of their loves, and subjects aforne their soveraynes. Right so with ferdenesse myn herte was caught, and I sodainly astonyed. There entred into the place there I was lodged a lady, the semelyest and moste goodly to my syght, that ever toforne apered to any creature; and trewly in the blus[ch]ynge of her looke, she yave gladnesse and comforte sodaynely to al my wyttes, and ryght so she dothe to every +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++thought, myne herte beganne somdele to be enbolded, and wexte a lytel hardy to speke; but yet, with a quakynge voyce, as I durste, I salued her, and enquired what she was, and why she, so worthy to syght, dayned to entre into so foule a dongeon, and namely a prisone, without leave of my kepers. For certes, althoughe the vertue of dedes of mercy stretchen to vysyten the poore prisoners, and hem, after that faculties ben had, to comforte, me semed that I was so ferre fallen into myserye and wretched hyd caytifnesse, that me shulde no precyous thynge neyghe; and also, that for my sorowe every wyght shulde ben heavy and wysshe my recovery. But +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ chere, what thought besyed me within, with a good womanly countenance she sayde these wordes.

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'O my nory, wenyst thou that my maner be to foryet my frendes or my servauntes? Naye,' quod she, 'it is my ful entente to vysyte and comforte al my frenshippes and alyes, as wel in tyme of perturbation, as of moost propertye of blysse. In me shal unkyndnesse never be founden. And also, sithen I have so fewe especial trewe nowe in these dayes, wherefore I maye wel at more leysar come to hem that me deserven; and if my comynge maye in any thynge avayle, wete wel I wol come often.' Nowe, good lady,' quod I, 'that art so fayre on to loke, reynynge honny by thy wordes, blysse of paradise arn thy lokynges, joye and comforte are thy movynges. What is thy name? Howe is it that in you is so mokel werkynge vertues enpight, as me semeth, and in none other creature that ever sawe I with myne eyen?' 'My disciple,' quod she, 'me wondreth of thy wordes and on the, that for a lytel disease haste foryeten my name. Woste thou not wel that I am Love, that first the brought to thy servyce?' 'O good lady,' quod I, 'is this worshyppe to the or to thyne excellence for to come into so foule a place? Parde, somtyme tho I was in prosperyte, +and with forayne goodes envolved, I had mokyl to done to drawe the t myn hostel, and yet many wernynges thou madest er thou lyste fully to graunt thyne home to make at my dwellyng place; and nowe thou comest goodly by thyne owne vyse, to comforte me with wordes, and so therethoroughe I gynne remembre on passed gladnesse. Trewly, lady, I ne wotte whether I shal say welcome or none, sythen thy comyng wol as moche do me tene and sorowe, as gladnesse and myrthe. Se why: for that me comforteth to thynke on passed gladnesse, that me anoyeth efte to be in doynge. Thus thy comynge bothe gladdeth and teneth, and that is cause of moche sorowe. Lo, lady, ho we than I am comforted by your commynge.' +And with that, I gan in teeres to distylle and tenderly wepe 'Nowe certes,' quod Love, 'I se wel, and that me overthynketh, that wytte in the fayleth, and [thou] arte in poynte to dote.' Trewely,' quod I, 'that have ye maked, and that ever wol I rue.' 'Wottest thou not wel,' quod she, 'that every shepeherde ought by reson to seke his sperkelande shepe that arne ronne into wyldernesse amonge busshes and peryls, and hem to their pasture ayen bringe and take on hem privy, busy cure of kepyng? And tho the unconnynge shepe scattred wolde be loste, rennyng to wyldernesse, and to desertes drawe, or els, wolden put hemselfe to the swalowyng wolfe, yet shal the shepeherde by +busynesse and travayle so put him forthe, that he shal not let hem be lost by no waye. A good shepeherde putteth rather his lyfe to ben loste for his shepe. But for thou shalte not wene me beyng of werse condycion, trewly,

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for everych of my folke, and for al tho that to mewarde be knyt in any condycion, I wol rather dye than suffre hem throughe errour to ben spylte. For me lyste, and it me lyketh, of al myne a shepherdesse to be cleped. 'Wost thou not wel, I fayled never wight, but he me refused, and wolde neglygently go with unkyndenesse? And yet parde, have I many such holpe and releved, and they have ofte me begyled, but ever at the ende, it discendeth in their owne neckes. Haste thou not radde howe kynde I was 80 +to Paris, Priamus sonne of Troy? How Jason me falsed for al his fals behest? Howe [Seis was] sonke? I lefte it for no tene tyl he was troned in my blysse for his servyce. 'What,' quod she, 'most of al, maked I not a lovedaye betwene God and mankynde, and chese a mayde to be nompere, to put the quarel at ende? Lo, howe I have travayled to have thanke on al sydes, and yet lyst me not to rest, and I mist fynde on home I shulde werche. But trewly, myn owne disciple, bycause I have the founde at al assayes in thy wyl to be redy myn hestes to have folowed and haste ben trewe to that Margaryte perle, that ones I the shewed and she alwaye ayenwarde hath made but 90 +daungerous chere, I am come in propre person to put the out of errours and make the gladde by wayes of reason so that sorow ne disease shal no more hereafter the amaistry. Wherthrough, I hope thou shalte lyghtly come to the grace, that thou longe haste desyred, of thylke jewel. Haste thou not herde many ensamples, howe I have comforted and releved the scholers of my lore? Who hath worthyed kynges in the felde? Who hath honoured ladyes in boure by a perpetuel myrrour of their truthe in my servyce? Who hath caused worthy folke to voyde vyce and shame? Who hath holde cyties and realmes in prosperyte? If the lyste cleape ayen thyn olde remembraunce, thou coudest every poynte of this declare in especial, 100 and say that I, thy maystresse, have be cause, causyng these thynges and many mo other.' 'Nowe, iwys, madame,' quod I, 'al these thynges I knowe wel my selfe, and that thyn excellence passeth the understandyng of us beestes, and that no mannes wytte erthely may comprehende thy vertues.' 'Wel than,' quod she, 'for I se the in disease and sorowe, I wote wel thou arte one of my nories. I maye not suffre the so to make sorowe, thyn owne selfe to shende; but I myselfe come to be thy fere, thyne hevy charge to make to seme the lesse, for wo is him that is alone; and to the sorye to ben moned by a sorouful wight, it is great gladnesse. Right so 110 with my sycke frendes I am sicke, and with sorie I can not els but sorowe make tyl whan I have hem releved in suche wyse that gladnesse in a maner of counterpaysyng shal restore as mokyl in joye as the passed

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Thomas Usk's--Testament of Love hevynesse byforne dyd in tene. And also,' quod she, 'whan any of my servauntes ben alone in solytary place, I have yet ever besyed me to be with hem in comforte of their hertes, and taught hem to make songes of playnte and of blysse, and to endyten letters of rethorike in queynt understondynges, and to bethynke hem in what wyse they might best their ladyes in good servyce please and also to lerne maner in countenaunce, in wordes, and in bearyng, and to ben meke and lowly to every wight, his name and fame to encrease, and to yeve gret yeftes and large that his renome maye springen. But the therof have I excused; for thy losse and thy great costages, wherthroughe thou arte nedy, arne nothinge to me unknowen; but I hope to God somtyme it shal ben amended, as thus, as I sayd. 'In norture have I taught al myne, and in curtesye made hem expert, their ladyes hertes to wynne; and if any wolde [b]en deynous or proude or be envyous, or of wretches acqueyntaunce, hastelyche have I suche voyded out of my schole. For al vyces trewly I hate; vertues and worthynesse in al my power I avaunce.' 'Ah worthy creature,' quod I, 'and by juste cause the name of goddesse, dignely ye mowe beare. In the lythe the grace thorough whiche any creature in this worlde hath any goodnesse. Trewly, al maner of blysse and preciousnesse in vertue out of the springen and wellen, as brokes and ryvers proceden from their springes; and, like as al waters by kynde drawen to the see, so al kyndely thynges thresten by ful appetyte of desyre to drawe after thy steppes and to thy presence aproche, as to their kyndely perfection. Howe dare than, beestes in this worlde aught forfete ayenst thy devyne purveyaunce? Also, lady, ye knowen al the privy thoughtes; in hertes no counsayle maye ben hydde from your knowyng. Wherfore I wote wel, lady, that ye knowe your selfe that I in my conscience am, and have ben, wyllynge to your servyce; al coude I never do as I shulde, yet, forsothe, fayned I never to love otherwyse than was in myn herte. And if I coude have made chere to one, and ythought another, as many other doone aldaye afore myn eyen, I trowe it wolde not me have vayled.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'haddest thou so done, I wolde not nowe have the here vysited.' 'Ye wete wel, lady, eke,' quod I, 'that I have not playde raket, nettyl in, docke out, and with the wethercocke waved. And trewly there ye me sette, by acorde of my conscience, I wolde not flye tyl ye and rea+++by aperte strength maden myn herte to tourne.' 'In good faythe,' quod she, 'I have knowe the ever of tho condycions; and sythen thou woldest (in as moch as in the was) a made me privy of

Book I, Chapter 3 55 thy counsayle and juge of thy conscience - though I forsoke it in tho dayes tyl I saw better my tyme - wolde never God that I shuld nowe fayle; but ever I wol be redy wytnessyng thy sothe, in what place that ever I shal, ayenst al tho that wol the contrary susteyne. And for as moche as to me is naught unknowen ne hyd of thy privy hert, but al hast thou tho thynges made to me open at the ful, that hath caused my comynge into this prison to voyde the webbes of thyne eyen to make the clerely to se the 160 errours thou hast ben in. 'And bycause that men ben of dyvers condycions, some adradde to saye a sothe, and some for a sothe anone redy to fyght; and also that I maye not myselfe ben in place to withsay thilke men that of the speken otherwyse than the sothe, I wol and I charge the in vertue of obedyence that thou to me owest, to writen my wordes and sette hem in writynges that they mo we as my witnessynge ben noted amonge the people. For bookes written neyther dreden ne shamen, ne stryve conne; but onely shewen the entente of the writer, and yeve remembraunce to the herer. And if any wol in thy presence saye any thynge to tho writers, loke boldely; 170 truste on Mars to answere at the ful. For certes, I shal hym enfourme of al the trouthe in thy love, with thy conscience, so that of his helpe thou shalte not varye at thy nede. I trowe the strongest and the beste that maye be founde wol not transvers thy wordes. Wherof than woldest thou drede?' Chapter 3

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Gretly was I tho gladed of these wordes and, as who sayth, wexen somdele light in herte, both for the auctorite of witnesse, and also for sykernesse of helpe of the forsayd beheste, and sayd, Trewly, lady, nowe am I wel gladded through comforte of your wordes; be it nowe lykynge unto your nobley to shewe whiche folke diffame your servauntes, sythe your servyce ought above al other thynges to ben commended.' 'Yet,' quod she, 'I se wel thy soule is not al out of the amased cloude. The were better to here thyng that the myght light out of thyn hevy charge and after knowyng of thyn owne helpe, than to styrre swete wordes and +such resons to here. For in a thoughtful soule, and namely suche one a. thou arte, wol not yet suche thynges synken. Come of, therfore, and let me sene thy hevy charge, that I may the lyghtlyer for thy comforte purvey.' 'Nowe, certes, lady,' quod I, 'the moste comforte I myght have were utterly to wete me be sure in herte of that Margaryte I serve; and so I thinke to don with al mightes whyle my lyfe dureth.'

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Than,' quod she, 'mayste thou therafter in suche wyse that mysplesaunce ne entre?' 'In good fayth,' quod I, 'there shal no misplesaunce be caused through trespace on my syde.' 'And I do the to weten,' quod she, 'I set never yet person to serve in no place - but if he caused the contrary in defautes and trespaces - that he ne spedde of his servyce.' 'Myn owne erthly lady,' quod I tho, 'and yet remembre to your worthynesse howe long sythen by many revolvyng of yeres, in tyme whan Octobre his leave gynneth take, and Novembre sheweth hym to syght, whan bernes ben ful of goodes as is the nutte on every halke, and than good londe tyllers gynne shape for the erthe, with great travayle, to bringe forthe more corne to mannes sustenaunce ayenst the nexte yeres folowyng, in suche tyme of plentie, he that hath an home, and is wyse, +lyste not to wander mervayles to seche, but he be constrayned or excited Oft the lothe thyng is doone by excytacion of other mannes opynyon, whiche wolden fayne have myn abydynge take in herte. Ofluste to travayle and se the wyndyng of the erthe in that tyme of wynter, by woodes that large stretes werne in, by smale pathes that swyne and hogges hadden made, as lanes with ladels their maste to seche, I walked thynkynge alone a wonder great whyle, and the great beestes that the woode haunten and adorneth al maner forestes and heerdes gone to wylde. Than, er I was ware, I neyghed to a see banke, and for ferde of the beestes, "shypcrafte," I cryde. For, lady, I trowe ye wete wel yourselfe, +nothyng is werse than the beestes that shulden ben tame, if they catch her wyldenesse and gynne ayen wexe ramage. 'Thus, forsothe, was I aferde, and to shyppe me hyed. Than were there ynowe to lache myn handes and drawe me to shyppe, of whiche many I knewe wel the names. Syght was the first, lust was another, thought was the thirde, and wyl eke was there a mayster. These broughten me within borde of this shyppe of traveyle. So whan the sayle was sprad and this shyppe gan to move, the wynde and the water gan for to ryse and overthwartly to turne the welken. The wawes semeden as they kyste togyder; but often under colour of kyssynge is mokel olde hate prively closed and +kepte. The storme so straungely and in a devouring maner gan so faste u assayle, that I supposed the date of my deth shulde have made there his gynnyng. Nowe up, nowe downe, now under the wawe, and nowe aboven was my shyppe a great whyle. 'And so by mokel duresse of wethers and of stormes, and with great avowyng [of] pylgrimages, I was driven to an yle, where utterly I wende

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first to have be rescowed. But trewly, a[t] the first gynnyng, it semed me so peryllous that haven to catche, that, but thorowe grace I had ben comforted, of lyfe I was ful dispayred. Trewly, lady, if ye remembre aright of al maner thynges, yourselfe came hastely to sene us see driven and to +weten what we weren; but first ye were deynous of chere, after whiche y gonne better alyght. And ever, as me thought, ye lyved in great drede of disease, it semed so by your chere. And whan I was certifyed of your name, the lenger I loked in you, the more I you goodly dradde. And ever myn herte on you opened the more, and so, in a lytel tyme, my shyppe was out of mynde. 'But, lady, as ye me lad, I was ware bothe of beestes and of fysshes a great nombre throngyng togyder, amonge whiche a muskel in a blewe shel had enclosed a Margaryte perle, the moste precious and best that ever toforne came in my syght. And ye tolden yourselfe that ylke jewel in his +kynde was so good and so vertuous, that her better shulde I never fynde al sought I therafter to the worldes ende. And with that, I helde my peace a great whyle. And ever sythen I have me bethought on the man that sought the precious Margarytes, and whan he had founden one to his lyking, he solde al his good to bye that jewel. Iwys, thought I, and yet so I thynke, nowe have I founden the jewel that myne herte desyreth; wherto shulde I seche further? Trewly, nowe wol I stynte and on this Margaryte I sette me forever, nowe than also, sythen I wyste wel it was your wyl that I shulde so suche a servyce me take, and so to desyre that thing of whiche I never have blisse. There lyveth none, but he hath disease; your might, +than, that brought me to suche servyce, that to me is cause of sorowe an. of joye. I wonder of your worde that ye sayne, "to bringen men into joye," and parde, ye wete wel that defaut ne trespace may not reasonably ben put to mewardes, as ferre as my conscience knoweth. 'But of my disease me lyst now a whyle to speke and to enforme you in what maner of blysse ye have me thronge. For truly I wene, that al gladnesse, al joye, and al myrthe is beshet under locke, and the keye throwe in suche place that it may not be founde; my brennyng wo hath altred al my hewe. Whan I shulde slepe, I walowe and I thynke, and me dispfeire]. Thus combred, I seme that al folke had me mased. Also lady +myne, desyre hath longe dured, some speking to have, or els at the lest have ben enmoysed with syght; and for wantynge of these thinges, my mouthe wolde and he durst, pleyne right sore, sythen yvels for my goodnesse arne manyfolde to me yolden. I wonder, lady, trewly, save evermore your reverence, howe ye mowe for shame suche thynges suffre on your servaunt to be so multyplied. Wherfore knelyng with a lowe

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herte I pray you to rue on this caytife, that of nothyng now may serve. Good lady, if ye lyste, nowe your helpe to me shewe, that am of your privyest servantes at al assayes in this tyme, and under your wynges of protection. No helpe to mewardes is shapen. Howe shal than straungers in any wyse after socoure loke, whan I that am so privy, yet of helpe I do fayle? Further maye I not, but thus in this prison abyde; what bondes and chaynes me holden, lady, ye se wel yourselfe. A renyant forjuged hath not halfe the care. But thus syghyng and sobbyng I wayle here alone. And nere it for comforte of your presence, right here wolde I sterve. And yet a lytel am I gladed, that so goodly suche grace and none hap have I hente, graciously to fynde the precious Margarite, that, al other lefte, men shulde bye, if they shulde therfore sel al her substaunce. 'Wo is me, that so many let-games and purpose brekers ben maked wayters, suche prisoners as I am evermore to overloke and to hynder, and for suche lettours it is harde any suche jewel to wynne. Is this, lady, an honour to thy deytie? Me thynketh by right, suche people shulde have no maistrye, ne ben overlokers over none of thy servauntes. Trewly, were it leful unto you, to al the goddes wolde I playne, that ye rule your devyne purveyaunce amonges your servantes, nothyng as ye shulde. Also, lady, my moeble is insuffysaunt to countervayle the price of this jewel, or els to make theschange. Eke, no wight is worthy suche perles to weare, but kynges or princes, or els their peres. This jewel for vertue wold adorne and make fayre al a realme, the nobley of vertue is so moche that her good+++++overal is commended. Who is it that wolde not wayle, but he might suche rychesse have at his wyl? The vertue therof out of this prison may me dely ver and naught els. And if I be not ther-thorowe holpen, I se myselfe withouten recovery. Although I might hence voyde, yet wolde I not. I wolde abyde the daye that destenye hath me ordeyned, whiche I suppose is without amendement; so sore is myn herte bounden, that I maye thynken none other. 'Thus strayte, lady, hath Sir Daunger laced me in stockes. I leve it be not your wyl; and for I se you taken so lytel hede, as me thynketh, and wol not maken by your might the vertue in mercy of that Margaryte on me for to stretche, so as ye mowe wel, in case that you lyste, my blysse and my mirthe arne feld. Sicknesse and sorowe ben alwaye redy; the cope of tene is wounde aboute al my body, that stondyng is me best. Unneth maye I lygge for pure miseasy sorowe, and yet al this is lytel ynoughe to be the ernest sylver in forwarde of this bargayne; for treble-folde so mokel muste I suffer, er tyme come of myn ease. For he is worthy no welthe, that

Book I, Chapter 4 59 maye no wo suffer. And certes I am hevy to thynke on these thynges. But who shal yeve me water ynough to drinke, lest myn eyen drie for renning stremes of teares? Who shal waylen with me myne owne happy hevynesse? Who shal counsaile me nowe in my lykyng tene, and in my goodly 140 harse? I not. For ever the more I brenne, the more I coveyte. The more that I sorow, the more thrist I in gladnesse. Who shal than yeve me a contraryous drinke to stanche the thurste of my blysful bytternesse? Lo, thus I brenne and I drenche, I shyver and I sweate. To this reversed yvel was never yet ordeyned salve; forsoth al lyches ben unconnyng, save the Margaryte alone, any suche remedye to purvey.' Chapter 4

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And with these wordes I brast out to wepe, that every teere of myne eyen for greatnesse semed they boren out the bal of my syght, and that al the water had ben out ronne. Than thoughte me that Love gan a lytel to heavy for miscomfort of my chere, and gan soberly and in easy maner speke, wel avysinge what she sayd. Comenly the wyse speken easyly and softe for many skylles: one is, their wordes are the better byleved; and also, in easy speakynge, avysement men may catche, what to put forthe and what to holden in; and also, the auctorite of easy wordes is the more; and eke, they yeven the more understandynge to other intencion of the mater. +Right so this ladye easely and in a softe maner gan say these wordes 'Mervayle,' quod she, 'great it is that by no maner of semblaunt, as ferre as I can espye, thou lyst not to have any recour; but ever thou playnest and sorowest, and wayes of remedye for folysshe wylfulnesse the lyste not to seche. But enquyre of thy next frendes, that is thyne inwytte and me that have ben thy maystresse and the recour and fyne of thy disease, or of disease is gladnesse and joy, with a ful [v]essel so helded that it quencheth the felynge of the firste tenes. 'But thou that were wonte not onely these thynges remembre in thyne herte, but also fooles therof to enfourmen in adnyllynge of their errours, +and distroyeng of their derke opynions, and in comforte of their scar thoughtes, now canst thou not ben comforte of thyn owne soule in thynkyng of these thynges. O where haste thou be so longe commensal, that hast so mykel eeten of the potages of foryetfulnesse and dronken so of ignorance, that the olde soukyng whiche thou haddest of me arne amaystred and lorn fro al maner of knowyng? O this is a worthy person to helpe other that cannot counsayle himselfe!' And with these wordes, for pure and stronge shame, I woxe al reed.

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Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love And she than, seyng me so astonyed by dyvers stoundes, sodainly (whiche thynge kynde hateth) gan deliriously me comforte with sugred +wordes, puttyng me in ful hope that I shulde the Margarite getten, if folowed her hestes; and gan with a fayre clothe to wypen the teares that hyngen on my chekes. And than sayd I in this wyse. 'Nowe, wel of wysedom and of al welthe, withouten the may nothyng ben lerned. Thou bearest the keyes of al privy thinges. In vayne travayle men to catche any stedshyp, but if ye, lady, first the locke unshet. Ye, lady, lerne us the wayes and the bypathes to heven; ye, lady, maken al the hevenly bodyes goodly and benignely to done her course that governen us beestes here on erthe. Ye armen your servauntes ayenst al debates with imperciable harneys. Ye setten in her hertes insu+perable blode of hardynesse. Ye leaden hem to the parfyte good. Yet a thynge desyreth ye wern no man of helpe that wele done your lore. Graunt me nowe a lytel of your grace, al my sorowes to cease.' 'Myne owne servaunt,' quod she, 'trewly, thou syttest nye myne herte and thy badde chere gan sorily me greve. But amonge thy playnyng wordes, me thought, thou allegest thynges to be lettyng of thyne helpynge and thy grace to hynder, wherthroughe, me thynketh, that wanhope is crope thorough thyn hert. God forbyd that nyse unthrifty thought shulde come in thy mynde thy wyttes to trouble, sythen everything in comyng is contyngent. Wherfore, make no more thy proposycion by an impossyble. +But nowe, I praye the, reherse me ayen tho thynges that thy mistrus causen; and thylke thynges I thynke by reason to distroyen and put ful hope in thyn herte. What understondest thou there,' quod she, 'by that thou saydest, "many lette-games are thyn overlokers," and also by that, "thy moeble is insuffysant"? I not what thou therof meanest.' Trewly,' quod I, 'by the first I say that janglers evermore arne spekynge rather of y vel than of good, for every age of man rather enclyneth to wickednesse than any goodnesse to avaunce. Also, false wordes spryngen so wyde, by the steeryng of false lyeng tonges, that Fame als swiftely flyeth to her eares and sayth many wicked tales; and as +soone shal falsenesse ben leved as truthe, for al his gret sothnesse. Now by that other,' quod I, 'me thynketh, thilke jewel so precious, that to [n]o suche wretche as I am wolde vertue therof extende; and also I am to feble in worldly joyes any suche jewel to countrevayle. For suche people that worldly joyes han at her wyl ben sette at the highest degree, and most in reverence ben accepted. For false wenyng maketh felycite therin to be supposed; but suche caytives as I am, evermore ben hyndred.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'take good hede and I shal by reason to the shewen

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'Remembrest nat,' quod she, 'ensample of one of the strongest maner, as for to preve a mannes purpose. Than, if I nowe, by ensample, enduce the to any proposytion, is it nat proved by strength?' 'Yes, forsothe,' quod I. 'Wei,' quod she, 'raddest thou never howe Paris of Troye and Heleyne loved togyder, and yet had they not entrecomuned of speche? Also Acrisyus shette Dane, his doughter, in a tour, for suertie that no wight shulde of her have no maistry in my servyce, and yet Jupiter, by signes, without any speche, had al his purpose ayenst her fathers wyl. And many suche +mo have ben knytte in trouthe, and yet spake they never togyder, for tha is a thyng enclosed under secretnesse of pryvite, why twey persons entremellen hertes after a sight. The power in knowyng of such thynges so preven, shal nat al utterly be yeven to you beestes; for many thynges in suche precious maters ben reserved to jugement of devyne purveyaunce, for among ly veng people, by mannes consyderation, moun they nat be determyned. Wherfore, I saye, al the envy, al the janglynge, that wel[eyn] people upon my servauntes maken, efte is rather cause of esployte, than of any hyndringe.' 'Why than,' quod I, 'suffre ye such wrong, and moun, whan ye lyst, +lightly al such yvels abate? Me semeth to you it is a great unworship. 'O,' quod she, 'holde nowe thy peace. I have founden to many that han ben to me unkynde that trewly I wol suffre every wight in that wyse to have disease, and who that contynueth to the ende wel and trewly, hem wol I helpen [as] for one of myne into blysse to wende. A[t] marcial doyng in Grece who was ycrowned? By God, nat the strongest, but he that rathest come and lengest abode and contynued in the journey, and spared nat to traveyle as long as the play lest. But thilke person, that profred him nowe to my servyce, therin is a while, and anon voydeth and redy to another, and so nowe one he thynketh and nowe another, and into water +entreth and anon re[pris]eth, such one lyst me nat into perfyte blysse o my servyce bringe. A tree ofte set in dyvers places wol nat by kynde endure to bringe forth frutes. Loke nowe, I pray the, howe myne olde servauntes of tyme passed contynued in her servyce, and folowe thou after their steppes; and than myght thou not fayle, in case thou worche in this wyse.'

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'Certes,' quod I, 'it is nothyng lych, this worlde to tyme passed; eke, this countre hath one maner and another countre hath another. And so may nat a man alwaye put to his eye the salve that he healed with his hele. For this is sothe: betwixe two thynges lyche, ofte dyversite is required.' +'Now,' quod she, 'that is sothe. Dyversite of nation, dyversite of lawe as was maked by many reasons, for that dyversyte cometh in by the contrarious malyce of wicked people, that han envyous hertes ayenst other. But trewly, my lawe to my servauntes ever hath ben in general, whiche may nat fayle. For, right as mannes lawfe] that is ordayned by many determinations, may nat be knowe for good or badde, tyl assay of the people han proved it and to what ende it draweth and than it sheweth the necessite therof, or els the impossibilyte, right so the lawe of my servauntes so wel hath ben proved in general that hytherto hath it not fayled. +'Wyste thou not wel that al the lawe of kynde is my lawe, and by Go. ordayned and stablisshed to dure by kynde reasoun? Wherfore, al lawe by mannes wytte purveyde ought to be underputte to lawe of kynde, whiche yet hath be commune to every kyndely creature, that my statutes and my lawe, that ben kyndely, arne general to al peoples. Olde doynges, and by many turnynges of yeres used, and with the peoples maner proved, mowen nat so lightly ben defased, but newe doynges, contrariauntes suche olde, ofte causen diseases and breaken many purposes. Yet saye I nat, therfore, that ayen newe mischefe men shulde nat ordaynen a newe remedye, but alwaye looke it contrary not the olde no ferther than the +malyce stretcheth. Than foloweth it, the olde doynges in love han be. uny versal, as for most exployte forthe used; wherfore, I wol not yet that of my lawes nothynge be adnulled. But thanne to thy purpose: suche jangelers and lokers, and wayters of games, if the thynke in aught they mowe dere, yet love wel alwaye, and sette hem at naught; and lette thy porte ben lowe in every wightes presence, and redy in thyne herte to maynteyne that thou hast begonne; and a lytel the fayne with mekenesse in wordes. And thus with sleyght shalt thou surmount and dequace the yvel in their hertes. And wysdome yet is to seme flye otherwhyle, there a man wol fyghte. Thus, with suche thynges, the tonges of yvel shal ben stylled. Els, fully to +graunt thy ful meanynge, forsothe, ever was and ever it shal be, that my. enemyes ben aferde to truste to any fightynge. And, therfore, have thou no cowardes herte in my servyce, no more than somtyme thou haddest in the contrarye. For, if thou drede suche jangleres thy viage to make, understande wel that he that dredeth any rayne to sowe his cornes, he shal have th[i]n bernes. Also he that is aferde of his clothes, let him daunce naked.

Book I, Chapter 5 63 Who nothing undertaketh, and namely in my servyce, nothyng acheveth. After great stormes the wether is often mery and smothe. After moche clatering, there is mokyl rownyng; thus, after jangling wordes, cometh, "huysshte, peace, and be styFV 80 O, good lady,' quod I than, 'se nowe, how+e seven yere passed and more, have I graffed and groubed a vyne, and with al the wayes that I coude, I sought to a fed me of the grape, but frute have I none founde. Also I have this seven yere served Laban to a wedded Rachel, his doughter, but blere-eyed Lya is brought to my bedde, which alway engendreth my tene, and is ful of chyldren in trybulacion and in care. And, although the clippynges and kyssynges of Rachel shulde seme to me swete, yet is she so barayne that gladnesse, ne joye, by no way wol springe, so that I may wepe with Rachel. I may not ben counsayled with solace, sythen issue of myn hertely desyre is fayled. Nowe than, I pray that [come] sone 90 +fredom and grace in this eyght yere; this eighteth mowe to me bothe b. kynrest and masseday, after the seven werkedayes of travayle, to folowe the Christen lawe; and, what ever ye do els, that thilke Margaryte be holden so, lady, in your privy chambre, that she in this case, [to none other person be commytted.' 'Loke, than,' quod she,] 'in this case thou persever in my servyce, in whiche I have the grounded, that thilke skorne in thyn enemyes mowe this on thy person be not sothed, "Lo, this man began to edefye, but for his foundement is bad, to the ende may he it not bringe". For mekenesse in countenaunce, with a manly hert in dedes and in longe contynuaunce, 100 is the conysance of my lyvery to al my retynue delyvered. What wenyst thou, that me lyst avaunce suche persons as loven the first syttynges at feestes, the highest stoles in churches and in hal, loutynges of peoples in markettes and fayres, unstedfaste to byde in one place any whyle togyder, wenyng his owne wyt more excellent than other, scornyng al maner devyse but his own? Nay, nay, God wot, these shul nothing parten of my blysse. Truly, my maner here toforne hath ben [to] worshyp with my blysse lyons in the felde and lambes in chambre, egles at assaute and maydens in halle, foxes in counsayle, styl in their dedes. And their protection is graunted, redy to ben a bridge; and their baner is arered like wolves 110 in the felde. Thus, by these wayes shul men ben avaunced: ensample of David that from kepyng of shepe was drawen up into the order of kyngly governaunce, and Jupiter, from a bole, to ben Europes fere, and Julius Cesar, from the lowest degre in Rome, to be mayster of al erthly princes, and Eneas, from hel, to be king of the countre there Rome is nowe stondyng. And so to the I say; thy grace, by beryng therafter, may set the in

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'Ever,' quod she, 'hath the people in this worlde desyred to have had great name in worthynesse, and hated foule to beare any [en]fame; and that is one of the objections thou alegest to be ayen thyne hertely desyre.' 'Ye, forsothe,' quod I, 'and that so comenly the people wol lye and bring aboute suche enfame.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'if men with leasynges put on the enfame, wenest thy selfe therby ben enpeyred? That wenyng is wronge. Se why: for as moche as they lyen, thy meryte encreaseth and make[th] the ben more worthy to hem that knowen of the the soth. By what thyng thou art +apeyred, that in so mokyl thou arte encreased of thy beloved frendes. An. sothly, a wounde of thy frende [is] to the lasse harme, ye sir, and better than a false kyssyng in disceyvable glosyng of thyne enemye. Above that, than, to be wel with thy frende ma[t]eth suche enfame. Ergo, thou arte encressed and not apeyred.' 'Lady,' quod I, 'somtyme yet, if a man be in disease, th'estymacion of the envyous people ne loketh nothyng to desertes of men, ne to the merytes of their doynges, but only to the aventure of fortune, and therafter they yeven their sentence. And some loken the voluntary wyl in his herte, and therafter telleth his jugement, not takyng hede to reason ne to the quality +of the doyng, as thus: if a man be ryche and fulfylde with worldly welful nesse, some commenden it and sayne it is so lente by juste cause; and he that hath adversyte, they sayne he is weaked and hath deserved thilke anoye. The contrarye of these thinges some men holden also, and sayne that to the ryche prosperyte is purvayed into his confusyon, and upon this mater many autorites of many and greatwytted clerkes they alegen. And some men sayn, though al good estymacion forsaken folk that han adversyte, yet is it meryte and encrease of his blysse, so that these purposes arne so wonderful in understandyng, that, trewly for myn adversyte nowe, I not howe the sentence of the indifferent people wyl jugen my fame.' Therfore,' quod she, 'if any wyght shulde yeve a trewe sentence on suche maters, the cause of the disease maist thou se wel. Understande therupon after what ende it draweth, that is to sayne, good or badde; so ought it to have his fame by goodnesse, [or] enfame by badnesse. For every reasonable person - and namely of a wyse man - his wytte ought not without reason toforne herde, sodainly in a mater to juge.

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After the sawes of the wise, "Thou shall not juge ne deme toforne thou knowe".' 'Lady,' quod I, 'ye remembre wel, that in moste laude and praysyng of certayne sayntes in holy churche, is to rehersen their convercion from +badde into good; and that is so rehersed, as by a perpetual myrrour o. remembraunce in worshyppynge of tho sayntes, and good ensample to other misdoers in amendement. Howe turned the Romayne Zedeoreys fro the Romaynes, to be with Hanybal ayenst his kynde nacion; and afterwardes, him semyng the Romaynes to be at the next degre of confusyon, turned to his olde alyes, by whose wytte after was Hanybal discomfyted. 'Wherfore, to enfourme you, lady, the manerwhy I meane, se nowe. In my youth I was drawe to ben assentaunt and in my mightes helpyng to certain conjuracions and other great maters of ruling of cytezins. And thilke thynges ben my drawers in and exitours to tho maters werne so +paynted and coloured, that (at the prime face) me semed them noble an. glorious to al the people. I than, wenyng mykel meryte have deserved in furtheryng and mayntenaunce of tho thynges, besyed and laboured with al my dyligence in werkynge of thylke maters to the ende. And trewly, lady, to tel you the sothe, me rought lytel of any hate of the mighty senatours in thilke cyte, ne of comunes malyce, for two skylles. One was I had cornforte to ben in suche plyte that bothe profyte were to me and to my frendes. Another was for [commen profyte]. Commen profyte in comynaltie is not but peace and tranquylite, with just governaunce proceden from thylke profyte. Sythen, by counsayle of myne inwytte, me thought +the firste paynted thynges malyce and y vel meanynge, withouten an. good avaylyng to any people, and of tyrannye purposed. And so, for pure sorowe and of my medlynge and badde infame that I was in ronne, tho teeres lasshed out of myne eyen. Were thus awaye wasshe, than, the under-hydde malyce and the rancoure of purposynge; envye, fornecaste and ymagyned in distruction of mokyl people, shewed so openly, that had I ben blynde, with myne hondes, al the circumstaunce I myght wel have feled. 'Nowe, than, tho persones that suche thynges have caste to redresse, for wrathe of my first medlynge, shopen me to dwel in this pynande prison, tyl Lachases my threde no lenger wolde twyne. And ever I was sought, if +me lyste to have grace of my lyfe and frenesse of that prison, I shuld. openly confesse howe peace myght ben endused to enden al the firste rancours. It was fully supposed my knowyng to be ful in tho maters. Than, lady, I thought that every man that by any waye of right, rightfully done, maye helpe any comune [wele] to ben saved, whiche thynge to kepe, above al thynges, I am holde to mayntayne, and namely in distroy-

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eng of a wrong, al shulde I therthrough enpeche myn owne fere, if he were gylty and to do misdede assentaunt (and mayster, ne frende, maye nought avayle to the soule of him that in falsnesse deyeth); and also that I nere des[erv]ed wrathe of the people, ne indignacion of the worthy, for 80 +nothynge that ever I wrought or dyd, in any doing myselfe els, but in th. mayntenaunce of these foresayd errours and in hydynge of the privytees therof; and that al the peoples hertes, holdynge on the errours syde, weren blynde and of e[vel] so ferforthe begyled, that debate and stryfe they maynteyned, and in distruction on that other syde. By whiche cause the peace, that most in comunaltie shulde be desyred, was in poynte to be broken and adnulled, also the cytie of London, that is to me so dere and swete, in whiche I was forthe growen - and more kyndely love have I to that place than to any other in erthe, as every kyndely creature hath ful appetyte to that place of his kyndly engendrure and wylne reste and peace 90 +in that stede to abyde. Thylke peace shulde thus there have ben broke. and of al wyse it is commended and desyred. For knowe thynge it is, al men that desyren to comen to the perfyte peace everlastyng, must the peace by God commended bothe mayntayne and kepe. This peace by angels voyce was confyrmed, our God entrynge in this worlde. This, as for his Testament, he left to al his frendes, whanne he retourned to the place from whence he came. This his Apostel amonesteth to holden, without whiche man perfytely may have none insyght. Also this God, by his comyng, made not peace alone betwene hevenly and erthly bodyes, but also amonge us on erthe; so he peace confyrmed that in one heed of love, 100 one body we shulde perfourme. Also, I remembre me wel, howe the name of Athenes was rather after the god of peace, than of batayle, shewynge that peace moste is necessarye to comunalties and cytes. 'I, than, so styred by al these wayes toforne nempned, declared certayne poyntes in this wyse. Firste, that thilke persones that hadden me drawen to their purposes, and me not wetyng the privy entent of their meanynge, drawen also the feoble-wytted people that have none insyght of gubernatyfe prudence to clamure and to crye on maters that they styred. And under poyntes for comune avauntage, they enbolded the passyfe to take in the actyves doynge, and also styred innocentes of connyng to 110 crye after thynges, "whiche," quod they, "may not stande but we ben executours of tho maters and auctorite of execucion by comen election to us be delyvered. And that muste entre by strength of your mayntenaunce. For we out of suche degree put, oppressyon of these olde hyndrers shal agayne surmounten and putten you to such subjection, that in endelesse wo ye shul complayne. The governementes," quod they, "of your cyte

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lefte in the handes of torcencious cytezyns, shal bringe in pestylence and distruction to you good men. And, therfore, let us have the comune admynistracion to abate suche yvels. Also," quod they, "it is worthy the good to commende and the gylty desertes to chastice. There ben cytezens many, for ferde of execucion that shal be doone for extorcions by hem commytted, ben ever more ayenst these purposes and al other good menynges." 'Never-the-latter, lady, trewly, the meanynge under these wordes was fully to have apeched the mighty senatoures, whiche hadden heavy herte for the misgovernaunce that they seen. And so, lady, whan it fel, that free election, by great clamour of moche people, for great disease of misgovernaunce, so fervently stoden in her election, that they hem submytted to every maner fa[t]e, rather than have suffred the maner and the rule of the hated governours, not withstandynge that in the contrary helden moche comune meyny that have no consyderacion, but onely to voluntary lustes, withouten reason. But than thylke governour so forsaken, faynynge toforne his undoynge for misrule in his tyme, shope to have letted thilke electyon, and have made anewe himselfe to have ben chosen, and under that mokyl rore have arered. These thynges, lady, knowen amonge the princes and made open to the people, draweth in amendement that every degree shal ben ordayned to stande there as he shulde. And that of errours comyng herafter, men may lightly to-forne-hande purvaye remedye, in this wyse, peace and rest to be furthered and holde. Of the whiche thynges, lady, thylke persones broughten in answere toforne their moste soverayne juge (not coarted by paynynge dures) openly knowledgeden, and asked therof grace, so that apertely it preveth my wordes ben sothe, without forgynge of leasynges. 'But nowe it greveth me to remembre these dy vers sentences in janglynge of these shepy people. Certes, me thynketh, they oughten to maken joye that a sothe maye be knowe. For my trouthe and my conscience ben wytnesse to me bothe, that this knowynge sothe have I sayde for no harme ne malyce of tho persones, but onely for trouthe of my sacrament in my leigeaunce, by whiche I was charged on my kynges behalfe. But se ye not nowe, lady, how the felonous thoughtes of this people and covyns of wicked men conspyren ayen my sothfast trouth? Se ye not every wist, that to these erronyous opinyons were assentaunt, and helpes to the noyse, and knewen al these thynges better than I my selven, apparaylen to fynden newe frendes, and cleapen me false, and studyen howe they mowen in her mouthes werse plyte nempne? 'O God, what maye this be that thylke folke, whiche that in tyme of my

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mayntenaunce and whan my might avayled to stretch to the forsayd maters, tho me commended, and yave me name of trouth, in so manyfolde maners that it was nyghe in every wightes eere, there as any of thilke people weren; and on the other syde, thilke company somtyme passed 160 yevynge me name of badde loos? Nowe bothe tho peoples turned the good into badde, and badde into good, whiche thyng is wonder, that they knowynge me sayng but sothe, arne nowe tempted to reply her olde praysinges, and knowen me wel in al doynges to ben trewe, and sayne openly that I false have sayd many thynges. And they aleged nothynge me to ben false or untrewe, save thilke mater knowleged by the parties hemselfe; and, God wote, other mater is none. 'Ye also, lady, knowe these thynges for trewe. I avaunte not in praysyng of myselfe; therby shulde I lese the precious secre of my conscience. But ye se wel that false opinyon of the people for my trouthe, in tellyng out of 170 false conspyred maters; and after the jugement of these clerkes, I shulde not hyde the sothe of no maner person, mayster ne other. Wherfore I wolde not drede, were it put in the consyderacion of trewe and of wyse. And for comers hereafter shullen fully, out of denwere, al the sothe knowe of these thinges in acte, but as they werne, I have put it in scripture, in perpetuel remembraunce of true meanynge. For trewly, lady, me semeth, that I ought to beare the name of trouthe, that for the love of rightwysnesse have thus me submytten. But nowe, than, the false fame, which that clerkes sayne flyeth as faste as dothe the fame of trouthe, shal so wyde sprede, ty 1 it be brought to the jewel that I of meane, and so shal 180 I ben hyndred withouten any measure of trouthe.' Chapter 7

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Than gan Love sadly me beholde, and sayd in a chaunged voyce, lower than she had spoken in any tyme, 'Fayne wolde I,' quod she, 'that thou were holpen, but haste thou sayd anythynge whiche thou myght not proven?' 'Parde,' quod I, 'the persones, everythyng as I have saya, nan knowleged hemselfe.' 'Yea,' quod she, 'but what if they hadden nayed? Howe woldest thou have maynteyned it?' 'Sothely,' quod I, 'it is wel wyste, bothe amongest the greatest and +other of the realme, that I profered my body so largely into provynge o. tho thynges, that Mars shulde have juged the ende; but for sothnesse of my wordes, they durste not to thylke juge truste.'

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'Nowe certes,' quod she, 'above al fames in this worlde, the name of martial doynges moste pleasen to ladyes of my lore, but sythen thou were redy, and thyne adversaryes in thy presence refused thilke doyng, thy fame ought to be so borne, as if in dede it had take to the ende. And therfore, every wight, that any droppe of reason hath, and hereth of the infame, for these thynges hath this answere to say, "Trewly thou saydest, for thyne adversaryes thy wordes affirmed. And if thou haddest lyed, yet they discomfyted. The prise leaned on thy syde s+++o that fame shal holde down infame." He shal bringe up on none halfe. 'What greveth the, thyne enemye to sayne their owne shame, as thus, "We arne discomfyted, and yet our quarel is trewe"? Shal not the loos of thy frendes ayenward dequace thilke enfame and saye they graunted a sothe without a stroke or fighting? Many men in bataile ben discomfyted and overcome in a rightful quarel; that is Goddes privy jugement in heven. But yet, although the partie be yolden, he may with wordes saye his quarel is trewe, and to yelde him in the contrarye for drede of dethe he is compelled. And he that graunteth and no stroke hath feled, he maye not +crepe away in this wyse, by none excusacion. Indifferent folke wyl say "Ye, who is trewe, who is false, himselfe knowlegeth tho thinges." Thus in every syde fame sheweth to the good and no badde.' 'But yet,' quod I, 'some wyl say I ne shulde for no dethe have discovered my maystferes], and so, by unkyndnesse, they wol knette infame to pursue me aboute. Thus enemyes of wyl, in manyfolde maner, wol seche privy serpentynes queyntyses to quenche and distroye, by venym of many besinesses, the light of truthe, to make hertes to murmure ayenst my persone, to have me in hayne withouten any cause.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'here me a fewe wordes, and thou shalte fully ben +answerde, I trowe. Me thynketh,' quod she, 'right nowe, by thy worde, that sacrament of swearyng, that is to say, chargyng by othe, was one of the causes to make the discover the malicious ymaginatyons tofore nempned. Every othe, by knyttynge of copulation, muste have these lawes. That is trew[th]e, jugement and rightwysenesse, in whiche thynge, if any of these lacke, the othe is ytourned into the name of perjury. Than, to make a trewe serment, most nedes these thynges folowe, for ofte tymes a man to saye sothe, but jugement and justyce folowe, he is forsworne; ensample of Herodes for holdynge of his serment was dampned. 'Also, to saye truthe rightfullyche, but in jugement, otherwhile is for+boden, by that al sothes be nat to sayne. Therfore, in jugement, in truth and rightwisenesse is every creature bounden, up payne of perjury, ful knowyng to make, tho it were of his owne persone, for drede of synne,

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after that worde, "better is it to dey than lyve false." And, al wolde perverted people false reporte make in unkyndnesse, in that entent thy [en]fame to reyse, whan lyght of truthe in these maters is forthe sprongen and openly publysshed among commens, than shal nat suche derke enfame dare appere for pure shame of his falsnesse. As some men ther ben that their owne enfame can none otherwyse voide or els excuse, but be hyndringe of other mennes fame, which, that by non other cause cleapen +other men false, but for with their owne falsnesse mowen they nat be. avaunsed; or els, by false sklaund[r]ynge wordes, other men shendyn their owne trewe sklaunder to make seme the lasse, for, if such men wolden their eyen of their conscience revolven, shulden [they] sene the same sentence they legen on other springe out of their sydes with so many braunches it were impossyble to nombre. To whiche, therfore, maye it be sayd, "In that thynge this man thou demest, therin thyselfe thou condempnest." 'But,' quod she, 'understande nat by these wordes that thou wene me saye the to be worthy sclaunder for any mater tofore written. Truely, I wolde wytnesse the contrary. But I saye that the beames of sclaundryng +wordes may not be done awaye tyl the daye of dome. For howe shulde i nat yet, amonges so great plentie of people, ben many shrewes, sithen whan no mo but eight persons in Noes shippe were closed, yet one was a shrewe and skorned his father? These thynges,' quod she, 'I trowe, shewen that false fame is nat to drede, ne of wyse persons to accepte, and, namely, nat of thy Margarite, whose wysedom, hereafter I thynke to declare. Wherfore, I wotte wel, suche thynge shal nat her asterte; than, of unkyndnesse thyne othe hath the excused at the fulle. But nowe, if thou woldest nat greve, me lyst a fewe thynges to she we.' 'Say on,' quod I, 'what ye wol. I trowe ye meane but trouthe and my +profyte in tyme comynge. Trewly,' quod she, 'that is sothe. So thou con wel kepe these wordes and, in the inrest secre chambre of thyne herte, so faste hem close that they never flytte, than shalte thou fynde hem avaylyng. Loke nowe, what people haste thou served? Whiche of hem al in tyme of thyne exile ever the refresshed, by the valewe of the leste coyned plate that walketh, in money? Who was sorye or made any rewth for thy disease? If they hadden getten their purpose of thy misaventure, sette they nat an hawe. Lo, whan thou were enprisonned, howe faste they hyed in helpe of thy delyveraunce. I wene of thy dethe they yeve but lyte. They loked after +nothynge, but after their owne lustes. And if thou lyste say the sothe, a that meyny, that in this brigge the broughten, lokeden rather after thyne helpes, than the to have releved.

Book I, Chapter 8 71 'Owen nat yet some of hem money for his commens? Paydest nat thou for some of her dispences tyl they were tourned out of Selande? Who yave the ever ought for any rydynge thou madest? Yet, pardye, some of hem token money for thy chambre, and putte tho pens in his purse unwetynge of the renter. 'Lo for which a company thou medlest, that neyther the, ne themselfe, myghten helpe of unkyndnesse. Nowe they beare the name that thou sup100 +++++of hem for to have. What myght thou more have done than thou dyddest, but if thou woldest in a false quarel have been a stynkynge martyr? I wene thou fleddest as longe as thou myght, their pryvite to counsayle, whiche thynge thou hel[ed]est lenger than thou shuldest. And thilke that ought the money, no penny wolde paye. They wende thy returne hadde ben an impossyble. Howe might thou better have hem proved, but thus in thy nedy diseases? Nowe haste thou ensaumple for whom thou shake meddle. Trewly, this lore is worthe many goodes.' Chapter 8

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[E]fte gan Love to sterne me [with] these wordes, Thynke on my speche, for trewly, herafter it wol do the lykynge; and howe-so-ever thou se Fortune shape her wheele to tourne, this meditation by no waye revolve. For certes, Fortune sheweth her fayrest whan she thynketh to begyle. And as me thought, here-toforne thou saydest thy loos in love, for thy rightwysenesse ought to be raysed, shulde be alowed in tyme comynge. Thou myght in love so the have, that loos and fame shul so ben raysed, that to thy frendes comforte, and sorowe to thyne enemys, endlesse shul endure. 'But, if thou were the one shepe amonges the hundred were loste in deserte, and out of the way hadde erred, and no we to the flocke arte restoored, the shepeheerd hath in the no joye, and thou ayen to the forrest tourne. But that, right as the sorowe and anguysshe was great in tyme of thyne out-waye goynge, ryght so joye and gladnesse shal be doubled to sene the converted, and nat as Lothes wyfe ayen lokynge, but hoole counsayle with the shepe folowynge, and with them grasse and herbes gadre. 'Never-the-later,' quod she, 'I saye nat these thynges for no wantrust that I have in supposynge of the otherwyse than I shulde. For trewly, I wotte wel that nowe thou arte sette in suche a purpose, out of whiche the lyste nat to parte. But I saye it, for many men there bene, that to knowynge of other mennes doynges setten al their cure and lightly desyren the badde to clatter, rather than the good, and have no wyl their owne maner to amende. They also hate of olde rancoure lightly haven,

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and there that suche thynge abydeth, sodaynly in their mouthes procedeth the habundaunce of the herte, and wordes as [stones] out throwe. Wherfore, my counsayle is evermore openly and apertely, in what place thou sytte, counterplete th'errours and meanynges, in as ferre as thou hem wystyst false, and leave for no wyght to make hem be knowe in every bodyes eare. And be alway pacient and use Jacobes wordes, what-so-ever menne of the clappen, "I shal sustayne my ladyes wrathe, whiche I have deserved, so longe as my Margarite hath rightwysed my cause." 'And certes,' quod she, 'I wytnesse myselfe, if thou, thus converted, sorowest in good meanynge in thyne herte, wolte from al vanyte parfitely departe, in consolatyoun of al good pleasaunce of that Margaryte, whiche that thou desyrest after wyl of thyn hert, in a maner of a mothers pyte, [she] shul fully accepte the into grace. For, ryght as thou rentest clothes in open syghte, so openly to sowe hem a[fter] is worshippe withouten reprofe commended. Also, right as thou were ensample of moche-folde errour, right so thou must be ensample of many-folde correctioun. So good savour to forgoyng (al errour distroyeng) causeth dilygent love, with many-playted praysynges to folowe. And than shal al the fyrste errours make the folowynge worshyppes to seme hugely encreased. Blacke and white, sette togyder, every for other, more semeth. And so dothe everythynges contrary in kynde. But infame, that gothe alwaye tofore and praysynge worshippe by any cause folowynge after, maketh to ryse the ylke honour in double of welth; and that quencheth the spotte of the fyrst enfame. Why wenyste I saye these thinges in hyndringe of thy name? Naye, nay, God wotte, but for pure encreasyng worshyp, thy rightwysenesse to commende and thy trouthe to seme the more. Wost nat wel thyselfe that thou in fourme of making passe[st] nat Adam that etc of the apple? Thou passe[st] nat the stedfastnesse of Noe that, eatynge of the grape, become dronke. Thou passyst nat the chastyte of Lothe that lay by his doughter; eke the nobley of Abraham, whom God reproved by his pride. Also Davydes mekenesse, whiche for a woman made Urye be slawe. What, also Hector of Troye, in whome no defaute myght be founde, yet is he reproved that he ne hadde with manhode nat suffred the warre begon, ne Paris to have went into Grece, by whom ganne al the sorowe. For, trewly, hym lacketh no venym of pry ve consentyng, whiche that openly leaveth a wronge to withsay. 'Lo, eke, an olde proverbe amonges many other, "He that is stylle, semeth as he graunted." 'Nowe, by these ensamples, thou myght fully understonde that these thynges ben wrytte to your lernyng, and in rightwysenesse of tho per-

Book I, Chapter 8 73 sones, as thus: to every wight, his defaute commytted, made goodnesse afterwardes done, be the more in reverence and in open shewyng. For ensample, is it nat song in holy churche, "Lo howe necessary was Adams synne?" Davyd the kyng gate Salomon the kyng on her that was Uryes wyfe. Truly, for reprofe is none of these thynges writte. Right so, tho I reherce thy before-dede[s], I repreve the never-the-more; ne for no vyllany of the are they rehersed, but for worshippe, so thou contynewe wel 70 hereafter, and for profyte of thyselfe, I rede thou on hem thynke.' Than sayde I right thus, 'Lady of unyte and accorde, envy and wrathe lurken there thou comest in place. Ye weten wel yourselve and so done many other, that whyle I admynystred the offyce of commen doynge, as in rulyng of the stablysshmentes amonges the people, I defouled never my conscyence for no maner dede, but ever, by wytte and by counsayle of the wysest, the maters weren drawen to their right endes. And thus, trewly, for you, lady, I have desyred suche cure, and, certes, in your servyce was I nat ydel, as ferre as suche doynge of my cure stretcheth.' 'That is a thyng,' quod she, 'that may drawe many hertes of noble, and 80 voice of commune into glory; and fame is nat but wretched and fyckle. Alas, that mankynde coveyteth in so leude a wyse to be rewarded of any good dede, sithe glorie of fame in this worlde is nat but hyndrynge of glorye in tyme commynge. And certes,' quod she, 'yet at the hardest [cumthe] suche fame into heven. Is nat the erthe but a centre to the cercle of heven? A pricke is wonder lytel in respecte of al the cercle, and yet, in al this pricke, may no name be borne in maner of peersyng for many obstacles, as waters and wyldernesse and straunge langages, and nat onely names of men ben stylled and holden out of knowlegynge by these obstacles, but also cytees and realmes of prosperite ben letted to be 90 knowe, and their re[nou]n hyndred, so that they mowe nat ben parfitely in mennes propre understandynge. 'Howe shulde than the name of a synguler Londenoys passe the gloryous name of London, whiche by many it is commended, and by many it is lacked, and in many mo places in erthe nat knowen than knowen? For in many countrees, lytel is London in knowyng or in spech, and yet among one maner of people may nat such fame in goodnes come, for as many as praysen, commenly as many lacken. Fye, than, on such maner fame. Slepe and suffre Him, that knoweth privyte of hert3, to dele suche fame in thylke place there nothynge ayenst a sothe shal neyther speke ne dare 100 apere by attourney ne by other maner. Howe many great named and many great in worthynesse losed han be tofore this tyme, that nowe out of memorie are slydden and clenely forgeten for defaute of writynges? And yet

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scriptures, for great elde, so ben defased that no perpetualte maye in hem ben juged. But if thou wolte make comparisoun to ever what joye mayst thou have in erthly name, it is a fayre lykenesse: a pees or one grayne of wheate to a thousande shippes ful of corne charged. What nombre is betwene the one and th'other? And yet, mo we bothe they be nombred, and ende in rekenyng have. But trewly, al that may be nombred is nothyng to recken, as to thilke that maye nat be nombred; for of t[o] 110 thynges ended is made comparison, as one lytel, another great, but in thynges to have an end, and another no ende, suche comparisoun may nat be founden. Wherfore, in heven to ben losed with God hath none ende, but endlesse endureth. And thou canste nothynge done aright, but thou desyre the rumoure therof be [d]ealed and in every wightes eare, and that dureth but a pricke, in respecte of the other. And so thou sekest rewarde of folkes smale wordes and of vayne praysynges. Trewly, therin thou lesest the guerdon of vertue, and lesest the grettest valoure of consyence, and, uphap, thy renome everlastyng. 'Therfore, boldely renome of fame of the erthe shulde be hated, and 120 fame after deth shulde be desyred [to]. Werkes of vertue asketh guerdonyng, and the soule causeth al vertue. Than, the soule delyvered out of prisone of erthe, is most worthy suche guerdone among to have in the everlastynge fame, and nat the body that causeth al mannes yvels.' Chapter 9

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'Of twey thynges arte thou answered, as me thynketh,' quod Love, 'and, if any thynge be in doute in thy soule, shewe it forth thyne ignoraunce to clere, and leave it for no shame.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'there is nobody in this worlde that aught coude saye by reason ayenst any of your skylles, as I leve, and by my wytte nowe fele I wel that yvel spekers or bearers of enfame may lytel greve or lette my purpose, but rather by suche thynge my quarel to be forthered.' 'Yea,' quod she, 'and it is proved also that the ilke jewel in my kepynge shal nat there-thorowe be steered of the lest moment that myght be yma+++++" That is soth,' quod I. 'Wel,' quod she, 'than le[v]eth there to declare that thy insuffysance is no maner letting, as thus: for that she is so worthy, thou shuldest not clymbe so highe, for thy moebles and thyne estate arne voyded, thou thynkest [the] fallen in suche myserie that gladnesse of thy pursute wol nat on the discende.'

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'Certes,' quod I, 'that is sothe. Right suche thought is in myne hert, for commenly it is spoken and for an olde proverbe it is leged, "He that heweth to hye, with chyppes he maye lese his syght." Wherfore, I have ben about in al that ever I myght to studye wayes of remedye by one syde or by another.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'God forbede are thou seke any other doynges, but suche as I have lerned the in our restynge whyles, and suche herbes as ben planted in cure gardyns. Thou shalte wel understande that above man is but one God alone.' 'Howe,' quod I, 'han men toforne this tyme trusted in writtes and chauntements and in helpes of spirites that dwellen in the ayre and therby they han getten their desyres, whereas first for al his manly power he daunced behynde?' 'O,' quod she, 'fye on suche maters, for trewly, that is sacrilege, and that shal have no sort with any of my servauntes. In myne eyen shal suche thynge nat be loked after. How often is it commaunded, by these passed wyse, that to one God shal men serve and not to goddes? And who that lyste to have myne helpes, shal aske none helpe of foule spirites. Alas! Is nat man maked semblable to God? Wost thou nat wel that al vertue of lyvelych werkynge, by Goddes purveyaunce, is underputte to resonable creature in erthe? Is nat everythynge a thishalfe God made buxome to mannes contemplation, understandynge in heven, and in erthe, and in helle? Hath not manne beynge with stones, soule of wexyng with trees and herbes? Hath he nat soule of felynge with beestes, fysshes, and foules? And he hath soule of reason and understandyng with aungels, so that in him is knytte al maner of ly venges by a reasonable proporcioun. Also, man is made of al the foure elementes. Al unyversytee is rekened in hym alone. He hath, under God, pryncipalite above al thynges. Nowe is his soule here, nowe a thousande myle hence; nowe ferre, nowe nygh; nowe hye, nowe low; as ferre in a momente, as in mountenaunce of tenne wynter. And al this is in mannes governaunce and disposytion. Than sheweth it that men ben lyche unto goddes and chyldren of moost heyght. But nowe, sythen al thynges [arn] underputte to the wyl of reasonable creatures, God forbede any man to wynne that lordshippe and aske helpe of anythynge lower than himselfe, and, than, namely of foule thyng3 innominable. 'Now than, why shuldest thou wene to love to highe, sythen nothynge is the above but God alone? Trewly, I wote wel, that thylke jewel is in a maner evyn in lyne of degree there thou arte thyselve and nought above, save thus. Aungel upon angel, manne upon manne, and devyl upon devyl

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ban a maner of soveraygntie; and that shal cease at the daye of dome. And so I say, thoughe thou be putte to serve the ylke jewel durynge thy lyfe, yet is that no servage of underputtynge, but a maner of travaylyng plesaunce to conquere and gette that thou haste not. 'I sette nowe the hardest. [If] in my service nowe thou deydest for sorowe of wantynge in thy desyres, trewly al hevenly bodyes with one voyce shul come and make melody in thy comynge, and saye, 'Welcome, our fere, and worthy to entre into Jupyters joye, for thou with myght haste overcome dethe. Thou woldest never flytte out of thy servyce. And we al shul nowe pray to the goddes, rowe by rowe, to make thilk Margarite, that no routh had in th[y] persone, but unkyndely, without comforte, lette the deye, shal besette herselfe in suche wyse, that in erthe, for parte of vengeaunce, shal she no joye have in loves servyce; and whan she is deed, than shal her soule ben brought up into thy presence, and whyder thou wylte chese, thilke soule shal ben commytted.' Or els, after thy dethe, anone, al the foresayd hevenly bodyes, by one accorde, shal ben[i]men from thylke perle al the vertues that firste her were taken, for she hath hem forfeyted by that on the, my servaunt, in thy lyve, she wolde not suffre to worche al vertues withdrawen by might of the hygh bodyes. 'Why, than, shuldest thou wene so any more and, if the lyste to loke upon the lawe of kynde, and with order whiche to me was ordayned, sothely, none age, none overtournynge tyme, but hyt herto had no tyme ne power to chaunge the weddyng, ne the knotte to unbynde of two hertes thorowe one assent in my presence togyther accorden to enduren tyl dethe hem departe? What trowest thou every ydeot wotte the menynge and the privy entent of these thynges? They wene, forsothe, that suche accorde may not be, but the rose of maydenhede be plucked. Do waye, do waye. They knowe nothyng of this; for consente of two hertes alone maketh the fastenynge of the knotte. Neyther lawe of kynde, ne mannes lawe determyneth, neyther the age ne the qualyte of persones, but onely accorde bytwene thylke twaye. And, trewly, after tyme that suche accorde, by their consent in hert, is ensealed and put in my tresorye amonges my privy thynges, than gynneth the name of spousayle; and, although they breaken forwarde bothe, yet suche mater ensealed is kepte in remembraunce for ever. And se nowe that spouses have the name anon after accorde, though the rose be not take. The aungel bade Joseph take Marye his spouse and to Egypte wende. Lo, she was cleped spouse, and yet toforne, ne after, neyther of hem bothe mente no flesshly luste knowe. Wherfore, the wordes of trouthe acorden that my servauntes shulden forsake bothe father and mother and be adherande to his spouse, and they

Book I, Chapter 10 77 two in unyte of one flesshe shulden accorde. And this wyse, two that werne firste in a lytel maner disacordaunt, hygher that one and lower that other, ben made evenlyche in gree to stonde. 100 'But nowe, to enfourme the that ye ben lyche to goddes, these clerkes sayne, and in determynacion shewen, that thre thynges haven [by] the names of goddes ben cleaped; that is to sayn, man, dyvel, and ymages. But yet is there but one God of whom al goodnesse, al grace, and al vertue cometh, and he [is] lovyng, and trewe, and everlastyng, and prime cause of al beyng thynges. But men ben goddes, lovynge and trewe, but not everlastyng, and that is by adopcyoun of the everlastynge God. Dyvels ben goddes, styrrynge by a maner of lyveng, but neyther ben they trewe ne everlastynge, and their name of godlyheed th[e]y han by usurpacion, as the prophete saythe, "Al goddes of gentyles (that is to say paynyms) are 110 dyvels." But ymages ben goddes by nuncupacion, and they ben neyther lyvynge, ne trewe, ne everlastynge. After these wordes, they cleapen "goddes," ymages wrought with mennes handes. But nowe, reasonable creature, that by adopcion alone arte to the great God everlastynge, and therby thou arte "god" cleped, lette thy fathers maners so entre thy wyttes, that thou myght folowe, in as moche as longeth to the thy fathers worshyppe, so that in nothynge thy kynde from his wyl declyne, ne from his nobley perverte. In this wyse, if thou werche, thou arte above al other thynges, save God alone, and so say no more thyn herte to serve in to hye a place.' Chapter 10

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'Fully, have I nowe declared thyn estate to be good, so thou folow therafter and that the abjection first be the aleged in worthynesse of thy Margaryte shal not the lette, as it shal forther the and encrease the. It is nowe to declare the last objection in nothing may greve.' 'Yes, certes,' quod I, 'bothe greve and let muste it nedes. The contrarye maye not ben proved, and se nowe why. Whyle I was glorious in worldly welfulnesse and had suche goodes in welth as maken men ryche, tho was I drawe into companyes that loos, prise, and name yeven. Tho louteden blasours; tho curreyden glosours; tho welcomeden flatterers; tho wor+++++++thylke that nowe deynen nat to loke. Every wight, in such erthl. wele habundant, is holde noble, precious, benigne, and wyse to do what he shal in any degree that men hym set, al be it that the sothe be in the contrarye of al tho thynges. But he that can ne never so wel him behave and hath vertue habundaunt in many-folde maners, and be nat welthed

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Thomas Usk's Testament of Love with suche erthly goodes, is holde for a foole, and sayd his wytte is but sotted. Lo, how false for aver is holde trewe. Lo, howe trewe is cleaped false, for wantyng of goodes. Also, lady, dignytees of office maken men mykel comended, as thus, "He is so good, were he out, his pere shulde men not fynde." Trewly, I trowe of some suche that are so praysed, were they out ones, another shulde make him so beknowe, he shulde of no wyse no more ben loked after. But onely fooles, wel I wotte, desyren suche new thynges. ' Wherfore, I wonder that thilke governour, out of whome alone the causes proceden that governen al thynges, whiche that hath ordeyned this worlde in werkes of the kyndely bodyes so be governed, not with unstedfast or happyous thyng, but with rules of reason, whiche shewen the course of certayne thynges, why suffreth he suche slydyng chaunges, that misturnen suche noble thynges as ben we men, that arne a fayre parsel of the erthe, and holden the upperest degre under God of benigne thinges, as ye sayden right nowe yourselfe. Shulde never man have ben set in so worthy a place, but if his degre were ordayned noble. Alas, thou that knyttest the purveyaunce of al thynges, why lokest thou not to amenden these defautes? I se shrewes, that han wicked maner, sytten in chayres of domes, lambes to punysshen, there wolves shulden ben punisshed. Lo, vertue, shynende naturelly, for povertie lurketh and is hydde under cloude; but the moone, false, forsworne, as I knowe myselfe, for aver and yeftes hath usurped to shyne by daylight with peynture of other mens praysinges. And, trewly, thilke forged Iy3t fouly shulde fade, were the trouth away of colours feyned. Thus is nyght turned into daye, and daye into night, wynter into sommer, and sommer into wynter, not in dede, but in miscleapyng of folyche people.' 'Now,' quod she, 'what wenest thou of these thinges? How felest thou, in thyn hert, by what governaunce that this cometh aboute?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'that wotte I never, but if it be that fortune hath graunt from above, to lede the ende of men as her lyketh.' 'Ah, nowe, I se,' quod she, 'th'entent of thy meanyng. Lo, bycause thy worldly goodes ben fullyche dispent, thou berafte out of dignite of office, in whiche thou madest the gatherynge of thilke goodes - and yet dyddest in that office by counsaile of wyse anything were [ne]ded, and true were unto hem, whose profyte thou shuldest loke - and seest nowe many that, in thilke hervest, made of the mokel, and nowe, for glosing of other, deyneth the nought to forther, but enhaunsen false shrewes by wytnessynge of trouthe. These thynges greveth thyn herte to sene thyselfe thus abated; and, than, fraylte of mankynde ne setteth but lytel by the lesers of suche

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rychesse, have he never so moche vertue, and so thou wenest of thy jewel to renne in dispyte, and not ben accepted into grace. Al this shal the nothing hynder. 'Nowe,' quod she, 'first thou woste wel thou lostest nothyng that ever mightest thou chalenge for thyn owne. Whan nature brought the forthe, come thou not naked out of thy mothers wombe? Thou haddest no rychesse, and whan thou shall entre into the ende of every flesshly body, what shalt thou have with the than? So, every rychesse thou haste in tyme of thy lyvynge, nys but lente; thou might, therin, chalenge no propertie. And se nowe, everything that is a mannes owne, he may do therwith what him lyketh to yeve or to kepe. But richesse, thou playnest from the lost; if thy might had stretched so ferforth, fayne thou woldest have hem kept multyplied with mo other; and so ayenst thy wyl ben they departed from the. Wherfore, they were never thyn. And if thou laudest and joyest any wight, for he is stuffed with suche maner richesse, thou arte in that beleve begiled, for thou wenest thilke joye to be selynesse or els ease, and he that hath loste suche happes to ben unsely.' 'Ye, forsoth,' quod I. 'Wel,' quod she, 'than, wol I prove that unsely in that wise is to preise, and so the t'other is the contrary to be lacked.' 'Howe so?' quod I. 'For Unsely,' quod she, 'begyleth nat, but sheweth th'entent of her workyng. Et e contra. Selynesse begyleth, for in prosperite she maketh a jape in blyndnesse, that is, she wyndeth him to make sorowe whan she withdraweth. Wolte thou nat,' quod she, 'preise hem better that sheweth to the his herte, tho it be with bytande wordes and dispitous, than him that gloseth and thinketh in th[i] absence to do the many harmes?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'the one is to commende, and the other to lacke and dispice.-' 'A ha!' quod she, 'Right so Ease, while [s]he lasteth, gloseth and flatereth, and listly voydeth whan she most plesauntly sheweth. And ever in hir absences she is aboute to do the tene and sorowe in herte. But, Unsely, al be it with bytande chere, sheweth what she is, and so doth not that other; wherfore, Unsely dothe not begyle. Selynesse disceyveth; Unsely put awaye doute. That one maketh men blynde; that other openeth their eyen in shewynge of wretchydnesse. The one is ful of drede to lese that is not his owne; that other is sobre and maketh men discharged of mokel hevynesse in burthen. The one draweth a man from very good; the other haleth hym to vertue by the hookes of thoughtes. And wenyst thou nat that thy disease hath done the mokel more to wynne than ever yet thou

80 Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++ lostest, and, more than ever, the contrary made the wynne? Is nat a great good to thy thynking for to knowe the hertes of thy sothfast frendes? Pardy, they ben proved to the ful, and the trewe have discevered fro the false. Trewly, at the goynge of the ylke brotel joye, ther yede no more awaye than the ylke that was nat thyne proper; he was never from that 100 lyghtly departed. Thyne owne good, therfore, leaveth it stylle with the. 'No we, good,' quod she, 'for ho we moche woldest thou somtyme have bought this verry knowyng of thy frendes, from the flatterynge flyes that the glosed, whan thou thought thyselfe sely? But thou, that playnest of losse in rychesse, hast founden the most dereworthy thynge. That thou cleapest unsely hath made the moche thynge to wynnen. And also for conclusyoun of al, he is frende that nowe lea[n]eth nat his hert from thyne helpes. And if that Margarite de[yn]eth nowe nat to suffre her vertues shyne to the-wardes, with spreadynge beames, as farre or farther than if thou were sely in worldly joye, trewly, I saye nat els, but she is somdele to 110 blame.' 'Ah, peace!' quod I, 'and speke no more of this. Myne herte breaketh, nowe thou touchest any suche wordes.' 'A, wel,' quod she, 'thanne lette us syngen. Thou herest no more of these thynges at this tyme.' Thus endeth the firste booke of the++++++++++++++++++++++++ foloweth the seconde.

BOOK II Chapter 1

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Very welth may not be founden in al this worlde, and that is wel sene. Lo, howe in my mooste comforte, as I wende, and moost supposed to have hadde ful answere of my contrary thoughtes, sodaynly it was vanysshed. And al the workes of man faren in the same wyse. Whan folke wenen best her entent for to have and wylles to perfourme, anone, chaungyng of the lyft syde to the ryght halve tourneth it so clene into another kynde that never shal it come to the fyrst plyte in doynge. O this wrongful steeryng, so soone otherwysed out of knowynge! But for my purpose was at my begynnynge, and so dureth yet, if God, of His grace, tyme wol me graunt, I thynke to perfourme this worke, as I have begonne, in love, after as my thynne wytte, with inspyracion of Hym that

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hyldeth al grace, wol suffre. Grevously, God wotte, have I suffred a great throwe that the Romayne emperour, whiche in unyte of love shulde acorde, [na]d every with other in cause of other to avaunce, and namely sythe, this empyre to be corrected of so many sectes in heresie of faith [and] of servyce: o rule in loves relygion. Trewly, al were it but to shende erronyous opinyons, I maye it no lenger suffre. For many menne there ben that sayne love to ben in gravel and sande, that with see ebbynge and flowynge w[a]weth, as riches that sodaynly vanissheth. And some sayn that love shulde be in wyndy blastes, that stoundmele turneth as a phane, and glorie of renome, whiche after lustes of the varyaunt people is areysed or stylled. Many also wenen that in the sonne and the moone, and other sterres, love shulde ben founden, for amonge al other pianettes moste soverainly they shynen, as dignytees in reverence of estates rather than good han and occupyen. Ful many, also, there ben that in okes and in huge postes supposen love to ben grounded, as in strength and in might, whiche mowen not helpen their owne wretchydnesse whan they gynne to fal. B[y] suche dy versyte of sectes ayenst the rightful byleve of love these errours ben forthe spredde that loves servauntes, in trewe rule and stedfaste faythe, in no place darne apere. Thus irrecuperable joy is went, and anoy endlesse is entred. For no man aright reproveth suche errours, but confyrmen their wordes, and sayn that badde is noble good, and goodnesse is badde; to whiche folke the prophete byddeth, "Wo without ende." Also, manye tonges of great false techynges in gylynge maner, principally in my tymes not onely with wordes but also with armes, loves servauntes, and professe in his relygion of trewe rule, pursewen to confounden and to distroyen. And for as moche as holy fathers, that our Christen fayth aproved and strenghthed to the Jewes, as to men resonable and of divynite lerned, proved thilke faythe with resones and with auctorites of the olde testament and of the newe, her pertynacie to distroy, but to paynyms, that for beestes and houndes were holde, to put hem out of their errour, was myracles of God shewed. These thynges were fygured by cornynge of th'angel to the shepeherdes, and by the sterre to paynyms kynges (as who say the: angel resonable to resonable creature, and sterre of myracle to people bestyal, not lerned) werne sent to enforme. But I, lovers clerke, in al my connyng and with al my mightes, trewly, I have no suche grace in vertue of myracles. Ne for [t]o discomfyte falsheedes suffyseth not auctorytes alone, sythen that suche heretykes and maintaynours of falsytes, [with that auctorite misglosed by mannes reason, to graunt shal be enduced.] Wherfore, I wotte wel, sythen that they

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ben men and reason is approved in hem, the clowde of erroure hath her reason bewonde. Probable resons, whiche that catchende wytte rightfully may not withsytte, by my travaylynge studye, I have ordeyned hem. Nowe gynneth my penne to quake, to thinken on the sentences of the envyous people, whiche alwaye ben redy, both ryder and goer, to skorne and to jape this leude booke. And me, for rancoure and hate in their hertes, they shullen so dispyse, that, althoughe my booke be leude, yet shal it ben more leude holden, and by wicked wordes in many maner apayred. Certes, me thynketh, the sowne of their badde speche, ryght nowe, is ful [in] bothe myne eeres. O, good, precious Margaryte, myne herte shulde wepe if I wyste ye token hede of suche maner speche, but, trewly, I wotte wel, in that your wysdome shal not asterte. For, of God, maker of kynde, wytnesse I toke that for none envy ne yvel have I drawe this mater togyder, but only for goodnesse to maintayn and errours in falstees to distroy. Wherfore, as I sayd, with reason I thynke thylke forsayd errours to distroye and dequace. These reasons and suche other, if they enduce men, in loves servyce trewe, to beleve of parfyte blysse, yet to ful faithe in credence of deserte, fully mowe they nat suffyse, sithen, 'Faith hath no meryte of mede whan mannes reason sheweth experyence in doyng.' For utterly, no reason, the parfyte blysse of love by no waye, maye make to be comprehended. Lo, what is a persel of lovers joye? Parfyte science, in good servyce, of their desyre to comprehende in bodily doynge the lykynge of the soule - not as by a glasse to have contemplacion of tyme comynge, but thilke first, ymagyned and thought, after face to face in beholdyng. What herte, what reason, what understandynge can make his heven to be feled and knowe without assaye in doynge? Certes, none. Sythen, thanne, of love cometh suche fruite in blysse and love in hymselfe is the most amonge other vertues, as clerkes sayne, the sede of suche springynge in al places, in al countreys, in al worldes shulde ben sowe. But, O, welawaye! Thilke sede is forsake and mowen not ben suffred, the londe tyllers to set awerke, without medlynge of cockle. Badde wedes, whiche somtyme stonken, hath caught the name of love amonge ydiotes and badde-meanynge people. Never-the-later, yet, howe-so it be that menne cleape thilke [thjynge, preciousest in kynde, with many ekenames, [and] other thynges that the soule yeven the ylke noble name, it sheweth wel that in a maner men have a great lykynge in worshyppynge of thilke name. Wherfore, this worke have I writte; and to the, tytled of Loves name, I have it avowed in a maner of sacrifyse, that whereever it be radde, it mowe in meryte, by the excellence of thilke name, the more

Book II, Chapter 2 83 wexe in authorite and worshyppe of takynge in hede; and to what entent it was ordayned, the inseeres mowen ben moved. Everythynge, to whom is owande occasyon, done [i]s for his ende; Aristotle supposeth that the actes of everythynge ben, in a maner, his fynal cause. A fynal cause is noblerer, or else even as noble, as thilke thynge that is fynally to thilke ende; wherfore, accion of thynge everlastyng is demed to be eternal, and not temporal, sythen it is his fynal cause. Ryght so the actes of my boke 'Love,' and love is noble. Wherfore, though my boke be leude, the cause 100 with whiche I am stered and for whom I ought it done, noble, forsothe, ben bothe. But, bycause that in connynge I am yonge and canne yet but crepe, this leude ABC have I sette into lernyng, for I can not passen the tellyng of thre as yet. And, if God wyl, in shorte tyme I shal amende this leudnesse in joynynge syllables, whiche thynge, for dulnesse of wytte, I maye not in thre letters declare. For, trewly, I saye the goodnesse of my Margaryte perle wolde yeve mater in endityng to many clerkes. Certes, her mercy is more to me swetter than any lyvynges; wherfore, my lyppes mowen not suffyse in spekyng of her ful laude and worshyppe as they shulde. But 110 who is that, in knowyng of the orders of heven, [p]utteth his resones in the erthe? I, forsothe, may not with blere eyen, the shynyng sonne of vertue in bright whele of this Margaryte beholde. Therfore, as yet, I maye her not discryve in vertue as I wolde. In tyme comynge, in another tretyse, thorowe Goddes grace, this sonne in clerenesse of vertue to beknowe, and howe she enlumyneth al this day, I thynke to declare. Chapter 2

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In this meane whyle this comfortable lady ganne synge a wonder mater of enditynge in Latyn. But trewly, the noble colours in rethorik-wyse knytte were so craftely that my connyng wol not stretche to remembre; but the sentence, I trowe, somdele have I in mynde. Certes, they were wonder swete of sowne, and they were touched al in lamentacion-wyse and by no werbles of myrthe. Lo, thus ganne she synge in Latyn, as I may constrewe it in our Englysshe tonge. 'Alas, that these hevenly bodyes their lyght and course shewen, as nature yave hem in commaundement at the gynnyng of the first age, but these thynges in free choyce of reson han none understondynge. But man, that ought to passe al thynge of doynge, of right course in kynde, overwhelmed sothnesse by wrongful tytle and hath drawen the sterre of envye to gon by his syde that the clyps of me, that shulde be his shynande sonne,

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so ofte is sey, that it [is] wened thilke errour, thorowe hem come in, shulde ben myn owne defaute. Trewly, therfore, I have me withdrawe and made my dwellynge out of lande in an yle by myselfe, in the occian closed. 'And yet, sayne there many they have me harberowed, but, God wote, they faylen. These thynges me greven to thynke, and, namely, on passed gladnesse, that in this worlde was wonte me disporte of hyghe and lowe; and nowe it is fayled. They, that wolden maystries me have in thilke stoundes, in heven on hyghe above Saturnes sphere, in seasonable tyme, were they lodged. But now come queynte counsaylours, that in no house wol suffre me sojourne, wherof is pyte. And yet, sayne some that they me have in cellar with wyne she[t], in gernere there corne is layde, covered with whete, in sacke sowed with wolle, in purse with money faste knytte, amonge pannes mouled in a wyche, in presse amonge clothes layde with ryche pelure arayed, in stable amonge horse and other beestes, as hogges, shepe, and nete, and in other, many-wyse. But Thou, maker of lyght (in wynking of thyn eye the sonne is queynt), woste right wel that I, in trewe name, was never thus herberowed. 'Somtyme toforn the sonne in the [thirde] partie was smyten, I bare both crosse and mytre to yeve it where I wolde. With me the pope went afote, and I tho was worshyped of al holy church. Kynges baden me their crownes holden. The law was set as it shuld; tofore the juge, as wel the poore durste shewe his grefe as the ryche, for al his money. I defended tho taylages and was redy for the poore to pay. I made great feestes, in my tyme, and noble songes, and maryed damoselles of gentyl feture withouten golde or other rychesse. Poore clerkes, for wytte of schole, I sette in churches and made suche persones to preache. And tho was servyce in holy churche honest and devoute, in plesaunce bothe of God and of the people. 'But nowe the leude, for symonye, is avaunced and shendeth al holy churche. Nowe is stewarde, for his achates, now i[s] courtyour, for his debates, nowe is eschetoure, for his wronges, nowe is losel, for his songes, personer and provendre alone, with whiche manye thrifty shulde encrease. And yet is this shrewe behynde: free herte is forsake and losengeour is take. Lo, it acordeth; for suche there ben that voluntarye lustes haunten in courte with rybaudye that tyl mydnight and more wol playe and wake, but in the churche at matyns he is behynde, for yvel disposycion of his stomake. Therfore, he shulde eate beane-breed, and so dyd his syre, his estate therwith to strengthen. His auter is broke and lowe lythe in poynte to gone to the erthe, but his horse muste ben easy and hye to beare him over great waters. His chalyce poore, but he hath

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ryche cuppes. No towayle but a shete there God shal ben handled. And on his meate-borde there shal ben borde clothes and towelles many payre. At masse serveth but a clergyon; fyve squiers in hal. Poore chaunsel, open holes in every syde; beddes of sylke with tapytes goyng al aboute his chambre. Poore masse-boke and leude chapelayne, and broken surplyce with many an hole. Good houndes and many, to hunte after harte and hare, to fede in their feestes. Of poore men have they great care; for they ever crave and nothynge offren, they wolden have hem dolven. But amonge legystres there dare I not come; my doynge, they sayne, maken hem nedy. They ne wolde for nothyng have me in town, for than were tort and for[c]he nought worthe an hawe about and pleasen no men; but thilk grevous and torcious ben in might and in doyng. These thynges tofornesayd mowe wel, if men lyste, ryme; trewly, they acorde nothynge. 'And, for as moch as al thynges by me shulden of right ben governed, I am sorye to se that governaunce fayleth, as thus: to sene smale and lowe governe the hye and bodies above. Certes, that polesye is naught; it is forbode by them that of governaunce treaten and enformen. And right as beestly wytte shulde ben subjecte to reason, so erthly power, in itselfe the lower, shulde ben subject to the hygher. What is worth thy body, but it be governed with thy soule? Right so, lytel or naught is worthe erthely power, but if reignatyfe prudence in heedes governe the smale, to whiche heedes the smale owen to obey and suffre in their governaunce. 'But soverainnesse ayenwarde shulde thynke in this wyse, "I am servaunt of these creatures to me delyvered": not lorde, but defendour; not mayster, but enfourmer; not possessoure, but in possessyon; and to hem lyche a tree in whiche sparowes shullen stelen, her byrdes to norisshe and forthe bring under suretie ayenst al raveynous foules and beestes, and not to be tyraunt themselfe. And than the smale, in reste and quyete, by the heedes wel disposed, owen for their soveraynes helth and prosperyte to pray, and in other doynges, in maintenaunce therof, performe withouten other admynistracion in rule of any maner governaunce. And they wyt have in hem, and grace to come to suche thynges, yet shulde they cease tyl their heedes them cleped, although profyte and pleasaunce shulde folowe. But, trewly, other governaunce, ne other medlynge, ought they not to clayme, ne the heedes on hem to put. 'Trewly, amonges cosynage dare I not come, but if rychesse be my meane. Sothly, she and other bodily goodes maketh nigh cosinage ther never propynquite ne alyaunce in lyve was, ne shuld have be, nere it for her medling maners. Wherfore, kindly am I not ther leged. Povert of kyn-

86 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love red is behynde; rychesse suffreth him to passe; truly, he saith he com never of Japhetes childre. Whereof, I am sory that Japhetes children, for povert, in no linage ben rekened and Caynes children, for riches, be maked Japhetes heires. Alas, this is a wonder chaunge bytwene tho two Noes chyldren, sythen that of Japhetes ofspring come[n] knightes, and of Cayn discended the lyne of servage to his brothers childre. Lo, howe 100 gentyHesse and servage, as cosyns, both discended out of two bretherne of one body. Wherfore, I saye in sothnesse that gentylesse in kynrede maken not gentyl lynage in successyon without deserte of a mans own selfe. Where is nowe the lyne of Alysaundre the noble, or els of Hector of Troye? Who is discended of right bloode of lyne fro King Arthour? Parde, sir Perdicas, whom that Kynge Alysandre made to ben his heire in Grece, was of no kynges bloode; his dame was a tombystere. Of what kynred ben the gentyles in our dayes? I trow, therfore, if any good be in gentylesse, it is only that it semeth a maner of necessyte be input to gentylmen that they shulden not varyen fro the vertues of their auncestres. Certes, al maner 110 lynage of men ben evenliche in byrth, for one father, maker of al goodnes, enformed hem al; and al mortal folke of one sede arne greyned. Wherto avaunt men of her lynage in cosynage or in elde fathers? Loke now the gynnyng and to God, maker of mans person; there is no clerke ne no worthy in gentilesse. And he that norissheth his cora[g]e with vyces and unresonable lustes, and leaveth the kynde course, to whiche ende him brought forthe his byrthe, trewly, he is ungentyl and amonge clerkes may ben nempned. 'And, therfore, he that ben gentyl, he mote daunten his flesshe fro vyces that causen ungentylnesse, and leave also reignes of wicked lustes 120 and drawe to him vertue, that in al places gentylnesse, gentylmen maketh. And so speke I, in feminyne gendre in general, of tho persones at the reverence of one whom every wight honoureth; for her bountie and her noblesse ymade her to God so dere that his moder she became. And she me hath had so great in worshyp, that I nyl for nothyng in open declare, that in anythynge ayenst her secte maye sowene; for al vertue and al worthy nesse of pleasaunce in hem haboundeth. And, although I wolde anything speke, trewly, I can not; I may fynde in yvel of hem no maner mater.' Chapter 3 Right with these wordes she stynte of that lamentable melodye, and I ganne with ly vely herte to praye, if that it were lykyng unto her noble

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grace, she wolde her deyne to declare me the mater that firste was begonne, in whiche she lefte and stynte to speke beforne she gan to synge. 'O,' quod she, 'this is no newe thynge to me to sene you menne desyren after mater, whiche yourselfe caused to voyde.' 'Ah, good lady,' quod I, 'in whom victorie of strength is proved above al other thynge, after the jugement of Esdram, whose lordshyp al lignes? Who is that right as emperour hem commaundeth? Whether thilke ben not women, in whose lykenesse to me ye aperen? For, right as man halte the principalte of al thyng under his beynge in the masculyne gender, and no mo genders ben there but masculyn and femenyne - al the remenaunt ben no gendres but of grace, in facultie of grammar - right so in the femenyne, the women holden the upperest degree of al thynges under thilke gendre conteyned. Who bringeth forthe kynges, whiche that ben lordes of see and of erthe? And al peoples of women ben borne; they norysshe hem that graffen vynes; they maken men comforte in their gladde cheres. Her sorowe is dethe to mannes herte. Without women the beyng of men were impossyble. They conne with their swetnesse the crewel herte ravysshe and make it meke, buxome, and benigne, without vyolence mevynge. In beautie of their eyen, or els of other maner fetures is al mens desyres, ye, more than in golde, precious stones, eyther any rychesse. And in this degree, lady, yourselfe many hertes of men have so bounden, that parfyte blysse in womankynde to ben men wenen, and in nothynge els. Also, lady, the goodnesse, the vertue of women, by properte of discrecion, is so wel knowen by lytelnesse of malyce that desyre to a good asker by no waye conne they warne. And ye, thanne, that wol not passe the kynde werchynge of your sectes by general discrecion, I wotte wel, ye wol so enclyne to my prayere, that grace of my requeste shal fully ben graunted.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'thus, for the more parte, fareth al mankynde to praye and to crye after womans grace and fayne many fantasies to make hertes enclyne to your desyres. And whan these sely women, for freelte of their kynde, beleven your wordes and wenen al be gospel, the promise of your behestes, than graunt they to you their hertes, and fulfyllen your lustes, wherthrough their lyberte in maystreshyp, that they toforne had, is thralled; and so maked soverayn and to be prayed, that first was servaunt and voice of prayer used. Anon, as fylled is your lust, many of you be so trewe, that lytel hede take ye of suche kyndnesse, but with traysoun, anon ye thynke hem begyle, and let lyght of that thyng whiche firste ye maked to you wonders dere. S[e] what thing to women it is to love any wight er she hym wel knowe and have him proved in many halfe. For every glyt-

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tryng thyng is nat golde, and under colour of fayre speche, many vices may be hyd and conseled. Therfore, I rede no wyght to trust on you to rathe; mens chere and her speche right gyleful is ful ofte. Wherfore, without good assay, it is nat worthe on many o[f] you to truste. Trewly, it is right kyndely to every man that thynketh women betraye [to] shewen outwarde al goodnesse tyl he have his wyl performed. Lo, the birde is begyled with the mery voice of the foulers whistel. Whan a woman is closed in your nette, than wol ye causes fynden and beare unkyndenesse her [o]n hande, or falsete upon her putte, your owne malycious trayson, with suche thynge, to excuse. Lo, than, han women none other wre[n]che in vengeaunce, but bloder and wepe tyl hem lyst stynt, and sorily her mishap complayne; and is put into wenyng that al men ben so untrewe. 'Howe often have men chaunged her loves in a lytel while, or els, for faylyng their wyl in their places [ot]he[rs] sette. For frenship shal be one, and fame with another him lyste for to have and a thirde for delyte, or els were he lost bothe in packe and in clothes. Is this faire? Nay, God wot. I maye nat tel, by thousande partes, the wronges in trechery of suche false people; for, make they never so good a bonde, al sette ye at a myte whan your hert tourneth. And they, that wenen, for sorowe of you dey; the pile of your false herte is flowe out of towne. Alas, therfore, that ever any woman wolde take any wyght in her grace tyl she knowe at the ful on whom she might at al assayes trust. Women con no more crafte in queynt knowynge, to understande the false disceyvable conjectements of mannes begilynges. Lo, howe it fareth, though ye men gronen and cryen, certes it is but disceyt and that preveth wel by th'endes in your werkynge. Howe many women have ben lorne and with shame foule shent by longe lastynge tyme, whiche thorowe mennes gyle have ben disceyved? Ever their fame shal dure, and their dedes radde and songe in many londes. That they han done recoveren shal they never, but alway ben demed lightly, in suche plyte ayen shulde they fal. Of whiche slaunders and tenes ye false men and wicked ben the verey causes; on you, by right, ought these shames and these reproves al holy discende. Thus arne ye al nyghe untrewe; for al your fayre speche, your herte is ful fyckel. 'What cause han ye women to dispyse? Better fruite than they ben, ne swetter spyces to your behove, mowe ye not fynde, as farre as worldly bodyes stretchen. Loke to their formynge as the makyng of their persones, by God, in joye of paradyce. For goodnesse, of mans propre body were they maked, after the sawes of the byble, rehersyng Goddes wordes in this wyse, "It is good to mankynde that We make to him an helper." Lo, in paradyse for your helpe was this tree graffed, out of whiche al lynage of

Book II, Chapter 4 89 man discendeth. If a man be noble frute, of noble frute it is sprongen. The blysse of paradyse to mennes sory hertes yet in this tree abydeth. O, noble helpes ben these trees, and gentyl jewel to ben worshypped in every good creature. He that hem anoyeth dothe his owne shame; it is a comfortable perle ayenst al tenes. Every company is myrthed by their present beyng. Trewly, I wyst never vertue, but a woman were therof the rote. What is heven the worse though sarazins on it lyen? Is your faythe untrewe 90 thoughe rennogates maken theron leasynges? If the fyre doth any wight brenne, blame his owne wytte that put himselfe so farre in the heate. Is not fyre gentyllest and moste element comfortable amonges al other? Fyre is chefe werker in fortherynge sustenaunce to mankynde. Shal fyre ben blamed, for it brende a foole naturelly, by his own stulty wytte in sterynge? Ah, wicked folkes, for your propre malyce and shreudnesse of yourselfe, ye blame and dispyse the precioust thyng in your kynde and whiche thynges amonge other moste ye desyren. Trewly, Nero and his children ben shrewes that dispysen so their dames. The wickednesse and gylyng of men, in disclaundring of thilke that moste hath hem gladed and 100 --pleased, were impossyble to write or to nempne. Never-the-later yet, I sa he that knoweth a way may it lightly passe; eke, an herbe proved may safely to smertande sores ben layde. So I say in him that is proved is nothyng suche yvels to gesse. But these thynges have I rehersed to warne you women al at ones that to lyghtly, without good assaye, ye assenten not to mannes speche. The sonne in the daylyght is to knowen from the moone that shyneth in the nyght. 'Nowe to the, thyselfe,' quod she, 'as I have ofte sayd, I knowe wel thyne herte; thou arte none of al the tofore-nempned people, for I knowe wel the contynuaunce of thy servyce, that never sythen I set the a-werke, 110 myght thy Margaryte, for plesaunce, frendeshyp, ne fayrehede of none other, be in poynte moved from thyne herte. Wherfore, into myne housholde hastely I wol that thou entre, and al the parfyte privyte of my werkyng make it be knowe in thy understondyng, as one of my privy famyliers.' Chapter 4 Thou desyrest,' quod she, 'fayne to here of tho thynges there I lefte?' 'Ye, forsothe,' quod I, 'that were to me a great blysse.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'for thou shalt not wene that womans condycions for fayre speche suche thyng belongeth, thou shalte,' quod she, 'understonde first, amonge al other thynges, that al the cure of my servyce to me, in the

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parfyte blysse in doyng, is desyred in every mannes herte, be he never so moche a wretche. But every man travayleth by dy vers studye, and seke[th] thylke blysse by dy vers wayes, but al the endes are knyt in selynesse of desyre in the parfyte blysse. That is suche joye, whan men it have gotten, there lyveth nothynge more to ben coveyted. But howe that desyre of suche perfection in my servyce be kyndely set in lovers hertes, yet her erronyous opinyons misturne it by falsenesse of wenyng. And, although mannes understandyng be misturned, to knowe whiche shuld ben the way unto my person and whyther it abydeth, yet wote they there is a love in every wight [that] weneth by that thyng that he coveyteth moste, he shulde come to thilke love, and that is parfyte blysse of my servauntes. But than, fulle blysse maye not be, and there lacke anythynge of that blysse in any syde; eke it foloweth than, that he that must have ful blysse, lacke no blysse in love on no syde.' Therfore, lady,' quod I, tho, 'thylke blysse I have desyred, and so[ht]e toforne this myselfe by wayes of riches, of dignite, of power, and of renome, wenyng me, in tho thra[t]es had ben thilke blysse; but ayenst the heere it turneth. Whan I supposed beste thilke blysse have get and come to the ful purpose of your servyce, sodaynly was I hyndred and throwen so fer abacke that me thynketh an inpossyble to come there I lefte.' 'I wo[t] wel,' quod she, 'and therfore hast thou fayled, for thou wentest not by the hye way. A lytel misgoyng in the gynnyng causeth mykel errour in the ende. Wherfore, of thilke blysse thou fayledest, for havyng of rychesse, ne non of the other thyng3 thou nempnedest, mowen nat make suche parfite blisse in love, as I shal shewe. Therfore, they be nat worthy to thilke blysse, and yet, somwhat must ben cause and way to thilke blysse.++++++-there is some suche thing and some way, but it is lyt in usage and that is nat openly iknowe. But what felest in thyne hert of that service in whiche by me thou art entred? Wenest aught thyselfe yet be in the hye way to my blisse? I shal so shewe it to the, thou shalte not con saye the contrary.' 'Good lady,' quod I, 'altho I suppose it in my herte, yet wolde I here thyn wordes howe ye meanen in this mater.' Quod she, 'that I shal, with my good wyl. Thilke blysse desyred some deale ye knowen, altho it be nat parfitly, for kyndly entention ledeth you therto; but in thre maner lyvenges is al suche wayes shewed. Every wight in this world, to have this blisse, one of thilke thre wayes of ly ves must precede, whiche, after opynions of great clerkes, arne by names cleaped bestiallich, resonablich, [and manlich. Resonablich] is vertuous. Manlych is worldlych. Bestialliche is lust[y] and delytable, nothynge restrayned by

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bridel of reason. Al that joyeth and yeveth gladnesse to the hert, and it be ayenst reason, is lykened to bestial lyveng, whiche thynge foloweth lustes and delytes. Wherfore, in suche thinge maye nat that precious blysse, that is maister of al vertues, abyde. Your fathers toforne you have cleped such lusty lyvenges after the flessh, "passions of desyre," which are innominable tofore God and man both. Than, after determination of suche wyse, we accorden that suche passions of desyre shul nat be nempned, but holden for absolute from al other lyvenges and provynges. And so lyueth in to lyvenges, manlich and resonable, to declare the maters begonne. 'But to make the fully have understandyng in manlich lyvenges, whiche is holden worldlich in these thynges, so that ignorance be made no letter, I wol,' quod she, 'nempne these forsayd wayes be names and conclusions. First, riches, dignite, renome, and power shul, in this worke, be cleaped bodily goodes, for in hem hath ben a gret throw mannes trust of selynesse in love: as in riches, suffisance to have maintayned that was begon by worldly catel; in dignite, honour and reverence of hem that werne underput by maistry therby to obey; in renome, glorie of peoples praysyng, after lustes in their hert, without hedetakyng to qualite and maner of doing; and in power, by trouth of lordships mayntenaunce, thyng[es] to precede forth in doyng. In al whiche thynges, a longe tyme, mannes coveytise in commune hath ben greatly grounded to come to the blysse of my service; but, trewly, they were begyled. And, for the principal muste nedes fayle and in helping mowe nat availe, se why. For boldest him not poore that is nedy?' 'Yes, parde,' quod I. 'And him for dishonored that moche folke deyne nat to reverence?' That is soth,' quod I. 'And what him that his mightes faylen and mowe nat helpen?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'me semeth of al men he shulde be holden a wretch.' 'And wenest nat,' quod she, 'that he that is lytel in renome, but rather is out of the praysynges of mo men than a fewe, be nat in shame?' 'Forsoth,' quod I, 'it is shame and villany to him that coveyteth renome that more folk nat prayse in name than preise [other].' Quod she, 'Thou sayst soth, but al these thinges are folowed of suche maner doynge. And [they] wenden in riches, suffisaunce, in power, might and in dignyte, worship and in renome, glorie. Wherfore, they discended into disceyvable wenyng, and, in that service, disceite is folowed. And thus, in general, thou, and al suche other that so worchen, faylen of my blysse that ye long han desyred. Wherfore, truly, in lyfe of reason is the hye way to this blysse, as I thynke more openly to declare herafter.

92 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love 'Never-the-later yet, in a lytel to comforte thy herte, in shewyng of what waye thou arte entred thyselfe and that thy Margarite may knowe the set in the hye way, I wol enforme the in this wyse. Thou hast fayled of thy first purpose, bicause thou wentest wronge and leftest the hye way 90 on thy right syde, as thus: thou lokedest on worldly lyveng and that thyng the begyled and lightly therfore, as a lytel assay, thou songedest. But whan I turned thy purpose and shewed the a parte of the hye waye, tho thou abode therin and no dethe ne ferdnesse of non enemy might the out of thilk way reve. But ever one in thyn hert, to come to the ilke blysse whan thou were arested and fyrste tyme enprisoned thou were loth to chaunge thy way, for in thy hert thou wendest to have ben there thou shuldest; and, for I had routhe to sene the miscaried and wyst wel thyne ablenesse my servyce to forther and encrease, I come myselfe without other mean to visyt thy person in comforte of thy hert. And, pardy, in my 100 comyng thou were greatly gladed, after whiche tyme no disease, no care, no tene mi3t move me out of thy hert. And yet, am I gladde and greatly enpited howe contynually thou haddest me in mynde, with good avysement of thy conscience, whan thy king and his princes, by huge wordes and great, loked after variaunce in thy speche. And ever thou were redy, for my sake in plesaunce of that Margarite peerle and many mo other, thy body to oblyge into Marces doyng, if any contraried thy sawes. Stedfast way maketh stedfast hert with good hope in the ende. Trewly, I wol that thou it wel knowe, for I se the so set and no chaungynge herte haddest in my servyce. And I made thou haddest grace of thy kynge in for-yeve110 +++++of mykel misdede. To the gracious kyng arte thou mykel holden, o whose grace and goodnesse somtyme herafter I thinke the enforme, whan I shew the grounde whereas moral vertue groweth. Who brought the to werke? Who brought this grace aboute? Who made thy hert hardy? Trewly, it was I, for haddest thou of me fayled, than [I] this purpose had never taken in this wyse. And, therfore, I say thou might wel truste to come to thy blysse, sythen thy gynnynge hath ben harde, but ever graciously after thy hertes desyre hath preceded. Sylver fyned with many heates men knowen for trew, and safely men may trust to the alay in werkynge. This diseas[e] hath proved what waye hence- forwarde thou 120 thynkest to holde.' 'Nowe, in good fayth, lady,' quod I, tho, 'I am nowe in [it]; me semeth it is the hye way and the ryght.' 'Ye, forsothe,' quod she, 'and nowe I wol disprove thy first wayes by whiche many men wenen to gette thilke blysse. But for as moche as every herte, that hath caught ful love, is tyed with queynt knyttynges, thou shalt

Book II, Chapter 5 93 understande that love and thilke foresayd blysse, toforne declared in this provynges, shal hote the knot in the hert.' 'Wei,' quod I, 'this inpossession I wol wel understande.' 'Nowe also,' quod she, 'for the knotte in the herte muste ben from one to 130 another, and I knowe thy desyre, I wol thou understande these maters to ben sayd of thy selfe in disprovyng of thy first servyce and in strenghthynge of thilke that thou haste undertake to thy Margaryete perle.' 'A Goddes halfe,' quod I, 'ryght wel I fele that al this case is possyble and trewe, and, therfore, I admytte [it] altogyther.' 'Understandfe] wel,' quod she, 'these termes, and loke no contradyction thou graunt.' 'If God wol,' quod I, 'of al these thynges wol I not fayle, and, if I graunt contradyction, I shulde graunte an impossyble; and that were a foule inconvenyence; for whiche thynges ladye, iwys, herafter I thinke me 140 to kepe.' Chapter 5

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'Wel,' quod she, 'thou knowest that everythynge is a cause wherthroughe anythyng hath beyng that is cleped caused. Than, if richesse causen knot in herte, thilke rychesse arne cause of thilke precious thynge beyng. But after the sentence of Aristotle, every cause is more in dignyte than his thynge caused. Wherthrough it foloweth, rychesse to ben more in dignyte than thilke knot. But rychesses arne kyndely naughty, badde, and nedy; and thilke knotte is thynge kyndely good, moste praysed, and desyred. Ergo, thynge naughty, badde, and nedy, in kyndely understandynge, is more worthy than thynge kyndely good, moste desyred, and praysed. The consequence is false; nedes, the antecedent mote ben of the same condycio-n. 'But that rychesses ben bad, naughty, and nedy, that wol I prove wherfore they mowe cause no suche thyng that is so glorious and good. The more richesse thou haste, the more nede hast thou of helpe hem to kepe.+++++-thou nedest in rychesse, whiche nede thou shuldest not have if thou hem wantest. Than muste rychesse been nedy, that in their havyng maken the nedy to helpes in suretie thy rychesse to kepen; wherthrough foloweth rychesse to ben nedy. Everything causynge yvels is badde and naughty. But rychesse in one causen misease; in another they mowen not evenly stretchen al about. Wherof cometh plee, debate, thefte, begylinges, but rychesse to wynne; whiche thynges ben badde, and by richesse arne caused.+++++thylke rychesse ben badde, whiche

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Thomas Usk's Testament of Love badnesse and nede ben knyt into rychesse by a maner of kyndely propertie; and every cause and caused accorden, so that it foloweth thilke richesse to have the same accordaunce with badnesse and nede that their cause asketh. 'Also, everythynge hath his beyng by his cause; than, if the cause be distroyed, the beyng of caused is vanysshed. And so, if rychesse causen love and rychesse were distroyed, the love shulde vanysshe. But thylke knotte, and it be trewe, may not vanysshe for no goyng of rychesse.-Ergo, rychesse is no cause of the knot. 'And many men, as I sayd, setten the cause of the knotte in rychesse. Thilke knytten the rychesse and nothynge the yvel; thilke persons, whatever they ben, wenen that ryches is most worthy to be had, and that make they the cause. And so wene they thilke ryches be better than the person. Commenly, suche asken rather after the quantyte tha[n] after the qualyte, and suche wenen, as wel by hemselfe as by other, that conjunction of his lyfe and of his soule is no more precious, but in as mykel as he hath of rychesse. Alas, howe maye he holden suche thynges precious or noble that neyther han lyfe, ne soule, ne ordynaunce of werchynge lymmes? Suche rychesse ben more worthy whan they ben in gatheryng; in departing gynneth his love of other mens praysyng. And avaryce gatheryng maketh be hated and nedy to many out-helpes; and whan leveth the possessyon of such goodes and they gynne vanyssh, than entreth sorowe and tene in their hertes. O, badde and strayte ben thilke that at their departynge maketh men teneful and sory, and in the gatheryng of hem make men nedy. Moche folke at ones mowen not togyder moche therof have. A good gest gladdeth his hoste and al his meyny, but he is a badde gest that maketh his hoste nedy and to be aferde of his gestes goyng.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'me wondreth, therfore, that the comune opinyon is thus, "He is worthe no more than that he hath in catel'V 'O,' quod she, 'loke thou be not of that opynion, for, if golde or money, or other maner of riches shynen in thy sight, whose is that? Nat thyn. And tho they have a lytel beautie, they be nothyng in comparison of our kynde, and therfore ye shulde nat set your worthynesse in thyng lower than yourselfe. For the riches, the fairnesse, the worthynesse of thilke goodes, if ther be any suche preciousnesse in hem, are nat thyne. Thou madest hem so never; from other they come to the and to other they shul from the. Wherfore enbracest thou other wightes goods+++++hey were thyn-? Kynde hath drawe hem by hemselfe. It is sothe the goodes of the erth ben ordayned in your fode and norisshynge, but, if thou wolte holde the apayde with that suffiseth to thy kynde, thou shall nat be in daunger of no

Book II, Chapter 5 95 +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++thou wolt algates with superfluite of riches be athroted, thou shall hastelych be anoyed, or els yvel at ease. And fairnesse of feldes, ne of habytations, ne multytude of meyne maye nat be rekened as riches that are thyn owne, for, if they be badde, it is great sclaunder and villany to the ocupyer, and, if they be good or faire, the mater of the workeman that hem made is to prayse. Howe shulde otherwyse bountie be compted for thyne? 70 Thilke goodnesse and fairnesse be proper to tho thinges hemselfe. Than, if they be nat thyne, sorow nat whan they wende, ne glad the nat in pompe and in pride whan thou hem hast, for their bountie and their beautes cometh out of their owne kynde and nat of thyne owne person. As faire ben they in their not havyng as whan thou haste hem. They be nat faire, for thou haste hem, but thou haste geten hem for the fairnesse of themselfe. And there the vaylance of men is demed in richesse outforth, wenen me to have no proper good in themselfe, but seche it in straunge thinges. Trewly the condytion of good wenyng is in that mistourned, to wene your noblesse be not in yourselfe, but in the goodes and beautie of other 80 thynges. Tardy, the beestes that han but felyng soules have suffisaunce in their owne selfe. And ye, that ben lyke to God, seken encrease of suffisaunce from so excellent a kynde of so lowe thynges. Ye do great wrong to him that you made lordes over al erthly thynges; and ye put your worthynesse under the nombre of the fete of lower thynges and foule. Whan ye juge thilke riches to be your worthynesse, than put ye yourselfe, by estimacion, under thilke foule thynges and than leve ye the knowyng of yourselfe. So be ye viler than any dombe beest that cometh of shrewde vice. Right so, thilke persons that loven non [w]el, for dereworthynesse of the persone, 90 but for straunge goodes, and saith the adornement in the knot lyth in such thing, his errour is perilous and shreude, and he wrieth moche venym with moche welth. And that knot maye nat be good whan he hath it getten. 'Certes, thus hath riches, with flyckering sight, anoyed many. And often, whan there is a throwe-out shrewe, he coyneth al the golde, al the precious stones that mowen be founden to have in his bandon. He weneth no wight be worthy to have suche thynges but he alone. Howe manye haste thou knowe nowe in late tyme that in their rychesse supposed suffysance have folowed, and nowe it is al fayled?' 'Ye, lady,' quod I, 'that is for misse-medlyng, and otherwyse governed 100 thilke rychesse than they shulde.' 'Ye,' quod she tho, 'had not the floode greatly areysed, and throwe to hemwarde both gravel and sande, he had made no medlynge. And right as

96 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love see yeveth floode, so draweth see ebbe, and pulleth ayen under wawe al the firste out-throw, but if good pyles of noble governaunce in love, in wel-meanynge maner, ben sadly grounded, to whiche holde thilke gravel as for a whyle, that ayen lightly mowe not it turne. And, if the pyles ben trewe, the gravel and sande wol abyde. And certes, ful warny[sh] in love shalte thou never thorowe hem get ne cover that lightly with an ebbe, er thou beware it, wol ayen meve. In rychesse many men have had tenes and 110 diseases, whiche they shulde not have had, if therof they had fayled. Thorowe whiche, nowe declared partely, it is shewed that, for rychesse, shulde the knotte in herte neyther ben caused in one ne in other. Trewly, knotte maye ben knytte - and I trowe more stedfaste - in love though rychesse fayled; and els in rychesse is the knotte and not in herte. And than suche a knotte is false; whan the see ebbeth and withdraweth the gravel that such rychesse voydeth, thilke knotte wol unknytte. Wherfore, no trust, no way, no cause, no parfyte beyng is in rychesse of no suche knotte. Therfore another way muste we have.' Chapter 6

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'Honour in dignyte is wened to yeven a ful knot, ye, certes,' quod I. 'And of that opinyon ben many, for they sayne dignyte, with honour and reverence, causen hertes to encheynen and so abled to be knytte togyther for the excellence in soveraynte of such degrees.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'if dignyte, honour, and reverence causen thilke knotte in herte, this knot is good and profytable. For every cause of a cause is cause of thyng caused. Than, thus, good thynges and profytable ben by dignyte, honour and reverence caused. Ergo, they accorden and dignytes ben good with reverences and honour; but contraryes mowen not accorden. Wherfore, by reason there shulde no dignytee, no reverence, none honour acorde with shrewes, but that is false. They have ben cause to shrewes in many shreudnes, for with hem they accorden. Ergo, from begynnyng to argue ayenwarde tyl it come to the laste conclusyon, they are not cause of the knot. Lo, al day at eye arne shrewes not in reverence, in honour, and in dignite? Yes, forsothe, rather than the good. Than foloweth it that shrewes rather than good shul ben cause of knot. But of this, [the] contrarie of al lovers is byleved and for a sothe openly determyned to holde.' 'Nowe,' quod I, 'fayne wolde I here howe suche dignytees acorden with shrewes.' 'O,' quod she, 'that wol I shewe in manyfolde wise. Ye wene,' quod

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she, 'that dignyt[e] of offyce here in your cyte is as the sonne. It shyneth bright withouten any cloude; [of] whiche thynge, whan they comen in the handes of malycious tyrauntes, there cometh moche harme and more grevaunce therof, than of the wylde fyre though it brende al a strete. Certes, in dignyte of offyce the werkes of the occupyer shewen the malyce and the badnesse in the person; with shrewes they maken manyfolde harmes and moche people shamen. Howe often han rancours, for malyce of the governours hulde, ben mainteyned? Hath not, than, suche dignytees caused debate, rumours, and y vels? Yes, God wote, b[ut] suche thynges have ben trusted to make mens understandyng enclyne to many queynte thynges. Thou wottest wel what I meane.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'therfore, as dignyte suche thynge[s] in tene ywrought, so ayenwarde - the substaunce in dignite chaunged - re[yl]ed to bring ayen good plyte in doyng.' 'Do way, do way,' quod she. 'If it so betyde, but that is selde, that suche dignyte is betake in a good mannes governaunce, what thynge is to recken in the dignytees goodnesse? Parde, the bountie and goodnesse is hers that usen it in good governaunce, and therfore cometh it that honoure and reverence shulde ben done to dignyte, bycause of encreasynge vertue in the occupyer, and not to the ruler, bycause of soverayntie in dignite. Sythen dignite may no vertue cause, who is worthy worshyp for suche goodnesse? Not dignyte, but person that maketh goodnesse in dignyte to shyne.-' This is wonder thyng,' quod I, 'for, me thynketh, as the person in dignite is worthy honour for goodnesse, so tho a person for badnesse, magre hath deserved. Yet the dignite le[v]eth to be commended.' 'Let be,' quod she, 'thou errest right foule. Dignite with badnesse is helper to performe the felonous doyng. Pardy, were [they] kyndly good or any properte of kyndly vertue hadden in hemselfe, shrewes shulde hem never have; with hem shulde they never accorde. Water and fire, that ben contrarious, mowen nat togider ben assembled. Kynd wol nat suffre such contraries to joyn. And sithen at eye, by experience in doyng, we sene that shrewes have hem more often than good menne, syker mayste thou be that kyndly good in suche thyng3 is nat appropred. Pardy, were they kyndly good, as wel one as other shulden evenlych in vertue of governaunce ben worthe. But one fayleth in goodnesse, another dothe the contrary, and so it sheweth kyndly goodnesse in dignyte nat be grounded. And this same reason,' quod she, 'may be made in general on al the bodily goodes, for they comen ofte to throwe-out shrewes, after this: he is +++++++++++++++to have great burthyns, and he is lyght and swifte.

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that hath soverainte in ronnyng to passe other; right so he is a shrewe on whom shreude thynges and badde han most werchynge. And right as philosophy maketh philosophers, and my service maketh lovers, right so, if dignytes weren good or vertuous, they shulde maken shrewes good, and turne her malyce and make hem be vertuous. But that do they nat, as it is proved, but causen rancour and debate. Ergo, they be nat good, but utterly badde. Had Nero never ben Emperour, shulde never his dame have be slayn to maken open the privyte of his engendrure. Herodes, for his dignyte, 70 slewe many children. The dignite of Kyng John wolde have distroyed al Englande. Therfore, mokel wysedom and goodnesse both, nedeth in a person the malice in dignite slyly to bridel and with a good bytte of arest to withdrawe in case it wolde praunce otherwise than it shulde. Trewly, ye yeve to dignites wrongful names in your clepyng. They shulde hete nat dignite, but moustre of badnesse and mayntenour of shrewes. Pardy, shyne the sonne never so bright, and it bring forthe no heate ne sesonably the herbes out bringe of the erthe, but suffre frostes and colde and the erthe barayne to lygge by tyme of his compas in cyrcute about, ye wolde wonder and dispreyse that son. If the Mone be at ful and 80 sheweth no lyst, but derke and dymme to your syght appereth and make distruction of the waters, wol ye nat suppose it be under cloude or in clips, and that some prevy thing, unknowen to your wittes, is cause of suche contrarious doynge? Than, if clerkes, that han ful insyght and knowyng of suche impedimentes, enforme you of the sothe, very idiottes ye ben, but if ye yeven credence to thilk clerkes words. And yet it doth me tene to sene many wretches rejoycen in such maner pianettes. Trewly, lytel con they on philosophy or els on my lore that any desyre haven suche lyghtynge pianettes in that wyse any more to shewe.' 'Good lady,' quod I, 'tel ye me howe ye mean in these thynges.' 90 'Lo,' quod she, 'the dignites of your cyte, sonne and mone, nothyng in kynde shew their shynyng as they shulde. For the sonne made no brennyng hete in love, but freesed envye in mennes hertes for feblenesse of shynyng hete. And the moone was about under an olde cloude, the lyvenges by waters to distroye.' 'Lady,' quod I, 'it is supposed they had shyned as they shulde.' 'Ye,' quod she, 'but nowe it is proved at the ful their beaute in kyndly shynyng fayled, wherfore, dignyte of hymselven hath no beautie in fairnesse, ne dryveth nat awaye vices but encreaseth; and so be they no cause of the knotte. Nowe se, in good trouth, holde ye nat such sonnes worthy 100 of no reverence and dignites worthy of no worshyp that maketh men to do the more harmes?'

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'I not,' quod I. 'No?' quod she. 'And thou se a wyse, good man, for his goodnesse and wysenesse, wolte thou nat do him worship therof he is worthy?' 'That is good skil,' quod I, 'It is dewe to suche both reverence and worship to have.' Than,' quod she, 'a shrewe, for his shreudnesse, altho he be put forthe toforne other for ferde, yet is he worthy for shrewdnesse to be unworshipped. Of reverence no parte is he worthy to have. To contrarious doyng [h]e longeth and that is good skyl. For, right as he besmyteth the dignites, thilke same thyng ayenwarde him smyteth, or els shulde smyte. And over this, thou woste wel,' quod she, 'that fyre in every place heateth where it be and water maketh wete. Why? For kyndely werkyng is so yput in hem to do suche thynges, for every kyndely, in werkyng, sheweth his kynde. But though a wight had ben mayre of your cytie many wynter togyder and come in a straunge place there he were not knowen, he shulde, for his dignyte, have no reverence. Than, neyther worshyppe ne reverence is kyndely propre in no dignite, sythen they shulden don their kynde in suche doynge if any were. And if reverence ne worshyppe kyndely be not set in dignytees, and they more therin ben shewed than goodnesse, for that in dignyte is shewed but [lit], it proveth that goodnesse kyndely in hem is not grounded. Iwys, neyther worshyppe, ne reverence, ne goodnesse in dignyte done none offyce of kynde, for they have none suche propertie in nature of doynge, but by false opinyon of the people. Lo, howe somtyme thilke that in your cytie werne in dignyte noble, if thou lyste hem nempne; they ben nowe overturned, bothe in worshyp, in name, and in reverence. Wherfore, such dignites have no kyndly werchyng of worshyppe and of reverence, [n]e that hath no worthynesse on itselfe. Nowe it ryseth, and nowe it vanissheth, after the varyaunt opinyon in false hertes of unstable people. 'Wherfore, if thou desyre the knotte of this jewel, or els, if thou woldest suppose she shulde sette the knotte on the for suche maner dignyte, than thou wenest beautie or goodnesse of thilke somwhat encreaseth the goodnesse or vertue in the body. But dignyte[s] of hemself ben not good, ne yeven reverence ne worshyppe by their owne kynde. Howe shulde they, than, yeve to any other a thynge that by no waye mowe they have hemselfe? It is sene in dignyte of the emperour and of many mo other that they mowe not of hemselve kepe their worshyppe ne their reverence, [that] in a lytel whyle it is nowe up and nowe downe, by unstedfaste hertes of the people. What bountie mowe they yeve that with cloude lightly leaveth his shyninge? Certes, t[h]o the occupier is mokel appeyred,

100 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love sythen suche doynge dothe villanye to him that maye it not mayntayne, wherfore, thilke waye to the knotte is croked. And, if any desyre to come to the knot, he must leave this waye on his lefte syde, or els shal he never come there.' Chapter 7

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' Avayleth aught,' quod she, 'power of might in mayntenaunce of worthy to come to this knot?' 'Parde,' quod I, 'ye, for hertes ben ravysshed from suche maner thinges.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'though a fooles herte is with thyng ravysshed, yet, therfore, is no general cause of the powers, ne of a syker parfyte herte to be loked after. Was not Nero the moste shrewe one of thilke that men rede, and yet had he power to make senatours, justyces, and princes of many landes? Was not that great power?' 'Yes, certes,' quod I. 'Wei' quod she, 'yet might he not helpe himselfe out of desease, whan he gan fal. Howe many ensamples canste thou remembre of kynges great and noble, and huge power holden, and yet they might not kepe hemselve from wretchydnesse? Howe wretched was kyng Henry Curtmantyl er he deyde? He had not so moche as to cover with his membres; and yet was he one of the greatest kynges of al the Normandes ofspring, and moste possessyon had. O, a noble thynge and clere is power, that is not founden myghty to kepe himselfe. Nowe, trewly, a great fole is he that for suche thyng wolde sette the knotte in thyne herte. 'Also, power of realmes, is not thylke greatest power amonges the worldly powers reckened? And if suche powers han wretchydnesse in hemselfe, it foloweth other powers of febler condycion to ben wretched, and, than, that wretchydnesse shulde be cause of suche a knotte. But every wyght, that hath reason, wote wel that wretchydnesse by no way may ben cause of none suche knotte. Wherfore, suche power is no cause. That powers have wretchydnesse in hemselfe may right lyghtly ben preved. If power lacke on any syde, on that syde is no power; but no power is wretchydnesse. For al be it so the power of emperours or kynges, or els of their realmes (whiche is the power of the prince) stretchen wyde and brode, yet besydes is ther mokel folke of whiche he hath no commaundement ne lordshyppe; and there as lacketh his power, his nonpower entreth, whereunder springeth that maketh hem wretches. No power is wretchydnesse, and nothing els, but in this maner hath kynges more

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porcion of wretchydnesse than of power. Trewly, suche powers ben unmighty, for ever they ben in drede howe thilke power from lesyng may be keped of sorow. So drede sorily prickes ever in their hertes. Litel is that power whiche careth and ferdeth itselfe to mayntayne; unmighty is that wretchydnesse whiche is entred by the ferdful wenynge of the wretche himselfe. And knot ymaked by wretchydnesse is betwene wretches, and wretches al thyng bewaylen. Wherfore the knot shulde be bewayled, and there is no suche parfyte blysse that we supposed at the gynnyng.-Ergo, power in nothyng shulde cause suche knottes. Wretchydnesse is a kyndely propertie in suche power, as by way of drede, whiche they mowe nat eschewe, ne by no way lyve in sykernesse. For thou woste wel,' quod she, 'he is nought mighty that wolde done that he may not done ne perfourme.' Therfore,' quod I, 'these kynges and lordes that han suffysaunce at the ful of men and other thynges, mowen wel ben holden mighty. Their comaundementes ben done, it is nevermore denyed.' 'Foole,' quod she, 'or he wotte himselfe mighty or wotte it not, for he is nought mighty, that is blynde of his might and wotte it not.' 'That is sothe,' quod I. Than, if he wot it, he must nedes ben adradde to lesen it. He that wotte of his might is in doute that he mote nedes lese, and so leadeth him drede to ben unmighty. And if he retche not to lese, lytel is that worthe that of the lesyng reason retcheth nothyng. And if it were misty in power or in strength, the lesyng shulde ben withset, and whan it cometh to the lesyng he may it not withsytte.++++-thilke might is leude and naughty. Such mightes arne ilyke to postes and pyllers that upright stonden and great might han to beare many charges; and, if they croke on any syde, lytel thynge maketh hem overthrowe.' 'This is a good ensample,' quod I, 'to pyllers and postes that I have sene overthrowed myselfe. And hadden they ben underput with any helpes, they had not so lightly fal.' 'Than holdest thou him mighty that hath many men armed and many servauntes, and ever he is adradde of hem in his herte. And, for he gasteth hem, somtyme he mote the more feare have? Comenly, he that other agasteth, other in him ayenwarde werchen the same. And thus warnisshed mote he be, and of warnysshe the hour drede. Lytel is that might and right leude, who so taketh hede.' Than semeth it,' quod I, 'that suche famulers aboute kynges and great lordes shulde great might have. Althoughe a sypher in augrym have no might in signifycacion of itselve, yet he yeveth power in signifycacion to other, and these clepe I the helpes to a poste to kepe him from fallyng.'

102 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love 'Certes,' quod she, 'thilke skylles ben leude. Why? But if the shorers ben wel grounded, the helpes shullen slyden and suffre the charge to fal; her myght lytel avayleth.' 'And so me thynketh,' quod I, 'that a poste alone stonding upright upon a basse may lenger in graet burthen endure, than croken pylers for al their helpes, and her grounde be not syker.' 80 That is sothe,' quod she, 'for, as the blynde in bearyng of the lame gynne stomble, bothe shulde fal, right so suche pyllers, so envyroned with helpes, in fallyng of the grounde, fayleth al togyther. Howe ofte, than, suche famulers in their moste pride of prosperyte ben sodainly overthrowen. Thou haste knowe many in a moment so ferre overthrowe that cover might they never. Whan the hevynesse of suche faylyng cometh by case of fortune, they mowe it not eschue; and might and power, if ther were any, shulde of strength such thinges voyde and wey ve, and so it is not. Lo, than, whiche thing is this power that, tho men han it, they ben agast, and in no tyme of ful having be they syker, and if they wolde weyve drede, as 90 they mow not, litel is in worthynes. Fye, therfore, on so naughty thing any knot to cause. Lo in adversite thilk ben his foes that glosed and semed frendes in welth. Thus arn his famyliers his foes and his enemyes; and nothyng is werse ne more mighty for to anoy than is a famylier enemye. And these thynges may they not weyve; so, trewly, their might is not worthe a cresse. 'And over al thynge, he that maye not withdrawe the bridel of his flesshly lustes and his wretched complayntes (nowe thynke on thyselfe), trewly, he is not mighty. I can sene no waye that lythe to the knotte. Thilke people, than, that setten their hertes upon suche mightes and pow100 +++often ben begyled. Parde, he is not mighty that may do any thyng that. another maye doone hym the selve, and that men have as great power over him, as he over other. A justyce that demeth men, ayenwarde hath ben often demed. Buserus slewe his gestes, and he was slayne of Hercules his geste. Hugest betraysshed many men, and of Collo was he betrayed. He that with swerde smyteth, with swerde shal be smytten.' Than gan I to studyen a whyle on these thinges, and made a countenaunce with my hande in maner to ben huyshte. 'Nowe let sene,' quod she; 'me thynketh somwhat there is within thy soule, that troubleth thy understandyng. Saye on what it is.' 110 Quod I, tho, 'me thynketh that, although a man by power have suche might over me as I have over other, that disproveth no myght in my person; but yet may I have power and myght never-the-later.' 'Se nowe,' quod she, 'thyne owne leudenesse. He is mighty that maye

Book II, Chapter 8 103 with[sy]t wretchydnesse, and he is unmyghty that may it not withsytte; but than, he that might over the, and he wol, put on the wretchydnesse, thou might it not withsytte. Ergo, thou seest thyselfe what foloweth. But nowe,' quod she, 'woldest thou not skorne and thou se a flye han power to done harme to an other flye and thilke have no myght ne ayenturnyng hemselfe to defende?' 120 'Yes, certes,' quod I. 'Who is a frayler thyng,' quod she, 'than the fleshly body of a man over whiche have often tyme flyes, and yet lasse thyng than a flye, mokel might in grevaunce and anoyeng withouten any withsyttynge, for al thilke mannes mightes? And sythen thou seest thyne flesshly body in kyndely power fayle, howe shulde than the accydent of a thynge ben in more surete of beynge than substancial? Wherfore, thilke thynges that we clepe power, is but accident to the flesshly body, and so they may not have that suretie in might whiche wanteth in the substancial body. Why? There is no waye to the knotte that loketh aright after the hye waye as he shulde.' Chapter 8

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'Verily it is proved that rychesse, dignyte, and power ben not trewe waye[s] to the knotte, but as rathe, by suche thynges, the knotte to be unbounde. Wherfore, on these thynges I rede no wight truste to gette any good knotte. But what shul we saye of renome in the peoples mouthes? Shulde that ben any cause? What supposes! thou in thyn herte?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'yes, I trowe; for your slye resons, I dare not safely it saye.' 'Than,' quod she, 'wol I preve that shrewes as rathe shul ben in the knotte as the good, and that were ayenst kynde.' 'Fayne,' quod I, 'wolde I that here. Me thinketh wonder howe renome shuld as wel knytte a shrewe as a good person. Renome in every degre hath avaunced, yet wyst I never the contrarye. Shulde, than, renome accorde with a shrewe? It maye not synke in my stomake tyl I here more.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'have I not sayd alwayes that shrewes shul not have the knotte?' 'What nedeth,' quod I, 'to reherse that any more? I wotte wel every wight, by kyndely reason, shrewes in knyttyng wol eschewe.' 'Than,' quod she, 'the good ought thilke knotte to have.' 'Howe els?' quod I. 'It were great harme,' quod she, 'that the good were weyved and put out of espoire of the knotte, if he it desyred.'

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'O,' quod I, 'alas, on suche thing to thinke. I wene that heven wepeth to se such wronges here ben suffred on erthe. The good ought it to have and no wight els.' The goodnesse,' quod she, 'of a person may not ben knowe outforth, but by renome of the knowers. Wherfore, he must be renomed of goodnesse to come to the knot.' 'So must it be,' quod I, 'or els al lost that we carpen.' 'Sothly,' quod she, 'that were great harme, but if a good man myght have his desyres in servyce of thilke knot, and a shrewe to be veyned. And they ben not knowen in general but by lackyng and praysing and in renome. And so, by the consequence, it foloweth a shrewe to ben praysed and knyt, and a good to be forsake and unknyt.' 'Ah,' quod I, tho, 'have ye, lady, ben here abouten, yet wolde I se by grace of [y]our argumentes better declared, howe good and bad do acorden by lacking and praysyng. Me thynketh it ayenst kynde.' 'Nay,' quod she, 'and that shall thou se as yerne. These elementes han contraryous qualyties in kynde, by whiche they mowe not acorde no more than good and badde. And in [some] qualytees they acorde, so that contraries by qualyte, acorden by qualyte. Is not erthe drie and water that is next and bytwene th'erthe, is wete? Drie and wete ben contrarie and mowen not acorde and yet this discordaunce is bounde to acorde by c[oldn]es, for bothe elementes ben colde. Right so the eyre, that is next the water, is wete and eke it is hotte. This eyre, by his hete, contraryeth water that is colde, but thilke contrariousty is oned [b]y moysture, for bothe be they moyst. Also the fyre, that is next the e[yre] and it encloseth al about, is drie. Wherthrough it contraryeth e[yre] that is wete; and in hete they acorde, for bothe they ben hole. Thus by these acordaunces, discordantes ben joyned and in a maner of acordaunce they acorden by connection, that is knyttyng togyther. Of that accorde cometh a maner of melodye that is right noble. Right so good and bad arne contrarie in doynges, by lacking and praysyng. Good is bothe lacked and praysed of some, and badde is bothe lacked and praysed of some. Wherfore, their contraryoustie acorde bothe by lackyng and praysing. Than foloweth, it - though good be never so mokel praysed - oweth more to ben knyt than the badde; or els bad, for the renome that he hath, must be taken as wel as the good, and that oweth not.' 'No, forsothe,' quod I. 'Wel,' quod she, 'than is renome no waye to the knot. Lo, foole,' quod she, 'howe clerkes writen of suche glorie of renome, glorie, "O, glorie, thou arte none other thynge to thousandes of folke, but a great sweller of

Book II, Chapter 8 105 eeres." Many one hath had ful great renome by false opinyon of varyaunt people. And what is fouler than folke wrongfully to be praysed, or by malyce of the people gyltlesse lacked? Nedes shame foloweth therof to hem that with wrong prayseth, and also to the desertes praysed; and vylanye and reprofe of hym that disclaundreth. 'Good chylde,' quod she, 'what echeth suche renome to the conscience of a wyse man, that loketh and measureth his goodnesse, not by slevelesse wordes of the people, but by sothfastnesse of conscience? By God, 70 nothyng. And, if it be fayre a mans name be eched by moche folkes praysing, and fouler thyng that mo folke not praysen, I sayd to the a lytel here beforne that no folke in straunge countreyes nought praysen. Suche renome may not comen to their eeres, bycause of unknowyng and other obstacles, as I sayd. Wherfore, more folke not praysen and that is right foule to him that renome desyreth, to wete, lesse folke praisen [and] renome enhaunce. I trowe the thanke of a people is naught worthe in remembraunce to take, ne it procedeth of no wyse jugement. Never is it stedfast pardurable. It is veyne and fleyng; with wynde wasteth and encreaseth. Trewly, suche glorie ought to be hated. If gentyllesse be a 80 clere thynge, renome and glorie to enhaunce, as in reckenyng of thy lynage, than is gentylesse of thy kynne, forwhy it semeth that gentylesse of thy kynne is but praysynge and renome that come of thyne auncestres desertes. And if so be that praysyng and renome of their desertes make their clere gentyllesse, than mote they nedes ben gentyl for their gentyl dedes, and not thou; for of thyselfe cometh not such maner gentylesse, praysynge of thy desertes. Than gentyllesse of thyne auncesters, that forayne is to the, maketh the not gentyl, but ungentyl and reproved, and if thou contynuest not their gentylesse. And, therfore, a wyse man ones sayde, "Better is it thy kynne to ben by the gentyled, than thou to glorifye 90 of thy kynnes gentylesse and haste no deserte therof thyselfe." 'Howe passynge is the beautie of flesshly bodyes, more flyttynge than movable floures of sommer. And, if thyne eyen weren as good as the lynx, that maye sene thorowe many stone walles, bothe fayre and foule in their entrayles of no maner hewe shulde apere to thy syght: that were a foule syght. Than is fayrnesse by feblesse of eyen, but of no kynde. Wherfore, thilke shulde be no way to the knot. Whan thilke is went, the knotte wendeth after. Lo, nowe, at al proves none of al these thynges mowe parfytly ben in understandyng to ben waye to the duryng blysse of the knotte. 'But nowe to conclusyon of these maters, herkeneth these wordes. Very 100 sommer is knowe from the wynter; in shorter cours draweth the dayes of Decembre than in the moneth of June. The springes of Maye faden and

106 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love f[a]lowen in Octobre. These thinges ben not unbounden from their olde kynde; they have not loste her werke of their propre estate. Men, of voluntarious wyl, withsytte that hevens governeth. Other thynges suffren thynges paciently to werche. Man, in what estate he be, yet wolde he ben chaunged. Thus by queynt thynges blysse is desyred, and the fruite that cometh of these springes nys but anguys and bytter; although it be a whyle swete, it maye not be withholde. Hastely they departe. Thus al daye fayleth thynges that fooles wende. Right thus haste thou fayled in 110 thy first wenyng. He that thynketh to sayle, and drawe after the course of the sterre de polo afnjtartico, shal he never come northwarde to the contrarye sterre ofpolus articus; of whiche thynges, if thou take kepe, thy first out-waye goynge, prison and exile may be cleped. The grounde falsed underneth, and so hast thou fayled. No wyght, I wene, blameth him that stynteth in mysgoyng and secheth redy way of his blisse. Nowe me thynketh,' quod she, 'that it suffiseth in my shewyng the wayes, by dignete, rychesse, renome, and power, if thou loke clerely, arn no ways to the knotte.' Chapter 9

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'Every argument, lady,' quod I tho, 'that ye han maked in these forenempned maters, me thynketh hem in my ful wytte conceyved; shal I no more, if God wyl, in the contrarye be begyled. But fayne wolde I, and it were your wyl, blysse of the knotte to me were declared. I might fele the better howe my herte myght assente to pursue the ende in servyce, as he hath begonne.' 'O,' quod she, 'there is a melodye in heven, whiche clerkes clepen armony, but that is not in brekynge of voyce, but it is a maner swete thing of kyndely werchyng, that causeth joye[s] out of nombre to recken, and that is joyned by reason and by wysdome in a quantyte of proporcion of knyttyng. God made al thyng in reason and in wytte of proporcion of melody, we mowe not suffyse to shewe. It is written by great clerkes and wise that in erthly thynges lightly, by studye and by travayle, the knowynge may be getten; but of suche hevenly melody, mokel travayle wol bringe out in knowyng right lytel. Swetenesse of this paradyse hath you ravisshed; it semeth ye slepten, rested from al other diseases, so kyndely is your hert[e] therein ygrounded. Blysse of two hertes, in ful love knytte, may not aright ben ymagyned; ever is their contemplacion in ful of thoughty studye to plesaun[t]e mater in bringynge comforte everyche to other. And, therfore, of erthly thinges, mokel mater lightly cometh in your

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lerning, knowledge of understanding that is nyghe after eye, but not so nyghe the covetyse of knyttynge in your hertes. More soveraine desyre hath every wight in lytel [st]erynge of hevenly connynge, than of mokel materyal purposes in erthe. Right so it is in propertie of my servauntes, that they ben more affyched in sterynge of lytel thynge in his desyre, than of mokel other mater lasse in his conscience. 'This blysse is a maner of sowne delycious, in a queynte voyce touched, and no dynne of notes. There is none impressyon of brekynge laboure. I canne it not otherwyse nempne, for wantynge of privy wordes, but paradyse terrestre ful of delycious melody, withouten travayle in sown, perpetual servyce in ful joye coveyted to endure. Onely kynde maketh hertes in understonding so to slepe, that otherwyse may it nat be nempned, ne in other maner names for lykyng swetnesse can I nat it declare. Al sugre and hony, al mynstralsy and melody ben but soote and galle in comparison by no maner proporcion to reken in respecte of this blysful joye. This armony, this melody, this perdurable joye may nat be in doynge, but betwene hevens and elementes, or twey kyndly hertes, ful knyt in trouth of naturel understondyng, withouten wenynge and disceit, as hevens and pianettes, whiche thynges contynually, for kyndly accordaunces, foryeteth al contrarious mevynges, that into passyve diseases may sowne; evermore it thyrsteth after more werkyng. These thynges in proporcion be so wel joyned, that it undoth al thyng, whiche into badnesse by any way may be accompted.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'this is a thyng precious and noble. Alas, that falsnesse ever or wantrust shulde ever be maynteyned, this joye to voyde. Alas, that ever any wretch shulde thorowe wrath or envy, janglynge, dare make to shove this melody so farre a-backe that openly dare it nat ben used. Trewly, wretches ben fulfylled with envy and wrathe, and no wight els. Flebring and tales in suche wretches dare appere openly in every wightes eare, with ful mouth so charged, mokel malyce moved many innoc[ent]es to shende. God wolde their soule[s] therwith were strangled. Lo, trouth in this blysse is hyd and overal under covert him hydeth. He dare not come a-place for waytynge of shrewes. Commenly badnesse, goodnesse amaistreth. With myselfe and my soule this joye wolde I bye, if the goodnesse were as moche as the nobley in melody.' 'O,' quod she, 'what goodnesse may be acompted more in this material worlde? Truly, non; that shalt thou understonde. Is nat everything good that is contrariant and distroyeng yvel?' 'Howe els?' quod I. 'Envy, wrathe, and falsnesse ben general,' quod she, 'and that wot

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every man beyng in his ryght mynde. The knotte, the whiche we have in this blysse, is contraryaunt and distroyeth such maner yvels. Ergo, it is good. What hath caused any wight to don any good dede? Fynde me any good, but if this knotte be the chefe cause. Nedes mote it be good that causeth so many good dedes. Every cause is more and worthyer than thynge caused; and in that mores possessyon, al thinges lesse ben compted, as the king is more than his people and hath in possessyon al his realme after. Right so, the knot is more than al other goodes, thou myght recken al thynges lasse; and that to hym longeth oweth into his mores cause of worshyp and of wyl [t]o turne; it is, els rebel and o[weth] of his mores defendyng to voyde. Right so, of every goodnesse into the knot and into the cause of his worshyp oweth [it] to tourne. And trewly, everything that hath beyng profytably is good, but nothyng hath [beyng] more profytably than this knot. Kynges it maintayneth, [aiding] hem, their powers to mayntayne. It maketh mysse to ben amended with good governaunce in doyng. It closeth hertes so togyder, that rancour is out thresten. Who that it lengest kepeth, lengest is gladed.' 'I trowe,' quod I, 'heretykes and mysse-meanynge people hence-forwarde wol maintayne this knotte, for therthorough shul they ben maintayned, and utterly wol turne and leave their olde yvel understandyng, and knytte this goodnesse and prefer so ferre in servyce that name of servauntes myght they have. Their jangles shal cease. Me thynketh, hem lacketh mater nowe to alege.' 'Certes,' quod Love, 'if they of good wil thus turned as thou sayst wolen trewly perfourme, yet shul they be abled party of this blysse to have; and they wol not, yet shul my servauntes the werre wel susteyne in myn helpe of maintenaunce to the ende. And they for their good travayle shullen in reward so ben meded, that endelesse joye body and soule togyther in this shullen abyden. There is ever action of blysse withouten possyble corrupcion. There is action perpetuel in werke without travayle. There is everlastyng passyfe withouten any of labour, contynuel plyte without ceasygne coveyted to endure. No tonge may tel, ne hert may thinke the leest poynte of this blysse.' 'God bring me thyder,' quod I than. 'Contynueth wel,' quod she, 'to the ende and thou might not fayle than, for though thou spede not here, yet shal the passyon of thy martred lyfe ben written and radde toforne the great Jupyter, that god is of routhe an hygh in the holownesse of heven there he sytte in his trone. And ever thou

Book II, Chapter 9 109 100 shall forwarde ben holden amonge al these hevyns for a knyght, that mightest with no penaunce ben discomfyted. He is a very martyr that lyvyngly goynge is gnawen to the bones.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'these ben good wordes of comforte; a lytel myne herte is rejoyced in a mery wyse.' 'Ye,' quod she, 'and he that is in heven felyth more joye than whan he firste herde therof speke.' 'So it is,' quod I, 'but wyst I the sothe - that after disease comforte wolde folowe with blysse, so as ye have often declared -1 wolde wel suffre this passyon with the better chere, but my thoughtful sorowe is ende110 ++++to thinke howe I am cast out of a welfare. And yet, dayneth not this. yvel none herte, none hede to mewarde throwe, which thynges wolde greatly me, by wayes of comforte, disporte, to weten in myselfe a lytel with other me ben ymoned; and my sorowes peysen not in her balaunce the weyght of a peese. Slynges of her daunger so hevyly peysen they drawe my causes so hye, that in her eyen they semen but lyght and right lytel.' 'O, for,' quod she, 'heven with skyes, that foule cloudes maken and darke wethers, with gret tempestes and huge maketh the mery dayes with softe shynyng sonnes, also the yere withdraweth floures and beautie of 120 herbes and of erth; the same yer[e] maketh springes and jolyte in vere so to renovel with peynted coloures, that erthe semeth as gay as heven. Sees, that blasteth and with wawes throweth shyppes - of whiche the lyvyng creatures for great peryl for hem dreden - right so, the same sees maketh smothe waters and golden saylyng and comforteth hem with noble haven that firste were so ferde. Hast thou not,' quod she, 'lerned in thy youth that Jupyter hath in his warderobe bothe garmentes of joye and of sorowe? What wost thou howe soone he wol turne of the the garment of care and clothe the in blysse? Parde, it is not ferre fro the. Lo, an olde pro[v]erbe aleged by many wyse, 'Whan bale is greatest, than is bote a 130 nyebore.' Wherof wylte thou dismaye? Hope wel and serve wel, and that shal the save, with thy good byleve.' 'Ye, ye,' quod I. 'Yet se I not by reason howe this blysse is comyng. I wote it is contyngent; it may fal on other.' 'O,' quod she, 'I have mokel to done to clere thyne understandyng and voyde these errours out of thy mynde. I wol prove it by reason, thy wo may not alway enduren. Everythyng kyndely,' quod she, 'is governed and ruled by the hevenly bodyes, whiche haven ful werchynge here on erthe. And after course of these bodyes, al course of your doynges here ben gov-

110 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love erned and ruled by kynde. Thou wost wel, by cours of pianettes, al your 140 dayes proceden and to everich of synguler houres be enterchaunged stondmele about, by submytted worchyng naturally to suffre [change], of whiche changes cometh these transitory tymes that maketh revolvyng of your yeres. Thus stondmele, every hath ful might of worchynge tyl al seven han had her cours about. Of which worchynges and possessyon of houres the dayes of the weke have take her names after denomination in these seven pianettes. Lo, your Sonday gynneth at the first hour after [night] on the Saturday, in whiche hour is than the Sonne in ful might of worchyng, of whom Sonday taketh his name. Next him foloweth Venus, and after Mercurius, and than the Moone, so than Saturnus, after whom 150 Jo vis, and than Mars and ayen than the Sonne, and so forth be XXIIII houres togider, in whiche hour, gynnyng in the seconde day, stante the Moone, as maister for that tyme to rule, of whom Monday taketh his name. And this course foloweth of al other dayes generally in doing. This course of nature of these bodyes chaungyng, stynten at a certayne terme, lymytted by their first kynde; and of hem al governementes in this elemented worlde proceden, as in springes, constellacions, engendrures, and al that folowen kynde and reson. Wherfore, [in] the course that foloweth, sorowe and joy kyndely moten entrechangen their tymes, so that alway on wele as alway on wo may not endure. 160 'Thus seest thou appertly thy sorowe into wele mote ben chaunged. Wherfore, in suche case to better syde evermore enclyne thou shuldest. Trewly, next the ende of sorowe, anon entreth joy; by maner of necessyte it wol, ne may, non other betyde. And so thy conty[n]gence is disproved; if thou holde this opinion any more, thy wyt is right leude. Wherfore, in ful conclusyon of al this, thilke Margaryte thou desyrest hath ben to the dere in thy herte; and for her hast thou suffred many thoughtful diseases, herafter [she] shal be cause of mokel myrth and joye. And loke howe glad canste thou ben and cease al thy passed hevynesse with many-folde joyes. And than wol I as blythly here the speken thy myrthes in joy, as I nowe 170 have yherde thy sorowes and thy complayntes. And if I mowe in aught thy joye encrease, by my trouthe, on my syde shal nat be leaved, for no maner traveyle, that I, with al my myghtes, right blythly wol helpe and ever ben redy you bothe to plese.' And than thanked I that lady with al goodly maner that I worthely coude, and trewly I was greatly rejoysed in myne hert of her fayre behestes, and proferd me to be slawe in al that she me wolde ordeyne, while my lyfe lested.

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'Me thynketh,' quod I, 'that ye have right wel declared that way to the knot shuld not ben in none of these disprovynge thynges. And nowe order of our purpose this asketh, that ye shulde me shewe if any way be thyther, and whiche thilke way shulde ben, so that openly maye be sey the verry hye waye in ful confusyoun of these other thynges.' 'Thou shalt,' quod she, 'understande that [of] one of thre lyves, as I fyrst sayd, every creature of mankynde is sprongen and so forth procedeth. These lyves ben thorowe names departed in thre maner of kyndes, as bestiallyche, manlyche, and resonablyche, of whiche two ben used by flesshely body and the thirde by his soule. Bestial among resonables is forboden in every lawe and every secte, bothe in Christen and other, for every wight dispyseth hem that lyveth by lustes and delytes, as him that is thral and bounden servaunt to thynges right foule. Suche ben compted werse than men; he shal nat in their degre ben rekened, ne for suche one alowed. Heritykes, sayne they, chosen lyfe bestial, that voluptuously lyven, so that, as I first sayde to the, in manly and resonable lyveng3 our mater was to declare. B[y] manly lyfe in lyveng after flesshe or els flesshly wayes to chese, may nat blysse in this knotte be conquered, as by reason it is proved. Wherfore by resonable lyfe he must nedes it have, sithe a way is to this knotte, but nat by the firste tway lyves. Wherfore, nedes mote it ben to the thirde, and for to lyve in flesshe but nat after flessh is more resonablich than manlyche rekened by clerkes. Therfore, howe this waye cometh in, I wol it blythely declare. 'Se nowe,' quod she, 'that these bodily goodes of manliche lyvenges yelden soroufull[e] stoundes and smertande houres, who-so wele remembre him to their endes; in their worchinges they ben thoughtful and sorie. Right as a bee that hath hadde his hony, anone at his flyght begynneth to stynge, so thilke bodily goodes, at the laste, mote awaye, and than stynge they at her goynge, wherthrough en[d]eth and clene voydeth al blisse of this knot.' 'Forsothe,' quod I, 'me thynketh I am wel served in shewyng of these wordes. Although I hadde lytel in respecte amonge other great and worthy, yet had I a faire parcel, as me thought, for the tyme, in forthering of my sustenaunce, whiche, while it dured, I thought me havynge mokel hony to myne estate. I had richesse suffisauntly to wey ve nede. I had dignite to be reverenced in worship. Power, me thought, that I had to kepe fro myne enemyes, and me semed to shyne in glorie of renome as manhode asketh in meane, for no wight in myne admynistration coude non yvels ne

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trechery, by sothe cause, on me putte. Lady, yourselve weten wel that of tho confederacies maked by my soverayns I nas but a servaunt, and yet mokel meane folke wol fully, ayenst reason, thilke maters maynteyne, in whiche mayntenaunce [they] glorien themselfe. And, as often ye haven sayde, therof ought nothynge in yvel to be layde to mewardes, sythen as repentaunt I am tourned, and no more I thynke, neither tho thynges ne none suche other to sustene, but utterly distroye, without medlynge maner, in al my mightes. Howe am I nowe caste out of al swetnesse of blysse and myschevously stongen [b]y passed joy! Soroufully muste I bewayle, and lyve as a wretche. 'Every of thojoyes is tourned into his contrary. For richesse, nowe have I poverte. For dignite, nowe am I enprisoned. Instede of power, wretchednesse I suffre. And for glorye of renome, I am nowe dispised and foulych hated. Thus hath farn fortune that sodaynly am I overthrowen and out of al welth dispoyled. Trewly, me thynketh this way in entre is right harde. God graunt me better grace er it be al passed; the other way, ladye, me thought right swete.' 'Nowe certes,' quod Love, 'me lyst for to chide. What ayleth thy darke dulnesse? Wol it nat in clerenesse ben sharped? Have I nat, by many reasons, to the shewed suche bodily goodes faylen to yeve blysse? Their might so ferforthe wol nat stretche. Shame,' quod she, 'it is to say, thou lyest in thy words. Thou ne hast wyst but right fewe, that these bodily goodes had al atones; commenly they dwellen nat togider. He that plente hath in riches, of his kynne is ashamed. Another of lynage right noble and wel knowe, but povert him handleth; he were lever unknowe. Another hath these, but renome of peoples praysyng may he nat have; overal he is hated and defamed of thynges right foule. Another is faire and semely, but dignite him fayleth. And he that hath dignyte is croked or lame, or els misshapen and fouly dispysed. Thus partable these goodes dwellen commenly; in one houshold ben they but sylde. Lo, howe reetched is your truste on thyng that wol nat accorde. Me thinketh thou clepest thilke plyte thou were in selynesse of fortune; and thou sayest, for that that selynesse is departed, thou arte a wretch. Than foloweth this upon thy wordes: every soule resonable of man may nat dye. And, if dethe endeth selynesse and maketh wretches - as nedes, of fortune, maketh it an ende - than soules after dethe of the body in wretchednesse shulde lyven. But we knowe many that han geten the blysse of heven after their dethe. Howe than may this lyfe [ne] maken men blysful that, whan it passeth, it yeveth no wretchednesse, and many tymes blysse, if in this lyfe he con lyve as he shulde? And wolte thou

Book II, Chapter 10 113 acompt with fortune that nowe, at [t]he first, she hath done the tene and sorowe? If thou loke to the maner of al glad thynges and sorouful, thou mayst nat nay it, that yet, and namely nowe, thou standest in noble plyte in a good ginnyng with good forth-goyng herafter. And, if thou wene to be a wretch for such welth is passed, why than art thou nat wel fortunate for badde thynges and anguys wretchednesse ben passed? Art thou nowe come first into the hostry of this lyfe, or els the both of this worlde? Art thou nowe a sodayne gest into this wretched exile? Wenest there be anythynge in this erthe stable? Is nat thy first arest passed, that broust the in mortal sorowe? Ben these nat mortal thynges agon with ignorance of beestial wyt and hast receyved reason in knowyng of vertue? What com90 forte is in thy hert? The knowinge sykerly in my servyce be grounded. And woste thou nat wel, as I said, that deth maketh ende of al fortune? What than? Standest thou in noble plyte, lytel hede or r[ec]kyng to take, if thou let fortune passe dy[i]ng, or els that she fly whan her lyst, now by thy lyve. Pardy, a man hath nothyng so lefe as his lyfe, and, for to holde that, he doth al his cure and dilygent traveyle. Than, say I, thou art blysful and fortunat sely, if thou knowe thy goodes, that thou hast yet be[n] l[e]ved, whiche nothynge may doute, that they ne ben more worthy than thy lyf.' 'What is that?' quod I. 'Good contemplation,' quod she, 'of wel doing in vertue in tyme 100 comyng, bothe in plesaunce of me and of thy Margarit peerle. Hastely thyn hert in ful blysse with her shal be eased. Therfore, dismay the nat. Fortune, in hate grevously ayenst thy bodily person, ne yet to gret tempest hath she nat sent to the, sithen the holdyng cables and ankers of thy lyfe holden by knyttyng so faste that thou discomforte the nought of tyme that is now, ne dispayre the not of tyme to come, but yeven the comforte in hope of wel doyng and of gettyng agayne the double of thy lesyng, with encreasynge love of thy Margarite perle therto. For this, hyderto, thou hast had al her ful dau[n]ger, and so thou myght amende al that is mysse and al defautes that somtyme thou dyddest. And that now in al thy tyme to 110 that ilke Margaryte in ful servyce of my lore thyne herte hath contynued, wherfore, she ought moche the rather enclyne fro her daungerous sete. These thynges ben yet knyt by the holdyng anker in thy lyve, and holden mote they. To God I pray al these thynges at ful ben performed. For whyle this anker holdeth, I hope thou shalte safely escape, and w[e]le thy trewemeanyng servyce aboute bringe in dispyte of al fals meaners that the of newe haten, for this trewe servyce thou arte nowe entred.' 'Certayn,' quod I. 80

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'Amonge thynges, I asked a question, whiche was the way to the knot. Trewly, lady, howe-so it be I tempt you with questions and answers in spekyng of my first service, I am nowe in ful purpose in the pricke of the hert that thilke service was an enprisonment, and alway bad and naughty in no maner to be desyred, ne that in gettyng of the knot, may it nothyng aveyle. A wyse, gentyl hert loketh after vertue, and none other bodily joyes alone. And bycause toforne this in tho wayes I was sette, I wote wel myselfe I have erred and of the blysse fayled; and so out of my way hugely have I ron.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'that is sothe, and there thou hast myswent, eschewe that pathe from hensforwarde, I rede. Wonder I trewly, why the mortal folke of this worlde seche these ways out-forth and it is proved in yourselfe. Lo, howe ye ben confou[n]ded with errour and folly. The knowing of very cause and way is goodnesse and vertue. Is there anythynge to the more precious than thyselfe? Thou shall have in thy power that thou woldest never lese and that in no way may be taken fro the; and thilke thyng is that is cause of this knot. And if dethe mowe it nat reve more than an erthly creature, thilke thynge than abydeth with thyselfe soule. And so, our conclusion to make, suche a knot thus getten abydeth with this thynge and with the soule as long as they last. A soule dieth never; vertu and goodnesse evermore with the soule endureth. And this knot is parfite blysse. Than this soule in this blysse endlesse shal enduren. Thus shul hertes of a trewe knot ben eased. Thus shul their soules ben pleased. Thus perpetually in joye shul they synge.' 'In good trouth,' quod I, 'here is a good beginnyng; yeve us more of this way.' Quod she, 'I said to the nat longe sithen that resonable lyfe was one of thre thynges, and it was proved to the soule. Every soule of reason hath two thynges of steryng lyfe, one in vertue and another in the bodily workynge. And whan the soule is the maister over the body, than is a man maister of himselfe; and a man, to be a maister over himselfe, lyveth in vertu and in goodnesse, and as reson of vertue techeth. So the soule and the body, worching vertue togider, lyven resonable lyfe, whiche clerkes clepen felycite in ly veng; and therin is the hye way to this knot. These olde philosophers that hadden no knowing of divine grace, of kyndly reason alone wenden that of pure nature, withouten any helpe of grace, me might have yshoned th'other lyvenges.' 'Resonably have I lyved. And, for I thynke herafter, if God wol and I

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have space, thilke grace after my leude knowyng declare, I leave it, as at this tyme.' 'But, as I said, he that out-forth loketh after the wayes of this knot, [his] connyng, with whiche he shulde knowe the way in-forth, slepeth for the tyme. Wherfore, he, that wol this way knowe, must leave the lokyng after false wayes out-forth, and open the eyen of his conscience and unclose his herte. Seest nat he, that hath trust in the bodily lyfe, is so besy bodily woundes to anoynt in keping from smert - for al-out may they nat be healed - that of woundes in his true understanding he taketh no hede, the knowing evenforth slepeth so harde; but anon as in knowing awake[th], than gynneth the prevy medicines, for healyng of his trewe entent. Inwards lightly healeth conscience, if it be wel handled. Than, must nedes these wayes come out of the soule by steryng lyfe of the body, and els maye no man come to parfite blysse of this knotte. And thus by this waye he shal come to the knotte, and to the parfyte selynesse that he wende have had in bodily goodes out-forth.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'shal he have both knot, riches, power, dignite, and renome in this maner waye?' 'Ye,' quod she, 'that shal I shewe the. Is he nat riche that hath suffisaunce and hath the power that no man may amaistrien? Is nat great dignite to have worshyp and reverence? And hath he nat glorie of renome whose name perpetual is duryng and out of nombre in comparation?' These be thynges that men wenen to getten outforth,' quod I. 'Ye,' quod she, 'they that loken after a thynge that nought is therof in al ne in partie, longe mowe they gapen after.' That is some,' quod I. Therfore,' quod she, 'they that sechen golde in grene trees, and wene to gader precious stones amonge vynes, and layne her nettes in mountayns to fysshe, and thinken to hunt in depe sees after hart and hynde, and sechen in erth thilke thynges that surmounteth heven, what may I of hem say? But folysshe ignoraunce mysledeth wandring wretches by uncouth wayes, that shulden be forleten, and maketh hem blynde fro the right pathe of trewe way that shulde ben used. Therfore, in general, errour in mankynde departeth thilke goodes by mysse-sechyng, whiche he shulde have hole, and he sought by reason. Thus goth he begyled of that he sought; in his hode men have blowe a jape.' 'Nowe,' quod I, 'if a man be vertuous and al in vertue lyveth, howe hath he al these thynges?' That shal I proven,' quod she. 'What power hath any man to let another of lyveng in vertue? For prisonment, or any other disese, [if] he

116 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love take it paciently, discomfiteth he nat; the tyrant over his soule no power maye have. Than hath that man so tourmented suche power that he nyl be discomfit, ne overcome may he nat ben, sithen pacience in his soule overcometh, and [is] nat overcomen. Suche thyng that may nat be amaistred, he hath nede to nothing; for he hath suffisaunce ynowe to helpe himselfe. And thilke thyng that thus hath power and suffysaunce and no tyrant may it reve and hath dignite to sette at nought al thynges, here it is a great dignite that deth may amaistry. Wherfore, thilke power [and] suffisaunce, so enclosed with dignite, by al reson renome must have. This is thilke riches with suffisance ye shulde loke after; this is thilke worshipful dignite ye shulde coveyt; this is thilke power of myght, in whiche ye shulde truste; 90 this is the ilke renome of glorie that endlesse endureth, and al nys but substaunce in vertuous lyveng.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'al this is sothe, and so I se wel that vertue with ful gripe encloseth al these thynges. Wherfore in sothe I may saye, by my trouth, vertue of my Margarite brou3t me first into your service to have knyttyng with that jewel, nat sodayn longynges, ne folkes smale wordes, but onely our conversation togider. And than I, seinge th'entent of her trewe menyng with florisshing vertue of pacience, that she used nothynge in yvel to quyte the wicked leasynges that false tonges ofte in her have layde, I have sey it myselfe, goodly foryevenesse hath spronge out of her 100 hert. Unite and accorde above al other thinges she desyreth in a good meke maner and suffereth many wicked tales. Trewly, lady, to you it were a gret worship that suche thynges, by due chastysment, were amended.' 'Ye,' quod she, 'I have the excused; al suche thynges as yet mowe nat be redressed. Thy Margarites vertue I commende wel the more that paciently suche anoyes suffreth. David kyng was meke and suffred mokel hate and many yvel speches. No dispite ne shame, that his enemys him deden, might nat move pacience out of his herte, but ever, in one plyte, mercy he used. Werfore, God himselfe toke rewarde to the thynges, and 110 theron suche punysshment let fal. Trewly, by reason, it ought be ensample of drede to al maner peoples myrth. A man vengeable in wrath no governance in punisshment ought to have. Plato had a cause his serv[a]nt to secure, and yet cleped he his neibour to performe the doynge; himselfe wolde nat, lest wrath had him amaistred, and so my3t he have layde on to moche. Evermore grounded vertue sheweth th'entent fro within. And trewly, I wotte wel, for her goodnesse and vertue thou hast desyred my service to her plesance wel the more and thyselfe therto fully haste profe-red.' 80

Book II, Chapter 12 117 'Good lady,' quod I, 'is vertue the hye waye to this knot, that long we 120 have yhandled?' 'Ye, forsoth,' quod she, 'and without vertue, goodly this knot may nat be goten.' 'Ah, nowe I se,' quod I, 'howe vertu in me fayleth, and I, as a seer tre without burjonyng or frute, alwaye welke; and so I stonde in dispeyre of this noble knot, for vertue in me hath no maner workynge. A, wyde-where aboute have I traveyled.' 'Peace,' quod she, 'of thy first way thy traveyle is in ydel; and, as touchynge the seconde way, I se wel thy meanyng. Thou woldest conclude me, if thou coudest, bycause I brought the to service, and every 130 one of my servantes I helpe to come to this blysse, as I sayd here beforne. And thou saydest thyselfe thou mightest nat be holpen, as thou wenyst, bycause that vertue in the fayleth. And this blysse parfitly, without vertue, maye nat be goten. Thou wenest of these wordes contradiction to folowe. Parde, at the hardest, I have no servant, but he be vertuous in dede and thought. I brought the in my service, yet arte thou nat my servant. But I say thou might so werche in vertue herafter that than shalt thou be my servaunt, and as for my servant acompted. For habyte maketh no monke, ne wearynge of gylte spurres maketh no knyght. Never-the-later, in conforte of thyne herte, yet wol I otherwyse answere.' 140 'Certes, lady,' quod I tho, 'so ye muste nedes, or els I had nyghe caught suche a cordiacle for sorowe, I wotte it wel I shulde it never have recovered. And, therfore, nowe I praye [the] to enforme me in this, or els I holde me without recoverye. I may nat long endure tyl this lesson be lerned, and of this myschefe the remedy knowen.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'be nat wrothe, for there is no man on lyve that maye come to a precious thyng longe coveyted, but he somtyme suffre teneful diseases, and wenyst thyselfe to ben unlyche to al other? That maye nat ben. And with the more sorowe that a thynge is getten, the more he hath joye the ilke thyng afterwardes to kepe, as it fareth by chyldren in schole 150 that for lernynge arne beaten, whan their lesson they foryetten. Commenly after a good disciplynyng with a yerde, they kepe right wel doctryne of their schole.' Chapter 12 Right with these wordes, on this lady I threwe up myne eyen to se her countenaunce and her chere; and she, aperceyvyng this fantasye in myne herte, gan her semblaunt goodly on me caste, and sayde in this wyse, 'It is

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Thomas Usk's Testament of Love wel knowe, bothe to reason and experience in doynge, every actyve worcheth on his passyve, and, whan they ben togider, actyve and passyve ben ycleaped by these philosophers. If fyre be in place chafynge thynge able to be chafed or hete, and thilke thynges ben sette in suche a distaunce that the one may werche, the other shal suffre. Thilke Margarite thou desyrest is ful of vertue and able to be actyve in goodnesse. But every herbe sheweth his vertue out-forme from within; the sonne yeveth lyght that thynges may be sey. Every fyre heteth thilke thyng that it neighe[th], and it be able to be hete. Vertue of this Margarite outforth w[erc]he[th], and nothynge is more able to suffre worching or worke catche of the actyfe, but passyfe of the same actyfe. And no passyfe to vertues of this Margaryte, but the, in al my donet, can I fynde, so that her vertue muste nedes on the werche, in what place ever thou be, within distaunce of her worthy nesse, as her very passyfe thou arte closed. But vertue may the nothynge profyte, but thy desyre be perfourmed and al thy sorowes ceased. Ergo, through werchynge of her vertue thou shalte easely ben holpen and driven out of al care and welcome to this longe by the desyred.' 'Lady,' quod I, 'this is a good lesson in gynnyng of my joye. But wete ye wel forsothe, thoughe I suppose she have moche vertue, I wolde my spousayle were proved, and than maye I lyve out of doute, and rejoyce me greatly in thynkyng of tho vertues so shewed.' 'I herde the say,' quod she, 'at my begynnyng whan I receyved the firste for to serve, that thy jewel, thilke Margaryte thou desyrest, was closed in a muskle with a blewe shel.' 'Ye, forsothe,' quod I, 'so I sayd, and so it is.' 'Wel,' quod she, 'everything kyndly sheweth itselfe. This jewel, closed in a blewe shel, [by] excellence of colour[e], sheweth vertue from within; and so every wight shulde rather loke to the propre vertue of thynges, than to his forayne goodes. If a thyng be engendred of good mater, comenly and for the more parte, it foloweth after the congelement, [by] vertue of the first mater, and it be not corrupt with vyces, to precede with encrease of good vertues. Eke, right so it fareth of badde. Trewly, great excellence in vertue of lynage, for the more parte, discendeth by kynde to the successyon in vertues to folowe. Wherfore I saye, the colourfe] of every Margarit sheweth from within the fynesse in vertue. Kyndely, heven, whan mery wether is a-lofte, apereth in mannes eye of coloure in blewe, stedfastnesse in peace betokenyng within and without. Margaryte is engendred by hevenly dewe, and sheweth in itselfe, by fynenesse of coloure, whether the engendrure were maked on morowe or on eve. Thus sayth kynde of this perle. This precious Margaryte that thou servest sheweth

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itselfe discended by nobley of vertue from this hevenlych dewe, norisshed and congeled in mekenesse, that mother is of al vertues. And by werkes that men sene, withouten the signyfication of the coloures, ben shewed mercy and pytie in the herte with peace to al other; and al this is yclosed in a muskle, who-so redily these vertues loken. 'Al thyng that hath soule is reduced into G[o]d by meane thynges, as thus. Into God man is reduced by soules resonable, and so forthe; beestes, or bodyes that mowe not moven after place, ben reduced into manne by beestes me[n]e that movyn from place to place. So that thilke bodyes, that han felynge soules and move not from places, holden the lowest degree of soulynge thynges in felynge, and suche ben reduced into man by meanes. So it foloweth the muskle, as mother of al vertues, halte the place of mekenesse. To his lowest degree discendeth d[e] w[e] of heven, and there, by a maner of virgyne engendrure, arne these Margarytes engendred and afterwarde congeled. Made not mekenesse so lowe the hye heven to enclose and catche out therof so noble a dewe that, after congelement, a Margaryte, with endelesse vertue and everlastyng joy, was with ful vessel of grace yeven to every creature, that goodly wolde it recey ve?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'these thynges ben right noble. I have, er this, herde these same sawes.' Than,' quod she, 'thou woste wel these thynges ben sothe?' 'Ye, forsothe,' quod I, 'at the ful.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'that this Margaryte is ful of vertue it is wel proved. Wherfore, some grace, some mercy amonge other vertues, I wotte ryght wel on the shal discende.' 'Ye,' quod I. 'Yet wolde I have better declared, vertues in this Margaryte kyndely to ben grounded.' 'That shal I shew the,' quod she, 'and thou woldest it lerne.' 'Lerne,' quod I, 'what nedeth suche wordes? Wete ye nat wel, lady, yourselfe, that al my cure, al my dyligence, and al my might have turned by your counsayle in plesaunce of that perle; al my thought and al my studye, with your helpe, desyreth in worshyppe [of] thilke jewel to encrease al my travayle and al my besynesse in your servyce, this Margaryte to gladde in somehalve? Me were leaver her honour, her pleasaunce, and her good chere thorowe me for to be mayntayned and kepte, and I of suche thynge in her lykynge to be cause, than al the welthe of bodyly goodes ye coude recken. And wolde never God, but I put myselfe in great jeoperdye of al that I w[e]lde - that is nowe no more but my lyfe alone - rather than I shulde suffre thylke jewel in any poynte ben blemisshed, as ferre as I may suffre, and with my mightes stretche.'

120 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love 'Suche thyng,' quod she, 'maye mokel further thy grace, and the in my servyce avaunce. But nowe,' quod Love, 'wylte thou graunte me thilke Margaryte to ben good?' 'O, good good,' quod I, 'why temple ye me and tene with suche maner speche? I wolde graunt that, thoughe I shulde anone dye, and, by my trouthe, fyght in the quarel, if any wight wolde countreplede.' 90 'It is so moche the lyghter,' quod Love, 'to prove our entent.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'but yet wolde I here howe ye wolde prove that she were good by reasonable skyl that it mowe not ben denyed. For, althoughe I knowe and so dothe many other, many-folde goodnesse and vertue in this Margaryte ben printed, yet some men there ben that no goodnesse speken. And wherever your wordes ben herde and your reasons ben shewed, suche y vel spekers, lady, by auctorite of your excellence, shullen ben stopped and ashamed. And more, they, that han none aquayntaunce in her persone, yet mowe they knowe her vertues, and ben the more enfourmed in what wyse they mowe sette their hertes, whan hem lyste into your 100 servyce any entre make. For, trewly, al this to begynne, I wote wel myselfe that thilke jewel is so precious perle, as a womanly woman in her kynde, in whome of goodnesse, of vertue, and also of answerynge shappe of lymmes and fetures so wel in al poyntes acordyng nothynge fayleth. I leve that kynde her made with great studye, for kynde in her person nothyng hath foryet, and that is wel sene. In every good wyghtes herte she hath grace of commendyng and of vertuous praysyng. Alas, that ever kynde made her deedly, save onely in that I wot wel that Nature, in fourmynge of her, in nothynge hath erred.' Chapter 13

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'Certes,' quod Love, 'thou haste wel begonne, and I aske the this questyon, Is not, in general, everythynge good?' 'I not,' quod I . 'No?' quod she. 'Saue not God everythynge that he made, and werne right good?' Than is wonder,' quod I, 'howe yvel thynges comen a-place, sythen that al thynges weren right good.' Thus,' quod she, 'I wol declare. Everyche qualyte and every action, and everythyng that hath any maner of beynge, it is of God, and God it made, of whom is al goodnesse and al beyng; of Him is no badnesse. Badde to be is naught; good to be is somwhat, and therfore good and beyng is one in understandyng.'

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'Howe may this be?' quod I. 'For often han shrewes me assailed, and mokel badnesse therin have I founden, and so me semeth bad to be somwhat in kynde.' Thou shalt,' quod she, 'understande that suche maner badnesse, whiche is used to purifye wronge doers, is somwhat - and God it made and beyng hath; and that is good. Other badnesse no beyng hath utterly; it is in the negatyve of somwhat, and that is naught, and nothyng beyng. The parties essencial of beyng arne sayd in double wyse - as that it is - and these parties ben founde in every creature, for al thyng, a this halfe the first beyng, is beyng through partycipacion, takyng partie of beyng; so that [in] every creature is difference bytwene beynge [of] him through whom it is and his own beyng. Right as every good is a maner of beyng, so is it good, thorowe beyng, for it is naught, other to be. And everythyng, though it be good, it is not of himselfe good; but it is good by that it is ordynable to the Great Goodnesse. This dualyte, after clerkes determi[nis]on, is founden in every creature, be it never so syngle of onhed.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'but there as it is ysayde that God saue everythyng of his makyng, and were right good, as yourselfe sayd to me not longe tyme sythen, I aske whether every creature is ysayde good, throughe goodnesse unfourmed, eyther els fourmed, and afterwarde if it be accepte utterly good?' 'I shal say the,' quod she, 'these great passed clerkes han devyded good into good beyng alone, and that is nothynge but G[o]d, for nothynge is good in that wyse but God. Also in G[o]d by partycipacion, and that is ycleped good, for farre fette and representatyve of G[o]dly goodnesse, and after this manyfolde good is sayd. That is to saye, good in kynde and good in gendre, and good of grace, and good of joy. Of good in kynde Austen saythe, "Al that ben, ben good." But peraunter thou woldest wete whether of hemselfe it be good, or els of anothers goodnesse, for naturel goodnesse of every substaunce is nothing els than his substancial beyng, whiche is ycleaped goodnesse, after comparyson that he hath to his first goodnesse, so as it is inductatife by meanes into the first goodnesse. Boece sheweth this thynge at the ful, that this name good is, in general, name in kynde, as it is comparysoned generally to his principal ende, which is God, knotte of al goodnesse. Every creature cryeth, "God us made," and so they han ful apeted to thilke God by affection, such as to hem longeth. And in this wyse al thynges ben good of the gret God, which is good alone.' 'This wonder thyng,' quod I, 'howe ye have, by many reasons, proved

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my first waye to be errour and misgoyng, and cause of bad[n]esse and feble menynge in the grounde ye aleged to be roted. Whence is it that suche badnesse hath springes, sythen al thynges thus in general ben good, and badnesse hath no beyng, as ye have declared? I wene if al thynges ben good, I might than, with the first way, in that good have ended, and so by goodnesse have comen to blysse in your servyce desyred.' 'Al thyng,' quod she, Ms good by beyng in partycipacion out of the firste goodnesse, whiche goodnesse is corrupte by badnesse, and badde meanyng maners. God hath in good thynges that they ben good by beyng, and not in yvel, for there is absence of rightful love, for badnesse is nothynge, but onely yvel wyl of the user and through giltes of the doer. Wherfore, at the gynnynge of the worlde, everythyng by himselfe was good, and, in unyversal, they werne right good. An eye or a hande is fayrer and betterer in a body sette in his kyndely place, than from the body discevered. Everythyng in his kyndly place, being kyndly, good dothe werche, and, out of that place voyded, it dissolveth and is defouled himselve. 'Our noble God, in glyterande wyse by armony this worlde ordeyned, as in purtreytures storied with colours medled, in whiche blacke and other derke colours commenden the golden and the asured paynture, every putte in kyndely place; one besyde another, more for other glytereth. Right so, lytle fayre maketh right fayre more glorious, and, right so, of goodnesse and of other thynges in vertue. Wherfore, other badde, and not so good perles as this Margaryte that we han of this matier, yeven by the ayre lytel goodnesse and lytel vertue, [maken] ryght mokel goodnesse and vertue in thy Margaryte to ben proved, in shynynge wyse to be founde and shewed. Howe shulde ever goodnesse of peace have ben knowe, but if unpeace somtyme reigne, and mokel yvel wrothe? Howe shulde mercy ben proved, and no trespeace were, by due justifycacion to be punysshed? Therfore, grace and goodnesse of a wight is founde; the sorouful hertes, in good meanynge to endure, ben comforted - unyte and acorde bytwene hertes knytte in joye to abyde. 'What wenest thou I rejoyce or els accompte hym amonge my servauntes that pleaseth Pallas, in undoynge of Mercurye, al be it that to Pallas he be knytte by tytle of la we - not accordyng to reasonable conscience - and Mercurie, in doynge, have grace to ben suffered? Or els hym that we[v]eth the moone for fayrenesse of the evesterre? Lo, otherwhyle, by nyghtes, lyght of the moone greatly comforteth in derke thoughtes and blynde. Understandyng of love yeveth great gladnesse. Who-so lyste not byleve whan a sothe tale is shewed, "adewe and a

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deblys," his name is entred. Wyse folke and worthy in gentyllesse, bothe of vertue and of ly vynge, yeven ful credence in sothnesse of love with a good hert, there as good evydence of experyence in doynge sheweth not the contrarye. Thus mightest thou have ful prefe in thy Margarytes goodnesse, by commendement of other jewels badnesse, and yvelnesse in doyng. Stoundemele diseases yeveth several houres in joye.' 'Nowe, by my trouthe,' quod I, 'this is wel declared that my Margaryte 100 is good, for sythen other ben good, and she passeth manye other in goodnesse and vertue, wherthroughe, by maner necessarye, she muste be good; and goodnesse of this Margaryte is nothynge els but vertue, wherfore, she is vertuous. And, if there fayled any vertue in any syde, there were lacke of vertue; badde nothynge els is, ne may be, but lacke and wante of good and goodnesse. And so shulde she have that same lacke, that is to saye badde, and that maye not be. For she is good and that is good me thynketh - al good - and so, by consequence, me semeth, vertuous and no lacke of vertue to have. But the sonne is not knowe, but he shyne, ne vertuous herbes, but they have her kynde werchynge; ne vertue, but it stretche in 110 goodnesse or profyte to another. 'Is no vertue than, by al wayes of reason (sythen mercy and pytie ben moste commended amonge other vertues) and they myght never ben shewed, refresshement of helpe and of comforte, but nowe at my moste nede. And that is the kynde werkynge of these vertues. Trewly, I wene I shal not varye from these helpes. Fyre, and if he yeve none heate, for fyre is not demed. The sonne, but he shyne, for sonne is not accompted. Water, but it wete, the name shal ben chaunged. Vertue, but it werche, of goodnesse dothe it fayle, and into his contrarye the name shal ben reversed; and these ben impossyble. Wherfore, the contradictorie, that is neces120 +++++nedes muste I leve.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'in thy person and out of thy mouthe these wordes lyen wel to ben said, and in thyne understandyng to be leved, as in entent of this Margaryte alone. And here nowe my speche in conclusyon of [t]hese wordes.' Chapter 14 'In these thinges,' quod she, 'that me lyst nowe to shewe openly, shal be founde the mater of thy sicknesse, and what shal ben the medicyn that may be thy sorowes lysse and comfort, as wel the as al other that amysse have erred, and out of the way walked, so that any drope of good wyl in amendement [ha]n dwelled in their hertes. Proverbes of Salomon openly

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teacheth howe somtyme an innocent walkyd by the way in blyndnesse of a derke night, whom mette a woman - if it be lefely to saye - as a strumpet arayed, redily purveyed in turnynge of thoughtes with veyne janglynges and of rest inpacient, by dissymulacion of my termes, sayeng in this wyse, "Come and be we dronken of our swete pappes; use we coveytous collynges." And thus drawen was this innocent, as an oxe, to the larder.' 'Lady,' quod I, 'to me this is a queynte thynge to understonde. I praye you of this parable declare me the entent.' 'This innocent,' quod she, 'is a scholer, lernynge of my lore, in sechyng of my blysse, in whiche thynge the daye of his thought turnyng, enclyneth into eve, and the sonne of very lyght faylinge, maketh derke nyght in his connynge. Thus in derknesse of many doutes he walketh, and, for blyndenesse of understandynge, he ne wote in what waye he is in. Forsothe suche one may lightly ben begyled to whome came love fayned, not clothed of my ly very, but unleful, lustye habyte. With softe speche and mery, and with fayre honyed wordes, heretykes and missemenynge people skleren and wymplen their errours. Austen wytnesseth of an heretyke that in his first begynnynge he was a man right experte in resones and swete in his wordes; and the werkes miscorden. Thus fareth Fayned Love in her firste werchynges. Thou knowest these thynges for trewe; thou haste hem proved by experience, somtyme in doyng to thyne owne person, in whiche thyng thou hast founde mater of mokel disese, was not Fayned Love redily purveyed, thy wyttes to catche and tourne thy good thoughtes? Trewly, she hath wounded the conscience of many with florisshynge of mokel janglyng wordes, and good worthe thanked [y]it for no glose. I am gladde of my prudence thou haste so manly her veyned. To me arte thou moche holden, that in thy kynde course of good meanyng, I returne thy mynde. I trowe ne had I shewed the thy Margaryte, thou haddest never returned. 'Of first in good parfyte joye was ever fayned love impacient, as the water of Syloe, whiche evermore floweth with stylnesse and privy noyse, tyl it come nyghe the brinke, and than gynneth it so out of measure to bolne, with novelleries of chaungyng stormes, that in course of every rennyng it is in poynte to spyl al his circuite of [b]ankes. Thus fayned love, prively at the fullest of his flowynge, newe stormes, debate to arayse. And al be it that Mercuri[en]s, often with hole understandynge, knowen suche peryllous maters; yet Veneriens so lusty ben, and so leude in their wyttes that in suche thynges right lytel or naught don they fele, and writen and cryen to their felawes, "Here is blysse; here is joye"; and thus into one same errour mokel folke they drawen. "Come," they sayne, "and be we

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dronken of our pappes." That ben Fallas and Lyeng-glose, of whiche mowe they not souke mylke of helthe, but deedly venym and poyson, corrupcion of sorowe. Mylke of Fallas is venym of disceyte. Mylke of Lyeng-glose is venym of corrupcion. Lo, what thynge cometh out of these pappes. Use we coveyted collynges: desyre we and meddle we false wordes with sote, and sole with false. Trewly, this is the sorynesse of fayned love. Nedes of these surfettes sicknesse must folowe. Thus as an oxe to thy langoring deth were thou drawen; the sote of the smoke hath the al defased. Ever the deper thou somtyme wadest, the soner thou it founde. If it had the kylled, it had be lytel wonder. 'But on that other syde, my trewe servaunt[s] not faynen ne discey ve conne; sothly their doynge is open. My foundement endureth, be the burthen never so great. Ever in one it lasteth; it yeveth lyfe and blysful goodnesse in the laste endes, though the gynnynges ben sharpe. Thus of two contraries, contrarye ben the effectes. And so thylke Margaryte thou servest shal sene the by her servyce out of peryllous trybulacion delyvered, bycause of her servyce into newe disease fallen, by hope of amendement in the laste ende, with joye to be gladded. Wherfore, of kynde pure, her mercy with grace of good helpe shal she graunt, and els I shal her so strayne, that with pyte shal she ben amaystred. Remembre in thyne herte howe horrybly somtyme to thyne Margaryte thou trespasest and in a great wyse ayenst her thou forfeytest. Clepe ayen thy mynde, and knowe thyne owne gyltes. What goodnesse, what bountie, with mokel folowynge pyte, founde thou in that tyme? Were thou not goodly accepted into grace? By my pluckynge, was she to foryevenesse enclyned. And after, I her styred to drawe the to house; and yet wendest thou utterly forever have ben refused. But wel thou wost sythen, that I in suche sharpe disease might so greatly avayle. What thynkest in thy wit? Howe ferre maye my wytte stretche? And thou lache not on thy syde, I wol make the knotte. Certes in thy good beryng I wol acorde with the psauter. I have fou[n]de David in my servyce true, and with holy oyle of peace and of rest longe by him desyred, utterly he shal be anoynted. Truste wel to me, and I wol the not fayle. The lea[v]yng of the first way with good herte of contynuaunce, that I se in the grounded, this purpose to parfourme, draweth me by maner of constrainyng, that nedes muste I ben thyne helper. Although myrthe a whyle be taryed, it shal come at suche seson that thy thought shal ben joyed. And wolde never God, sythen thyne herte to my reasones arne assented and openly haste confessed thyne amysse-goynge, and nowe cryest after mercy, but if mercy folowed. Thy blysse shal ben redy, iwys, thou ne wost how sone. Now be a good chylde, I rede. The kynde of

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vertues in thy Margaryte rehersed, by strength of me in thy person shul werche. Comforte the in this, for thou mayst not miscary.' And these wordes sayde, she streyght her on length and rested a whyle. Thus endeth the seconde booke, and here-after foloweth the thirde boke.

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Of nombre, sayne these clerkes that it is naturel somme of discrete thynges, as in tellynge one, two, thre, and so forth. But amonge al nombres thre is determyned for moste certayne. Wherfore, in nombre certayne, this werke of my besy leudenesse I thynke to ende and parfourme. Ensample by this worlde in thre tymes is devyded. Of whiche the first is cleped de[vi]acion, that is to say, goyng out of trewe way; and al that tho dyeden, in hel were they punisshed, for a mans synn, tyl grace and mercy fette hem thence, and there ended the firste tyme. The seconde tyme lasteth from the commyng of merciable grace untyl the ende of transytorie tyme, in whiche is shewed the true way in fordoynge of the badde; and that is ycleped tyme of grace. And that thynge is not yeven by deserte of yeldynge one benefyte for another, but onely through goodnesse of the Yever of grace in thilke tyme. Who-so can wel understande is shapen to be saved in souled blysse. The thirde tyme shal gyn whan transytorie thynges of worldes han made their ende, and that shal ben in joye, glorie, and rest, both body and soule, that wel han deserved in the tyme of grace. And thus in that heven togyther shul they dwel perpetuelly without any ymaginatyfe yvel in any halve. These tymes are fygured by tho thre dayes that our God was closed in erthe, and in the thirde arose, shewyng our resurrection to joye and blysse of tho that it deserven, by his merciable grace. So this leude boke in thre maters accordaunt to tho tymes, lightly by a good inseer, maye ben understonde. As, in the firste, erroure of myssegoynge is shewed, with sorowful pyne, punysshed [that] is cryed after mercy. In the seconde, is grace in good waye proved, whiche is [vjaylinge, without deserte, thylke first mysse amendynge in correction of tho erroures [in] even waye to bringe, with comforte of welfare into amendement wexynge. And in the thirde, joye and blysse graunted to hym that wel canne deserve it, and hath savour of understandynge in the

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tyme of grace. Thus in joye of my thirde boke shal the mater be tyl it ende. But special cause I have in my hert to make this processe of a Margarit peerle, that is so precious a gemme, w[hit], clere, and lytel, of whiche stones or jewel[es], the tonges of us Englissh people tourneth the ri3t names, and clepeth hem Margery perles. Thus varyeth our speche from many other langages. For trewly, Latyn, Frenche, and many mo other Iangages cleapeth hem Margery perles [by] the name Margarites, or Margarite perles. Wherfore, in that denomynacion I wol me acorde to other mens tonges, in that name clepyng. These clerkes that treaten of kyndes and studyen out the propertie there of thynges, sayne the Margarite is a lytel whyte perle, throughout holowe and rounde, and vertuous, and on the see sydes in the more Britayne, in muskle shelles, of the hevenly dewe the best ben engendred, in whiche, by experience, ben founde thre fayre vertues. One is, it yeveth comforte to the felyng spyrites in bodily persones of reason. Another good [is], it is profytable helthe ayenst passyons of sorie mens hertes. And the thirde, it is nedeful and noble in staunchyng of bloode, there els to moche wolde out ren. To whiche perle and vertues me lyst to liken at this tyme Philosophie with her thre speces, that is, natural, and moral, and resonable. Of whiche thynges hereth what sayne these great clerkes. Philosophie is knowyng of devynly and manly thinges joyned with studye of good ly vyng. And this stante in two thynges, that is, connynge and opinyon. Connynge is whan a thyng, by certayne reson, is conceyved. But wretches, and fooles, and leude men many, wyl conceyve a thyng and mayntayne it as for sothe, though reson be in the contrarye; wherfore, connynge is a straunger. Opinyon is whyle a thyng is in non-certayne, and hydde from mens very knowlegyng, and by no parfyte reason fully declared, as thus: if the sonne be so mokel as men wenen, or els if it be more than the erthe. For, in sothnesse, the certayne quantyte of that planet is unknowen to erthly dwellers, and yet by opinyon of some men, it is holden for more than mydle-erth. The first spece of philosophic is naturel, whiche in kyndely thynges treten, and sheweth causes of heven and strength of kyndely course, as by arsmetrike, geometry, musyke, and by astronomye techeth wayes and course of hevens, of planetes, and of sterres aboute heven and erthe, and other elementes. The seconde spece is moral, whiche in order of ly vyng maners techeth, and by reson proveth vertues of soule moste worthy in our lyveng, whiche ben prudence, justyce, temperaunce, and strength. Prudence is goodly wysdome in knowyng of thynges. Strength voydeth al adversitees alyche even. Temperaunce distroyeth beestyal lyveng with

128 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love easy bearyng. And justyce rightfully jugeth, and jugyng, departeth to every wight that is his owne. The thirde spece turneth into reason of understandyng al thynges to be sayd soth and discussed, and that in two thynges is devyded. One is arte, another is rethorike, in whiche two, al lawes of mans reason ben grounded, or els maintayned. And, for this booke is al of Love, and therafter beareth his name, and phylosophie and lawe muste here-to acorden by their clergyal discripcions - as phylosophie for love of wisdome is declared, lawe for mainteynaunce of peace is holden - and these with love must nedes acorden, therfore of hem in this place have I touched. Ordre of homly thinges and honest maner of lyvynge in vertue, with rightful jugement in 80 causes and profitable administration in commynalties of realmes and cytes by evenhed profitably to raigne, nat by singuler avauntage, ne by prive envy, ne by soleyn purpose in covetise of worship or of goodes, ben disposed in open rule shewed, by love, philosophy, and lawe; and yet love toforn al other. Wherfore, as susterne in unite they accorden and one ende, that is, peace and rest, they causen norisshinge, and, in the joye, maynteynen to endure. Nowe than, as I have declared, my boke acordeth with discription of thre thygnes. And the Margarit in vertue is lykened to philosophy, with her thre speces. In whiche maters ever twey ben acordaunt with bodily 90 reason, and the thirde with the soule. But in conclusyon of my boke and of this Margarite peerle in knyttynge togider, lawe by thre sondrie maners shal be lykened, that is to saye, lawe, right, and custome, whiche I wol declare. Al that is lawe cometh of Goddes ordynance by kyndly worchyng. And thilke thynges ordayned by mannes witt3 arn ycleped right, which is ordayned by many maners and in constitution written. But custome is a thyng that is accepted for right or for lawe, there as lawe and right faylen; and there is no difference whether it come of scripture or of reason. Wherfore, it sheweth that lawe is kyndly governaunce. Right cometh out of mannes probable reson. And custome is of commen usage, 100 by length of tyme used: and custome nat writte is usage; and, if it be writte, constitutyon it is ywritten and ycleped. But lawe of kynde is commen to every nation, as conjunction of man and woman in love, succession of children in heritance, restitution of thyng by stren[gt]h taken or lent. And this lawe among al other halte the soveraynest gree in worship, whiche lawe began at the begynnyng of reasonable creature. It varyed yet never for no chaungyng of tyme. Cause, forsothe, in ordaynyng of lawe, was to constrayne mens hardynesse into peace, and withdrawing his yvel wyl, and turnyng malyce into goodnesse, and that innocence sykerly 70

Book III, Chapter 1 129 withouten teneful anoye amonge shrewes safely might inhabyte by pro110 ++++++of safe conducte, so that the shrewes, harme for harme, by bridl. of ferdenesse shulden restrayne. But, forsothe, in kyndely lawe nothynge is commended, but such as Goddes wyl hath confyrmed, ne nothyng denyed, but contraryoustie of Goddes wyl in heven. Eke, than al lawes or custome, or els constitucion by usage or writyng, that contraryen lawe of kynde, utterly ben repugnaunt and adversarye to our Goddes wyl of heven. Trewly, lawe of kynde, for Goddes own lusty wyl, is verily to maintayne, under whiche lawe - and unworthy - bothe professe and reguler arne obedyencer and bounden to this Margarite perle, as by knotte of loves statutes and stablysshment in kynde, whiche that goodly maye not 120 be withsetten. Lo, under this bonde am I constrayned to abyde, and man under lyveng lawe ruled. By that lawe oweth, after desertes, to ben rewarded by payn or by mede, but if mercy wey ve the payne. So than, be parte, reasonfully may be sey, that mercy bothe right and lawe passeth. Th'entent of al these maters is, [at] the lest, clere understanding, to weten at th'ende of this thirde boke; ful knowing thorowe Goddes grace, I thynke to make never-the-later yet, if these thynges han a good. And a sleight inseer, whiche that can souke hony of the harde stone, oyle of the drye rocke, may lyghtly fele nobley of mater in my leude ymagination closed. But for my boke shal be of joye, as I sayd, and I so ferre set fro 130 thilke place fro when gladnesse shulde come, my corde is to short to let my boket oust catch of that water, and fewe men be abouten my corde to eche. And many in ful purpose ben redy it shorter to make and to enclose th'entre, that my boket of joye nothing shulde catch, but empty returne, my careful sorowes to encrese. And, if I dye for payne, that were gladnesse at their hertes. Good lorde, sende me water into the cop of these mountayns, and I shal drynke therof, my thurstes to stanch, and sey, 'These be comfortable welles, into helth of goodnesse of my saviour am I holpen.' And yet I saye more, the house of joye to me is nat opened. How dare 140 my sorouful goost than in any mater of gladnesse thynken to trete? For ever sobbynges and complayntes be redy refrete in his meditations, as werbles in many-fold stoundes, comyng about I not [w]han. And therfore, what maner of joye coude [I] endite? But yet, at dore shal I knocke, if the key of David wolde that locke unshyt, and He bring me in, whiche that childrens tonges both openeth and closeth, whose spirite, where he w[o]l worcheth, departyng goodly as him lyketh. Nowe to Goddes laude and reverence, profile of the reders, amendement of maners of the herers, encresyng of worship among loves

130 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love servauntes, relevyng of my hert into grace of my jewel, and frenship [in] 150 plesance of this peerle, I am stered in this makyng, and for nothyng els. And, if any good thyng to mennes lyking in this scripture be founde, thanketh the Maister of grace, whiche that of that good and al other is authour and principal doer. And, if anything be insufficient or els myslyking, wi[te]th that [to] the leudnesse of myne unable connyng, for body in disese anoyeth the understanding in soule. A disesely habitation letteth the wyttes [in] many thinges, and namely in sorowe. The custome, never-thelater, of Love, be long tyme of service in termes, I thinke to pursue, whiche ben lyvely to yeve understandyng in other thynges. But nowe to enform the of this Margarites goodnesse, I may her not 160 halfe preyse. Wherfore, nat she for my boke, but this boke for her is worthy to be commended; tho my boke be leude, right as thinges, nat for places, but places for thynges, ought to be desyred and praysed. Chapter 2

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'Nowe,' quod Love, 'trewly thy wordes I have wel understonde. Certes me thynketh hem right good, and me wondreth why thou so lightly passest in the lawe.' 'Sothly,' quod I, 'my wyt is leude and I am right blynde and that mater depe. Howe shulde I than have waded? Lightly mist I have drenched and spilte ther myselfe.' 'Ye,' quod she, 'I shal helpe the to swym. For 031 as lawe punyssheth brekers of preceptes and the contrary-doers of the written constitutions, right so ayenwarde, lawe rewardeth and yeveth mede to hem that lawe strengthen. By one lawe this rebel is punisshed and this innoce[n]t is meded; the shrewe is enprisoned and this ri3tful is corowned. The same lawe that joyneth by wedlock without forsakyng, the same lawe yeveth lybel of departicion bycause of devorse both demed and declared.' 'Ye, ye,' quod I, 'I fynde in no lawe to mede and rewarde in goodnes the gyltie of desertes.' 'Pole,' quod she, 'gyltie converted, in your lawe mykel merite deserveth. Also Pauly of Rome was crowned that by him the maynteyners of Pompeus were knowen and distroyed, and yet toforne was this Paulyn chefe of Pompeus counsaile. This lawe in Rome hath yet his name of mesuring, in mede, the bewrayeng of the conspiracy. Ordayned by tho senatours, the dethe [of] Julyus Cesar is acompted into Catons rightwisenesse, for ever in trouth florissheth his name amonge the knowers of reason. Perdicas was crowned in the heritage of Alexander the Great for

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tellynge of a prevy hate that Kyng Porrus to Alexander hadde. Wherfore every wight by reason of lawe after his rightwysenesse apartely his mede may chalenge. And so thou that maynteynest lawe of kynde and therfore disease hast suffred in the lawe. Reward is worthy to be rewarded and ordayned, and apartly thy mede might thou chalenge.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'this have I wel lerned, and ever hensforward I shal drawe me therafter in onehed of wyl to abide, this lawe bothe mayntene and kepe, and, so hope I, best entre into your grace. Wel deservynge into worship of a wight, without nedef[u]l compulsion, ought medefully to be rewarded.' Truly,' quod Love, 'that is sothe; and tho by constitution good service into profile and avau[n]tage stretch, utterly many men it demen to have more desert of mede than good [wyl] compelled.' 'See now,' quod I, 'howe may men holden of this the contrary? And what is good service? Of you wol I here this question declared.' 'I shall say the,' quod she, 'in a fewe wordes: resonable workynges in plesaunce and profile of thy soverayne.' 'Howe shulde I this performe?' quod I. 'Ri3t wel,' quod she, 'and here me nowe a lytel. It is hardely,' quod she, 'to understande that right as matter by due overchaungynges foloweth his perfection and his forme, right so every man by ri3tful werkynges ought to folowe the leful desyres in his hert and se toforn to what ende he deserveth. For many tymes he that loketh nat after thendes, but utterly therof is unknown, befalleth often many y vels to done, wherthrough, er he be ware, shamefully he is confounded. Thende therof neden to be beforeloked. To every desirer of suche foresight in good service thre thynges specially nedeth to be rulers in his workes: first, that he do good; next, that he do by electyon in his owne hert; and the thirde, that he do godly withouten any surquedry in thoughtes . 'That your werkes shulden be good in servyce, or in any other actes, authorites many may be aleged. Neverthelater, by reason thus maye it be shewed. Al your werkes be cleped seconde, and moven in vertue of the firste wercher, whiche in good workes wrought you to procede. And right so your werkes moven into vertue of the laste ende; and right in the first workynge were nat, no man shulde in the seconde werche. Right so but ye feled to what ende and seen their goodnes closed, ye shuld no more rec[che] what ye wrou3t but the gynnyng gan with good. And there shal it cease in the last ende, if it be wel consydred. Wherfore the myddle, if other wayes it drawe than accordant to the endes, there stynteth the course of good and another many course entreth. And so it is a partie by him-

132 Thomas Usk's++++++++++++++ selve, and every parte [that] be nat accordant to his al, is foule and ought to be eschewed. Wherfore every thinge that is wrou3t and be nat good, is nat accordant to thendes of his al hole; it is foule and ought to be withdrawe. Thus the persons that neither don good ne harme shamen foule their makyng. Wherfore without workyng of good actes in good service, may 70 no man ben accepted. Truely, the ilke that han might to do good and done it nat, the crowne of worship shal be take from hem, and with shame shul they be annulled. And so to make one werke acordant with his endes, every good servaunt by reason of consequence muste do good nedes. Certes, it suffiseth nat alone to do good, but goodly withal folowe; the thanke of goodnesse else in nought he deserveth. For 031 as al your being come from the greatest good in whom al goodnesse is closed, right so your endes ben directe to the same good. Aristotel determyneth that ende and good been one and convertible in understanding. And he that in wyl doth away good, and he that loketh nat to thende, 80 loketh nat to good; but he that doth good and doth nat goodly [and] draweth away the direction of thende nat goodly must nedes be bad. Lo, badde is nothing els but absence, or negatyfe, of good, as derkenesse is absence, or negatyve, of lyght. Than he that dooth [nat] goodly, directeth thilke good into thende of badde; so muste thyng nat good folowe. Eke, badnesse to suche folke ofte foloweth. Thus contrariaunt workers of thende that is good ben worthy the contrary of thende that is good to have.' 'How,' quod I, 'may any good dede be done, but if goodly it helpe?' 'Yes,' quod Love, 'the devyl dothe many good dedes, but goodly he lev90 eth behynde, for eve[r] badly and in disceyvable wyse he worketh. Wherfore, the contrary of thende him foloweth. And do he never so many good dedes, bicause goodly is away, his goodnes is nat rekened. Lo than, tho a man do good, but he do goodly, thende in goodnesse wol nat folowe. And thus in good service both good dede and goodly done musten joyne togider, and that it be done with free choise in hert; and els deserveth he nat the merite in goodnes. That wol I prove. For if thou do anythyng good by chaunce or by happe, in what thyng art thou therof worthy to be [c]ommended? For nothing, by reason of that, turneth into thy praysing ne lackyng. Lo, thilke thing done by hap, by thy wyl is nat caused; and therby 100 shulde[st thou] thanke or lacke deserve? And sythen that fayleth, thende, which that wel shulde rewarde, must ned[e]s faile. Clerkes sayn, no man but wyllynge is blessed; a good dede that he hath done is nat done of free choice wyllyng, without whiche blyssednesse may nat folowe. Ergo, nei-

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ther thanke of goodnesse, ne service [is] in that is contrary of the good ende. So than, to good service longeth good dede goodly done, thorowe fre choice in hert.' Truely,' quod I, 'this have I wel understande.' 'Wei,' quod she, 'everythyng thus done sufficiently by lawe, that is cleped justice, [may] after-rewarde claym. For lawe and justice was ordayned in this wyse, suche desertes in goodnesse, after quantite in doynge, by mede to rewarde; and of necessyte of such justice, that is to say, ristwysenesse, was free choice in deservyng of wel or of y vel graunted to resonable creatures. Every man hath free arbitrement to chose, good or yvel to performe.' 'Nowe,' quod I tho, 'if I, by my good wyl, deserve this Margarit perle and am nat therto compelled and have free choice to do what me lyketh, she is than holden, as me thynketh, to rewarde thentent of my god wyl.' 'Goddes forbode els,' quod Love, 'no wi3t meaneth otherwyse, I trowe. Free wyl of good hert after-mede deserveth.' 'Hath every man,' quod I, 'fre choice by necessary maner of wyl in every of his doynges that him lyketh, by Goddes proper purvyaunce? I wolde se that wel declared to me leude understanding; for "necessary" and "necessyte" ben wordes of mokel entention, closyng, as to saye, "so mote it be nedes", and "otherwyse may it nat betyde".' 'This shall thou lern,' quod she, 'so thou take hede in my speche. If it were nat in mannes owne lyberte of fre wyl to do good or bad, but to the one teyed by bonde of Goddes preordynaunce, than do he never so wel, it were by nedeful compulcion of thilk bonde and nat by fre choice, wherby nothyng he desyreth; and do he never so yvel, it were nat man for to wyte, but onelych to him that suche thyng ordayned him to done. Wherfore, he ne ought for bad be punisshed, ne for no good dede be rewarded; but of necessite of ristwisenesse was therfore fre choice of arbitrement put in mans proper disposition. Truely, if it were otherwyse, it contraried Goddes charite, that badnesse and goodnesse rewardeth after desert of payn or of mede.' 'Me thynketh this wonder,' quod I, 'for God by necessite forwot al thynges commyng, and so mote it nedes be. And thilke thinges that ben done be our fre choice comen nothing of necessite but onely be wyl. Howe may this stonde togyther? And so me thynketh truely, that fre choyce fully repugneth Goddes forwetyng. Trewly, lady, me semth they mowe nat stande togyther.'

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Than gan Love nygh me nere and with a noble countenance of visage and lymmes, dressed her nigh my sytting place. 'Take forth,' quod she, 'thy pen and redily write these wordes, for, if God wol, I shal hem so enforme to the that thy leudnesse, whiche I have understand in that mater, shal openly be clered, and thy sight in ful loking therin amended. First, if thou thynke that Goddes prescience repugne lyberte of arbetry o[r] arbitrement, it is impossible that they shulde accorde in onheed of sothe to understanding.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'forsothe, so I it conceyve.' 'Wei,' quod she, 'if thilke impossible were away, the repug[n]aunce that semeth to be therin were utterly removed.' 'Shewe me the absence of that impossibilyte,' quod I. 'So,' quod she, 'I shal. Nowe I suppose that they mowe stande togider: prescience of God, whom foloweth necessite of thinges commyng; and lyberte of arbitrement, thorowe whiche thou belevest many thinges to be without necessite.' 'Bothe these proporcions be sothe,' quod I, 'and wel mowe stande togider. Wherfore this case as possyble I admit.' 'Truely,' quod she, 'and this case is impossible.' 'Howe so?' quod I. 'For herof,' quod she, 'foloweth and wexeth another impossyble.' 'Prove me that,' quod I. 'That I shal,' quod she. 'For somthing is commyng without necessyte and God wot that toforn, for al thing commyng he before wot. And that he beforn wot, of necessyte is commyng, as he beforne wot be the case. By necessary maner than, or els thorowe necessite, is somthyng to be without necessite. And whe[rof] to every wi3t that hath good understanding is seen these thynges to be repugnaunt: prescience of God, whiche that foloweth necessyte, and lyberte of arbytrement, fro whiche is removed necessyte? For truely, it is necessary that God have forwetyng of thing withouten any necessite commynge.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'but yet remeve ye nat away fro myne understandyng the necessyte folowyng Goddes beforewetyng, as thus: God beforne wote me in service of love to be bounden to this Margarite perle, and therfore by necessite thus to love am I bounde; and, if I had nat loved, thorowe necessyte had I ben kepte from al love dedes.' 'Certes,' quod Love, 'bicause this mater is good and necessary to declare, I thynke her-in wel to abyde and not lyghtly to passe. Thou shake

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1.1 Videntur quidem praescientia del et liberum arbitrium repugnare, quoniam ea quae deus praescit, necesse est esse futura, et quae per liberum arbitrium fiunt, nulla necessitate proveniunt. Sed si repugnant, impossibile est simul et esse praescientiam del quae omnia praevidet, et aliquid fieri per libertatem arbitrii. Quae impossibilitas si abesse intelligitur, repugnantia quae videtur inesse penitus removetur. Ponamus igitur simul esse et praescientiam del, quam sequi necessitas futurarum rerum videtur, et libertatem arbitrii, per quam multa sine ulla necessitate fieri creduntur, et videamus utrum impossibile sit haec duo simul esse. Quod si est impossibile, oritur inde aliud impossibile. Impossibile siquidem est, quoposito aliud impossibile sequitur. Sed si aliquid estfuturum sine necessitate, hoc ipsum praescit deus, qui praescit omnia futura. Quod autem praescit deus, necessitate futurum est, sicut praescitur. Necesse est igitur aliquid esse futurum sine necessitate. Nequaquam ergo recte intelligenti hie repugnare videntur praescientia quam sequitur necessitas, et libertas arbitrii a qua removetur necessitas, quoniam et necesse est quod deus praescit futurum esse, et deus praescit aliquid esse futurum sine omni necessitate. Sed dices mihi: Non removes tamen a me necessitatem peccandi vel non peccandi, quoniam deus praescit me peccaturum vel non peccaturum, et ideo necesse est me peccare si pecco, vel non peccare si non pecco. Ad quod ego: Non debes ... (Anselm 1946, 11:245-6) 1.1 It certainly seems as though divine foreknowledge is incompatible with there being human free choice. For what God foreknows shall necessarily come to be in the future, while the things brought about by free choice do not issue from any necessity. And, if divine foreknowledge and human free choice cannot both exist, it is impossible for God's foreknowledge, which foresees all things, to coexist with something happening through free choice. Yet if it can be shown that the 'impossibility' here is apparent rather than real, the seeming opposition between God's knowledge and human freedom would be shown to be unreal. So let us affirm the coexistence both of divine foreknowledge (which seems to require the necessary existence of future things) and of free choice (by which many things are believed to occur apart from any necessity), and let us see whether it is impossible for these to be coexistent. If they cannot, there arises as a consequence a second 'impossibility'. For that which entails an impossibility is itself impossible. But if something is going to occur freely, God, who foreknows all that shall be, foreknows this very fact. And whatever God foreknows shall necessarily happen in the way in which it is foreknown. So it is necessary that it shall happen freely, and there is therefore no conflict whatsoever between a foreknowledge which entails a necessary occurrence and a free exercise of an

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not,' quod she, 'say alonely, "God beforne wote me to be a lover, or no lover," but thus, "God beforne wote me to be a lover without necessyte." And so it foloweth, whether thou love or not love, every of hem is and shal be. But now thou seest the impossibylite of the case, and the possibylite of thilke that thou wendest had been impossyble. Wherfore the repugnaunce is adnulled.' 'Ye,' quod I, 'and yet do ye not awaye the strength of necessyte, whan it is said, though necessyte it is me in love to abyde, or not to love without necessyte for God beforn wote it. This maner of necessyte, forsothe, semeth to some men into coaction, that is to sayne, constraynyng or else prohibycion that is defendynge. Wherfore, {if} necessyte is me to love of wyl, I understande me to be constrayned by some privy strength to the wy 1 of lovynge; and if {I ne} love, to be defended from the wyl of lovynge. And so thorowe necessyte me semeth to love, {if} I love; or els not to love, if I not love. Wherthrough neyther thanke ne maygre in tho thynges maye I deserve.' 'Nowe,' quod she, 'thou shake wel understande that often we sayne thynge thorowe necessyte to be, that by no strength to be neyther is coarted ne constrayned, and throughe necessyte not to be, that with no defendynge is removed. For we sayne it is thorowe necessyte, God to be immortal, nought deedlyche; and it is necessyte God to be rightful, but not that any strength of violente maner constrayneth him to be immortal, or defendeth him to be unrightful, for nothing may make him dedly or unrightful. Right so, if I say thorowe necessyte is the to be a lover, or els none, onely thorowe wyl, as God beforne wete, it is nat to understonde that anythyng defendeth or forbit the thy wyl, whiche shal nat be, or els constrayneth it to be whiche shal be. The same thynge, forsoth, God before wot, whiche he beforen seeth, anythyng commende of onely wyl, that wyl neyther is constrayned ne defended thorowe any other thing. And so thorowe lyberte of arbitrement it is do, that is done of wyl. And trewly, my good childe, if these thynges be wel understond, I wene that non inconvenyent shalt thou fynde betwene Goddes forwetyng and lyberte of arbitrement; wherfore I wot wel they may stande togider.

Book III, Chapter 3 137 uncoerced will. For it is both necessary that God foreknows what shall come to be and that God foreknows that something shall freely come to be. You may say to me: 'You are still not removing from me the necessity of sinning or not sinning since God foreknows that I am going to sin or not sin, and it is therefore necessary that I sin, if I sin, or that I not sin if I do not sin.' But then I, in turn, respond: 'Yo should not... (Anselm 1998,435-6) ....dicere: praescit deus me peccaturum tantum vel non peccaturum; sed: praescit deus me peccaturum sine necessitate vel non peccaturum. Et ita sequitur quia, sive peccaveris sive non peccaveris, utrumque sine necessitate erit, quia praescit deusfuturum esse sine necessitate hoc quod erit. Vides igitur non esse impossibile simul esse praescientiam del, per quam futura quae praescit dicuntur esse ex necessitate, et libertatem arbitrii, per quam multaflunt sine necessitate? Si enim est impossibile, sequitur aliquid impossibile. Sed nulla ex hoc nascitur impossibilitas. Forsitan dicis: Nondum aufers a corde meo vim necessitatis, cum dicis quia necesse est me peccaturum esse vel non peccaturum sine necessitate, quia hoc deus praescit. Necessitas enim videtur sonare coactionem vel prohibitionem. Quare si necesse est me peccare ex voluntate, intelligo me cogi aliqua occulta vi ad voluntatem peccandi; et si non pecco, a peccandi voluntate prohiberi. Quapropter necessitate videor mihi peccare si pecco, vel non peccare si non pecco. 1.2 Et ego: Sciendum est quia saepe dicimus necesse esse, quod nulla vi esse cogitur; et necesse non esse, quod nulla prohibitione removetur. Nam dicimus: necesse est deum esse immortalem, et necesse est deum non esse iniustum; non quod aliqua vis cogat eum esse immortalem autprohibeat esse iniustum, sed quoniam nulla res potestfacere, ut non sit immortalis out ut sit iniustus. Sic itaque si dico: necesse est esse te peccaturum vel non peccaturum sola voluntatem, sicut deus praescit: non est intellegendum quod aliquid prohibeat voluntatem, quae non erit, aut cogat illam esse quae erit. Hoc ipsum namque praescit deus qui praevidet aliquid futurum ex sola voluntate, quod voluntas non cogitur aut prohibetur ulla alia re, et sic ex libertatefit quod fit ex voluntate. Si igitur haec diligenter intelliguntur, puto quia et praescientiam del et libertatem arbitrii simul esse nulla prohibet inconvenientia. Denique si quis intellectum verbi proprie considerat: hoc ipso quod praesciri aliquid dicitur, futurum esse pronuntiatur. Non enim nisi quod futurum est praescitur, quia scientia non est nisi veritatis. Quare cum dico quia si praescit deus aliquid, necesse est illud esse futurum: idem est ac si dicam: Si erit, ex necessitate erit. Sed haec necessitas nee cogit nee prohibet...++++++++++++++ ... say: "God only foreknows that I am going to sin or not." You should say: "God foreknows that I am going freely to sin or not." From this it follows that I am free to sin or

138 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Lo--ve 'Also farthermore, who that understandyng of prescience properlych consydreth, thorowe the same wyse that anythyng be afore wyst is said, for to be commyng it is pronounced. There is nothing toforn wist but thing commyng, fore weting is but of trouth; dout may nat be wyst. Wherfore, whan I sey, "That God toforn wote anythyng, thorowe necessyte is thilke thyng to be commyng"; al is oone, if I sey, "If it shal be, (of necessyte it shal be}." But this necessyte neither constrayneth ne defend-

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eth anythyng to be, or nat to be. Therfore, sothly, if love is put to be, it is said of necessyte to be; or els, for it is put nat to be, it is affirmed nat to be of necessyte: nat for that necessite constrayneth or defendeth love to be, or nat to be. For whan I say, "If love shal be, of necessite it shal be"; here foloweth necessyte the thyng toforne put. It is as moch to say, as if it were thus pronounced, "That thyng shal be, {of necessyte it shal be}." None other thyng signifyeth this necessyte, but onely thus, that shal be may nat togider be and nat be. 'Evenlich also, it is soth, love was, and is, and shal be nat of necessyte. And nede is to have be al that was, and nedeful is to be al that is, and com-

Book III, Chapter 3 139 not to sin because God knows that what shall come to pass shall be free. Do you see, then, that it is not impossible for God's foreknowledge (through which he foreknows the future events which are said to happen necessarily) to coexist with freedom of choice (by which much is done freely)? For if this is impossible, the consequence is something impossible.' You might reply by saying: 'You do not yet remove from my will the weight of necessity when you say that it is necessary that I shall sin or not sin freely because God foreknows this. For necessity seems to imply coercion or prevention. So if it is necessary that I sin voluntarily, I conclude that I am compelled by some hidden power to will the sin; and if I do not sin, that I am prevented from willing to sin. Therefore it seems to me that it is by necessity that I sin, if I sin, or do not sin, if I do no 1.2 Yet I reply: Note that we often say that something is necessary which is not compelled by any force, and that something is not necessary which is not impeded by any obstacle. We say, for instance, that God is necessarily immortal and is necessarily not unjust, not because some force compels him to be immortal or blocks him from being unjust, but because nothing can cause him not to be immortal or to be unjust. So if I say 'It is necessary that you shall sin or not by free choice alone, just as God foreknows', my statement should not be thought to mean that something is preventing a choice which is not to be, or compelling the one which shall be. For God, who foresees that some act shall occur only by free choice, surely foreknows that the choice is not compelled or prevented by something or other. So what is done by the will is freely done. Once these points are carefully pondered, I think that no incongruity rules out the coexistence of God's foreknowledge and freedom of the will. Finally, if one rightly grasps the meaning of the word foreknown, by the very fact that something is said to be foreknown, its future existence is declared. For it is not foreknown unless it shall actually be, since the object of knowledge is what is actually the case. So 'If God foreknows something, then it happens necessarily' is equivalent to 'If it shall be, it shall be of necessity'. Yet this sort of necessity neither compels nor prevents ... (Anselm 1998, 435-7) ... aliquid esse aut non esse. Ideo enim quia ponitur res esse, dicitur ex necessitate esse; out quia ponitur non esse, affirmatur non esse ex necessitate; non quia necessitas cogat autprohibeat rem esse aut non esse. Nam cum dico: si erit, ex necessitate erit: hie sequitur necessitas rei positionem, non praecedit. Idem valet, si sic pronuntientur: Quod erit, ex necessitate erit. Non enim aliud significat haec necessitas, nisi quia quod erit non potent simul non esse. Pariter autem verum est quia fuit et est et erit aliquid non ex necessitate, et quia necesse estfuisse omne quod fuit, et esse quod est, etfuturum esse quod erit. Quippe non est idem rem esse praeteritam et rem praeteritam esse praeteritam; aut rem esse prae-

140 Thomas Usk's++++++++++++. myng to [be] al that shal be. And it is nat the same to saye: love to be 90 passed, and love passed to be passed; or love present to be present, and love to be present; or els love to be commynge, and love commynge to be commyng. 'Dyversite in settyng of wordes maketh dyversite in understandynge, altho in the same sentence they accorden of signification; right as it is nat al one: love swete to be swete, and love to be swete, for moch love is bytter and sorouful er hertes ben eased, and yet it gladeth thilke sorouful hert on suche love to thynke.' 'Forsothe,' quod I, 'outherwhile I have had mokel blysse in her of love that stoundmele hath me sorily anoyed. And certes, lady, for I se myself 100 thus knit with this Margarite peerle as by bonde of your servyce and of no lyberte of wyl, my hert wyl nowe nat acorde this servyce to love. I can demyn in myselfe non otherwise, but thorowe necessite am I constrayned in this service to abyde. But alas, than, if I thorowe nedeful compulsioun maugre me be withholde, lytel thanke for al my great traveil have I than deserved.' 'Nowe,' quod this lady, 'I saye as I sayde; me lyketh this mater to declare at the ful. And why? For many men have had dyvers fantasyes and reasons both on one syde therof and in the other. Of whiche ri3t sone, I trowe, if thou wolt understonde, thou shalte con yeve the sentence to the 110 partie more probable by reason and in soth knowing by that I have of this mater maked an ende.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'of these thynges longe have I had great luste to be learned, for yet I wene Goddes wyl and his prescience accordeth with my service in lovynge of this precious Margarite perle, after whom ever in my hert with thurstyng desire weete, I do brenne, unwastyng I langour and fade, and the day of my desteny in dethe or in joye I unbyde. But yet in thende I am comforted by my supposaile in blysse and in joye to determyne after my desyres.' 'That thyng,' quod Love, 'hastely to the neigh, God graunt of his grace 120 and mercy, and this shal be my prayer tyl thou be lykende in herte at thyne owne wyl. 'But nowe to enforme the in this mater,' quod this lady, 'thou wost where I lefte, that was love to be swete, and love swete to be swete is nat al one for to say, for a tree is nat alway by necessite white; somtyme er it were white, it might have be nat white; and after tyme it is white, it maye be nat white. But a whyte tree evermore nedeful is to be white, for neither toforn ne after it was white myght it be togider white and nat white. 'Also love, by necessyte, is nat present, as nowe, in the, for er it were

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sentem, et rent praesentem esse praesentem; aut rem essefuturam, et rem futuram esse futuram; (Anselm 1946,11:249) ... the future existence or non-existence of anything. For it is precisely because the existence of a thing is asserted as a fact that its existence is said to be necessary, or because its non-existence is so asserted that its non-existence is affirmed to be necessary - and not because necessity compels or prevents its existence or non-existence. When I say 'If a thing shall be, it shall be of necessity', the necessity does not precede but follows upon the assertion of the thing as a fact. The same holds if I say That which shall be, shall necessarily be'. For this sort of necessity means nothing else than that what shall be shall not be able at the same time not to be. And it is equally true to say both that something has been, is, and shall be necessarily, and also that everything that has been has been necessarily, that what is necessarily is, and that what shall be necessarily shall be. For it is, of course, not the same for a thing to be past as for a past thing to be past, or for a thing to be present as for a present thing to be present, or for a thing to be future as for a future thing to be future. (Anselm 1998,437)

... sicut non idem est rem esse albam, et rem albam esse albam. Lignum enim not est semper necessitate album, quia aliquando priusquam fieret album, potuit non fieri album; et postquam est album, potest fieri non album. Lignum vero album semper necesse est esse album, quia nee antequam sit, nee postquam est album, fieri potest, ut album simul sit non album. Similiter res non necessitate est praesens, quoniam antequam esset praesens, potuit fieri ut praesens non esset; et postquam est praesens, potest fieri non praesens. Rem autem praesentem necesse est esse praesentem semper, quia nee priusquam sit nee postquam est praesens, potest praesens simul esse non praesens. Eodem modo res aliqua - ut quaedam actio - non necessitate futura est, quia priusquam sit, fieri potest ut non sit futura; rem vero futuram necesse est essefuturam, quo-

142 Thomas Usk's--Testament of Love present, it myght have be that it shulde nowe nat have be; and yet {after it 130 is present}, it maye be that it shal nat be present. But thy love present, whiche to her, Margarite, the hath bounde, nedeful is to be present. Trewly, some doyng of action, nat by necessyte, is commynge, [for] ferre to forn it be, it may be that it shal nat be commynge. Thyng, forsoth, commyng nedeful is to be comming, for it may nat be that commyng shal nat be commyng. 'And right as I have sayd of present and of future tymes, the same sentence in sothnesse is of the preterit, that is to say, tyme passed. For thyng passed must nedes be passed. And er it were, it might have nat be, wherfore it shulde nat have passed. Right so, whan love comming is said of 140 love that is to come, nedeful is to be that is said. For thing commyng never is nat commynge. 'And so, ofte, the same thynge we sayn of the same, as whan we sayne, "Every man is a man," or, "Every lover is a lover," so muste it be nedes. In no waye may he be man and no man togider. And if it be nat by necessite, that is to say nedeful, al thyng commyng to be commyng, than somthyng commyng is nat commynge, and that is impossible. Right as these termes, "nedeful," "necessite," and "necessary" betoken and signify thyng nedes to be and it may nat otherwise be, right [so] th[e] term[e] "impossible" signifyeth that thyng is nat and by no way may it be. Than 150 thorowe pert necessite, al thing commyng is commyng, but that is by necessite folowfyng], w[hic]h nothyng [constrayneth] to be. 'Lo, whan that commyng is said of thynge, nat alway thyng thorowe necessite is, altho it be commyng. For if I say, "Tomorowe love is commyng in this Margarit3 hert," nat therfore thorow necessite shal the ilke love be. Yet it may be that {toforn it be}, it shal nat be, altho it were commyng. Neverthelater, somtyme it is soth that somthyng be of necessite that is sayd to come; as if I say tomorrowe by commynge the risynge of the sonne. If, therfore, with necessite I pronounce commyng of thyng to

Book III, Chapter 3 143 niam futurum nequit esse simul non futurum. De praeterito autem similiter verum est quia res aliqua non est necessitate praeterita, quoniam antequam esset, potuit fieri ut non esset; et quia praeteritum semper necesse est praeteritum esse, quoniam non potest simul non esse praeteritum. Sed in re praeterita est quiddam, quod non est in re praesenti velfutura. Numquam enim fieri potest, ut res quae praeterita est fiat non praeterita; sicut res quaedam quae praesens est potest fieri non praesens, et aliqua res quae non necessitate futura est potest fieri, ut non sitfutura. Itaque cum dicitur futurum defuturo, necesse est esse quod dicitur, quia futurum numquam est non futurum, sicut quotiens idem dicimus de eodem. Cum enim dicimus quia omnis homo est homo; aut si est homo, homo est; aut omne album est album; et si est album, album est: necesse est esse quod dicitur, quia non potest aliquid simul esse et non esse. Quippe si non est necesse omne futurum esse futurum, quoddam futurum non est futurum, quod est impossibile. Necessitate ergo omne futurum futurum est; et si est futurum, futurum est, cum futurum dicitur defuturo; sed necessitate sequente, quae nihil esse cogit. 1.3 Cum autem futurum dicitur de re, non semper res necessitate est, quamvis sit futura. Nam si dico: ,cras seditio futura est in populo', non tamen necessitate erit seditio. Potest enim fieri antequam sit, ut non fiat, etiam si est futura. Aliquando vero est, ut res sit ex necessitate quae dicitur futura; ut si dico eras esse futurum ortum soils. Si ergo cum necessitate pronuntio futurum de-re...-(Anselm 1946,11:249-50) To take a parallel example: it is not the same to say that a thing is white and that a white thing is white. A piece of wood is not always necessarily white, since before it was whitened it was possible for it not to be made white, and after it was white, it is possible for it to be made non-white. But a white piece of wood is always necessarily white since, both before and after it is white, it is impossible that it be white and non-white at the same time. Similarly, a thing is not necessarily present, since before it was present it could have been that it would not be present; and after it is present, it can be no longer present. However, it is always necessary that a present thing be present because, both before and after it is present, it could not be both present and non-present at the same time. In the same way, something, such as a certain action, shall not necessarily happen in the future, because it is possible that it shall not come to be before it is. But it is necessary that a future action be future, because it cannot both be future and non-future at the same time. This is similarly true with respect to the past. A certain thing is not necessarily past, because before it was past, it was possible that it would not be past. And a past thing is always necessarily past, because it cannot simultaneously be non-past and present. But in the case of the past thing there is a distinguishing feature not found in a present or future thing. For it is never possible for a past thing to become not-past in the way in which something which is present can become non-present, or something which is not necessarily future may not be future. So when a future thing is termed to be future,

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come, in this maner love tomorne commynge in thyne Margarite to 160 thewarde by necessite is commynge, or els the risyng of the sonne tomorne commynge through necessite is commynge. Love, sothely, whiche may nat be of necessyte, alone folowynge thorowe necessyte commyng it is made certayne, for futur of future is said; that is to sayn, commyng of commynge is said. As if tomorowe commyng is thorowe necessite commynge it is. Arysyng of the sonne thorowe two necessites i[s] commyng: it is to understande that one is to forgoing necessite, whiche maketh thyng to be, therfore it shal be, for nedeful is that it be; another is folowyng necessite, whiche nothyng constrayneth to be, and so by necessyte it is to come. Why? For it is to come. 170 'Nowe, than, whan we sayn that God beforn wot thyng commyng, nedeful [it] is to be commyng, yet therfore make we nat in certayne evermore thynge to be thorowe necessite commynge, (but thyng commyng thorowe necessite ben commyng}. Sothly, thyng commyng maye nat be nat commyng by no way. For it is the same sentence of understandyng, as if we say thus, "If God beforn wot anythyng," (not adding "commyng," for in "before wot" is understond thyng commyng. For it is not another thynge to wot toforn than to wot thyng commyng, and so if God beforn wot thyng}, nedeful is that to be commyng. But yet therfore foloweth nat

Book III, Chapter 3 145 it is necessary that it be what it is termed to be, because the future is never a not-future just as is the case as often as we identify a subject simply by repeating an identical term. For when we say 'Every human being is a human being', or, 'If X is a human being, then X is a human being', or, 'Every white object is white', or, 'If X is white, then X is white,' what we affirm is necessarily true since it is impossible for something to be and not be at the same time. Clearly, if it is not necessary that everything which is going to occur is going to occur, then something which is going to occur is not going to occur, which is impossible. Therefore it is necessary that everything which is going to occur is going to occur, and if it is going to occur, it is going to occur since 'going to occur' is attributed to something which is 'going to occur' - but with subsequent or after-the-fact necessity, which does not compel anything to be. 1.3 Moreover, to say that a thing is going to happen does not always imply that it is going to happen by necessity, even if it is actually going to happen. For if I say 'A rebellion shall take place tomorrow', it does not follow that the rebellion shall happen of necessity. For before it happens it is possible that it shall not happen even if it is actually going to happen. Yet sometimes what I say is going to happen does come to pass by necessity e.g. when I say that tomorrow the sun shall rise. (Anselm 1998, 437-8)

...future: hoc modo seditio crasfutura necessitate futura est, aut ortus soils crasfuturus necessitate futurus est; seditio quidem quae non erit ex necessitate, sola sequenti necessitate futura asseritur, quia futura de futura dicitur. Si enim eras futura est, necessitate futura est. Ortus vero soils duabus necessitatibus futurus intelligitur, scilicet et praecedentl quaefacit rem esse — ideo enim erit, quia necesse est ut sit —, et sequenti quae nihil cogit esse, quoniam idcirco necessitate futurus est, quia futurus est. Quapropter cum dicimus quia quod deus praesclt futurum necesse est esse futurum, non asserimus sem per rem esse necessitate futuram, sed remfuturam necessitate esse futuram. Non enim potest futurum simul non esse futurum. Idem sens us est si sic dicitur: ,si deus praescit aliquid', non addenda ,futurum': quoniam in ,praescire' intelligitur futurum. Nam non est aliud praescire quam scire futurum, et ideo si praescit deus aliquid, necesse est illud esse futurum. Non ergo semper sequitur praescientiam del rem necessitate futuram esse, quoniam quamvis omnia futura praesciat, non tamen praescit cuncta futura necessitate, sed quaedam praescit futura ex llbera rationalis creaturae voluntate. Notandum quippe est quia sicut non est necesse deum velle quod vult, ita necesse non est in multis velle hominem quod vult. Et sicut necesse est esse quidquid deus vult, ita esse necesse est quod vult homo, in Us quae deus ita subdit humanae voluntati, ut si vultfiant, si non vult non fiant. Quoniam enim quod deus vult non potest non esse: cum vult hominis voluntatem nulla cogi vel prohiberi necessitate ad volendum vel non volendum, et vult effectum sequi... (Anselm 1946,11:250-1)

146 Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++ the prescience of God thyng thorowe necessite to be commyng, for altho 180 God toforn wote al thinges commyng, yet nat therfore he beforen wot every thyng commyng thorowe necessite. Some thinges he beforn wot commyng of fre wyl out of resonable creature.' 'Certes,' quod I, 'these termes nede and necessite have a queynt maner of understandyng; they wolden dullen many mennes wyttes.' Therfore,' quod she, 'I wol hem openly declare, and more clerely than I have toforn, er I departe hense.' Chapter 4 'Here of this mater,' quod she, 'thou shalte understande that right as it is nat nedeful God to wylne that he wyl, no more in many thynges is nat nedeful a man to wylne that he wol. And ever right as nedeful is to be what that God wol, right so to be it is nedeful that man wol in tho thynges, whiche that God hath put into mannes subjection of wyllynge: as if a man wol love, that he love; and if he ne wol love, that he love nat; and of suche other thynges in mannes disposition. For why, nowe than, that God wol, may nat [nat] be; whan he wol the wyl of man thorowe no necessyte to be constrayned, or els defended for to wylne, and he wol theffecte to folowe

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the wyl, than is it nedeful wyl of man to be fre and also to be that he wol. In this maner it is soth that thorowe necessite is mannes werke in lovyng that he wol do, altho he wol it not with necessyte.' Quod I than, 'Howe stante it in love of thilke wyl, sythen men loven willyng of free choyce in herte? Wherfore, if it be thorowe necessyte, I praye you, Lady, of an answere this questyon to assoyle.' 'I wol,' quod she, 'answere the blyvely. Right as men wyl not thorowe necessyte, right so is not love of wyl thorowe necessyte. Ne thorowe necessyte wrought thilke same wyl, for if he wolde it not with good wyl, it shulde not have ben wrought, although that he dothe, it is nedeful to be

Book III, Chapter 4 147 Talk of a future rebellion as being necessary is talk about a necessity which is future (i.e. 'If it shall happen, it shall happen' - as in 'If it has happened, it has happened'). By contrast, however, talk of tomorrow's sun rising is a way of reporting what happens by necessity in the natural order (in terms of physical laws). The rebellion which shall not happen as a result of any natural necessity is claimed to be going to happen by a merely consequent necessity, in that we simply speak of a future thing as something which is to be. Obviously, if the rebellion is in fact to happen tomorrow, then some necessity is present since it shall be. But a future sunrise is something understood to be necessary in view of two necessities - with a preceding one which causes something to be (it shall happen because it is causally necessary that it happen), and with an after-the-fact necessity, which does not compel anything to happen, because the sunrise is also going to happen necessarily since it is going to happen. Therefore, when we say that what God foreknows is going to happen is necessarily going to happen, we are not asserting always that it is going to happen by necessity but simply that it is necessary that what is going to happen is going to happen. For it is impossible that what is going to happen is simultaneously not going to happen. The meaning is the same of the wording 'if God foreknows something' even if we do not add the word 'future', because 'future' is already connoted in the verb 'foreknow'. For to 'foreknow' is to know something as 'future', and therefore if God foreknows something, it is necessary that it is going to happen. Therefore it does not always follow from God's foreknowledge that something is going to happen by necessity. For although God foreknows all that will happen, he does not foreknow that absolutely all will happen by necessity, but that some things will happen by the free choice of his rational creatures. We should, of course, note that just as it is not necessary that God wills as he does, it is not necessary that you or I will as we do. And just as whatever God wills necessarily happens, what we will necessarily happens in those cases when, for example, God brings what we will about in accordance with our willing or not willing. For since what God wills cannot not happen, when he wills that our will shall not be compelled or prevented by any necessity either to will or not will, and when he wills that an effect should follow ... (Anselm 1998, 438-9) ...-voluntatem: tune necesse est voluntatem esse liberam et esse quod vult. In huiusmodi ergo verum est quia necessitate fit opus peccati quod vult homo facere, quamvis non necessitate velit. Quod si quaeritur de peccato ipsius voluntatis cum peccat volendo, utrum sit necessitate: respondendum est quia sicut non vult necessitate, ita non est peccatum voluntatis necessitate. Nee necessitate operatur eadem voluntas, quia si non vellet sponte non operaretur, quamvis quodfacit necesse sit fieri, ut supra dixi. Nam quoniam non est aliud ibi peccare, quam velle quod non debet, ita non est peccatum voluntatis necessarium, sicut velle non est necessarium. Tamen verum est quia si vult homo peccare, necesse est eum peccare; sed ea necessitate, quam supra dixi nihil cogere aut prohibere.

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doone. But if a man do synne, it is nothyng els but to wyl that he shulde nat; right so synne of wyl is not to be [in] maner necessary done, no more than wyl is necessarye. Never-the-later this is sothe: if a man wol synne, it is necessarye him to synne, but th[r]ough thilke necessyte nothyng is constray ned ne defended in the wyl. 'Right so thilke thynge that fre wyl wol and rnaye and not may not wylne, and nedeful is that to wylne. {For he maye not wylne toforne he wol, as wyl is fre; and whan than he wol} he maye [not] not wylne, but thilke to wylne nedeful is, for impossyble to him it is, one thyng and the same, to wylne and not to wylne. 'The werke, forsothe, of wyl to whome it is yeve that it be, that he hath in wyl, and that {it be not, that} he wol not, voluntarie o[r] spontanye it is, for by spontanye wyl it is do, that is to say, with good wyl not constrayned {and in two wayes is this necessary for} than by wyl not constrayned it is constrayned to be, and that is, it may not togyther {not} be. If th[ese] necessyte[s] maketh lybertie of wyl, whiche that aforne they weren, they might have ben eschewed and shonned. God, than, whiche that knoweth al truthe and nothynge but truthe, al these thynges as they arne spontanye or necessarie s[eeth]; and as he seeth, so they ben. And so with these thynges wel consydred, it is open at the ful that without al maner repugnaunce God beforne wote al, {and} man{y} thynges ben done by fre wyl, whiche aforne they were, might have ben, never th{at} shulde be. And yet ben they thorowe a maner {by necessyte, which} necessyte from fre wyl discende-th. 'Hereby maye,' quod she, 'lightly ben knowe that not al thinges to be is of necessyte, though God have hem in his prescience, for somthynges to be is of lyberte of wyl. And to make the to have ful knowynge of Goddes beforne- wetyng, here me,' quod she, 'what I shal say.' 'Blythly, lady,' quod I. 'Me lyst this mater entyrely to understande.' Thou shake,' quod she, 'understande that in heven is Goddes beinge;

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Itaque quod vult libera voluntas: et potest et not potest non velle, el necesse est earn velle. Potest namque non velle antequam velit, quia libera est, et cum iam vult, non potest non velle, sed earn velle necesse est, quoniam impossibile Me est id ipsum simul et velle et non velle. Opus vero voluntatis, cui datum est ut quod vult sit et quod non vult non sit, voluntarium sive spontaneum est, quoniam spontanea voluntate fit, et bifariam est necessarium, quia et voluntate cogitur fieri, et quod fit non potest simul non fieri. Sed has necessitates facit voluntatis libertas, quae priusquam sint eas cavere potest. Haec omnia deus, qui scit omnem veritatem et non nisi veritatem: sicut sunt spontanea vel necessaria videt; et sicut videt, ita sunt. Hac ergo consideratione palam est quia sine omni repugnantia et deus praescit omnia, et multa fiunt ex libera voluntate, quae antequam sint fieri potest, ut numquam sint, et tamen quodam modo sunt necessitate, quae necessitas - ut dixi - descendit de libera voluntate. 1.4 Cognosci potest etiam non omnia quae praescit deus esse ex necessitate, sed quaedam fieri ex libertate voluntatis, per hoc-quia-...-(Anselm 1946,11:251-2) ... from a human choice, it is necessary that the human chioce [sic] will be free, and it is necessary that what it wills should actually happen. From all of this it would seem to follow that people who sin do what they do necessarily even though they act freely. And if, regarding the sin of the will considered as sinning willingly, it is asked whether it happens by necessity, the proper reply is that just as the will does not sin by necessity, so too the will's sin does not happen by necessity. And this same kind of volition operates by necessity, for if it did not operate freely, it would not be operating at all - even if what it wills must necessarily occur, as I said previously. Fo in this case since to commit sin is the same as to will what one ought not, then just as the act of will is not necessary, so too the will's sin is not necessary. And yet, however, it is true that if human beings will to sin they are necessarily sinning, with that kind of necessity which, as I have said above, does not in any way compel or prevent the sin. So free choice is able to will what it does will and unable not to will what it wills, and it is necessary that it wills this. It has the power not to will of course before it does will, because it is free, and when it is now willing it cannot be not willing, but it is necessary that it be willing, for it is impossible for it to be willing and not willing the very same thing at the same time. Indeed the activity of the will, enjoying the gift that what it wills happens and what it does not will does not happen, is voluntary and free because it is done by a free choice. But this activity is also necessary in two respects: both inasmuch as it is compelled by the will to be done, and inasmuch as what is done cannot at the same time not be done. It is, however, free choice which causes these very necessities, and it is able to avoid them before they happen. God, who knows all truth and nothing but the truth, sees the will's activities in the ways they are free or necessary. And as he sees them, so they are. By such careful consideration, therefore, it is plain that without any incompatibility

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although he be overal by power, yet there is abydinge of devyne persone, in whiche heven is everlastynge presence withouten any movable tyme. There *** is nothyng preterit, ne passed; there is nothyng future, ne commyng, but al thynges togider in that place ben present everlastyng without any mevyng. Wherfore, to God al thyng is as nowe; and though a thynge be nat in kyndly nature of thynges as yet, and if it shulde be herafter, yet evermore we shul saye, "God it maketh be tyme present and nowe, for no future ne preterit in hym may be founde." Wherfore, his wetyng and his before-wetyng is al one in understandyng. Than if wetyng and before-wetyng of God putteth in necessite to al thynges whiche he wot or before-wot, ne thyng after eternyte, or els after any tyme, he wol or dothe of lyberte, but al of necessyte. Whiche thyng, if thou wene it be ayenst reason, nat thorowe necessyte to be, or nat to be, al thinge that God wot or before-wot to be or nat to be. And yet, nothynge defendeth anythynge to be wyst or to be before-wist of him in our wylles, or our doynges to be done or els commynge to be for free arbitrement. Whan thou haste these declarations wel understande, than shall thou fynde it resonable at prove, and that many thinges be nat thorowe necessyte, but thorowe lyberte of wyl, save necessyte of free wyl, as I tofore said, and as me thynketh al utterly declared.' 'Me thynketh, lady,' quod I, 'so I shulde you nat displease and evermore your reverence to kepe, that these thynges contraryen in any understandyng, for ye sayne somtyme is thorowe lyberte of wyl and also thorowe necessite. Of this have I yet no savour without better declaration.' 'What wonder,' quod she, 'is there in these thynges, sithen al day thou shalte se at thyne eye [that] many thynges receyven in hemselfe revers thorow dyvers reasons, as thus: I pray the,' quod she, 'which thinges ben more revers than "comen' and "gone"? For if I bydde the, "come to me," and thou come, after, whan I bydde the, "go," and thou go, thou reversest fro thy first commyng.' That is soth,' quod I.

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God both foreknows all things, and that many things are the result of free choice. With respect to the latter we have to say that before they happen it is possible for them never to happen and that, in a certain respect, they happen necessarily, which, as I have said, is a consequence of freedom of the will. 1.4 That not everything which God foreknows happens by necessity, but that certain things happen as a result of free will, may also be seen from the following. (Anselm 1998, 439^11) ... cum vult autfacit deus aliquid, sive secundum aeternitatis dicatur immutabilem praesentiam, in qua nihil est praeteritum autfuturum, sed omnia simul sunt sine omni motu ut si dicimus quia non voluit aut volet nee fecit autfaciet aliquid, sed tantum vult etfacit -, sive secundum tempus - velut cum proferimus quia volet autfaciet, quod nondumfactum esse cognoscimus -: negari nequit scire quae vult etfacit, et praescire quae volet atque faciet. Quare si scire et praescire del necessitatem ingerit omnibus quae scit aut praescit, nihil secundum aeternitatem aut secundum ullum tempus vult autfacit ipse ex libertate, sed omnia ex necessitate. Quod si absurdum est vel opinari, non necessitate est, aut non est omne quod scit deus aut praescit esse vel non esse. Ergo nihil prohibet aliquid sciri vel praesciri ab illo in nostris voluntatibus et actionibus fieri autfuturum esse per liberum arbitrium, ut quamvis necesse sit esse quod scit aut praescit, tamen multa sint nulla necessitate, sed libera voluntate, quemadmodum supra monstravi. Nempe quid mirum si hoc modo aliquid est ex libertate et ex necessitate, cum multa sint, quae recipiunt opposita diversa ratione? Quae namque magis opposita sunt quam adire et abire? Videmus tamen, cum transit aliquis de loco ad locum, quia idem ire est adire et abire. Abit enim de loco, et adit ad locum. Item si consideremus solem sub aliqua parte caeli, cum semper caelum lustrando-adeandem-...-(Anselm 1946, II.252-3) When God wills or causes something, he cannot be denied to know what he wills and causes or to foreknow what he is going to will and create. This is true whether we speak according to the unchangeable present of eternity (in which nothing is past or future but all things exist simultaneously without any change - as when we say of God, not that he has willed or caused or is going to will or cause, but only that he wills or causes something), or whether we speak according to the realm of time - when we state, for example, that God is going to will or cause that which we know has not yet happened. Now if God's knowledge and foreknowledge of itself enforces necessity upon all things that he knows or foreknows, then he himself neither wills nor causes anything freely but necessarily, whether from the aspect of eternity or any conceivable time. If this conclusion is absurd even to suppose, we ought not to think that everything which God knows or foreknows to happen or not to happen thereby happens or does not happen by necessity. Therefore nothing precludes God's knowing or foreknowing that something is caused in

152 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love 'And yet,' quod she, 'in thy first alone by dyvers reasone was ful reversynge to understande.' 'As howe?' quod I. 'That shal I she we the,' quod she, 'by ensample of thynges that have kyndly movyng. Is there anything that meveth more kyndly than doth the hevens eye, whiche I clepe the sonne?' 'Sothly,' quod I, 'me semeth it is most kyndly to move.' Thou sayest soth,' quod she. Than if thou loke to the sonne, in what parte he be under heven, evermore he heigheth him in movyng fro thilke 90

place, and higheth mevyng towarde the ilke same place; to thylke place from whiche he gothe, he heigheth commynge and without any ceasynge to that place he neigheth, from whiche he is chaunged and withdrawe. But nowe in these thynges after dy versite of reason, revers in one thinge may be sey without repugnaunce. Wherfore, in the same wyse, without any repugnaunce by my reasons tofore maked, al is one to beleve somthyng to be thorowe necessyte comminge, for it is commyng, and yet with no necessite constrayned to be comming, but with necessite that cometh out of free wyl, as I have sayd.' Tho lyst me a lytel to speke, and gan stynt my penne of my writyng, 100 and sayd in this wyse, Trewly, lady, as me thynketh, I can allege authoritees gret that contrarien your sayenges. Job saith of mannes person, "Thou hast putte his terme, whiche thou might not passe." Than saye I that no man may shorte ne length the day ordayned of his d[e]yng, altho somtyme to us it semeth some man to do a thynge of free wyl wherthorowe his dethe he henteth.' 'Naye, forsothe,' quod she. 'It is nothing ayenst my sayeng, for God is nat begiled, ne he seeth nothing {but the sothe}, wheder it shal come of lyberte, or els of necessyte. Yet it is sayd to be ordayned at God immovable, whiche at man, or it be done, may be chaunged. Suche thyng also is 110 that Poule the apostel saithe of hem that tofore werne purposed to be sayntes, as thus: Whiche that God before wyst and hath predestyned++++++++++-ymages of his sonne that he shulde ben the firste begeten (that is to saye) here amonges many brethem. And whom he hath predestyned, hem he hath cleped, And whom he hath cleped, hem he hath justified, And whom he hath justifyed, hem he hath

magnify ed. This purpose after whiche they ben cleped sayntes or holy in the everlast-

Book III, Chapter 4 153 our wills or actions or is about to happen through our free will. Even though it is necessary that what God knows or foreknows shall happen, many things happen not by any necessity but by free will, as I have shown above. It is not surprising if in this way something happens both freely and necessarily, for many things allow of opposite attributions in different respects. For instance what are more opposed than going toward and going away from? Nevertheless we see that when someone crosses from one place to another, the same action is both an approaching and a departing, for the person is departing from one place and approaching another. Similarly, if we observe the sun in some quarter of the sky when it is hastening toward the same ... (Anselm 1998, 441) ++partem festinet: videmus quia idem locus est a quo recedit et ad quern accedit, e indesinenter ei eodem tempore appropinquat a quo elongatur. Patet etiam cursum eius non ignorantibus, quia si caelum consideramus, semper transit ab occidental! parte ad orientalem; si vero terram attendimus, numquam nisi ab orientali ad occidentalem; et sic semper contra firmamentum vadit, et - licet tardius - cum firtnamento; quod ipsum in omnibus planetis cernitur. Ita ergo nulla oritur repugnantia, si secundum praedictas rationes asserimus idem aliquid esse necessitate Juturum, quia estfuturum, et nulla cogi necessitate essefuturum, nisi ea necessitate, quam supra dixi fieri a libera voluntate. 1.5 Si vero per hoc quod de homine dicit IOB deo: »constituisti terminos eius, qui praeteriri non poterunt«, vult aliquis ostendere quia nullus potuit accelerare vel differre diem in qua moritur, quamvis aliquando nobis videatur aliquis facere ex libera voluntate unde moritur: non est quod obicitur contra hoc quod supra diximus. Nam quoniam deus non fallitur, nee videt nisi veritatem - sive ex libertate sive ex necessitate eveniat —, dicitur constituisse apud se immutabiliter, quod apud hominem prius quam flat mutari potest. Tale etiam est, quod PAULUS apostolus de »iis qui secundum proposition vocati sunt sancti« dicit: »Quos praescivit, et praedestinavit conformes fieri imaginis fllii sui, ut sit ipse primogenitus in multis fratribus. Quos autem praedestinavit, hos et vocavit. Et quos vocavit, hos et iustificavit. Quos autem iustificavit, illos et magnificavit«. Hoc quippe propositum, secundum quod vocati sunt sancti in aeternitate, in qua non est praeteritum vel futurum sed tantum praesens, immutabile est; sed in ipsis hominibus ex libertate arbitrii aliquando est mutabile. Sicut enim quamvis in aeternitate nonfuit out erit aliquid, sed tantum est, et tamen in tempore fuit et erit aliquid sine repugnantia: ita quod in aeternitate mutari nequit, in tempore aliquando per liberam voluntatem, antequam sit, esse mutabile probatur absque inconvenientia. (Anselm 1946,11:253-4) ... quarter while always lighting up the sky, we see that the area from which it is receding is the same one as the one for which it is heading, and it is continually and simultaneously approaching the area from which it is departing. It is evident to those who know

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ing present, wher is neither tyme passed, ne tyme commynge, but ever it 120 is onely present, and nowe as mokel a moment as sevyn thousande wynter; and so ayenwarde withouten any mevyng is nothyng lych temporel presence, for thinge that there is [is] ever present. 'Yet amonges you men, er it be in your presence, it is movable thorowe lyberte of arbytrement. And right as in the everlastyng present no maner thyng was ne shal be but onely is, and nowe here in your temporel tyme, somthyng was and is and shal be but movynge stoundes - and in this is no maner repugnaunce - right so in the everlastyng presence nothyng may be chaunged. And in your temporel tyme otherwhile it is proved movable by lyberte of wyl or it be do withouten any inconvenyence therof to folowe.

130 In your temporel tyme is no suche presence as in the tother, for your present is done whan passed and to come gynnen entre, whiche tymes here amonges you everych easely foloweth other, but the presence everlastyng dureth in onehed withouten any ymaginable chaungyng, and ever is present and nowe. Trewly, the course of the pianettes and overwhelmynges of the sonne in dayes and nightes with a newe gynnyng of his circute after it is ended, that is to sayn, one yere to folowe another these maken your transitory tymes with chaungynge of lyves and mutation of people. But right as your temporel presence co[nteyn]eth every

Book III, Chapter 4 155 the sun's course that if we are observing the sky, it is always crossing from the western sector to the eastern; if, however, we focus upon the earth, it is always crossing only from east to west. In this way the sun always proceeds both contrary to the firmament and - although more slowly - along with the firmament, the very phenomenon which is perceived in the case of the planets. So then no incompatibility arises if, in accordance with the explanations just noted, we assert that one and the same thing is going to happen necessarily just because it is going to happen, and also that it is not compelled to be going to happen by any necessity - except by the kind of necessity which I have described above as being caused by free will. 1.5 Referring to human beings, Job says to God: 'You have determined the bounds of their lives, which they shall not be able to pass beyond' [Job 14:5]. Suppose that someone wishes to show by quoting this text that no one has been able either to hasten or postpone the day of his or her death - even though people sometimes seem freely to bring about the cause of their death. This citation does not counter what I have said above. For since God is not deceived and sees only what is really so in fact, whether it issues from free will or by necessity, he is said to have situated immutably with regard to himself that which is mutable with regard to the human being before it is done. St Paul speaks in the same vein about those who, according to God's purpose, are called to be holy: Those whom he foreknew, he also foreordained to become conformed to the likeness of his Son, so that his Son would be the firstborn among many brethren. Moreover, those whom he foreordained, these he also called. And those whom he called, these he also justified. Moreover, those whom he justified, he also glorified' [Rom. 1:7; 8:28-9]. Indeed within eternity, in which there is not past or future but only a present, this purpose in accordance to which they are called to be holy, is immutable; but within human beings it is sometimes mutable because of free will. For in eternity a thing has no past or future but only an (eternal) present, though in the realm of time things move from past to future without any contradiction arising. Similarly, that which cannot be changed in eternity sometimes, before it occurs, proves to be, without involving any incongruity, changeable because of free will. (Anselm 1998, 441-2) Quamvis autem nihil ibi sit nisi praesens, non est tamen illud praesens temporale sicut nostrum, sed aeternum, in quo tempora cuncta continentur. Si quidem quemadmodum praesens tempus continet omnem locum et quae in quolibet loco sunt: ita aeterno praesenti simul clauditur omne tempus, et quae sunt in quolibet tempore. Cum ergo ait apostolus quia deus sanctos suos »praescivit«, »praedistinavit«, »vocavit«, »iustificavit«, »magnificavit«: nihil horum prius aut posterius apud deum est sed omnia simul aeterno praesenti sunt intelligenda. Habet enim aeternitas suum simul, in quo sunt omnia quae simul sunt loco vel tempore, et quae sunt diversis in locis vel temporibus. Ut autem ostenderet idem apostolus non ilia verba se pro temporali significatione

156 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love place, and al thinges in every of your tymes be contayned, and as nowe 140 b[e]th sey and wist to Goddes very knowynge.' Than,' quod I, 'me wondreth why Poule spake these wordes by voice of signification in tyme passed, that God his sayntes before wist, "hath predestined," "hath cleped," "hath justifyed," and "hath magnified." Me thynketh he shulde have sayde tho wordes in tyme present; and that had ben more accordaunt to the everlastyng present than to have spoke in preterit voice of passed understandyng.' 'O,' quod Love, 'by these wordes I se wel thou hast lytel understandyng of the everlastyng presence, or els of my before-spoken wordes, for never a thing of tho thou hast nempned was tofore other or after other, but 150 al atones evenlych [at] God ben; and al togider in the everlastyng present be nowe to understandyng. The eternal presence, as I sayd, hath inclose togider in one al tymes, in which close and one al thynges that ben in dyvers tymes and in dyvers places temporel - without posteriorite or priorite - ben closed ther in perpetual nowe and maked to dwel in present sight. 'But there thou sayest that Poule shulde have spoke thilke forsaid sentence be tyme present, and that most shulde have ben acordaunt to the everlastynge presence, why gabbest thou [in] thy wordes? Sothly, I say, Poule moved the words by signification of tyme passed, to shewe fully 160 that thilk wordes were nat put for temporel signification, for a[t] thilk tyme were nat thilke se[i]nte[s] temporallych borne, whiche that Poule pronounced God have tofore knowe, and have cleped, than magnifyed. Wherthorowe it may wel be know that Poule used tho wordes of passed signification for nede and lacke of a worde in mannes bodily spech betokenynge the everlastyng presence. And therfore, [in] worde[s] moste semelyche in lykenesse to everlastyng presence he toke his sentence, for thynges that here beforne ben passed utterly be immovable, ilyke to the everlasting presence. As thilke that ben there never mowe not ben present, so thynges of tyme passed ne mowe in no wyse not ben passed, but al 170 thinges in your temporal presence, that passen in a lytel while, shullen ben not present. So than in that, it is more syrnilytude to the everlastyng presence, signification of tyme passed, than of tyme temporal present, and so more in accordaunce. 'In this maner, what thynge of these that ben done thorowe fre arbitrement, or els as necessary, holy writte pronounceth; after eternyte he speketh, in whiche presence is everlastyng sothe and nothyng but sothe immovable, nat after tyme, in whiche naught alway ben your wylles and your actes. And right as, while they be nat, it is nat

Book III, Chapter 4 157 posuisse, ilia etiam quae futura sunt praeteriti verbo temporis pronuntiavit. Nondum enim quos praescivit adhuc nascituros iam temporaliter »vocavit«, »iustificavit«, »magniflcavit«. Unde cognosci potest eum propter indigentiam verbi significantis aeternam praesentiam usum esse verbis praeteritae significationis; quoniam quae tempore praeterita sunt, ad similitudinem aeterni praesentis omnino immutabilia sunt. In hoc siquidem magis similia sunt aeterno praesenti temporaliter praeterita quam praesentia, quoniam quae ibi sunt, numquam possunt non esse praesentia, sicut temporis praeterita non valent umquam praeterita non esse, praesentia vero tempore omnia quae transeunt... (Anselm 1946,11:254) Moreover, although in eternity there is only a present, nevertheless it is not a temporal present as ours is, only an eternal one in which all periods of time are contained. Indeed, just as our present time envelops every place and whatever is in every place, so in the eternal present all time is encompassed along with whatever exists at any time. Therefore when St Paul says that God foreknew, predestined, called, justified, and glorified his saints, none of these actions happen before or after on God's part. They must all be understood as existing simultaneously in an eternal present. For eternity has its own unique simultaneity which contains both all things that happen at the same time and place and that happen at different times and places. However, in order to show that he was not using those verbs in their temporal signification, St Paul described future happenings in the past tense. For, temporally speaking, God had not already called, justified and glorified those whom he foreknew were yet to be born. We can therefore understand that it was for want of a verb signifying the eternal present that St Paul used verbs of the past tense. The reason is that things which are past in time are wholly immutable - like those in the present of eternity. Indeed, in this respect things which are past in time more resemble the eternal present than do things which are present in time; for all that is present in eternity can never be anything but present, just as in time the past can never be anything but past, whereas all transitory things in time ... (Anselm 1998,442-3)

... fiunt non praesentia. Hoc ergo modo quidquid de Us quae libero fiunt arbitrio, velut necessarium sacra scriptura pronuntiat: secundum aeternitatem loquitur, in qua praesens est omne verum et non nisi verum immutabiliter; non secundum tempus, in quo non semper sunt voluntates et actiones nostrae, et sicut dum non sunt, non est necesse eas esse, ita saepe non est necesse ut aliquando sint. Nam non semper scribo aut volo scribere; et sicut dum non scribo aut non volo scribere, non est necesse me scribere aut velle scribere: ita nequaquam est necesse ut aliquando scribam aut velim scribere. Cum autem res tarn

158 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love nedeful hem to be, so ofte it is nat nedeful that somtyme they shulde 180 be.' 'As how?' quod I, 'For yet must I be lerned by some ensample.' 'Of love,' quod she, 'wol I nowe ensample make, sithen I knowe the heed knotte in that yelke. Lo, somtyme thou wrytest [nat], ne arte than in no wyl to wryte. And right as while thou writest nat, or els wolt nat write, it is nat nedeful the to write, or els wylne to write. And for to make the knowe utterly that thynges ben otherwise in the everlastynge presence than in temporal tyme, se nowe, my good childe. For somthynge {is nat in temporal tyme that} is in the everlastynge presence, {and somthynge that was} in temporal tyme, it was nat in eternyte, {and somthynge that will be 190 in temporal} tyme, in eterne presence shal it nat be: than no reason defendeth that somthyng [may] be in tyme temporal movyng that in eterne is immovable. Forsothe, it is no more contrary ne revers for to be movable in tyme temporel and [im]movable in eternyte, than nat to be in any tyme and to be alway in eternite and have to be or els to come in tyme temporel, and nat have be ne nought commyng to be in eternyte. Yet never-the-later, I say nat somthyng to be never in tyme temporel that ever is [in] eternyte, but al onely in som tyme nat to be. For I saye nat thy love tomorne in no tyme to be, but today alone I deny [it] to be, and yet, never-the-later, it is alwaye in eternyte.' 200 'A so,' quod I, 'it semeth to me, that commyng thyng or els passed here in your temporal tyme, to be in eternite ever nowe and present oweth nat to be de[ni]ed. And yet foloweth nat thylke thynge that was or els shal be, in no maner there to ben, {but only} passed, or els commyng; tha[t] utterly shul we deny, for there without ceasyng it is, in his present maner.' 'O,' quod she, 'myne owne disciple, nowe gynnest thou [be] able to have the name of my servaunt. Thy wytte is clered. Away is nowe errour of cloude in unconnyng. Awaye is blyndnesse of love. Awaye is thoughtful study of medlyng maners. Hastely shalte thou entre into the joye of me, 210 that am thyn owne maistres. Thou haste,' quod she, 'in a few wordes, wel and clerely concluded mokel of my mater.

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aliter esse cognoscatur in tempore quam in aeternitate, ut aliquando verum sit quoniam aliquid non est in tempore quod est in aeternitate, et quia fuit in tempore quod ibi non fuit, et erit temporaliter quod non ibi erit: nulla ratione negari videtur posse similiter aliquid esse in tempore mutabile, quod ibi est immutabile. Quippe non magis opposita sunt mutabile in tempore et immutabile in aeternitate, quam non esse in aliquo tempore, et esse semper in aeternitate; et fuisse vel futurum esse secundum tempus, atque non fuisse aut non futurum esse in aeternitate. Siquidem non dico aliquid numquam esse in tempore, quod semper est in aeternitate, sed tantum in aliquo tempore non esse. Non enim dico actionem meam crastinam nullo tempore esse, sed hodie tantum nego earn esse, quae tamen semper est in aeternitate. Et quando negamus fuisse vel futurum ibi esse aliquid, quod in tempore fuit aut erit, non asserimus id quod fuit aut erit nullo modo ibi esse; sed tantum praeterito vel futuro modo dicimus non ibi esse, quod ibi indesinenter est suo praesenti-modo.-(Anselm 1946, 11:254-5) ... become non-present. In this way therefore whenever Sacred Scripture speaks of things which occur by free will as though they were necessary, it is speaking according to the eternity in which all truth, and nothing but the truth, is present immutably. It is not speaking of the temporal world in which the acts of our will and behaviour are not everlasting; and just as, while they do not exist, there is no necessity for them to do so, so too it is often not necessary that they occur at some time. For instance, I am not always writing or willing to write. In the same way, while I am not writing or willing to write, there is no necessity that I write or will to write. Similarly, it is not at all necessary that at some time I write or will to write. Moreover, since we know that a thing exists so differently in time than in eternity that sometimes it is true that there does not exist in time something which exists in eternity (and true too that in time something is not present which is present in eternity, or not past in time which is past in eternity, or future in time which is not future in eternity), it seems that it cannot be denied on any grounds that something is mutable in time which is immutable in eternity. Surely mutability in time and immutability in eternity are no more contradictory than are non-existence at some point in time and everlasting existence in eternity, or than past and future existence in time and the absence of both in eternity. I am not saying that something never exists in time that exists forever in eternity. My point is just that it does not exist at some point in time. I am not saying that my action of tomorrow is not existing at any time. I am merely saying that it does not exist today even though it exists always in eternity. And when we say that something which has past and future existence in time does not have a past or future existence in eternity, we are not asserting that what has a past or future does not exist in any fashion in eternity but simply that it does not exist there in a past or future fashion since it exists there unceasingly in its eternal-present fashion. (Anselm 1998,443-4)

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'And right as there is no revers ne contrarioustie in tho thynges, right so, withouten any repugnaunce, it is sayd somthyng to be movable in tyme temporel, [afore] it be that in eternyte dwelleth immovable, nat afore it be or after that it is, but without cessyng; for right naught is there after tyme. That same is there everlastynge, that temporallyche somtyme nys; and toforne it be, it maye not be, as I have sayd.' 'Nowe sothly,' quod I, 'this have I wel understande, so that nowe me thynketh that prescience of God and fre arbytrement withouten any repugnaunce acorden, and that maketh the strength of eternyte, whiche encloseth by presence duryng al tymes, and al thinges that ben, han ben, and shul ben in any tyme. 'I wolde nowe,' quod I, 'a lytel understande sythen that al thyng [God] thus beforne wot, whether thilke wetyng be of tho thynges, or els thilke thynges [have] to ben of Goddes wetyng, and so of God nothynge is. And if everythyng be thorowe Goddes wetyng, and therof take his beyng, than shulde God be maker and auctour of badde werkes, and so he shulde not ryghtfully punysshe yvel doynges of mankynde.' Quod Love,'I shal tel the, this lesson to lerne: myne owne trewe servaunt, the noble philosophical poete in Englissh [spe]che, evermore hym besyeth and travayleth right sore my name to encrease. Wherfore, al that wyllen me good owe to do him worshyp and reverence bothe; trewly, his better ne his pere in schole of my rules coude I never fynde. 'He,' quod she, 'in a treatise that he made of my servant Troylus, hath this mater touched, and at the ful this questyon assoyled. Certaynly his noble sayenges can I not amende; in goodnes of gentyl manlyche speche, without any maner of nycite of st[o]rieres ymagynacion, in wytte and in good reason of sentence he passeth al other makers. In the Boke ofTroy+++the answere to thy questyon mayste thou lerne. Never-the-later, yet may lightly thyne understandynge somdele ben lerned, if thou have knowyng of these tofornsayd thinges. With that thou have understandyng to two the laste chapiters of this seconde boke, that is to say, good to be somthyng, and bad to want al maner beyng. For badde is nothing els but absence of good; and [as] that God in good maketh that good dedes ben good, in yvel he maketh that they ben but nau3t, that they ben bad; for to [be] nothyng is badness to be.' 'I have,' quod I tho, 'ynough knowyng therin. Me nedeth of other thinges to here, that is to saye, howe I shal come to my blysse so longe desyred.'

Book III, Chapter 4 161 In his vero nulla videtur adversari contrarietas. Sic utique sine ulla repugnantia dicitur aliquid esse mutabile in tempore, antequam sit, quod in aeternitate manet immutabiliter; non antequam sit yel postquam est, sed indesinenter, quia nihil est ibi secundum tempus. Nam hoc ipsum est ibi aeternaliter, quia temporaliter aliquid et est, et antequam sit potest non esse, sicut iam dixi. Sufficienter ex us quae dicta sunt puto patere quia praescientia dei et liberum arbitrium nequaquam invicem repugnant. Quodfacit vis aeternitatis, quae claudit omne tempus et quae sunt in quolibet tempore.

... 1.7

Restat nunc ut consideremus, cum deus omnia praescire sive scire credatur, utrum eius scientia sit a rebus, an res habeant esse ab eius scientia. Nam si deus a rebus habet scientiam, sequitur quod illae prius sint quam eius scientia, et sic a deo non sint, a quo nequeunt esse nisi per eius scientiam. Si vero quaecumque sunt a scientia dei sumunt essentiam, deus est factor et auctor malorum operum, et idea non iuste punit malos; quod non suscipimus. (Anselm 1946,11:255, 257-8) But we see nothing to gainsay these statements. Thus, surely, no contradiction is involved in saying that something is mutable in time before it happens, something which is immutably in eternity. In eternity there is no time before or after. Something in eternity exists unceasingly now, since in eternity there is no temporary existence. What truly exists there eternally is this and nothing more: that in time something both exists and, before it exists, it is possible that it fail to exist, as I have already said. From what 1 have said I think it is clear that God's foreknowledge and human free choice involve no contradiction at all in their relation to one another. This is due to the nature of eternity which embraces all time and all that occurs at any point in time.

... 1.7

Since God is believed to foreknow or know all things, we have still to consider whether his knowledge results from things or whether the existence of things results from his knowledge. For if God owes his knowledge to things, it follows that they exist prior to his knowledge of them and that their existence is not owed to God. For they cannot owe their existence to God if he does not know them. But if everything that exists derives its existence from God's knowledge, then God is the Creator and author also of evil works and, by inference, unjustly punishes the wicked - a conclusion that is unacceptable. (Anselm 1998, 444,447)

162 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love Chapter 5

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'In this mater toforn declared,' quod Love, 'I have wel shewed that every man hath fre arbytrement of thinges in his power to do or undo what him lyketh. Out of this grounde muste come the spire that by processe of tyme shal in greatnesse sprede to have braunches and blosmes of waxyng frute in grace, of whiche the taste and the savour is endelesse blysse in joy ever to onbyde.' 'Nowe, lady,' quod I, 'that tree to set, fayne wolde I lerne.' 'So thou shall,' quod she, 'er thou depart hence. The first thing, thou muste set thy werke on grounde syker and good, accordaunt to thy springes. For if thou desyre grapes, thou goest not to the hasel; ne for to fetchen roses, thou sekest not on okes; and if thou shalt have honysoukels, thou leavest the frute of the soure docke. Wherfore, if thou desyre this blysse in parfite joy, thou must set thy purpose there vertue foloweth, and not to loke after the bodily godes, as I said whan thou were writyng in thy seconde booke. And for thou haste set thyselfe in so noble a place, and utterly lowed in thyn herte the misgoyng of thy first purpose, this set[lyng] is the esyer to spring, and the more lighter thy soule in grace to be lyssed. And trewly, thy desyre, that is to say thy wyl, algates mote ben stedfast in this mater without any chaungynge, for if it be stedfast, no man maye it voyde.' 'Yes, parde,' quod I, 'my wyl maye ben turned by f[erdn]es, and disease of menace, and thretnyng in lesynge of my lyfe and of my lymmes, and in many other wyse, that nowe cometh not to mynde. And also it mote ofte ben out of thought, for no remembraunce may holde one thyng contynuelly in herte, be it never so lusty desyred.' 'Nowe se,' quod she, '[h]ou thy wyl shal folowe thy fre wyl to be grounded contynuelly to abyde. It is [of] thy fre wyl that thou lovest and haste loved, and yet shal loven this Margaryte perle, and in thy wyl thou thinkest to holde it. Than is thy wyl knyt in love, not to chaunge for no newe lust besyde; this wyl teacheth thyn herte from al maner varyeng. But than, although thou be thretened in dethe or els in otherwyse, yet is it in thyn arbytrement to chose thy love to voyde or els to holde. And thilke arbytrement is in a maner a jugement bytwene desyre and thy herte. And if thou de[in]e to love, thy good wyl fayleth; than arte thou worthy no blysse that good wyl shulde deserve. And if thou chose contynuaunce in thy good servyce, than thy good wyl abydeth. Nedes blysse folowyng of thy good wyl must come by strength of thilke jugement. For thy first wyl

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that taught thyn herte to abyde and halte it from theschaunge, with thy reson is accorded. Trewly, this maner of wyl thus shal abyde; impossible it were to turne, if thy hert be trewe. And if every man dyligently the menynges of his wyl consyder, he shal wel understande that good wyl knyt with reason, but in a false herte, never is voyded. For power and might of kepyng this good wyl is thorowe lyberte of arbytrement in hert, but good wil to kepe may not fayle. Eke, than, if it fayle, it sheweth itselfe that good wyl in kepyng is not there. And thus false wyl, that putteth out the good, anone constrayneth the herte to accorde in l[e]vynge of thy good wyl; and this acqrdaunce bytwene false wyl and thyn herte in falsyte ben ly[nk]ed togyther. Yet a lytel wol I say the, in good wyl, thy good wyllfe] to rayse and strength. Take hede to me,' quod she, 'howe thy wyll[e] thou shall understande. Right as ye han in your body dyvers membres, and fyve sondrie wyttes, everyche ap[t]e to his owne doyng, whiche thynges as instrumentes ye usen, as your handes ap[t]e to handle, fete to go, tonge to speke, eye to se, right so the soule hath in him certayne sterynges and strengthes whiche he useth as instrumentes to his certayne doynges. Reason is in the soule, whiche he useth thinges to knowe and to prove, and wyl whiche he useth to wylne; and yet is neyther wyl ne reason al the soule, but everyche of hem is a thing by himselfe in the soule. And right as everich hath thus singuler instrumentes by hemselfe, they han as wel dyvers aptes and dyvers maner usinges, and thilke aptes mowen in wyl ben cleped affections. Affection is an instrument of willynge in his ap[t]es. Wherfore, mokel folke sayn, if a resonable creatures soule anythinge fervently wylneth, affectuously he wylneth. 'And thus may wyl by terme of equivocas in thre wayes ben understande. One is instrument of willing; another is affection of this instrument; and the third is use that setteth it awerke. Instrument of willyng is thilke strength of the soule, which that constrayneth to wylne, right as reason is instrument of reasoning], whiche ye usen whan {ye reason, and eye is instrument of seeing whiche ye usen whan} ye loken. Affection of this instrument is a thyng by whiche ye be drawe desyrously anythyng to wylne in coveytous maner - al be it for the tyme out of your mynde - as if it come in your thought thilke thyng to remembre, anon ye ben willyng thilke to done or els to have. And thus is instrument wyl, and affection is wyl also, to wylne thynge as I said, as for to wylne helm, whan wyl nothing theron thinketh, for anon as it cometh to memorie, it is in wyl. And so is affection to wylne slepe, whan it is out of mynde, but anon as it is remembred, wyl wylneth slepe, whan his tyme cometh of the doynge.

Book III, Chapter 5 165 Sicut habemus in corpore membra et quinque sensus singula ad suos usus apta, quibus quasi instruments utimur, ut sunt manus aptae ad capiendum, pedes ad ambulandum, lingua ad loquendum, visus ad videndum: ita et anima habet in se quasdum vires, quibus utitur velut instruments ad usus congruos. Est namque ratio in anima, qua sicut suo instrumento utitur ad ratiocinandum, et voluntas, qua utitur ad volendum. Non enim est ratio vel voluntas tola anima, sed est unaquaeque aliquid in anima. Quoniam ergo singula instrumenta habent et hoc quod sunt, et aptitudines suas, et suos usus: discernamus in voluntate propter quam ista dicimus instrumentum, et aptitudines eius, et usus eius. Quas aptitudines in voluntate possumus nominare ,affectiones'. Affectum quippe est instrumentum volendi suis aptitudinibus. Unde dicitur hominis anima, cum vehementer vult aliquid, affecta esse ad volendum illud, vel affectuose velle. Voluntas utique did videtur aequivoce tripliciter. Aliud est enim instrumentum volendi, aliud affectio instrumenti, aliud usus eiusdem instrumenti. Instrumentum volendi est vis ilia animae qua utimur ad volendum, sicuti est ratio instrumentum ratiocinandi quo utimur cum ratiocinamur, et visus instrumentum videndi quo utimur quando videmus. Affectio huius instrumenti est, qua sic afficitur ipsum instrumentum ad volendum aliquid - etiam quando illud quod vult non cogitat -, ut si venit in memoriam, out statim aut suo tempore illud velit. Nam sic est instrumentum volendi affectum ad volendum salutem - etiam quando illam non cogitat -, ut mox cum venerit in memoriam, statim earn velit. Et sic est affectum ad volendum somnum - etiam quando non ilium cogitat -, ut cum venit in mentem, velit ilium suo tempore. (Anselm 1946,11:278-9) We have bodily members and five senses, each of which was equipped for its special purpose, and which we use as tools. For example, the hands are designed for seizing, the feet for walking, the tongue for speaking, and sight for seeing. So, too, the soul possesses certain powers which it employs like tools for appropriate functions. The soul, for instance, has the power of reason which it employs as its special tool for reasoning, and a will which it employs for willing. Neither the reason nor the will is the whole of the soul; each is something within the soul. Therefore since the distinct tools have their distinct natures, abilities and functions, let us distinguish in the will upon which we are now focusing the tool along with its aptitudes and its functions. In the case of the will we can call these aptitudes affectivities. An affectivity is truly a tool of the will in exercising its own aptitudes. That is why the human soul when it passionately wills something is said to be emotionally moved to will it (or to will it affectionately). Undoubtedly the word 'will' appears to be used equivocally with three different senses: one as the tool of the will's action, another as the affectivity of the tool, and yet another as the using of the tool. The will's tool is that power of the soul we use for willing, just as reason is the tool for reasoning we use when we reason and sight is the tool we use for seeing. The affectivity of this tool is that by which the tool itself is so swayed toward willing some object, even when one is not thinking about what one is willing, that

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For affection of wyl never accordeth to sickness, ne alway to wake. Right so in a true lovers affection of willyng, instrument is to wylne truthe in his servyce, and this affection alway abydeth, although he be slepyng or thretned, or els not theron thinkyng; but anon as it cometh to mynde, anon he is stedfast in that wyl to abyde. Use of this instrument, forsothe, is another thing by himselfe, and that have ye not but whan ye be doyng in wylled thing by affecte or instrument of wyl purposed or desyred. 'And this maner of usage in my servyce wisely nedeth to be ruled from wayters with envye closed, from spekers ful of jangeling words,--from proude folk and hautayn, that lambes and innocentes bothe scornen and dispysen. Thus in doyng varieth the actes of willynge everich from other, 90 and yet ben they cleped wyl, and the name of wyl utterly owen they to have: as instrument of wyl is wyl whan ye turne into purpose of anything to don, be it to syt or to stande or any such thing els. This instrument may ben had, although affect and usage be left out of doyng, right as ye have sight and reson, and yet alway use ye *** n[o sijght to loke thynges with resonnyng to prove. And so is instrument of wyl, wyl; and yet varyeth he from effecte and using bothe. Affection of wyl also for wyl is cleped, but it varyeth from instrument in this maner wise, by that name, lyche whan it cometh into mynde anon right it is in wyllynge desyred, and the negatyfe therof with wyllyng nyl not acorde. This is closed in herte, thoughe usage 100 and instrument slepe. This slepeth whan instrument and us waken. And of suche maner affection, trewly, some man hath more, and some man lesse. 'Certes trewe lovers wenen ever therof to lytel to have. False lovers in lytel wenen have right mokel. Lo, instrument of wyl in false and trewe bothe evenlyche is proporcioned; but affection is more in some place[s] than in some, bycause of the goodnesse that foloweth, and that I thynke herafter to declare. Use of this instrument is wyl, but it taketh his name whan wylned thyng is in doyng, but utterly grace to catche in thy blysse desyre[th] to ben rewarded. Thou muste have, than, affection of wyl at the ful, and use whan his tyme asketh wysely to be governed. Sothly, my 110 discyple, without fervent affection of wil may no man ben saved. This affection of good servyce in good love may not ben grounded without fervent desyre to the thyng in wyl coveyted. But he that never retcheth 80

Book III, Chapter 5 167 it comes to mind either immediately or when the time is right. For example, the will's tool is so disposed toward willing heath, even when one is not thinking about it, that when it comes to mind, one immediately wills it. And it is so disposed toward sleep, even when one is not thinking about it, that when it comes to mind one wills it at the right time. (Anselm 1998, 467) Numquam enim ita est affectwn, ut aliquando velit aegritudinem out ut velit numquam dormire. In iusto quoque homine similiter est affectum idem instrumentum ad volendum iustitiam - etiam cum dormit —, ut cum earn cogitat, statim illam velit. Usus vero eiusdem instrument est, quern non habemus, nisi cum cogitamus rem quam volumus. Dicitur autem ,voluntas' et instrumentum volendi, et affectio eius, et usus eius. Instrumentum quidem voluntatem vocamus, quando dicimus nos convertere voluntatem ad diversa; modo scilicet ad volendum ambulare, modo ad volendum sedere, modo ad volendum aliud et aliud. Hoc instrumentum semper habet homo, quamvis illo non semper utatur; sicut habet visum qui est instrumentum videndi, etiam quando illo non utitur, ut cum dormit. Et cum eo utitur, convertit ilium modo ad videndum caelum, modo ad videndum terram, modo ad aliquid aliud. Et sicut semper habemus instrumentum ratiocinandi, hoc est rationem, qua non semper utimur et quam ratiocinando ad diversa convertimus. Affectio vero instrument volendi dicitur voluntas, quando dicimus hominem semper habere voluntatem, ut bene sibi sit. Vocamus namque hie voluntatem affectionem illam eiusdem instrumenti, qua vult homo bene sibi esse. Eodem modo cum sanctus homo asseritur, etiam cum dormit et non hoc cogitat, indesinenter habere voluntatem iuste vivendi. Et cum hone voluntatem asserimus alium alio maiorem habere, non aliud dicimus voluntatem quam illam affectionem ipsius instrumenti, qua vult iuste vivere. (Anselm 1946,11:279-80) For the will is never disposed either to will sickness at any time or else to will never to sleep at all. Likewise too in the case of the just person, the will's tool is disposed toward justice, even when the person is asleep. The person wills it as soon as thinking of it. Now the actual use of the will's tool is something which we have only when we think of the will's objective. The word 'will' then is applied to the will's tool, to its disposition and its actual use. We in fact call its tool the 'will' when we speak generally of directing it toward a variety of objectives, for example, now the will to walk, now to sit, and at another time to will this or that. People always possess this tool even though they are not always using it, just as they have sight, the tool for seeing, even when they are not using it, as when they sleep. And when they do use it they turn it now to seeing the sky, now to seeing the earth, and again to something else. It is like our always having the tool for reasoning, the faculty of reason, which we are not always using and which when reasoning we direct to a variety of matters. But the disposition of the will's tool is called 'will' when we say that

168 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love to have or not to have, affection of wyl in that hath no restyng place. Why? For whan thing cometh to mynde, and it be not taken in hede to cornyn or not come, therfore in that place affection fayleth. And, for thilke affection is so lytel, thorow whiche in goodnesse he shulde come to his grace, the lytelnesse wyl it not suffre to avayle by no way into his helpes. Certes, grace and reason thilke affection foloweth. This affection, with reason knytte, dureth in everyche trewe herte, and evermore is 120 encreasyng; no ferdnesse, no strength maye it remove, whyle truthe in herte abydeth. Sothly, whan falsheed gynneth entre, truthe draweth away, [and] grace and joy both; but than thilke falsheed, that trouth hath thus voyded, hath unknyt the bonde of understandyng reason bytwene wyl and the herte. And who-so that bonde undothe, and unknytteth wyl to be in other purpose than to the first accorde, knytteth him with contrarye of reason, and that is unreason. Lo, than wyl and unreason bringeth a man from the blisse of grace, whiche thyng of pure kynde, every man ought to shonne and to eschewe, and to the knot of wyl and reason confyrme. 130 'Me thynketh,' quod she, 'by thy studyent lokes, thou wenest in these wordes me to contrarien from other sayenges here toforne in other place, as whan thou were somtyme in affection of wyl to thinges that nowe han brought the in disease, whiche I have the consayled to voyde, and thyn herte discover. And there I made thy wyl to ben chaunged, whiche now thou wenest I argue to witholde and to kepe. Shortly, I say the revers in these wordes may not ben founde, for though dronkennesse be forboden, men shul not alway ben drinklesse. I trowe right, for thou thy wyl out of reason shulde not tourne, thy wyl in one reason shulde not unbyde. I say thy wyl in thy first purpose with unreason was closed; constrewe forthe of 140 the remenante what the good lyketh. Trewly, that wyl and reason shulde be knyt togyder was fre wyl of reason: after tyme thyne herte is assentaunt to them bothe. Thou might not chaunge, but if thou from rule of reason varye, in whiche variaunce to come to thilke blysse desyred, contrariously thou werchest; and nothyng may knowe wyl and reason but love alone. Than, if thou voide love, than wevest [thou] the bonde that knytteth; and so nedes, or els right lightly, that other gone a-sondre. Wherfore, thou seest apertly that love holdeth this knot, and amaystreth hem to be bounde. These thinges, as a ringe in cyrcuit of wrethe, ben knit in thy soule without departyng.' 150 'A! Let be, let be,' quod I. 'It nedeth not of this no rehersayle to make; my soule is yet in parfyte blysse, in thynkyng of that knotte.'

Book III, Chapter 5 169 people always will their well-being. In this case it is actually the disposition of that tool a++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ saints that they possess unceasingly the will to live rightly even when sleeping and not thinking about it. However, when we say that one person has a greater will to live rightly than another we are only using the term 'will' of that disposition of the tool itself according to which one wills to live rightly. (Anselm 1998,467-8)

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'Nowe trewly, lady, I have my grounde wel understonde, but what thynge is thilke spire that into tree shulde wexe? Expowne me that thing, what ye therof meane.' That shal I,' quod she, 'blithly, and take good hede to the wordes I the rede. Contynuaunce in thy good servyce, by longe processe of tyme in ful hope abydyng, without any chaunge to wylne in thyne herte: this is the spire, whiche if it be wel kept and governed, shal so hugely springe tyl the fruite of grace is plentuously out sprongen. For althoughe thy wyl be good, yet may not therfore thilk blysse desyred hastely on the discenden; it must abyde his sesonable tyme. And so by processe of growyng, with thy good traveyle, it shal into more and more wexe, tyl it be founde so mighty that wyndes of y vel speche, ne scornes of envy make nat the traveyle overthrowe, ne frostes of mystrust, ne hayles of jelousy right lytel myght have in harmynge of suche springes. Every yonge setlyng lightly with smale stormes is apeyred, but whan it is woxen somdele in gretnesse, than han great blastes and wethers but lytel might, any disavantage to them for to werche.' 'Myne owne soverayne lady,' quod I, 'and welth of myne hert, and it were lykyng unto your noble grace therthrough nat to be displeased, I suppose ye erren. Nowe ye maken jelousy en[em]y and distourbour to hem that ben your servauntes. I have lerned ofte toforne this tyme that in every lovers hert great plentie of jelousies greves ben sowe. Wherfore, me thynketh, ye ne ought in no maner accompte thilke thynge among these other welked wy[v]ers and venomous serpentes, as envy, mystrust, and yvel speche.' 'O fole,' quod she, 'mystrust with foly, with yvel wil medled, engendreth that welked padde. Truely, if they were distroyed, jelousy undone were for ever; and yet some maner of jelousy I wot wel is ever redy in al the hertes of my trewe servauntes, as thus: to be jelous over himselfe, lest he be cause of his own disease. This jelousy in ful thou3t ever shulde be kept for ferdnesse to lese his love by miskepyng, thorowe his owne doyng in leudnesse, or els thus: lest she that thou servest so fervently is beset there her better lyketh, that of al thy good service she compteth nat a cresse. These jelousies in herte for acceptable qualytees ben demed. These oughten every trewe lover by kyndfe] evermore haven in his mynde, tyl fully the grace and blysse of my service be on him discended at wyl. And he that than jelousy catcheth, or els by wenyng of his owne folysshe wylfulnesse mystrusteth, truely with fantasy of venyme he is

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foule begyled. Yvel wyl hath grounded thilke mater of sorowe in his leude soule, and yet nat for than to every wight shuld me nat trust, ne every wight fully mysbeleve; the meane of these thynges owen to be used. Sothly, withouten causeful evydence, mistrust in jelousy shulde nat be wened in no wyse person commenly; suche leude wickednesse shulde me nat fynde. He that is wise and with yvel wil nat be acomered can abyde wel his tyme, tyl grace and blisse of his service folowyng have him so mokel eased, as his abydynge toforehande hath him diseased.' 'Certes, lady,' quod I tho, 'of [on] thyng me wondreth, sythen thilke blysse so precious is and kyndly good, and wel is and worthy in kynde, whan it is medled with love and reason, as ye toforn have declared. Why, anon as hye one is sprong, why springeth nat the tother? And anone as the one cometh, why receyveth nat the other? For every thynge that is out of his kyndly place, by ful appetite, ever cometh thiderwarde kyndely to drawe, and his kyndly beyng therto him constrayneth. And the kyndly stede of this blysse is in suche wyl medled to unbyde, and nedes in that it shulde have his kyndly beyng. Wherfore, me thinketh, anon as that wyl to be shewed and kydde him profreth, thilke blysse shulde him hye thilk wyl to receyve, or els kynde of goodnesse worche[th] nat in hem as [it] shulde. Lo, be the sonne never so ferre, ever it hath his kynde werching in erthe. Great weist on hye onlofte caried, stynteth never tyl it come to [h]is restyng place. Waters to the seewarde ever ben they drawing. Thing that is lyght, blythly wyl nat synke, but ever ascendeth and upward draweth. Thus kynde in every thyng his kyndly course and his beynge place sheweth. Wherfore, be kinde, on this good wil, anon as it were spronge, this blysse shulde thereon discende; her kynde wolde they dwelleden togider and so have ye sayde your selfe.' 'Certes,' quod she, 'thyne hert sytteth wonder sore this blysse for to have; thyne hert is sore agreved that it tarieth so longe, and if thou durstest, as me thynketh by thyne wordes, this blysse woldest thou blame. But yet I saye, thilke blysse is kyndly good and his kyndely place in that wyl to unbyde. Never-the-later, their commyng togider, after kyndes ordynaunce, nat sodaynly maye betyde; it muste abyde tyme, as kynde yeveth him leave. For if a man, as this wyl medled gonne him shewe, [ha]d thilke blysse in haste folowed, so lyghtly commynge shulde lyghtly cause going. Longe tyme of thurstyng causeth drinke to be the more delycious whan it is atasted.' 'Howe is it,' quod I than, 'that so many blysses se I al daye at myne eye, in the firste moment of a syght, with suche wyl accorde? Ye, and

172 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love yet otherwhyle with wyl assenteth, syngulerly by himselfe. There reason fayleth; traveyle was none; servyce had no tyme. This is a queynt maner thynge, howe suche doynge cometh aboute.' 'O,' quod she, 'that is thus. The erthe kyndely, after seasons and tymes of the yere, bringeth forthe innumerable herbes and trees, bothe profytable and other. But suche as nought in norisshynge to mannes kynde serven, or els suche as tournen soone unto mennes confusyon in case that therof they ataste, [men might leave, though they were] comen forthe out of the erthe by their owne kynde, withouten any mannes cure or any busynesse in traveyle. And the ylke herbes that to mennes lyvelode necessarily serven, without whiche goodly in this lyfe creatures mowen 90 nat enduren, and most ben norissh[ynge] to mankynde, without great traveyle, great tylthe, and longe abidynge tyme, comen nat out of the erthe, and [y]it with seede toforne ordayned suche herbes to make spring and forthe growe. Right so the parfyte blysse, that we have in meanynge of duryng tyme to abyde, may nat come so Iy3tly, but with great traveyle and right besy tylth, and yet good seed to be sowe, for ofte the croppe fayleth of badde seede, be it never so wel traveyled. And thilke blysse thou spoke of so Ii3tly in commyng, trewly, is nat necessary ne abidynge. And but it the better be stamped, and the venomous jeuse out wrongen, it is lykely to enpoysonen al tho that therof tasten. 100 Certes, right bytter ben the herbes that she wen first [in] the yere of her own kynde. Wel the more is the harvest that yeldeth many graynes, tho longe and sore it hath ben traveyled. What woldest thou demen, if a man wold yeve thre quarters of nobles of golde? That were a precious gyft?' 'Ye, certes,' quod I. 'And what,' quod she, 'thre quarters ful of peerles?' 'Certes,' quod I, 'that were a riche gifte.' 'And what,' quod she, 'of as mokel azure?' Quod I, 'A precious gifte at ful.' 110 'Were nat,' quod she, 'a noble gifte of al these atones?' 'In good faith,' quod I, 'for wantyng of Englyssh namyng of so noble a worde, I can not for preciousnesse yeve it a name.' 'Rightfully,' quod she, 'haste thou demed, and yet love knytte in vertue passeth al the golde in this erthe. Good wyl accordant to reason, with no maner properte may be countrevayled. Al the azure in the worlde is nat to accompte in respecte of reason. Love that with good wyl and reason accordeth, with non erthly riches may nat ben amended. This yeft hast thou yeven, I know it myselfe, and thy Margarite thilke gift hath 80

Book III, Chapter 7 173 receyved; in whiche thynge to rewarde, she hath herselfe bounde. But 132 thy gifte, as I said, by no maner riches may be amended; wherfore, with thynge that may nat be amended, thou shall of thy Margarites ristwisenesse be rewarded. Right suffred yet never but every good dede somtyme to be yolde. Al wolde thy Margarite with no rewarde the quyte, right, that never more dieth, thy mede in merit wol purvey. Certes, suche sodayne blisse as thou first nempnest, ry3t wil hem rewarde, as the w[y]l is worthy, and though at thyn eye it semeth the rewarde the desert to passe, 1131 can after sende suche bytternesse evenly it to rewarde. So that sodayne blysse, by al wayes of reson, in gret goodnesse may not ben acompted; but blisse long, both long it abideth, and 130 endlesse it wol last. Se why thy wyl is endelesse? For if thou lovedest ever, thy wyl is ever ther tabyde and neveremore to chaunge. Evenhed of rewarde must ben don by right. Than muste nedes thy grace and this blysse [ben] endelesse in joy to unbyde. Evenlyche disese asketh evenlyche joy, whiche hastely thou shall have.' 'A,' quod I, 'it suffysth not than alone good wyl, be il never so wel wilh reson medled, bul if il be in good servyce longe Iravayled. And so through servyce shul men come to Ihe joye, and Ihis me Ihynkelh shulde be Ihe wexyng Ire of whiche ye firsl meved.' Chapter 7

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'Very Iroulh,' quod she, 'hasl Ihou nowe conceyved of Ihese Ihinges in Ihyne herl; haslely shall Ihou be able very joye and parfyle blysse lo receyve. And nowe I wol wel thou desyrest lo knowe Ihe maner of braunches, lhal oul of Ihe Iree shulde spring.' Therof lady,' quod I, 'herlely I you pray. For lhan leve I w[e]l, lhal righl soone after I shal alasl of Ihe frule lhal I so long have desyred.' 'Thou hasl herde,' quod she, 'in whal wyse [is] Ihis Ire loforn; Ihis have I declared, as in grounde and in slocke of wexyng. Firsl, Ihe grounde shulde be Ihy fre wyl ful in Ihyne herl, and Ihe slocke, as I sayde, shulde be conlynuaunce in good service, by long lyme in Iraveyle, lyl il were in greatnesse righl wel woxen. And whan this tree suche grealnesse halh caughl, as I have rehersed, the braunches than, thai Ihe frule shulde forth bringe, speche musl Ihey be nedes, in voice of prayer, in complayning wise used.' 'Out! Alas!' quod I tho, 'he is soroufully wounded lhal hydelh his speche and sparelh his complaynles lo make. Whal? Shal I speke lhal care? Bul payne evenlyke lo hel, sore hath me assayled, and so fer forth in

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payne me thronge, that I leve my tre is seer, and never shal it frute forth bring. Certes, he is greatly eased, that dare his prevy mone discover to a true felowe, that connyng hath and might, wherthrough his pleint in any thynge may ben amended. And mokel more is he joyed that with herte of hardynesse dare complayne to his lady, what cares that he suffreth, by hope of mercy with grace to be avaunced. Truely, I saye for me, sythe I came this Margarit to serve, durst I never me discover of no maner disease, and wel the later hath myn herte hardyed suche thynges to done, for the great bounties and worthy refresshmentes that she of her grace goodly without any desert of my halve ofte hath me rekened. And nere her goodnesse the more with grace and with mercy medled, which passen al desertes, traveyls, and servynges that I in any degre might endite, I wolde wene I shulde be without recover in gettyng of this blysse for ever. Thus have I stylled my disease, thus have I covered my care, that I bren in sorouful anoy, as gledes and coles wasten a fyr under deed asshen; wel the hoter is the fyre, that with asshen it is overleyn. Right longe this wo have I suffred.' 'Lo,' quod Love, 'howe thou farest! Me thynketh the palasy yvel hath acomered thy wittes; as faste as thou hiest forwarde, anon sodaynly backwarde thou movest. Shal nat yet al thy leudnesse out of thy braynes? Dul ben thy skilful understandings; thy wyl hath thy wyt so amaistred. 'Wost thou nat wel,' quod she, 'but every tree in his sesonable tyme of burjonynge shewe his blomes from within, in signe of what frute shulde out of him spring, els the frute for that yere men halte delyvered, be the grounde never so good? And though the stocke be mighty at the ful, and the braunches seer and no burjons shewe, farwel the gardyner: he may pype with an yve lefe; his frute is fayled. Wherfore, thy braunches must burjonen in presence of thy lady, if thou desyre any frute of thy ladies grace; but beware of thy lyfe, that thou no wode lay use, as in askyng of thynges that stretchen into shame, for than myght thou nat spede by no way that I can espy. Vertue wol nat suffre villany out of himselfe to spring. Thy wordes may nat be queynt ne of subtel maner understandinge. Freelwitted people supposen in suche poesies to be begyled; in open understandinge must every worde be used. "Voice without clere understandyng of sentence," saith Aristotel, "right nou3t printeth in hert." Thy wordes, than, to abide in hert, and clene in ful sentence of trewe menyng, platly must thou shewe and ever be obedient, her hestes and her wyls to performe. And be thou set in suche a wyt to wete by a loke evermore what she meaneth. And he that lyst nat to speke, but stylly his disease suffer, what wonder is it tho he come never to his blysse? Who that traveyleth unwist

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and coveyteth thyng unknowe, unwetyng he shal be quyted, and with unknowe thyng rewarded.' 'Good lady,' quod I than, 'it hath ofte be sene, that wethers and stormes so hugely have fal in burjonyng tyme, and by perte duresse han beaten of the springes so clene, wherthrough the frute of thilke yere hath fayled. It is a great grace whan burjons han good wethers, their frutes forthe to bringe. Alas! than, after suche stormes, howe harde is it to a[b]yde, tyl efte wedring and yeres han maked her circute cours al about, er any frute be able to be tasted. He is shent for shame, that foule is rebuked of his speche. He that is in fyre brennyng, sore smarteth for disease. Him thynketh ful long er the water come, that shulde the fyre quenche. While men gone after a leche, the body is buryed. Lo! howe semely this frute wexeth. Me thynketh that of tho frutes maye no man ataste, for pure bytternesse in savoure. In this wyse bothe frute and the tree wasten away togider, though mokel besy occupation have be spente to bringe it so fer forthe, that it was able to spring. A lyte speche hath maked that al this labour is in ydel.' 'I not,' quod she, 'wherof it serveth thy questyon to assoyle. Me thynketh the nowe duller in wittes than whan I with the first mette. Although a man be leude, commenly for a foole he is nat demed, but if he no good wol lerne. Sottes and fooles lette lyghtly out of mynde the good that men teacheth hem. I sayd therfore, thy stocke must be stronge, and in greatnesse wel herted; the tree is ful feble that at the firste dent falleth. And although frute fayleth one yere or two, yet shal suche a season come one tyme or other, that shal bringe out frute. That, *** fole, have I not sayd toforn this? As tyme hurteth, right so ayenward tyme healeth and rewardeth. And a tree oft fayled is holde more in deyntie whan it frute forthe bringeth. A marchaunt that for ones lesynge in the see no more to aventure thynketh, he shal never with aventure come to rychesse. So ofte must men on the oke smyte, tyl the happy dent have entred, whiche with the okes owne swaye maketh it to come al at ones. So ofte falleth the lethy water on the harde rocke, tyl it have thorowe persed it. The even draught of the wyre drawer maketh the wyre to ben even and supple-werchynge, and if he stynted in his draught, the wyre breaketh a-sonder. Every tre wel springeth, whan it is wel grounded and not often removed.' 'What shal this frute be,' quod I, 'nowe it gynneth rype?' 'Grace,' quod she, 'in parfyte joy to endure, and therwith thou begon.' 'Grace?' quod I; 'me thynketh, I shulde have a rewarde for my longe traveyle.'

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'I shal tel the,' quod she, 'retrybucion of thy good wylles to have of thy Margaryte perle, it beareth not the name of mede, but onely of good grace; and that cometh not of thy deserte, but of thy Margarytes goodnesse and vertue alone.' Quod I, 'shulde al my longe travayle have no rewarde but thorowe grace? And somtyme yourselven sayd, rightwysnesse evenlyche rewardeth to quyte one benefyte for another.' That is sothe,' quod Love, 'ever as I sayde, as to him that dothe good, whiche to done he were neyther holden ne yet constrayned.' 'That is sothe,' quod I. 'Trewly,' quod she, 'al that ever thou doest to thyne Margaryte perle, of wyl, of love, and of reson thou owest to done it. It is nothing els but yel++++of thy dette in quitynge of thy grace, whiche she the lent whan ye first mette.' 'I wene,' quod I, 'right lytle grace to me she delyvered. Certes, it was harde grace; it hath nyghe me astrangled.' 'That it was good grace, I wot wel thou wylt it graunt er thou departe hence. If any man yeve to another wight, to whom that he ought not, and whiche that of himselfe nothynge maye have, a garnement or a cote, though he weare the cote or els thilke clothyng, it is not to put to him that was naked the cause of his clothynge, but onely to him that was yever of the garnement. Wherfore I saye, thou, that were naked of love, and of thy++++non have mightest, it is not to put to thyne owne persone, sythen thy love came thorowe thy Margaryte perle.+++---she was yever of the love-, althoughe thou it use; and there lent she the grace, thy servyce to begynne. She is worthy the thanke of this grace, for she was the yever. Al the thoughtes, besy doynges, and plesaunce in thy might and in thy wordes that thou canste devyse ben but right lytel in quitynge of thy dette; had she not ben, suche thing hadde not ben studyed. 'So al these maters kyndely drawen homewarde to this Margaryte perle, for from thence were they borowed. Al is holy her to wyte the love that thou havest. And thus quytest thou thy dette, in that thou stedfastly servest. And kepe wel that love, I the rede, that of her thou hast borowed, and use it in her servyce thy dette to quite. And than arte thou able right sone to have grace; wherfore, after mede in none halve maist thou loke. Thus thy gynnyng and endyng is but grace alone, and in thy good deservynge thy dette thou aquitest. Without grace is nothyng worthe what-so-ever thou werche. Thanke thy Margaryte of her great grace, that hytherto the hath gyded, and praye her of contynuaunce forthe in thy werkes herafter, and that for no mishappe thy grace overthwartly tourne.

Book III, Chapter 7 177

Velut cum aliquis nudo, cui nihil debet et qui nullum a se potest indumentum habere, dot vestem: non tamen, quamvis ipse habeat potestatem utendi et non utendi accepta veste, si ea utitur, imputandum est induto quid indutus est, sed danti vestem. Quapropter ita did potest: Non est induti quod est indutus, sed miserentis, id est vestem dantis. Multo vero magis hoc diceretur, si ille qui dedit vestem, dedisset etiam potestatem servandi earn et utendi; (Anselm 1946,11:269) Similarly, when people give a garment to a naked man to whom they owe nothing and who cannot on his own acquire a garment, even though the latter has the power personally to use and not to use the garment he has received, still, if he does use it, the fact that he is clothed should not be credited to him but to the one who gives him the garment. So we may put it as follows: 'The fact that he is clothed is not due to him but to him who shows mercy, that is, by giving the garment.' Indeed this might be asserted with much better reason, if the one who gave the clothing had also given the power to maintain and use it. (Anselm 1998,457)

178 Thomas Usk's Testament of Love Grace, glorie, and joye is comyng thorowe good folkes desertes; and by gettyng of grace therin shullen ende. And what is more glorie or more 140 joye than wysdome and love in parfyte charite, whiche God hath graunted to al tho that wel canne deserve.' And with that this lady al at ones sterte into my hert. 'Here wol I onbyde,' quod she, 'for ever, and never wol I gon hence. And I wol kepe the from medlynge, while me lyste here onbyde. Thyne entermetyng maners into stedfastnesse shullen be chaunged.' Chapter 8

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Soberlyche tho threwe I up myn eyen, and hugely tho was I astonyed of this sodayn adventure, and fayne wolde I have lerned howe vertues shulden ben knowen, in whiche thynges I hope to God here-after she shal me enfourmen, and namely sythen her restynge place is nowe so nyghe at my wyl. And anon al these thynges that this lady said, I remembred me by myselfe, and revolved the ly[n]es of myne understondynge wyttes. Tho founde I fully al these maters parfytely there written: howe mysse-rule by fayned love bothe realmes and cyties hath governed a great throwe; howe lightly me might the fautes espye; howe rules in love shulde ben used; howe somtyme with fayned love foule I was begyled; howe I shulde love have knowe; and howe I shal in love with my servyce precede. Also furthermore, I founde of perdurable letters wonderly there graven, these maters whiche I shal nempne. Certes, none age ne other thynge in erthe maye the leest syllable of this in no poynte deface, but clerely as the sonne in myne understandynge soule they shynen. This maye never out of my mynde, howe I maye not my love kepe, but thorowe wyllynge in herte: wylne to love maye I not, but I lovynge have. Love have I none, but thorowe grace of this Margarite perle. It is no maner doute, that wyl wol not love, but for it is lovynge, as wyl wol not {wylne} rightfully, but for it is rightful itselve. Also, wyl is not lovynge, for he wol love; but he wol love, for he is lovynge. It is al one to wyl to be lovynge, and lovyngfe] in possessyon to have. Right so wyl wol not love, for of love hath he no partie. And yet I denye not lovynge wyl {to} wylne more love to have, whiche that he hath not, whan he wolde more than he hath, but I saye he maye no love wylne, if he no love have, through whiche thilke love he shuld wylne. But to have this lovyng wyl may no man of himselfe, but onely through grace toforne-goyng; right so, maye no man it kepe, but by grace folowynge. Consyder nowe every man aright, and let sene if that any wight of him-

Book III, Chapter 8 179

III.3 Dubium utique non est quid voluntas non vult recte, nisi quid recta est. Sicut namque visus non est acutus, quia videt acute, sed idcirco videt acute, qula est acutus: ita voluntas non est recta, quia vult recte, sed recte vult, quoniam recta est. Cum autem vult hanc rectitudinem, procul dubio recte vult. Non ergo vult rectitudinem, nisi quia recta est. Idem autem est voluntati rectam esse et rectitudinem habere. Palam igitur est quia non vult rectitudinem, nisi quia rectitudinem habet. Non nego voluntatem rectam velle rectitudinem quam nondum habet, quando vult maiorem quam habeat; sed dico nullam earn posse velle rectitudinem, si non habet rectitudinem qua illam velit.

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Sicut ergo illam nullus accipit nisi gratia praeveniente, ita nullus earn servat nisi eadem gratia subsequente. (Amselm 1946,11:265-6, 267) III.3 It is certainly beyond doubt that the will does not will rightly unless it is itself upright. For just as our vision is not sharp because it sees sharply, but sees sharply because it is sharp, so the will is not upright because it wills rightly but wills rightly because it is upright. Moreover, when it wills uprightness of will, then it is surely willing rightly. Therefore it wills uprightness only because it is upright. For the will to be upright, however, is the same as for it to possess uprightness. Obviously, then, it does will uprightness only because it has uprightness. I admit that an upright will wills an uprightness that it does not yet have when it is willing a greater uprightness than it has, but I am merely saying that it cannot will any uprightness at all unless it possesses the uprightness in order to will it... Therefore just as no one acquires it without a prevenient grace, so too no one preserves it except by subsequent grace. (Anselm 1998, 454,456)

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selfe mowe this lovyng w[y]l get, and he therof first nothy[n]ge have. For if it shulde of himselfe spring, eyther it muste be wyllyng or not wyllyng. Wyllyng by himselfe may he it not have, sythen him fayleth the mater that shulde it forthe bring. The mater him fayleth. Why? He maye therof have no knowyng, tyl whan grace put it in his herte. Thus willyng by himselfe may he it not have; and not wyllyng may he it not have. Parde, every conseyt of every reasonable creature otherwyse w[o]l not graunt. Wyl in affyrmatife with not wyllyng by no way mowe acorde. And although this lovyng wol come in myn hert by frenesse of arbytrement, as in this booke fully is shewed, yet owe I not therfore as moche alowe my fre wyl, as grace of that Margaryte to me leaned; for neyther might I without grace toforn-goyng, and afterwarde-folowyng, thilke grace get ne kepe, and lese shal I it never, but if fre wyl it make, as in wyllynge otherwyse than grace hath me graunted. For right as whan any person taketh wyllyng to be sobre and throweth that away, willyng to be dronke, or els taketh wyl of drinkyng out of mesure, whiche thyng anon as it is done, maketh thorowe his owne gylte by fre wyl that leseth his grace. In whiche thing, therfore, upon the nobley of grace I mote trusten, and my besy cure set thilke grace to kepe that my fre wyl otherwyse than by reason it shulde werche cause not my grace to voyde. For thus must I bothe loke to fre wyl and to grace. For right as naturel usage in engendring of children maye not ben without father, ne also but with the mother, for neyther father ne mother in begettyng maye it lacke, right so grace and fre wyl accorden, and withoute hem bothe maye not lovynge wyl in no partie ben getten. But yet is not fre wyl in gettynge of that thyng so mokel thankeworthy as is grace, ne in the kepynge therof so moche thanke deserveth, and yet in gettynge and kepyng bothe done they accorde. Trewly, often tyme grace fre wyl helpeth in fordoynge of contrarye thinges, that to wyllynge love not accorden, and strength [eth] wyl adversytees to withsytte; wherfore, altogyther to grace oweth to ben acc[om]pted, that my willyng deserveth. Fre wyl to lovynge in this wyse is accorded. I remembre me wel howe al this booke, who-so hede taketh, consydereth [howe] al thynges to werchynges of mankynde evenly accordeth, as in turnyng of this worde "love" into "trouthe", or els "rightwysnesse," whether that it lyke. For what thyng that falleth to man in helpyng of free arbytrement, thilke rightwysnesse to take or els to kepe, thorowe whiche a man shal be saved - of whiche thyng al this booke mencion hath maked -

Book III, Chapter 8 181

Nempe quamvis ilia servetur per librum arbitrium, non tamen est tantum imputandum libero arbitrio quantum gratiae, cum haec rectitudo servatur; quoniam illam liberum arbitrium non nisi per gratiam praevenientem et subsequentem habet et servat. Sic autem gratia subsequitur donum suum, ut nu.mqu.am - sive magnum sive parvum sit - illud dare deficiat, nisi liberum arbitrium volendo aliud rectitudinem quam accepit deserat. Numquam enim separatur haec rectitudo a voluntate, nisi quando aliud vult, quod huic rectitudini non concordat. Sicut cum quis accipit rectitudinem volendi sobrietatem, et reicit earn volendo immoderatam bibendi voluptatem. Quod cumfacit, sua voluntate, et ideo sua culpa perdit gratiam quam accepit.

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Sicut ergo, quamvis naturalis usus non procreet prolem sine patre nee nisi per matrem, non tamen removet ullus intellectus out patrem aut matrem a generatione prolis: ita gratia et liberum arbitrium non discordant, sed coveniunt ad iustiflcandum et salvandum hominem.

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Adiuvat etiam gratia liberum arbitrium, quando ut deserat rectitudinem acceptam impugnatur, mitigando aut penitus removendo vim tentationis impugnantis aut augendo affectum eiusdem rectitudinis. Denique cum omnia subiaceant dispositioni del: quidquid contingit homini, quod adiuvet liberum arbitrium ad accipiendum aut ad servandum hanc de qua loquor recititudinem, totum gratiae imputandum est. Dixi omnem iustitiam esse rectitudinem voluntatis propter se servatam. Unde sequitur omnem habentem hanc rectitudinem habere iustitiam et esse iustum, quoniam omnis habens iustitiam iustus est. Non tamen sentio iustis omnibus promissam esse vitam perpetuam, sed illis tantum, qui sunt iusti sine omni iniustitia. Illi enim proprie et absolute dicuntur iusti et recti corde. Est enim aliquis secundum aliquid iustus et secundum aliquid iniustus, ut qui castus est et invidus. Talibus non promittitur beautitudo iustorum, quoniam sicut vera beatitudo est sine omni indigentia, ita nulli datur nisi... (Anselm 1946,11:267-8, 270, 268) Clearly, though it is preserved by free choice, nevertheless its retention should be attributed more to grace than to free choice, since free choice only has and preserves it owing to the prevenient and subsequent grace.

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in every poynte therof grace oweth to be thanked. Wherfore, I saye, every wight havy[n]ge this rightwysnesse, rightful is. And yet therfore I fele not in my conscience that to al rightful is behoten the blysse everlastynge, but to hem that ben rightful withouten any unrightfulnesse. Some man after some degree may rightfully ben accompted as chaste men in ly vyng, and yet ben they janglers and ful of envy pressed. To hem shal this blysse never ben delyvered. For right as very blisse is without al maner nede, ri3t so to no man shal it be yeven but to the rightful, voyde from al maner unrightfulnesse founde. So no man to her blysse shal ben folowed, but he

be rightful, and with unrightfulnesse not bounde, and in that degree fully be knowe. This rightfulnesse, in as moche as in himselfe is, of none yvel is it cause, and of al maner goodnesse trewly it is mother. This helpeth the spyrit to withsytte the leude lustes of flesshly lykinge. This strengtheth and maintayneth the lawe of kynde, and if that otherwhyle me weneth harme of this precious thyng to folowe, therthorough is nothynge the cause; of somwhat els cometh it aboute, who-so taketh hede. By rightfulnesse, forsothe, werne many holy sayntes good savour in swetenesse to God almighty, but that to some folkes they weren savour of dethe into deedly ende; that come not of the sayntes rightwysnesse, but of other wycked mennes badnesse hath preceded. Trewly, the ilke wyl, whiche

Book III, Chapter 8 183 Moreover, grace so follows upon its previous gift that it never fails to go on giving the gift unless free choice abandons it by willing something different. For this uprightness is never severed from the will unless it wills something else which is not in accord with this uprightness. This happens, for example, when someone receives the uprightness of voluntary sobriety and then rejects it by choosing the pleasure of drinking to excess. When people actually do this, they do so by their own free will, and they lose the grace they have received... To use a comparison, though natural intercourse does not procreate offspring without a father but only by means of a mother, still saying this is not understood as denying a role in the generation of a child to either father or mother. In the same way grace and free choice are not in conflict but work together to justify and save the human being.

... In addition grace assists free will when it is prevailed upon to surrender the received uprightness. This it does either by mitigating or wholly removing the power of the temptation which assails it or by increasing its love of the uprightness in question. Furthermore, since all things are subject to God's disposing, whatever happens to a person by way of aiding free will either to receive or maintain the aforesaid uprightness must all be attributed to grace. I have said that justice is in every case uprightness of will maintained for its own sake. Whence it follows that everyone who has this uprightness has justice and is just, since everyone who has justice is just. Nevertheless I notice that eternal life has not been promised to all who are just, but to those only who are just without any injustice. For the latter are properly and unqualifiedly called just and upright of heart. For there are people who are just in one respect and unjust in another, for example both chaste and envious. The beatitude of the just is not promised to such people, since just as true beatitude is not marked by any imperfection, so too it is bestowed only ... (Anselm 1998, 456, 458, 456) ....iusto sine omni iniustitia.

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Rectitudo quidem, quantum in ipsa est, nullius mail causa est, et omnis meriti boni mater est. Haec enim favet spiritui concupiscent! »adversus carnem«, et condelectatur »legi del secundum interiorem hominem«, id est secundum eundum spiritum. Si autem ex ilia malum aliquando sequi videtur, non ex ipsa, sed ex alio . Per rectitudinem quippe apostoli erant »bonus odor« »deo«. Sed quod quibusdam erant »odor mortis in mortem«: non procedebat ex apostolorum iustitia, sed ex malivolorum nequitia. Ilia vero voluntas quae est ad volendum commodum, non semper mala, sed quando consentit carni concupiscenti »adversus spiritum«. 111.13 Sed ut hoc planius intelligatur, investigandum est, unde tarn vitiosa et tarn prona sit ad

184 Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++ that the Lady of Love me lerned 'affectyon of wyl' to nempne, which is in wyllyng of profytable thynges, yvel is it not, but whan to flesshly lustes it consenteth, ayenst reason of soule. But that this thynge more clerely be understand, it is for to knowe, whence and howe thylke wyl is so vycious and so redye, yvel dedes to perfourme. Grace at the gynnynge, ordeyned thilke wyl in goodnesse ever to have endured, and never to badnesse have assented. Men shulde not byleve that God thilke wyl maked to be vycious [in] our firste father[e]s, Adam and Eve. For vycious appetytes and vycious wyl to suche appetytes con100 +++++++ben not on thyng in kynde; other thyng is done for the other. And howe this wyl first into man first assented, I holde it profytable to shewe. But if the first condycion of reasonable creature wol be consydred and apertly loked, lightly the cause of suche wyl may be shewed. Intencion of God was that rightfull[e] and blyssed shulde reasonable nature ben maked, himselfe for to kepe; but neyther blysful ne rightful might it not be, withouten wyl in them bothe. Wyl of rightfulnesse is thilke same rightfulnesse, as heretoforne is shewed. But wyl of blysse is not thilke blysse, for every man hath not thilke blysse, in whom the wyl therof is abydynge. In this blysse, after every understandynge, is suffy110 ++++++of covenable comodytees without any maner nede, whether it be blysse of aungels, or els thilke that grace first in paradise suffred Adam to have. For although angels blysse be more than Adams was in paradyse, yet maye it not be deny[e]d that Adam in paradyse ne had suffysaunce of blysse. For ryght as great he[a]te is without al maner of coldenesse, and yet maye another he[a]te more heate have, right so nothynge defended Adam in paradyse to ben blessed, without al maner nede, althoughe aungels blysse be moche more. Forsothe, it foloweth not lasse than another to have, therfore hym nedeth; but for to wante a

Book III, Chapter 8 185 malum ista voluntas. Non enim credendum est talem illam deumfecisse in primis nostris parentibus. Cum enim protuli naturam humanam propter peccatum incurrisse corruptionem et appetitus ad similitudinem brutorum animalium, non dixi quomodo talis voluntas orta sit in homine. Aliud namque sunt appetitus vitiosi, aliud vitiosa voluntas appetitibus consentiens. De tali ergo voluntate quaerendum puto, unde homini accident. Sed si primam rationalis naturae conditionem consideremus, facile nobis huius talis voluntatis causa patebit. Intentio namque dei fuit, ut iustam faceret ... atque beatam naturam rationalem adfruendum se. Sed neque iusta neque beata esse potu.it sine voluntate iustitiae et beatitudinis. Voluntas quidem iustitiae est ipsa iustitia; voluntas vero beatitudinis non est beatitudo, quia non omnis habet beatitudinem, qui habet eius voluntatem. In beatitudine autem, secundum omnium sensum, est sufficientia competentium commodorum sine omni indigentia, sive angelica intelligatur beatitudo, sive ilia quam habebat ADAM in paradiso. Quamvis enim maior sit beatitudo angelorum, quam ilia quae erat hominis in paradiso, non tamen ideo negari potest ADAM beatitudinem habuisse. Sicut namque color magnus est sine omnifrigore, et tamen potest alius maior esse calor; et quemadmodum frigus est sine omni calore, cum tamen mains valeat esse frigus: ita nihil prohibet ADAM beatum fuisse in paradiso sine omni indigentia, licet maior esset angelica beatitudo. Nempe aliquid minus alio habere non semper est indigere; sed...++++++++++++++++... on one who is just without any injustice.

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Uprightness in essence is not the cause of any evil, and is the mother of every good merit, for it is an ally of the spirit in its zealous contention with the flesh [Gal. 5:17] and shares the spirit's delight in 'God's law in accord with the inner man' [Rom. 7:22], namely, in accord with the same spirit. Moreover, if evil sometimes appears to follow from uprightness, the evil does not really follow from it but from something else. It was precisely due to their uprightness that the apostles were 'a fragrant aroma rising to God' [2 Cor. 2:15]. The fact that they were for some people an 'aroma of death leading to death' resulted not from the justice of the apostles but from the sinfulness of those with bad will. As a matter of fact that other 'will' which wills what is advantageous is not bad except when it consents to the flesh lusting against the spirit [Gal. 5:17]. IIL13 In order to understand this matter more clearly we must examine the reason why the latter 'will' is so flawed and prone to evil, for we should not think that God created it such in the case of our first parents. For when I stated that it was due to sin that humanity was subject to corruption and appetites characteristic of brute beasts, I did not say how the 'will' prone to evil first arose in people. Obviously corrupt appetites are one thing, quite another a corrupt will consenting to such appetites. So I think we must ask how such a will befell humanity. The cause of such a will as

186 Thomas Usk's++++++++++++++

thynge whiche that behoveth to ben had, that maye nede ben cleped, 120 and that was not in Adam at the first gynnyng. God and the Margaryte weten what I meane. Forsothe, where [is] nede, there is wretchydnesse. G[o]d without cause toforngoyng made not reasonable creature wretched, for hym to understande and love had He firste maked. God made therfore man blyssed without al maner indygence. Togyther and at ones toke reasonable creature, blysse, and wyl of blyssednesse, and wyl of rightfulnesse, whiche is rightfulnesse itselve, and lybertie of arbytrement, that is fre wyl, with whiche thilke rightfulnesse may he kepe and lese. So and in that wyse [God] ordayned thylke two [wylles, or affec130 +++++that wyl, whiche that instrument is cleaped, as heretoforne men-cion is maked, shulde use thilke rightfulnesse by teachyng of his soule to good maner of governaunce, in thought and in wordes; and that it shulde use the blysse in obedyent maner, withouten any incommodyte. Blysse, forsothe, into mannes profyte, and rightwysnesse into his worshyp, God delyvered at ones. But rightfulnesse so was yeven, that man might it lese; whiche, if he [loste] had not but contynuelly have it kepte, he shulde have deserved the avauncement into the felowshyppe of angels. In whiche thyng, if he that loste, never by himselfe forwarde shulde he it mowe ayenwarde recover, and as wel the blysse that he was 140 in, as aungels blysse that to himwardes was cornyng, shulde be nome at ones, and he deprived of them bothe. And thus fyl man unto lykenesse of unreasonable bestes, and with hem to corrupcion and unlusty apetytes was he underthrowen.

Book III, Chapter 8 187 this one shall be readily plain to us if we consider the original state of the rational creature. As we know, it was God's intention to create his rational creature just and happy so that it might enjoy him. But it could not be either just or happy without its willing bot justice and happiness. Now the will to be just is actually justice itself, but the will to be happy is not happiness itself because not everyone who wills it has it. Moreover, all agree that happiness, whether that of angels or the kind which Adam enjoyed in Paradise, consists of a sufficiency of appropriate advantages without any deprivation. Although the happiness of angels is greater than that which Adam and Eve enjoyed in Paradise, that is no reason for denying the happiness they did enjoy. Similarly intense heat as such is free of all cold, yet nevertheless there can be another instance of greater heat. Likewise coldness as such is without any [heat], and yet there can be a greater coldness. In the same manner there is no reason to deny that Adam enjoyed happiness in Par adise without any deprivation, although the happiness of the angels was the greater. Surely to enjoy something less than another does is not the same as deprivation, but.... (Anselm 1998, 456-7, 470-2) aliqua re, cum earn haberi oporteat, carere - quod non erat in ADAM — est indigere. Ubi vero est indigentia, ibi est miseria. Non autem fecit deus sine praecedente culpa rationalem naturam miseram, quam ad intelligendum et amandum se creavit. Fecit igitur deus hominem beatum sine omni indigentia. Simul ergo accepit rationalis natura et voluntatem beatitudinis, et beatitudinem, et voluntatem iustitiae, id est rectitudinem, quae est ipsa iustitia, et liberum arbitrium, sine quo iustitiam servare non valuit. Sic autem deus ordinavit has duas voluntates sive affectiones, ut voluntas quae est instrumentum, uteretur ea quae est iustitia, ad imperium et regimen, docente spiritu, qui et mens et ratio dicitur; et altera uteretur ad oboediendum sine omni incommoditate. Beatitudinem quidem dedit homini - ut de angelis taceam - ad commodum eius; iustitiam vero ad honorem suum. Sed iustitiam ita, ut illam posset deserere; quatenus cum illam non desereret, sed perseveranter servaret, provehi mereretur ad consortium angelorum. Quod si illam desereret, nullatenus earn per se deinceps resumere posset, et beatitudinem angelorum non adipisceretur, et ilia quam habebat privaretur, et in similitudinem brutorum animalium cadens cum illis corruptioni et saepe fatis appetitibus subiaceret. Voluntas tamen beatitudinis maneret, ut per indigentiam bonorum quae perdidisset, gravi miseria iuste puniretur. Quoniam ergo deseruit iustitiam, perdidit beatitudinem; et voluntas quam bonam et ad bonum suum accepit, fervens desiderio commodorum quae non velle nequit, quia vera commoda rationali naturae convenientia, quae perdidit habere non valet: ad falsa et brutorum animalium commoda, quae bestiales appetitus suggerunt, se convertit; et ita cum ea vult inordinate, rectitudinem aut ne accipiatur oblata repellit, aut acceptam expellit. Cum vero ea licite vult, non hocfacit. Hoc igitur modo voluntas instrumentum, creata bona inquantum habet esse, et iusta et fortis ad servandum acceptam iustitiam: per liberum arbitrium facta est mala, non

188 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love But yet wyl of blysse dwelleth, that by indygence of goodes whiche that he loste, through great wretchydnesse by right shulde he ben punisshed. And thus for he weyved rightfulnesse, loste hath he his blysse, but fayle of his desyre in his owne comodyte may he not; and were comodytes to his reasonable nature, whiche he hath loste, may he not have, to false lustes, whiche ben bestyal appetytes, he is turned. 150 Folye of unconnyng hath him begyled, in wenyng that thilke ben the comoditees that owen to ben desyred. This affection of wyl by lyberte of arbitrement is enduced to wylne thus thing that he shulde not, and so is wyl not maked y vel, but unrightful, by absence of rightfulnesse, whiche thing by reason ever shulde he have. And frenesse of arbytrement may he not wylne, whan he it not haveth; for whyle he it had, thilke halpe it not to kepe, so that without grace may it not ben recovered. Wyl of commodyte, in-as-moche as unrightful it is maked by wyllynge of y vel lustes, wyllyng of goodnesse may he not wylne. For

Book III, Chapter 8 189 inquantum est, sed inquantum iniusta facta est per absentiam sponte desertae iustitiae, quam semper habere deberet. Infirma quoque modo facta est ad volendum iustitiam desertam. Non enim per liberum arbitrium ita potest earn velle, cum illam non habet, quemadmodum valet earn servare cum habet. Voluntas etiam commodi, condita bona inquantum est: aliquid mala, id est iniusta facta est, quia non est subdita iustitiae, sine qua nihil velle debet++++++++++++++++ ... to lack something which one ought to have is to be deprived, which was not true in the case of Adam. In fact where there is deprivation, there is unhappiness. Moreover, God did not create human beings (creatures he created to know and love hm) unhappy antecedent to their sin. So he created them happy with no deprivation. For this reason his rational human creatures received all at once the will to be happy, happiness itself, and the will to be just (the uprightness which is the very state of justice) and freedom of wll as well, without which they could not preserve that state. Now God so ordained these two 'wills' or 'affectivities' in order that the will as a tool would employ the will to justice for commanding and ruling under the tutelage of the spirit, that is, the mind or reason, and the second one for obeying without any difficulty. Indeed God gave people happiness, not to say the angels, as an advantage, whereas he gave them justice for the sake of his own glory. He gave justice in such manner tha people could abandon it while, should they not do so but rather persevere in preserving it they would be advanced to the company of the angels. However, should they abandon it, they would in no way be able to recover it on their own. They would not attain to the happiness of angels and would be deprived of that which they had, and falling into the likeness of brute beasts would be subject like them to physical corruption and the oftmentioned appetites. However, the will to be happy would stay on, so that by reaso +of the deprivation of the benefits they had lost, they would be justly punished with grievous unhappiness. Therefore, once they abandoned the state of justice, they abandoned happiness. And the will which they received as good and for their own good, still seethes with a longing for the advantages which they cannot help but want. And because they cannot recover the lost genuine advantages befitting a rational creature, they turn to the spurious advantages which befit brute animals and characterize bestial appetites. And so when they will those advantages unlawfully, they either rebuff righteousness so that it is not accepted when offered or else expel it after receiving it. But when they will the advantages lawfully they do not act in thisway. In this way, then, the will as a tool was created good in respect to its being. It was also created just, and able to preserve its received righteousness. However, it became evil by its free choice - evil not in regard to its existence, but inasmuch as it became unrighteous owing to the absence of the righteousness it freely abandoned, a righteousness which it was intended to maintain forever. It now also became powerless to will the justice it had abandoned. For one cannot will justice if one does not have it, though one can preserve it

190 Thomas Usk's+Testamen of Love

wyl of instrument to affection of wyl is thralled, sythen that other thyng 160 may it not wylne. For wyl of instrument to affection desyreth, and yet ben bothe they wyl cleped. For that instrument wol, through affection it wylneth; and affection desyreth thilke thyng wherto instrument him ledeth. And so fre wyl to unlusty affection ful servaunt is maked, for unrightfulnesse maye he not releve; and without rightfulnesse ful fredome may it never have, for kyndly lybertie of arbytrement without it, veyne and ydel is, forsothe. Wherfore, yet I say, as often have I sayd the same, whan instrument of wyl loste hath rightfulnesse, in no maner but by grace may he ayen retourne rightfulnesse to wylne. For sythen nothyng but rightfulnesse 170 alone shulde he wylne, what that ever he wylneth without rightfulnesse, unrightfully he it wylneth. These than unrightful appetytes and unthrifty lustes whiche the fl[esh] desyreth, in as mokel as they ben in kynde, ben they not bad. But they ben unrightful and badde, for they ben in resonable creature, whereas the[ir] beyng in no waye shulde ben suffred. In unreasonable beestes neyther ben they yvel ne unrightful, for there is their kynde beyng. Chapter 9

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Knowen may it wel ben nowe, of these thynges toforne declared, that man hath not alway thilke rightfulnesse, which by dute of right evermore haven he shulde, and by no way by himselfe may he it get ne kepe; and after he it hath, if he it lese, recover shal he it never without especial grace. Wherfore, the comune sentence of the people in opinyon, that every thynge after destenye is ruled, false and wicked is to byleve. For thoughe predestynacion be as wel of good as of badde, sythen that it is sayde God [b]adnes[se] made, whiche he never ne wrought, but for he suffreth hem to be maked, as that he hardeth whan he naught {ne}iss{h}ythe, or led[eth] into temptacion whan he not delyvereth. Wherfore, it is none inconvenyent if in that maner be sayd, God toforne have destenyed bothe badde and her badde werkes, whan hem ne their y vel dedes [he] neyther amendeth, ne therto hem grace le[n]eth. But specyallyche predestynacion of goodnesse alone is sayde by these great clerkes, for in him God dothe that they ben, and that in goodnesse they werchen. But the negatyfe herof in badnesse is holden, as the Lady of Love hath me

Book III, Chapter 9 191 when one has it. The will to one's advantage was also created good as regards its existence, but it became in a certain way evil, that is unjust, because it was not subordinate to justice without which it ought to will nothing. (Anselm 1998, 472-3) Voluntas ergo instrumentum, cum spontefacta sit iniusta, post desertam iustitiam manet, quantum in ipsa est, necessitate iniusta et ancilla iniustitae; quia per se redire nequi+ad iustitiam, sine qua numquam libera est, quia naturalis libertas arbitrii sine ilia otiosa est. Ancilla etiam facia est suae affectionis, quae ad commodum est, quia remota iustitia nihil potest velle nisi quod ilia vult. Dico autem et instrumentum et affectionem eius ,velle', quia et instrumentum est voluntas, et affectio voluntas, nee incongrue utraque voluntas velle dicitur: quia et ilia vult, quae affectione sua vult, et affectio vult, per quam ilia vult; sicut videre dicitur et homo qui visu videt, et ipse visus quo videt. Unde non absurde possumus dicere affectiones eius voluntatis, quam instrumentum animae dixi, quasi instrumenta eiusdem instrument esse, quia ilia nihil nisi istis operatur. Perdito igitur instrumento volendi iustitiam, id est rectitudine, nullo modo - nisi per gratiam reddatur -potest voluntas instrumentum velle iustitiam. Quapropter quoniam nihil debet velle nisi iuste: quidquid vult sine rectitudine, vult iniuste. Appetitus vero, quos omnes vocat apostolus »carnem« et »concupiscentiam«, inquantum sunt, non sunt mali vel iniusti; sed quia sunt in rationali natura, ubi non debent esse, dicuntur iniusti. In brutis siquidem animalibus non sunt mali vel iniusti, quia ibi debent esse. 111.14 lam ex Us quae supra dicta sunt, cognosci potest hominem ideo non habere semper iustitiam, quam sine intermissione debet habere, quia nullo modo potest illam per se adipisci vel recuperare. II.-2 In primis igitur ante quaestionis responsionem videndum est quia praedestinatio non solum bonorum est, sed et malorum potest did, quemadmodum deus mala quae nonfacit dicitur facere, quia permittit. Nam dicitur hominem indurare cum non emollit, ac inducere »in tentationem« cum non liberal. Non est ergo inconveniens, si hoc modo dicimus praedestinare deum malos et eorum mala opera, quando eos et eorum mala opera non corrigit. Sed bona specialius praescire et praedestinare dicitur, quia in illis facit quod sunt et quod bona sunt; ac in malis autem non nisi quod sunt essentialiter, non qu+d mala sunt, ut supra dictum est. Sciendum quoque est quia sicut praescientia non in deo dicitur proprie, ita nee praedestinatio; quia illi nee ante nee post aliquid est, sed omnia ...+(Anslm 1946,11:287, 261) Therefore since the will as a tool freely became unjust once it abandoned justice, its operation necessarily remains unjust and the handmaid of injustice. For it is unable by itself to return to justice and without the latter it is not in any circumstances free, since in its absence the natural free choice is useless. It also became the handmaid of its own disposition toward the advantageous, because in the absence of justice the will as tool can

192 Thomas Usk's+Te+tamet of Love

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lerned, who-so aright in this booke loketh. And utterly it is to weten, that predestynacion properly in God may not ben demed, no more than beforne-wetyng. For in the chapitre of Goddes beforne-wetyng, as Love me rehersed, al these maters apertely maye ben founden. Al thynges to

God ben nowe togyther and in presence durynge; trewly, presence and predestynacion in nothynge disacorden. Wherfore, as I was lerned howe Goddes before-wetyng and free choyce of wyl mowe stonden togyther, me thynketh the same reason me leadeth, that destenye and fre wyl accorden, so that neyther of hem bothe to other in nothing contraryeth. And reasonablyche may it not ben demyd, as often as anythyng falleth [fro] fre wyl werchyng, as if a man another man wrongfully anoyeth, wherfore he him sleeth, that it be constrayned to that

Book III, Chapter 9 193 only will what the former dictates. Moreover, I describe both the tool and its disposition as 'wills' because both the tool and its actual disposition are modes of willing. Indeed both are fittingly so called because the tool wills what it is disposed to will and the disposition also wills as it moves the will as a tool. In the same way the person who sees by sight is said to be seeing, and the sight by which one sees is also said to see. Hence we can quite reasonably say that the dispositions of that will which I call a tool of the soul are, as it were, tools of that tool, because the latter does nothing without them. Therefore once its 'tool', its disposition to will justice or righteousness, has been lost, the will as tool can in no way will justice unless the latter is restored by grace. Therefore since the will as tool should only will something justly, whatever it wills without righteousness it wills unjustly. Now none of the appetites, all of which St Paul calls 'flesh' and 'lust', are evil or unjust in respect to their existence but are said to be unjust because they are present in a rational creature where they ought not to be. In brute beasts they are not evil or unjust because they ought to be there. 11.14 From what has been said above, we can now conclude that people do not always possess the justice which they ought always to have because they cannot in any way attain it or recoup it on their own. (Anselm 1998,473) II.2 To begin with, before a resolution of the point at issue, it should be recognized that God's predestination attaches not only to our good actions but, it is possible to say, to our evil ones in the sense that it is by permitting the latter that God is said to be the caus+eof evils which he does not actually cause. In fact he is said to harden people when he does not soften them and to lead them into temptation when he does not release them from it. Therefore there is no problem in saying that in this sense God predestines evil people and their evil acts when he does not straighten them out along with their evil acts. He is, however, more precisely said to foreknow and predestine their good works because in their case he causes both that they exist and that they are good, whereas in the case of the evil ones he is only the cause that they simply exist and not that they are evil, as said above. It should also be understood that the word '/oreknowledge', as also the word 'predestine' are not used of God literally, for in him there is no before or after, but all things ... (Anselm 1998, 473,450) ...++++++++++++++++++ II.3 Consideremus nunc an aliqua possint praedestinari per liberum futura arbitrium. Dubitari utique non debet quia eius praescientia et praedestinatio non discordant; sed sicut praescit, ita quoque praedestinat. In quaestione de praescientia congnovimus aperte aliqua praesciri futura per liberum arbitrium sine omni repugnantia. Unde veritas quoque evidens et ratio docet praedestinari similiter per liberum arbitrium quaedum futura absque omni inconvenientia.

194 Thomas Usk's-Testament of Love 30

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ende, as mokel folke cryeth and sayth, 'Lo, as it was destenyed of God toforne-know, so it is thorowe necessyte fal, and otherwyse might it not betyde.' Trewly, neyther he that the wronge wrought, ne he that himselfe venged, none of thilke thinges thorowe necessyte wrought. For if that with fre wyl there had it not wylled, neyther had wrought that he perfourmed. And so utterly grace that fre wyl in goodnesse bringeth and kepeth, and fro badnesse it tourneth, in al thynge moste thanke deserveth. This grace maketh se[yntes] in vertue to abyde, wherfore, in body and in soule in ful plentie of connynge after their good deservyng in the everlastynge joy, after the day of dome shul they endelesse dwel, and they shul ben lerned in that kyngdome with so mokel affecte of love and of grace, that the leste joye shal of the greatest in glorie rejoice and ben gladded, as if he the same joye had. What wonder syth God is the greatest love, and the *** grettest wisdom; in hem shal He be, and they in God. Now than, whan al false folke be ashamed, which wenen al bestyalte and erthly thing be swetter and better to the body than hevenly is to the soule, this is the grace and the frute that I long have desyred; it dothe me good, the savour to smel. Christ now to the I crye of mercy and of grace, and graunt of thy goodnes to every maner reder ful understandyng in this leude pamflet to have, and let no man wene other cause in this werke than is verily the soth. For envy is ever redy al innocentes to shende; wherfore, I wolde that good speche envy evermore hynder. But [let] no man wene this werke be sufficiently maked, for Godds werke passeth mans; no mans wyt to parfyt werke may be no way purvay thende. How shuld I than, so leude, aught wene of perfection any ende to get? Never-the-later, grace, glorie, and laude I yelde and put with worshipful reverences to the sothfast God in thre, with unite closed, whiche that the hevy langour of my sicknesse hath turned into myrthe of helth to recover. For rist as I was sorowed thorow the gloton cloud of manyfolde sickly sorow, so mirth [of] ayencomyng helth hath me gladed and gretly comforted. I beseche and pray, therfore, and I crye on Goddes gret pyte and on his mokel mercy, that this present scorg3 of my flessh now maken medecyn and lechcraft of my inner mans helth, so that my passed trespas and tenes, through wepyng of myn eyen ben wasshe, and I voyded from al maner disese, and no more to wepe herafter, [and] I now be kept thorowe Goddes grace. So that Goddes hande, whiche that merciably me hath scorged, herafter in good plite from thence merciably me kepe and defende. In this boke be many privy things wimpled and folde; unneth shul

Book III, Chapter 9 195 ...

Non ergo rationabiliter quotiens aliquid contingit operante spontanea voluntate - velut cum homo hominifacit iniuriam, unde ab illo occiditur -, quidam clamant dicentes: ,Sic praescitum et praedestinatum erat a deo, et ideo necessitate factum est, nee aliter fieri potuit'. Quippe nee qui alium iniuria irritavit nee qui se vindicavit, hoc fecit necessitate, sed sola voluntate; quia si non sponte voluisset, neuter quod fecit fecisset. (Anselm 1946,11:261,262) ... are present to him at once. II.3Let us now consider whether some things that shall happen by free choice can be predestined. It is, of course, beyond question that God's foreknowledge and predestination do not conflict; rather, even as God foreknows, so he predestines. In regard to the dispute over his foreknowledge, we clearly ascertained that some things that shall happen as a result of free choice are in fact foreknown by him without entailing any contradiction at all. Therefore, the plain truth and reason also teach that certain results of free choice are predestined by him without entailing any inconsistency. ...

So whenever something happens by the exercise of free choice, for example, when A harms B and B kills A in retaliation, it is unreasonable for some to say loudly: This was foreknown and predestined by God and therefore it happened by necessity and could not have happened otherwise.' Indeed, neither A not B acted by necessity but with free will alone, for if they had not acted voluntarily they would not have done what they did. (Anselm 1998,450-1)

196 Thomas Usk's++++++++++++. leude men the plites unwinde. Wherfore, I pray to the Holy Cost he lene of his oyntmentes mens witt3 to clere, and for Godd3 love no man wonder why or how this question come to my mynde, for my great lusty desyre was of this lady to ben enfourmed, my leudenesse to amende. Certes, I knowe not other mennes wyttes what I shulde aske, or in answere what I shulde saye. I am so leude myselfe, that mokel more lernynge yet me behoveth. I have made, therfore, as I coude, but not suffyciently as I wolde, and as mater yave me sentence, for my dul wytte is hyndred by step-mother of foryetyng, and with cloude of unconnyng, that stoppeth the lyght of my Margarite perle. Wherfore, it may not shyne on me as it shulde. I desyre not onely a good reder, but also I coveyte and pray a good 80 booke amender, in correction of wordes and of sentence. And onely this mede I coveyte for my travayle, that every inseer and herer of this leude fantasye, devoute horisons and prayers to God the great juge yelden, and pray en for me, in that wyse that in his dome my synnes mowe ben released and foryeven. He that prayeth for other, for himselfe travayleth. Also I praye that every man parfytly mowe knowe thorowe what intencion of herte this treatyse have I drawe. Howe was it that syghtful Manna in deserte to chyldren of Israel was spirytuel meate; bodily also it was, for mennes bodies it norisshe[d]. And yet never-the-later, Christ it signyfyed. 90 Ryght so a jewel betokeneth a gemme, and that is a stone vertuous, or els a perle. Margarite a woman betokeneth grace, lernyng, or wisdom of God, or els holy church. If breed thorowe vertue is made holy flesshe, what is [it] that our God saythe? It is the spyrite that yeveth lyfe; the flesshe of nothyng it profyteth. Flesshe is flesshly understandynge; flessh without grace and love naught is worth. The letter sleeth; the spyrit yeveth lyfelych understandyng. Charyte is love, and love is charyte. 100 God graunt us al therin to be frended. And thusth++++++++++++++++++++++ 70

Appendix: Textual Matters

The sole textual authority for he+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ works of Geoffrey Chaucer,-The Workes ofGeffray Chaucer Newly Prined, WithDyv++rs Workes Whiche Were Never in Print Before, As in the Table More Playnly Dothe Appere. The volume was edited by William Thynne, Chief Clerk of the Kitchen to Henry VIII and is referred to here as Thynne. The colophon on folio 383r reads, 'Thus endeth the workes of Geffray Chaucer. Printed at London by Thomas Godfray. The yere of oure lorde, 1532.' Later editions were all derived from Thynne's text, with new editions usually being copied from the one that had preceded it. None of these early editions has any independent textual authority, and they are not considered here. There are 66 gatherings in the collation of Thynne, A through Vvv; J, U, and W are not used. A has four folios, Qq has nine, and the rest have six folios each, making a total of 397 folios, or 794 pages. Most folios are numbered on the recto side in the upper-right corner with Roman numbers, but the numbering is incomplete and inaccurate. The first number, xiii, appears on Elr, which is the twenty-third folio. There are three unnumbered folios between CCxix and CCxx (Qq3 through Qq6). Folio CCC is printed on two pages. The last folio is numbered CCClxxxiii. Thus, there are 383 folios in the foliation and 14 more not in it, for a total of 397, as above. There are three other errors in foliation: xviii is not printed on the relevant folio; Ixxxiiii is printed as Ixxxv; and CCxlvii is printed as CCxliiii. There is no foliation where the woodcut border device around titles appears on the recto side of a folio: Cxxvii, Clxix, CCxxxv, CClxxxv, and CCCxxiiii. The general title on Air is printed within an elaborate, but crudely executed woodcut border. According to Henry Bradshaw, this woodcut frame had belonged to Pynson and was transferred to Berthelet, his successor, from whom Godfray obtained it.' The block was reused for eight titles of individual works listed below: B++++Ir-The Canterbu9+ aes. Aa+++Ir-The Romaunt of the Rose.

198 Appendix Hh+++IrTroylus++++++++++ Tt++++1 rBoetiude-consolatione philosophic. Bbb Iv The dreame of Chaucer. Ddd 3rHow pile is ded and beried in a gentyll h+er Fff+++4v+The conclusions of the Astrolabie. Ll++++++++++++++++++++++ There are a number of woodcut capitals and devices throughout the whole; the text of The Canterbury Tales is illustrated by twenty woodcut representations of various pilgrims, but some are used twice. There are a total of fifteen separate blocks of the pilgrims. The++++---------occupies six full gatherings and part of a seventh: Lll Ir (folio CCCxxiiiir) through column 1 of Rrr2r (folio CCClxi r). The verso of Lll 1 is blank: the text is printed in double columns of black-letter type with 47,48, or 49 lines to a full column of print. There are six marks of punctuation used in the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ equal sign (//) is sometimes used to show word division at the end of lines. The full stop and the question mark (J) are used as in modern practice. Parentheses are used to set off speech headings and asides. The colon indicates a break or a full stop. The most common mark is the virgule (/), used to mark anything from a pause to a full stop. Sometimes it is used where no mark of punctuation seems appropriate. The edited text here is punctuated according to modern practice. Extensive use was made of Thynne's punctuation, which is usually helpful, but occasionally mistaken. Conventional abbreviations and suspensions are common: 7 t>" -

wl £>' t>e _E "P qd e poet, also, Mantuanus Maro Virgilius, as Isidorus seib, Eth. libro decimo, and Horatius, as seif? Hugutio Pysanu, In derivationibus suis, capitulo peruiso: 'Whan enemyes despised Horacius and bere hym an honde bat he hadde i-take som of Omeres [vers], and i-medled among his and cleped hym a gaderere of old wrytynges, he answerde and seide, "It were wel greet strengpe to wreste a mace oute of Hercules honde." '(I.I .8, vol. 1, pp. 11, 13) I schal entre in to be feeldes of cure forme fadres, and folwe be rype men, 3if ich may any wyse leese and gadre me some eres pat rype men schedep and skapejj of here hondes; oper, nameliche, 3if I my3te gadre somwhat of be crommes bat fallej)+of lordes bordes, bat somtyme were fulfilled and left hir relif to hir children. And als+ 3if I my3t gadre eny scrappes of pe releef of pe twelf cupes, and somwhat putt to and

214 Commentary to Book I, Prologue eche writinge of auctours, as a dwerf sittynge on a geauntis nekke; wher borus 3ongelynges mowe be broust to lore and gretter men to vse and to besynesse i-spyed, pat bey mowe be enformed and i-tau3t by bis schort tretys, bat haueb noust i-seie be grete volyms and large, bat beeb of stories i-write, nou3t sotilte of sentence, nober faire florischynge of wordes, but swetnesse of deuocion of be matire schal regne in pis book. (1.1.9, vol. l,pp. 13, 15) Usk condensed drastically. Lines 73-5 come from the beginning and end of the passage quoted first above. His point is clear only when put beside the original; wresting the sword from the hands of Hercules is a metaphor for direct use of texts written by++++ tours, that is, by authoritative writers of the past. The passage in lines 73-5 is proverbial (Whiting S981). Lines 73-98 and two other supposed borrowings from the LGW(1+2.80-1 from LGW F 1368, 1377, and 1.3.104-5 from++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++The other passages do not support Tatlock' argument; see the relevant notes. No certain debt of the Testament to the LGW can be demonstrated. On the other hand, Anne Middleton suggests a general influnce of the Tesament++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ a high-stakes encounter with punitive regal will and authority' (101-2) 75-7 The last of the twelve labours of Hercules took place at Gades, the modern Cadiz, which was thought of as an island in the Middle Ages. An account of this labour is given in the Polychronicon: 'Gades is couenableliche first i-sette among be ylondes of be greet see, and stondeb in be west ende of Spayne in a moupe of the west occean ... f>ere Hercules sette his pileres, pat beep wel wonderful, as it were in be vttermeste ende of all be erpe; and pe same pileres beep i-cleped after pe name of pe ilond Gades also' (1.30, vol. 1, p. 303). No explanation of the reference to Alexander's spear has yet been found. 78 The only other English kings referred to by name in the++++++++++++++++++++++ 1 and Henry II at II.7.14. There are a number of allusions to Richard II, as at II.4.103, but he is never named. 81 Usk uses the expressions amased cloude, cloude in unconnynge, and cloude ofunconnyng at 1.3.7, III.4.208, and III.9.77, respectively. There is probably no reference here to The Cloud of Unknowing+beause Usk's argument is Boethian and the phrase signifies the ignorance that prevents him from seeing his true situation. In the mystical tradition of The Cloud of Unknowing, the phrase is a positive expression, a metaphor for the nonperceptive and non-rational state of contemplation. 88 Luke 10:7. 89-91 The reference is to the practice of giving left-over food to the poor from the tables of those well off. Shoaf sees similarities here with LGW F Prol. 73-7 and Dante's Convivio 1.1.67-86(312). 98 Luke 16:1-8.

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 1 215 100+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ machean+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ments. Usk gives no evidence of having detailed knowledge of any of the Latin versions of Aristotle's works that circulated in the fourteenth century. He probably drew his remark fro+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ The discussion in the opening chapters of the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ attribution, although no one passage there exactly corresponds to Usk's formulation. See I.Prol. 54-7 n. 101+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ accounts for the plural verb+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ men+++++++++++++++++++ 104ff.+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tion that some text is missing. Despite the break in syntax, Schaar rejects this view and suggests that '[t]he author's pilgrimage into a wild and desolate landscape, ravaged by furious elements, is a symbol of deep melancholy' (8). The reference is to eaents during the time of Usk's trip to the Continent, starting in February 1384; for an elaboration of this allusion, see I.3.23ff. The incomplete syntax indicates, as Skeat suggests, that some material is missing after 104. BOOK I, CHAPTER I

1-3 The passage is based on the++++++++I.ml. 1-2. Skeat states that the opening is. 'copied from Chaucer's Boethius' (453), but the similarities seem insufficient to support his view. Jellech emends++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ but the reading in Thynne makes adequate sense and can be left unaltered. 7 she refers to the Margaryte, first named at line 18. 8 As noted by Bressie in 'The Date of Thomas Usk's Testament of Love,' this line is taken from the letter of Troilus to Criseyde, 'to me youre absence is an hell' (29 n. 1; Tr V.I396). Thynne reads my sternyng; the adj. stern has the required sense, but the participial ending+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ no other citation, doubtfully glosses '?lingering, languishing.' The protest to Fortune in language implicitly referring to her wheel and the use of the ver++++++++++++++++++ that the correct reading is+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. ++++++++++++'has it in mind that. 16 The phrase+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ word+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 11.411. The passage at 1.7.93-7 suggests, however, that+++++++++++++++++++++++ see the note to that passage. 17 The wor++++++++++++++++++++++ 18ff.+Much of I.I is, in effect, a prayer to the Margaryte to comfort him and remember

216 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 1 him where he lies cast out from his joy and happiness, forsaken and alone. The prayer is answered by the appearance of Love, personified as a woman, in 1.2. While I believe there is good reason for identifying the Margarete of the acrostic with St Margaret, care should be taken in doing likewise with the Margaryte figure here and elsewhere in the Testament. Here she is his estranged beloved, elsewhere a pearl (see below), and still elsewhere an allegorical figure representing 'grace, learning, or wisdom of God, or else holy church' (III.9.91-2). This figure here and elsewhere is referred to as 'the Margaryte,' evoking both the gem and the woman. 19+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ in the darkness of his affliction and misery is probably derived from Boethius, where the teaching of Philosophy is regarded as light coming to illuminate the darkness +f Boethius's imprisoned soul; cf. 1.1.94-7. 21ff. S.K. Heninger, Jr, in The Margarite-Pearl Allegory in Thomas Us++++++++++ of Love,'++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ rlevant to the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ enda aurea+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ pearls at length in 11.12.29-61 and III.1.31-46; brief allusions are frequent throughout the work. 23—4 Skeat puts a semicolon after comforte in 23 and emends three words. He gives no translation of his version: 'yet w[h]yl[es] that, me sorouful to comforte, is my lust to have nought els at this tyme, d[r]ede ne deth ne no maner traveyle hath no power...' The single emendation of wyl to [y]wy[s] gives the sentence adequate coherence. The meaning is 'yet, indeed, my desire is to have nought else of that (comfort for me in sorrow) at this time.' The phrase++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tence and may be kept in the sense 'dying.' The point of the passage is that Usk is willing to suffer even death rather than risk displeasing the Margaryte by asking for comfort in his affliction. 25-6 Skeat translates+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ discomfort.' +++++++++++++my dear one.' 34 The+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++1.4.35. Henceforth, these and other examples o. broken type will not be noted. 35+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 39 It refers to Paradise. 43frenshyppe, the phonetic reduction of ndsh to nsh is common, as citations in the MED show; at 46 and 47, however, the word retains the spelling with++++++++++++++++++ fied, as in++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Felawshyp forsaketh me in my moost nede. / For helpe in this worlde wheder shall I resorte? / Felawshyp here-before with me wolde mery make, / And now lytell sorowe

2++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ for me dooth he take. / It is sayd, "In prosperyte men frendes may fynde, / Whiche in aduersyte be full vnkynde."' 45-7 Schaar sees a reference here to Joshua 9 concerning the inhabitants of Gibeon who went to the Israelites in old clothes so that they would seem to be from a distant country and so receive a treaty of peace from Joshua. Medieval commentators such as Isidore of Seville, Rabanus Maurus, and Bede use the story as an example of those who seek spiritual friendship deceitfully without putting off their old vices. 48 no force of, 'it is no matter'; cf. 1.1.104. +++++++++++++++++++++++++appears again at 1.2.11 and III.5.21; in all three places the sense require++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ lessness, as can be inferred from the appearance of the incorrect form at 1.2.11 between +++++++++++++++++++++at 1.2.8 and 15, and at III.5.21, with the correct form at III.5.120. 57 Skeat emends veyned to weyved, 'put away, rejected' here, at II.8.30, and at II. 14.31. Shoaf, correctly, does not adopt this emendation, veyned is probabl+ the past participle of wainen v (1), carrying a sense of 'forsaken' (MED). 59 wretch++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the meaning of the O.E.+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 61-2++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'costumed, clothed.' 63-4 Proverbial (Whiting Lll). 64 Tatlock suggests in Development that the words 'your mercy than passeth right' are meant as a quotation, the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ LGWP 162, and KnT 3089. The idea that the lover is dependent on the lady's favour, bestowed by her generosity and compassion, not for any deserved+merit on the part of the lover, is paralleled by the Christian notion of grace; see Robinson's note to KnT 3089. The expression itself is proverbial (Whiting M508); cf. III. 1.123. 72 Confusion of u and n is frequent in the Testament. Many errors can be attributed to the fact that these letters are each formed by two minims and are all but indistinguishable in many late-medieval hands. Other errors are simply from setting++++++++++++++++++ Thynne's compositor(s). The confusion betwee+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Some examples of u/n confusion in the Testament follow, but no effort has been made to record here all the instances in the text: 1.4.16, 61; 9.12; 10.106; H.12.74; 6.47; 8.111; 9.129; 10.108; 13.89; 14.78; III.6.24; 8.6, 30, 71; 9.13. 80-3 These lines contain the first clear reference to the knotte, a term used by Usk for the bond of steadfast love. The term is explained at 1.9.79-87 and II.4.124-7. The verb knytte+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ bolic significance, not a literal existence. Compa++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 16: 'Knyt pee berfore bi him by loue & by beleue; & ban by vertewe of bat knot bou schalt be comoun parcener wip / him & wi{) alle pat by loue so ben knittyd vnto him.'

218 Commentary to B ook I, Chapter 2 86-++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++The presence of++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++, MED++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ to alas on the basis of 92, 94, etc. is preferable. The words me wenynge therofto have bliss++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ follows, or with both. 101+Cf. ParsT 692, 'Now comth wanhope, that is despeir of the mercy of God, that comth somtyme of to muche outrageous sorwe.' See 1.3.58. 106-8++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ by toflowinge streme of. The difficulty arises from the awkward syntax, not from corruption of the text; no emendation is needed. Usk's lament here, as in the parallel sentence at 82-3, is that the Margaryte's++++++(apprehended as a plural) seems abundant to others, but not to him. The sense is as follows: 'Oh, alas! that your noble quality - by continuing stream, by all manner of powers - so much commended among all other creatures, only there is wonderful.'+++++++++++among al other creatures. BOOK I, CHAPTER 2

1-20++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ I.prl, where Philosophy, personified as a woman, appears to Boethius. 1+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 12+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ these additions make the syntax clear, but are not necessary. The phrase beginning with as+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tence parallels and amplifies the one before it. 18+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ wise recorded. The verb usually means 'to stray blindly or blunderingly, to go astray,' a sense hardly suited to this passage. Th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ sense. Skeat suggests an emendation to++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'glancing' and might easily have been corrupted t+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++was misread as /, a common error. 24-5 The prison seems here to be a material one; otherwise, the keepers are unexplained. 25-7 Visiting prisoners was one of the seven corporal works of mercy, an action based on Matt. 25:43, 'infirmus, et in carcere, et non visitastis me.' 33 For the phrase+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ schulde I forsake the now, and schulde I nat parten with the by commune travaile the charge that thow hast suffred for envye of my name?"' This leads Skeat to suggest that Usk copied it from Chaucer. Shoaf points out that 'Love as net nurse' is a recurrent trope in book I, noting its other occurrences at 1.2.106 and 125 and 4.24 (318). Love also refers to Usk as++++++++++++++++

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 2 219 47 The words+++++++++refer to Usk's service to the Margaryte. 50 As a commercial++++++++++++6++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ good++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++'habes gratiam uelut usus alienis, non habes ius querelae tamquam prorsus tua perd deris' (JI.pr2.12-14). Chaucer translates alienis asforeyne goodes; cf. II. 12.32. 56-8 'Although it comforts me to think about passed happiness, it grieves me in turn to be doing so.' The usual medieval view is that the recall of past happiness is the worst affliction of all, the second part of Usk's statement: 'Nessun maggior dolore / che ricordarsi del tempo felice' / nella miseria'+++++++V.I21-3). 'For of fortunes sharpe adversitee / The worste kynde of infortune is this, / A man to han ben in prosperitee, / And it remembren whan it passed i++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ notion that sorrow is chiefly the loss of a good: 'dolor est principaliter de amissione boni' (Summa theologiae, I-II, q.36, a.l). Skeat suggests that the passage in the Testament++++++++++++++++++++++ 71-2 John 10:11 is translated literally, 'Bonus pastor animam suam dat pro ovibus suis. The paragraph is generally dependent on the parable of the Good Shepherd, Matt. 18:1213 and Luke 15:4-7. See 1.8.9-12. 78-9 Proverbial (Whiting N43). 79-81 The first two examples seem ill suited to the role of Love, who stands less for the secular and erotic love of Venus than for the divine love of God. Venus, in return for being awarded the golden apple, helped Paris to win Helen; in taking Helen, Paris was false to Oenone. Jason's desertions of Medea and Hypsipyle make him false, presumably, to Love. The reference to Jason is regarded by Tatlock in++++++++++++++++++++ ing from two lines in the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ othere falsen oon, thow falsest two!' (Tatlock 23; LGWF 1368, 1377). Cf. HF 400-1. The story of Jason was a medieval commonplace, as Kittredge has shown in 'Chaucer's Medea++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Medea,' R.K. Root argues convincingly that the supposed verbal similarities between the ++++++++and the LGWare too general to be useful as evidence for borrowing, a conclu. sion shared by Bressie in The Date of Thomas Usk's+++++++++++++++++++++++. 29). See I.Prol.73-98 n. Skea proposes to emend++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ A reading++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ emendation is needed if false is taken as a repetition offalsed in order to gain emphasis. 81-2 Skeat, with some hesitation, takes the meaning of+++++++++++++++++++++ swink, i.e. Caesar's toil.' The word sonke is not a convincing form for swink and Skeat gives no explanation for inclusion of Caesar's name in a list of lovers. Shoaf suggests that sonke cold be read sonde 'message, errand,' but emends to swonke, defined by the OEO as 'ostentation, presumption' (319). His text thus reads, 'Houe Sesars swonke, I left it for no tene tyl he was troned in my blysse for his servyce?' (67). The reference is

220 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 2 still not clear in this case. The initial S in++++++is uncommon, but is elsewhere recorded, for example in line 2254 of the O.F. poe+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ native form in the poem++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++This emendation is explicable both in terms of paleography and the. internal evidence of the paragraph. Seis, or Ceyx, like Paris, is a lover mentioned in Ovd's++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 83 According to J.W. Spargo, in 'Chaucer's Love-Days,' +++++++++++++++++++ pointed by the express licence or permission of a court for settling a case amicably out of court, with the reservation that the court did not abandon its claim to fees' (53). Josephine W. Bennett regards this definition as being too legally minded and argues that a lovedaye was 'any meeting of contending parties for the purpose of settling their dispute' (361). The first element in the compound is derived from O.E++++++++++++++++++++ by O.N++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++is based on a misunderstanding of the word. By the fourteenth century love-. days had an unsavoury reputation because there was too ample opportunity for delays, cheating, and bribery. Compare++++B.III.157-63 and the GP 258. 86 and, 'if.' For other instances in Usk where and means if see 1.8.9-12; II.6.103; 11.73; 14.74; III.2.57, 95; 8.30+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 100+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ The phrase is used by Criseyde, if not very rigorously, in her complaint to Pandare, 'Pandare first of joies mo than two / Was cause causyng unto me, Criseyde, / That now transmewed ben in cruel wo' (TV IV.828-30). 108 C+++++++++++++++ 108-9 Skeat compares Rom. 12:15. 113-21 This conduct would equally well suit the courtly lover whose proper behaviour is described in very similar terms by Andreas Capellanus,++++++++++++++++++ 121-4 The reference to Usk's financial loss is awkwardly introduced; for other allusions to his loss, see 1.3.115-17,1.4.54,1.9.14, and the Introduction, section 2. 126 Fo+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ dation on palaeographical grounds and corrects the ellipsis of the infinitive after++++++ 147-50 Usk uses three proverbs for inconstancy: Whiting D288, R6, and W160. The passage seems to be one of the certain borrowings from++++++++++++++++++++++++++ and fro, / Nettle in, dok out, now this, now that, Pandare?' (IV.460-1). Some caution is necessary in assigning a source for such proverbial expressions, but the verbal similarities, especially the mention of the racket, are close; Usk's debt here to Chaucer is clear. The phrase puzzled early editors of Chaucer until John Y. Akerman pointed out in++ Glossary of Provincial Words and Phrases in Use in Wiltshire that the expression was part of a charm, common among children in Wiltshire, against nettle sting: 'Out 'ettle, / In Dock, / Dock zhall ha' / A new smock; / 'Ettle zhant / Ha' narrun!' (16). A similar charm from Northumberland is given in Notes and Queries: 'Nettle in, dock out, / Dock

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 3 221 in, nettle out, / Nettle in, dock out, / Dock rub nettle out' (133). Other references are given in the same issu++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Cited under Arun, Crossley, 'Nettle in, Dock out,' and Revert. See also William Hender++Notes on the Folk-Lore of the Northern Counties of England and the Borders++++ The connection with the passage in the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'Wiltshire Rhymes on the Cuckoo' (932). In the passage Usk protests that he has not been variable, even though he changed sides. Once he made the shift, he stuck to it even to the moment of his execution. See the Introduction, section 2. Usk's protest has not been heeded. For example, T.F. Tout, in 'Literature and Learning in the English Civil Service in the Fourteenth Century,' describes him as acting in the very way he denies doing: 'Usk, whose repeated treachery to his masters had lost him all his friends, was one of the culprits whom the Merciless Parliament of 1388 condemned to a cruel end' (386). 152 a is the unemphatic form of have. 15++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ growing over the lens of the eye, cataract; a filmy or membranous growth covering the eye,' here used figurativ+++++++++ 164-++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ nessing, or declaration, of love, represented by the allegorical figure of Love. The MED records this sense in VIII.2955* of Gower's+++++4 (b); it seems the sense was antici pated by Usk by a number of years. Usk also gives an account of his title at I.Prol.69-72. 17++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ eran Council of 1215. Henry III put this abolition into effect in England in 1219; for details, see George Neilson in++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ affected judicial combat; although judicial combats were part of the English legal code as late as 1818, they had already become uncommon in the fourteenth century. The judicial combat was used to defend the truthfulness of statements by the accused, or by a witness, if leave were granted, as a question of personal honour. At his trial in Reading, Northampton challenged Usk to judicial combat; the allusions at 1.7.10-11 and H.4.1046 indicate that Usk was prepared to accept the challenge (cf. 1.5.69-71). In his trial before Parliament in February 1388, Nicholas Brembre offered to defend himself by judicial combat, saying that 'il n'estoit coupable en nulle point' and that he was 'feust y prest a defendre par son corps come Chivaler deust faire'++++++++++++++++++++ According to Thomas Favent, supposedly an eyewitness, gauntlets in reply from the Lords Appellant fell like snow, 'tanquam nix' (16). Further information on judicial comat can be found in 'Ordeals' +++++++ BOOK I, CHAPTER 3

The chapter mixes real events and allegorical extensions in a way that requires caution in

222 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 3 writing commentary. The trip described in 23ff. fits the period of exile in the autumn of 1384, but the words long sythen (24) place it far in the past. The trip may be completely allegorical; see the note to 43. The++++++++++of 143 may be a reference to the situa-. tion of 1384-5, when Usk was suffering as a result of his++++++++++++++++++++++. reference is too allusive for certainty. 4+++++++++++++ 7++++++++++++++++++++++ 8 light, 'to lighten (a burden), alleviate.' 11++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ as MilT 3728 and FrT 1602. 16++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 20-2 Usk's love of the+++++++++++++constitutes his service to Love. This Love i. not divine love; at 23 she is called++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ human creatures towards the perfection of their natures in the service of a loved object or person. 23ff. Paul Strohm takes this passage to be an extended allegory for Usk's 'factional situation.' According to Strohm, the feral beasts and 'treacherous waves' represent Northampton and his party; the 'shyppe of traveyle' represents 'the judicial process of [Usk's] ++++++against Northampton,' and the island to which he is driven represents his 'new alliance' with the Brembre faction ('Politics and Poetics,' 101-2). Shoaf points out the notable similarities between this passage and 'Gower's allegorical allusion to the Peasant's Revolt' in Book I, lines 161-2059 of Gower's++++++++++ (320-1). Likewise, Joanna Summers notes that in both texts the narrator 'foolishly leaves home to become lost in a forest; witnesses the rampages of domestic animals, like swine, who have turned wild; is rescued by ship, but then is subject to a treacherous storm; and is finally driven to an island' ('Gower's++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Love,'+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ain,' the same may be true of the island in Usk's work and that the Margarite, on at least one level, 'represents King Richard' (58). According to Summers, Usk's allusion to Gower, a writer with clear royalist sympathies, is yet another way of aligning himself with Brembre's royalist party (59). Lucy Lewis suggests that the yle of Usk's adventure is both a pun on the maiden name of Margaret Berkeley (n6e de Lisle) and an allusion to her husband Thomas Berkeley's seafaring reputation, and that this passage is evidence that the+++++++++++++++++++ is Margaret Berkeley ('Identity of Margaret,' 64-5). She argues that Usk may have been seeking, or had received, Berkeley's patronage since the+++++++++++++++++++++++ lations of the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ received Berkeley's patronage), 'is a composition in English prose of a serious and intellectual nature' (65). Thus, according to Lewis, th+++++++++++++++++++++++++. Boethius and Anselm, might have been part of Berkeley's program to translate works

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 3 223 'out of Latin into the vernacular' (66). The question of how Usk might have become attached to Berkeley is left open by Lewis, but her argument is well worth further consideration. The basic syntax of the long passage from 23-30 is a hortatory verb,+++++++++++ lowed by a how-clause. The passage may continue the thoughts in the last paragraph of the Prologue. Usk's point may be only that the harvest season is a good time to be home. Citing this passage among others, Stokes and Scattergood point out that '[travelling in winter was evidently regarded in the Middle Ages as uncomfortable, difficult and dangerous, and only to be undertaken in particularly pressing circumstances' (Travelling in November,' 79). According to the+6++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ (ibid. 79-80). This fact makes Usk's decision to take to the sea 'for ferde of the beestes' in lines 38-9 seem especially desperate. On the other hand, the crops from the harvest may be the doctrine of Boethius and the other great workmen mentioned in I.Prol.95; if so, the swyne and hogges of 34-5 are those unenlightened creatures who feed on wild mast, not on the fruits of philosophy in the barn of knowledge. An unkind reference to Northampton's supporters may be intended. There is an obvious allusion to Matt. 7:6, 'Nolite dare sanctum canibus, neque mittatis margaritas vestras ante porcos, ne forte conculcent eas pedibus suis, et conversi dirumpant vos.' +++n every halke, 'in every corner.' The barns are as full of provisions as a nut shell is full of meat. The word+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ with in, a reading Skeat suggests. No change is necessary; O.E. on, especially in West Saxon, could mean 'in.' This sense,++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ that '"hulk" is glossed as "a hull of husk"' in James Orchard Halliwell's A Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, Obsolete Phrases, Proverbs, and Ancient Customs, from the XIV Century (Shoaf 321, Halliwell 465). Thus, the passage could read that 'the barns are full of goods, as is the nut in every shell.' 32-3 The sense of++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ in Thynne, has caused difficulty. Skeat inserts++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tence, and suggests that Usk 'would rather have stayed at home, but when he found that others wanted him to do so, he perversely began to wish to travel' (455). This version has drawbacks. Palaeographically it is difficult to explain, and the sense does not fit the context. Schaar suggests that++++++++has a concrete meaning and translates the passage as follows, 'wanted me, who was staying at home, to take a mind to travel.' This version involves taking myn, a possessive adjective, as an objective pronoun and then rendering it with a present participle, as if the expression were an ablative absolute. Skeat and Schaar do not consider the difficulty that the M.E. idiom is+++++++++++++ ++++++as the text reads Although some doubt must remain as indicated above, the journey can probably be related to events of October and November 1384. Efforts to vindicate Northampton

224 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 3 rested on impugning Usk's evidence in the Appeal. The wish of Northampton and Gaunt for Usk's presence in London was, quite naturally, the++++++++++++++++++ flight; for the use of this word in similar context, see the++++++++++++++++++++++ a rare past participle recorded three times by the OED; the last citation there is from Lasamon's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ form++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ passage is as follows: 'in such a time of plenty, he who has a home and is wise, does not want to wander about seeking miracles, unless he is constrained or incited. Often the hateful thing is done at the incitement of other men, who willingly would have my staying taken to heart. Affected with a desire to travel, etc.' 33 With some hesitation, the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'the most northerly and southerly points of the ecliptic.' The sun was thought of as winding, or undulating, its way between the two tropics, which could thus be seen as the winding points, or windings of the earth, but an actual journey to the Tropic of Capricorn is out of the question (cf. II.8.110-13). The expression probably means no more than 'the winding roads of the earth.' 35 Th+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ to the cups of acorns. This passage is the AfED's only attestation. The+++++++++ another attestation of this sense in 1599, though it follows Skeat's suggestion that the word in this case is a diminutive of M.E+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ that++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 43 Skeat regards the word many as a variant of meynee, 'company,' referring to the crew of the ship. This is an attractive interpretation, although the common word many, 'many,' makes good sense. He suggests that the++++++is 'not... a real ship, but an allegorical one named Travail' (456). John Gower has an allegorical ship in his++++++++++++++++ 46 The word++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Sea Terms,+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ sense of 'edge' as distinct in origin from+++++in the sense of 'plank. 46-8Cf. l.Prol. 105-9. 49-50 Proverbial (Whiting C374). 49 olde hate is a branch of Ira, one of the seven deadly sins: 'Of Ire comen thise stynkynge engendrures: First, hate, that is oold wratthe' (ParsT 562). This branch o+++++ according to Robinson's note,+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ultimate source. 58 See I.I.101 n. 62-3 The usual M.E. idiom ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the Margaryte's name at 1.3.67-74 and at 11.12.29^6. +++++++++hile this form of the word is common, Shoaf's point that this is the only place in the Testament (aside from the reconstructed acrostic) where the name Usk appears is interesting (323).

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 3 225 72-4 The account of the merchant and the pearl of great price in Matt. 13:45-6 was the ultimate source for much of the pearl symbolism and allegory of the Middle Ages. 88-9 Skeat gives to the phrase+++++++++an apparently contextual gloss, 'throw myself. about, tumble and toss.' Th+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ in this passage. The text may be a corruption of++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ing 'to lose hope, be discouraged or in despair,' MED 1 (b). 90++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 9+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ amaisier, amaiser.++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tament: enpeyred++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 6++at ofnothyng now may serve,+++++++++++++++++++ +++++At lines 63-5 of this chapter Usk has already reported that Love has so comforted him that his ship, the allegorical ship of Travail, is out of his mind. ++++++atlock in+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 278-9: 'For, nadde comfort ben of hire presence, /1 hadde ben ded, withouten any defence.' Bressie rejects this argument in 'The Date of Thomas Usk's+++++++++. Love,' noting that the similarity is insufficient to prove borrowing (22). See I.Prol. 73-98. 105-6++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 109 A let-game is a 'spoil sport'; cf. 1.4.53 and Tr III.527. +++++++nd such a jewel is difficult to win because of hinderers.' 112++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++f. 1.2.137-8 and 1.3.124. ++++++++r other allusions to Usk's loss of property, see 1.2.121-4,1.4.53-4,1.9.14, and the Introduction, section 2. 127 Here the allegorical abstraction, Sir Daunger, has both basic meanings ascribed to the word by C.S. Lewis in appendix II to th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ therefore to hurt; and the power to give and therefore to withhold. In the Testament +++++++has both of these basic senses, and Usk's usage illustrates the tendency in late medieval work for the language of power and the language of love to be applied to each other. In particular, Usk transfers the language of love to the subject of political power; the process is especially evident in HI.8. 134 The phrase++++++++++is 'a sum of money paid as a pledge or installment to secure a purchase or bind a bargain';+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++he sense is figurative here, meaning a pledge of anything to be received afterwards in greater abundance. The sense was often confused wi++++++ ++++++++++erious,' from O.E+++++++ ++++For he is worthy no welthe, that maye no wo suffer+++++++++++++++++++++++. tive long line and may be borrowed, as Skeat notes, from PPL Skeat cites C.XXI.212, but the line also occurs in the B-text at the corresponding point, B.XVIII.204, 'For no

226 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 4 wist wote what wel is.that neuere wo suffred.' The expression is, however, proverbial and is therefore not certainly attributable to a specific source (Whiting W143). Usk uses a similar expression again at II.9.158-9; see also II.13.79-80ff. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++oncerns the arrival of Jesus in Jerusalem, where he wole luste in Piers armes,' B.XVIII.22. This is the completion of+++++++++++++++++ tunate fall of Adam, redeemed by the death of Christ; see 1.8. 89-90 n. The Christian doctrine of the++++++++++++++++++is implicit in Usk's discussion of his own calamity, which he hopes is but the affliction necessary for his final joy, which only the Margaryte can provide. The idea is the reverse, so to speak, of the one expressed at 1.2.56-8. 138-4++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ to the idea being expressed. In metre 5 of+++++++++++++++a work that Usk probably knew, there is a list of oxymora used to define love and its contradictions. Skeat suggests harme++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ vexation' (possibly from O.F+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++as its only attestation. BOOK I, CHAPTER 4

+++Skeat takes boren to be an infinitive and renders semed they boren out as 'they seemed to bore.' The tears are so large that they seem to pierce the eyeballs, allowing all the water inside to run out. The syntax would be clearer than it is i++++++++++++++++ and the word++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++keat emends or to for and puts a semicolon after disease in 16. The text can be kept without emendation by taking++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ sense is rare, and the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Boethius in this chapter; see the notes to 22-5, 31-2, and 35-40. The Latinate use++++ may reflect influence from the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ closest kinsmen - that is your conscience and me, who has been your mistress and the recovery and end of your discomfort - whether from discomfort gladness and joy come so poured with a full vessel that it quenches the feeling of former sorrows.' The words gladness and joy are apprehended as one thing and so are given a singular verb, is, and referred to together as it. +++++++++++++++r2.2-5,' "Tune ille es," ait, "qui nostro quondam lacte nutritus nostris educatus alimentis in uirilis animi robur euaseras?"' Love, like Philosophy in the Consolatio, is thought of as a nurse, or foster parent, who has nurtured Usk. Although singular in form, soukyng, 'draughts of milk,' is plural in implication and is followed by a plural verb arne. There is no such verbal similarity to Boece as is indicated by Skeat's note. 25-6 Proverbial (Whiting PI50). 2++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 5 227 +++++ Consolatio++++++. ++e ideas of this passage are based on++++++++++.mS, which was translated by Chaucer in+++++++++++++++++++HI. 1744-71 as verse with some lines paraphrasing the source. Part of the speech of Theseus in the KnT, 2987-94, is based on th++++++++ as well. 37-8 Cf. Paradiso 33.145, Tamor che move il sole e 1'altre stelle,' and 1.10.31-44. See +++++++11.617-20. ++++++t emends++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ can be explained as an example of the influence of the Kentish dialect, occasional in Chaucer and frequent in Gower, on London English. 46 See I.I.101 n. 49 The word contyngent may be a scholastic neologism. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++ompare 1.3.109. For other allusions to Usk's loss of property, see 1.2.121-4,1.3.115-17,1.4.53-4,1.9.14, and the Introduction, section 2. 55 by the first, 'concerning the former,' that is, concerning the many lette-games. ++++++++++++++++++++++++ho is personified as a woman. In the courtly tradition, the good favour of the lady was apt to change to daunger (see 1.3.127 n.) if her lover were indiscreet enough to give even a slight public indication of the existence of the attachment and hence an opportunity for janglers to speak false words about it; thus the presence of Malebouche in Le Roman de la rose. The operation of Fame, who is personified, may be a reminiscence of the HF, especially of Book III and the Aeneid, Book IV; cfl.6.177-8n. ++++This alliterative expression may be a metaphor drawn from hunting terminology and may mean 'the smallest point that anyone could follow.' The verb++++++++++ mean, literally, 'to look for, or find the pricks (of a hare), to trace or track (a hare),+++++ 6 (b). On the other hand, it may be a reference to Usk's own line of work as a scrivener, alluding to the scribal practice of pricking vellum before ruling it and beginning the work of writing - an example, perhaps, of Usk's 'textworker wit' to use Anne Middleton's phrase (67). BOOK I, CHAPTER 5

1 The idiom in one of the strongest maner is an example of a M.E. construction that continued in use until the seventeenth century. Such phrases were the result of the mixin+ of two close but distinct expressions. One was of the fo++++++++++++++++++++++++++ best knight' (Tr 1.1081), oon thefaireste, 'the very fairest' (Tr 11.746), or oon the unwor++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++2). This form is possibly a Latinism based on th+ pattern of unus maximus, a reinforced superlative that was absolute in excluding all but one. The second expression is the familiar partitive construction, such as oon of the gret-

228 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 5 teste auctours, 'one of the greatest authorities' (NPT 2984 in manuscripts Gg, Cn, and in Thynne). The basic meaning is 'one out of the best' and is not so emphatic or exclusive as the reinforced superlative. The two expressions were close and frequently blended to produce an idiomatic, if illogical, expression, such as+++++++++++++++++++++++++ 2984 in manuscripts Dd, Cp, Pw, La, and Mg)++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 932), or++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the blended type, so that Skeat's emendatio+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ical development of these expressions, see Stoffel, The Quasi-Appositional Superlative after "One,"' 253-63. 6-7 Acrisyus learned from an oracle that a son of his daughter Danae would be his slayer. Seeking to avoid this fate, he locked her in a brazen tower, but it proved no barrier to the enamoured Zeus, who appeared to Danae as a shower of gold. Their son was Perseus, who afterwards killed his grandfather Acrisyus by an accidental cast of his discus, thus fulfilling the oracle. 10 The phrase knytte in trouthe means 'joined together in love troth.' Usk's argument here is unusual. He urges that the mingling of hearts that occurs after a sight can be equal to the bond formed by plighting of troth between two people; such an oath constituted a clandestine marriage, illegal but valid. See Michael M. Sheehan's 'The Formation and Stability of Marriage in Fourteenth-Century England' (228-63) and Henry Ansgar Kelly's 'Clandestine Marriage and Chauce++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Marriage in the Age of Chaucer. ++++++++++tale-telling, spiteful gossip, calumny' is a constant theme in chapter 5. weley+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++'in turn. 23++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tence shows a grammatical shift from singular to plural and back to singular, thus illustrating the lack of concord in syntax that occasionally marks Usk's style; see the note to l.Prol. 19-20. 29-30 Skeat renders the passage 'and jumps into the water and immediately comes up to breathe; like an unsuccessful diver.' This explanation makes little sense in context and the word respireth is otherwise unrecorded in the OED in such a sense. The illustration should be of variableness. The for+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ draw++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ of "p and+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 31-9 Usk uses many proverbs and occasionally concentrates them, as here; see also 1.5.74-9 and IH.7.83-93. 1. 31-2 is Whiting T474; cf. III.7.92-3 and Tr 1.963-6, 'Ek wostow how it fare+th of som servise, / As plaunte a tree or herbe, in sondry wyse / And on the morwe pulle it up as blyve! / No wonder is, though it may nevere thryve.' 2. 37 is Whiting T63. Chaucer makes a similar remark in two places early in+++++++

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 5 229 for to wynnen love in sondry ages, / In sondry londes, sondry ben usages' and 'Forth! men seyn, ecch contree hath his lawes' (27-8,42). 3. 37-8 is Whiting M153. Skeat suggests that Usk took the expression from the+++ 290-1, 'he that fully knoweth th'erbe / May saufly leye hyt to his ye.' Chaucer's proverb here (Whiting H356) has nothing about a salve and is not like the sense of Usk's proverb that one remedy is not for all complaints. Usk does use H356 at II.3.101-2. 4. 39 is Whiting D270; cf+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ that ther is diversite requered / Bytwixen thynges like, as I have lered.' Whiting glosses +++++++as 'discrimination.' For the theological origin of the idea in the proverb, see +++++++++++++++assage in Benson. +++++ove's argument is based on the distinction, common in medieval legal theory, between lex positiva and lex naturalis. 1. In the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ purveyde (51-2). The lex positiva is the adaptation of the lex naturalis to times, places, and social conventions and is therefore subject to change with them. Lex positiva requires the test of time before it becomes valid++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ mon law based on long-established precedents and usage. 2. Lex naturalis is called lawe ofkynde (50, 52) in the Testament and is identified by Love with the lawe of my servauntes (47-8). Lex naturalis is by definition valid and general; it is superior to+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ her definition of+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the term. a. Like Aquinas, she associates++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. naturalis as 'participatio legis aeternae in rationale creatura' (Summa theologiae, I-II, q.91,a.2). b. Like Ulpian, she associa++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ procreation; the opening of Justinian's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'Ius naturale est, quod natura omnia animalis docuit' (1.1.18-19). c. Like Bracton, who glossed Ulpian+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ofkynd+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ her law the sanctions of reason, of natural law, and of the will of God. The gist of Love's legal argument as it applies to Usk's situation is that the ordinance by which Usk was imprisoned is mere mannes lawe (lex positiva), which should be underputte+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ following in those actions for which he was condemned. On the multiple meanings of the term lex naturalis in both Roman and medieval law, see Frederick Pollock's 'The History of the Law of Nature' (31-76). On the meaning and influence of Bracton's gloss of Ulpian, see Brian Tierney's 'Natura id est Deus' (30722). ++++e plural adjectival inflection++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

230 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 5 ally in M.E. when the adjective follows the noun it modifies. The inflection is also found in the Testament in normal word order, as in serpentynes queyntyses, 'winding contrivances' at 1.7.36; c++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++he reference is to 1.5.16 and 1.3.109-11. ++++f.++++C.XXII.103, 'And som tyme he fauhte faste . and fleih other-while. 68-73 The reference to flight could be to Usk's trip with Norbury starting in February 1384, or to his self-imposed exile the following fall. Northampton's challenge in his trial at Reading to Usk may be alluded to in the remark about fighting in my servyce; see 1.2.170 n. The reference to fightin+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Northampton at the time of the riots in January and February 1384. 74-9 As at 1.5.31-9, Usk again concentrates several proverbs; see also III.7. 83-93. 1. 74-5 is Whiting Rl 4; cf. T298. 2. 75 is Whiting C311. 3. 76 is Whiting N146. Chaucer has this proverb twice in+++++++++++++++++++ undertaketh, / Nothyng n'acheveth' (Criseyde at II.807-8) and 'For he that naught n'asaieth, /naught n'acheveth' (Diomede at V.784). 4. 77 is Whiting S797. 5. 77-9 is Whiting W574. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++n 82 and 83 is the unemphatic form of ++++++++2.152. ++++++++ explicable in terms of the confusion o+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++hynne. Similar instances of such confusion can be found in the following passages: 1.6.128; II.2.64, 3.90, 9.19, 13.124; III.3.60. ++++e reference is to the seven-year period that Jacob spent in the service of Laban for the hand of Rachel, his younger daughter. After the seven years, Laban gave him bleareyed Leah, the elder daughter, instead. Jacob protested the unwelcome substitution, but Laban demanded that he accept the marriage and serve another seven years before receiving Rachel. John Conley comments on this passage and points out that 'according to tradition, Christ's Resurrection took place on the eighth day, that is, on the day following the Sabbath; thus the Lord's Da++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ as the first, day' (367). In support of this interpretation he cites a passage in++++++++++ 17 by Rabanus Maurus. The point that Christ's Resurrection was on the eighth day also +++++++++++++++++++++++n commentaries on Genesis 21:4 and Leviticus 9:1. See Shoaf for further information on the significance of eight (328). The reference to a seven-year period in the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ graphical allusion to Usk's service to Northampton; if so, his service began in 1377. 93-5 Thynne repeats+in this case to none other person be cornytted. Lake than (quod she).++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ often, to+++This indicates that in Thynne's practice the full stop and the colon were used almost interchangeably. Skeat corrects the repetition silently, although he notes the similar instance in III.4; see the note to HI.4.27-9.

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 6 231 97-8 Cf. Luke 14:29-30. ++++nysance of my lyvery++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ form' and 'grant or allowance to servants of a more general kind.' Speaking of this passage in the context of bastard feudalism, David Starkey notes that '[t]he badge had become, and was to remain, the dominent expression of the years 1350-1550 ... Everything depended on the badge as a symbol of clientage' (The Age of the Household,' 265). The use of badges was to become a source of controversy in the late 1380s and the object of parliamentary law in 1390 (Saul 200-1). ++++++++eat suggests that these lines are copied fr++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ that ich were witty . and wyser than a-nothere; / Scorner and vnskilful. to hem that skil shewede. / In alle manere maners . my name to be yknowe' (VII.23-6). The verbal parallels between the two passages are closer than between many of the passages that Skeat suggests are copied, but even here they are not so striking as to give much assurance that Usk was following Langland. For the question of Usk's debt to the C-text;, see the Introduction, section 4. 107-8 Proverbial (Whiting L38). ++++++++++rawbridge.' The image is of a drawbridge that provides access to a fortified position from which enemies are excluded when the drawbridge is raised. +++++++he example of Jupiter is not a happy one because he became a bull temporarily through his divine powers in order to become++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ bull to consort, the liaison necessitated his descent from god to animal; cf.++++++++++ This story in Ovid (Meta. II.846ff.) is the occasion for the saying often used by preachers against erotic love, 'Amor non bene convenit maiestatem.' There was a medieval tradition that assigned to Caesar a humble origin, seen, for example, in the MkT 2671-3, 'By wisedom, manhede, and by greet labour, / From humble bed to roial magestee / Up roos he Julius, the conquerour.' In fact Caesar's father was a praetor. The example of Aeneas is valid only if his distinguished Trojan lineage and the events of the Aeneld I-V are ignored. Usk's use of classical sources is often inept; cf. III.2.17-24 n. 117 Skeat emends the text to read as follows+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ The resulting sense would, presumably, be as follows: 'such are their pratings, nothing is to count worth a blade of cress to your disadvantage.' An emendation simpler than Skeat's is to readjang[linge]s forjanghes is. The sense would be as follows: 'their pratings are not to count worth a blade of cress to your disadvantage.' This emendation picks up the use++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ linges+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ verbial (Whiting C549); the proverb occurs again at H.7.94-5 and HI.6.33-4. BOOK I, CHAPTER 6

The sixth chapter of Book I is the most extended autobiographical statement in the+++++ +++++or the way that this material relates to Usk's life and for an explanation of the rea-

232 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 6 sons for the interpretations given here, see the Introduction, section 2. Lines 18-37 o+f this chapter summarize the subjects of Books II and III. In lines 20-36 Usk glances at the relations between+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++ voluntary wyl in his herte... not takyng hede to ++++++Book III is an explanation and inquiry into the nature of the++++++++++and its relation to justice, love, and reason. +++++++++++++++++n mean either good report, or bad report; consequently, an emendation may not be essential. The context and uses of++++++++++++++++++. 1.7.56-8 indicate, however, that occurrence+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ should be emended ++++++++ +++++he allusion in 6 is to the charges laid against Usk for having made the Appeal. For the forms enpeyred (7) and apeyred (10), see the note to enmoysed at 1.3.91. Prov. 27:6, 'Meliora sunt vulnera diligentis, quam fraudulenta oscula odientis.' of thy +++++++rom your ally.' This passage is perhaps an indication that Usk continued to enjoy the confidence of Brembre and his followers in 1384-5 and tends to support the supposition that he was kept in custody in Brembre's house during part of the period of imprisonment from December 1384 to June 1385. +++++++++ubdues, defeats (the term used in chess when the king is captured). ++++++he discussion develops common notions about the justice of fame seen, for +++++++++++++++++++++I.pr6, and IV.pr6. The material in 20-5 is +lose to where Chaucer adds a gloss to the original: 'vif a wyght have+++++++++++++++++ prosperite, he is a good man and worthy to han that prosperite; and whoso hath adversite, he is a wikkid man, and God hath forsake hym, and he is worthy to han that adversite. This is the opinyoun of some folk.' For another use ++++++++++++++++++++++++ 115-17 n.; see also 1.10.10-16. Following Boethius, Usk shows that the four chief aspects of+++++++++++++++ riches, power, dignity, and reputation - are insubstantial and without relation to merit. Lines 21-3 may be an echo of Job 4:7-8. +++++roverbial (Whiting J77); cf. Mel 1030-1. ++The word might be transcribed Zedeoreys because Thynne uses one character for both 3 and Z. Early accounts of Hannibal's Italian campaign, such as those by Livy and Polybius, mention no side changer with a name like+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++(23 n. 3), states that 'Antiochus the Great is certainly meant' and takes the account in the+++++++++++III. 34 as Usk's source; for the Latin. text, see vol. IV, 88-90. The actions of Antiochus fit the reference in the++++++++++. Bressie does not explain the reading++++++++the name Antiochus may have been lost and his title++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ then taken as his name. On the other hand, the name may be a caique on a Latin phrase ++++++ed eo rex, sed eo rei. ++++++he reference is to Usk's early attachment to Northampton's party, probably in

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 6

233

1376-7, although the date is by no means certain. Usk did not worry about the enmity of mighty senatour+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ malyce+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ this term occurs in the documents relating to the dispute, for example, in the petition of 1382 to Parliament against the fishmongers, pur comune profit (Rot. parl., III.141) and ++++++++++line 208. Prompted by his conscience (59), Usk changed his. opinion and. concluded that Northampton's actions were, in fact, a+++++++(61) when they became a threat to civil peace. Usk's definition of+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ characteristics tha+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ III. 1.74-86. These phrases are to be understood in terms of medieval political thought. Aqunas, for example, emphasizes civil peace as the chief purpose of government in+++ +++++++++++++++++1.2, 'Bonum autem et salus consociatae multitudinis est, ut eius unitas conservetur, quae dicitur pax, qua remota, socialis vitae petit utilitas, quinimmo mul titude dissentiens sibi ipsi sit onerosa. Hoc igitur est ad quod maxime rector multitudinis intendere debet, ut pacis unitatem procuret'+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. power was to be directed to the commune bonum, Usk's commen profyte. For the impor+++++++++++++++++++++++ the political thought of Aquinas, see I.Th. Eschmann's 'A Thomistic Glossary on the Principle of the Preeminence of a Common Good' (12365). Tyranny comes into existence when the ruler substitutes his own private interest for the common welfare of his people: 'Virtus autem iniuste praesidentis operatur ad malum multitudinis, dum commune bonum multitudinis in sui ipsius bonum tantum retorquet' (De regimine principum, 1.3, p. 14). This is the context to which the a+legorical figure of Love belongs, as is explicitly stated in lines 97-100. Consequently, Love can be understood to signify the love of the common good. ++++++++++++++++s to be understo+o. 58++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++f. 1.7.14 and II.3.61. +++++++e reference is to the imprisonment of July-September 13++++++++++++++++ are Brembre and his associates. Although t++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Usk's second imprisonment, December 1384-June 1385, he refers to his place of confinement during the first imprisonment+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ he was confined in the same place both times. Since he was probably in the custody +f Brembre on both occasions, this circumstance is not surprising. Lachesis (69), one of the Parcae, or Fates, allots the thread of life; Usk's statement is reminiscent of one in+++'And Troilus shal dwellen forth in pyne / Til Lachesis his thred no lenger twyne' (V.6-7). The allusion in 69-72 is to pressure brought to bear on Usk to make him give evidence against Northampton. The reasons that led to his making the Appeal are summarized in 69-102; see the Introduction, section 2. The reference in 93-4 is to Luke 2:14 and John 14:27. Athene (101) presided over wisdom and knowledge; .

234 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 6 although she has a warlike side, she is primarily associated with arbitration, peace, and wisdom. +++++++his passage is an allusive summary of the articles of the Appeal. Northampton and his followers are referred to at 104-5, 110, 115, 118, 129, and 131-2. Brembre and his followers are referred to at 113, 116, 124, and 127-8. There are several verbal echoes of the+++++++but they are not conspicuous. Line. 106-8 are paralleled in the twelfth article of the Appeal, 'they drewe to hem many craftes & mochel smale people that konne non skyl of gouernance ne of gode conseyl, & be confederacie, congregation^ & couyne,+++++++++to-forn cast for to meigtene by. myght thair fals & wykked menyng, vnder colour of wordes of comun profit euer more [charg]ed the people fro day in to other to be redy to stonde be hem in that euel pwrposed matirs' (11. 204—10). Lines 119-21 are probably an allusion to articles 4 and 7 of the Appeal. In the Appeal the idiom don executions is used twice in lines 104—12, and the plan expressed that th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 10). Lines 125-38 of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++he mair sholde speke with hem, to loke+ & ordeigne how thilk elecciorU of+++Nichol Brembre myght be letted.' With line 133-^4 of th++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Lines 115-17 are parallel to+++++I.pr4.36-9; cf. 15-33 n. The compositor had trou-. ble with the rare word++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ torcious.++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tionate.' The+++++records no other instances in English texts, but the word appears in the petition of 1382 to Parliament against the fishmongers, 'par maintenance & torcenouse outre mesner des Fisshemangers'+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ petition and may, in fact, have drafted it. Chaucer has tourmentours, used as an adjective, in++++++++++++ In the passage at 125-9 Skeat supplie++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tio++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ and subject+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ (127) without a subject. Shoaf retains Thynne's/ac^ (128), arguing that the phrase++++++++++++++++++++ of fickleness' (334). The reference in lines 138-42 is to the confessions of Northampton, More, and Norbury in September 1384. ++++++he rest of the chapter is a protest against the injustice that had befallen Usk when the validity of the++++++was challenged and he was imprisoned. He insists that he/ +++++++++++++elyfor trouthe of my sacrament in my leigeaunce, by whiche I w+ ++++++++++++++++++++++147-8. He notes the irony that he was well regarde. when he served Northampton (155-60); even the other party at the time++++++++++++. +++++++++++++++++++++++159-60). Now he is reviledby both sides and by the

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 7 235 shepy peopl+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 50). Usk insists that his action is justified (168-71) and concludes with his resolve to put the matter+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++nd a complex and lengthy explanation of why he made it. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ not otherwise recorded, except in Chatterton, who almost certainly took it from this passage in Speght's Chaucer, 'No Denwere yn mie Breste I of them fele' (Goddwyn. A Tragedie, 1.153). Skeat suggests that den is an error +++++++nd that it is misplaced. He proposes a reading as follows: 'And for comers hereafter shullen fully out of were al the sothe knowe of these thinges don in acts but as they werne I haue put it in scripture ...' Skeat does not, however, emend his own text. The form is a nonce spelling of M.E++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ denier to be from O.F. deni'ier, a variant of denoiier; Usk's spelling reflects the latter +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++hus means 'beyond denial.' 177-8 The principal source for medieval writers about the idea that bad report travels as swiftly as good report was Virgil's++++++IV.172ff. Chaucer makes the point twice: 'O wikke Fame! for ther nys / Nothing so swift, lo, as she is!' and The swifte Fame, which that false thynges / Egal reporteth lik the thynges trewe / Was thorughout Troie yfled with preste wynge+++++++++++++++++++++ BOOK I, CHAPTE+++

++++++e 1.2.170 n., 1.5.68-73, and II.4.104-6. +++++e name ofmardal doynges moste pleasen to ladyes of my lore is, as Ley+rle notes, a bit awkward, but I follow Skeat in taking pleasen as the main verb. Leyerle takes Thynne's doynges as doyng es; and emends pleasen to pleaseng. The phrase plesen to is attested in the++++and has the sense 'be acceptable to (sb.), be agreeable to' 2 (a)... ++ake is a noun meaning 'hold, holding quality, endurance, strength' OED sb.110.. 16-2++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++He adds two words to the final sentence so that it reads as fol++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++This version leaves unclear the reference of he. No emendation is needed. The quotation (fr++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ sense is, 'You spoke truth because your adversaries have affirmed your words [by their refusal to join combat]. Even if you had lied [in the affirmations you had offered to prove by combat], they are still discomfited. The lever leaned on your side so that fame will hold down infamy.' The image in the last sentence is++++++++'lever,' that raises a thing at one end while pressing down on the other. The final sentence in the passage is Love's commentary on the words from every wight. The reference of he in line 21 is to wight in

236 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 7 ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ (b): 'He will be lying in no way.' 36 See the note on adjectival inflections carried over from French at 1.5.56 n. 41 Usk's part in Northampton's negotiations with Gaunt could be made to appear a conflict with his oath of allegiance to the king. Probably the conflict was pointed out to him when he was in Brembre's hands in July 1384. Conversely, any oath of allegiance Usk might have sworn to Northampton would have been nullified if keeping it led him to act against 'trewthe, jugement and rightwysenesse' (44). 44 and 50-1 The passages are based on Jer. 4:2, 'Et jurabis: Vivit Dominus! in veritate, et in judicio, et in justitia.' 48 The reference is to Herod's oath to Salome in Matt. 14:7-9. When Herod made oath to give Salome whatever she wanted, she asked for the head of John the Baptist. Because his promise lead him to commit an act of injustice, keeping it was a form of perjury (45). 53 Proverbial (Whiting D239); cf. PPl C.H.145. 5+++++++ 65-6 The quotation is perhaps an echo of Rom. 2:1, 'in quo enim judicas alterum, teipsum condemnas.' 72-3 The reference is to Gen. 9:21-4. Ham scorned his father by looking upon his nakedness. See II.2.94-9 n. 83-92 The imprisonment mentioned in line 88 is the one in the summer of 1384. The exile mentioned in line 84 is Usk's self-imposed absence from London in October and November 1384. See the Introduction, section 2. 85-6+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. that walketh; walketh means 'circulates,' OED walk v.1 3 (b). 87 Proverbial (Whiting HI92); cf. WBT 659-60. 92 Here helpes means 'aid' in the specific sense of 'goods, possessions.' 93-7 Lines 93-4 fit Norbury's trip to Middelburgh and Ghent after 17 February 1384. The implication of these lines is that Usk was with him. Bressie suggests, in 'A Stu+y of Thomas Usk's++++++++++++as an Autobiography,' that the visit concerned the siege. of Ghent (17). The king may have arranged for Norbury and other associates of Northampton to make this trip in order to take pressure off Brembre and his party. Usk's resources were not great in comparison with those of some of his prosperous colleagues (II. 10.31-5), and outlays made to assist them would be cause for grievance if not repaid. Records show that Usk held at least one tenement, and he protests that rent was diverted to the pockets of his former friends during his absence. Such a practice is a form +f ++++++++++ its legal sense of 'surrender or loss of a rig+h.' The loss of rents on his lodging may account for the puzzling reference at 1.1.16-17, 'Straunge hath by way+ of intrucyoun made his home there me shulde be.' ++++++++++++5) may be the elaborate procession in London of the Lord Mayor on formal occasions, or simply a trip that Usk took. 98-107 The reference is to the time after Northampton's arrest on 7 February 1384. On

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 8 237 that day he assembled a large group of his followers in Bow Church and marched to St Paul's Churchyard, where they were met a group led by Brembre, the mayor, who arrested Northampton and his brother. Disturbances followed. On 11 February John Con++++++++++++++++and relative by marriage of Northampton, was executed in Cheap. for inciting riot against the mayor; the following April the king sanctioned the execution ++++++++++/231) and ordered that no one should molest Brembre and his supporters on that account. For a brief description of these events, see Ruth Bird's The Turbulent London of Richard II (82-3). The execution of Constantyn was meant to be an example; his head remained on Ludgate for four years until the time of Brembre's trial. The warning was not lost on Northampton's supporters, as this passage shows. Usk was one6of those who fled from London to be out of the mayor's way. In this passage he complains of financial losses during this period because of the actions of his former friends, who ought to have been looking after his interests. For further details, see the Introduction, section 2. Readers wishing more general information about the reign of Richard II may wish to consult Nigel Saul+++++++++ +++++++++++++++++ans 'conceal'; the usual M.E. for+++++++++++++++++++ like the one here are elsewhere record++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++f. Consolatio II.pr8.16ff., especially, 'Nunc amissas opes querere: quod pretiosissimum diuitiarum genus est, amicos invenisti.' BOOK I, CHAPTER 8

1 Skeat emends+++++++++'after this,' to make the acrostic read MARGARETS rather. than MARGARETO. He also emend+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ has a sense 'steer, govern,' OED 1. No change is necessary. 2-3 Proverbial (Whiting F506); cf++++++++++ 4 Proverbial (Whiting F535). The idea is commonplace, as Robinson notes (827) in com+++++++++++V.2-3, 'Fortune, / That semeth trewest whan she wol bygyle.' C++++++ Il.prS. 13-14, 'For alwey, whan Fortune semeth debonayre, thanne sche lieth.' 9-12 Matt. 18:12-13. See 1.2.71-2 n++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++eans */see 1.2.86; II.6.103; 11.73; III.2.57, 95; 8.30. 14 Gen. 19:17-26. 23-4 Matt. 12:34, 'ex abundantia enim cordis os loquitur.' The expression is proverbial in M.E. (Whiting A22); cf. ParsT 627. 25-6 thou sytte (on Fortune's Wheel). ++++++++++++o make a plea in opposition'; see 11.12.89. 28ff. Jacob instructs his herdsmen to make conciliatory speeches to Esau, Gen. 32:1721, and afterwards speaks in the same way himself, Gen. 33:8-11. 35-7 Skeat supplies is after reprofe', he translates sowe hem at his worship as 'sew them together in honour of him.' He suggests replacin+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

238 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 8 but does not emend his text. Schaar regards Skeat's version as unconvincing and suggests emending at his to alle is; the resulting sense is not appropriate to the context, how+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ves adequate sense and can be explained on palaeographical grounds. The corruption probably came in two stages: a manuscript reading afr> is was mistaken by a copyist or typesetter as afh is and the resulting error was then turned into recognizable words by replacing the/wi+++ Shoaf notes the similarity of this passage with one in 'Patience,' 'For he pat is to rakel to renden his elopes / Mot efte sitte wib more unsounde to sewe hem togeder' (526-7). +++++++keat eme++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ needed;+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. way, the good pleasure of abstaining (all error destroying) causes diligent love, with manifold praises following after.' +++++overbial (Whiting W231); cf. II. 13.71-3, and+6+++++++. +++++In a complicated statement Love compares Usk adversely with several Old Testament figures; in each comparison she rebukes him by saying that he has less of a quality than had an Old Testament figure notoriously lacking in it. In his body's form Usk does not exceed Adam, whose body first brought death to man. In his sobriety Usk does not exceed Noah, who became drunk, Gen. 9:21-4 (cf. 1.7.72-3). In his chastity Usk does not exceed Lot, who lay with his daughters, Gen. 19:31-8. The allusion to Abraham is not at all clear. Love's point, possibly, is that Usk in his noble lineag++++++++++++++ exceed that of Abraham, whose attempt to establish such a lineage by Sarah's Egyptian maid Hagar was confounded+++++++++when Sarah conceived and gave birth to Isaac, Gen. 16:1-16, 21:1-5. See also Gen. 22:1-14 for another possible source of the allusion. In his meekness, Usk does not exceed David, who saw Uriah's wife Bathsheba, took her, and then arranged for Uriah to be killed in battle, II Samuel 11:2-27. ++++++ccording to Guido de Columnis, Hector argued against a Trojan expedition to Greece (Historia destructions Troiae, VI, pp. 59-60). Paris, who hoped to gain the prize promised him by Venus, spoke eloquently for the expedition and was supported by Deiphebus (VI.60-3). From Guido the story passed into the later tradition, such as ++++++++++++++++++ere, Hector speaks against the expedition in 11.2183-304; Paris and Deiphebus urge going in 11.2304-899+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ speak against a wrong.' ++++++roverbial (Whiting S733); Usk's words are almost an exact translation of the Latin commonplace 'qui tacit consentire videtur' (Walther 24843a). +++++or the history and long tradition of the idea o++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++eisinger suggests that medieval notions of fortune and seasonal myths provided a fertile ground in which 'the +++++++++++++++++could take root and grow' (208ff., 211). See 1.3.135-6 n. +++++++++++++++fers to the idea (B. V.488-94). According to Skeat's note to this

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 8 239 passage in PPl (11.98), the reference is to the Canticle 'Exultet' sung on Easter Eve in the Sarum Missal when the Easter candle was blessed: 'O certe necessarium Ade peccatum et nostrum; quod Christi morte deletum est. O felix culpa, que talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem.' 66II Samuel 12:24-5. 73 This is perhaps a reference to Usk's job as scrivener to the council of Northampton, a post he held from late 1381 to the end of Northampton's mayoralty in 1383. +++++++sk's discussion follows the argument of the+++++++++++++++++++++++++. sages are as follows: Testamen+++

Boece Il.prV

Consolatio II.pr7

83-+5 92-100 100^ 104-12 113-16 12+1-3

23-59 69-77 86-92 94-109 115-20 +++++

31-+2 40-+3 45-5+1 56-7 73-6

8-10(cf.//F904-7)

Skeat states that the whole passage is an imitation o++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ strong evidence to support his view: 'The whole passage shews that the author consulted Chaucer's translation of Boethius rather than the Latin text' (461). A close comparison of the texts does, however, follow the Latin text more closely than Skeat allows. Chaucer translates the Latin fairly closely, but Usk goes his own way. Where Boethius compares a moment to ten thousand years, Usk, with considerable graphic effect, compares a grain of wheat to a thousand ships loaded with wheat. Usk does make some use of++++++++. he does not lean on it so heavily as Skeat suggests. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 17). Usk has+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. lowed Chaucer in misconstruin++++++++++++++++++ +++hynne read++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ and t in Usk, it is possible that cumthe appearing next to suche was lost through haplography. +++++o thynge++++++++ 9+++ealed: healed+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ praise, as one might hope of rumors' or a form++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ (340). ++++he phrase desiren to is attested in the MED and has the sense 'to wish or long for' dc).

240 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 9 BOOK I, CHAPTER 9

9 The verb steered is probably a variant ofstired, 'troubled, upset' MED lOb. Skeat glosses the word as 'displaced,' but the meaning is unusual and does not fit the context very well. 14 For other allusions to Usk's loss of property, see 1.2.121-4,1.3.115-17,1.4.53-4, 1.9.14, and the Introduction, section 2. 18-19 Proverbial (Whiting C235). Cower uses the proverb in discussin+++++++++++ presumption in love, in a context much like the one in t++++++++++++++++++++++ heweth up so hihe, That chippes fallen in his yhe' (C.a. 1.1917-18). 22+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++D). This may be another instance of the flattening of e to a +++++++++++++++++++++he acostic (Introduction, part 1). 26-9 In the Confessio amantis there are several stories about the use of magic and the conjuring of the spirits of the air to gain one's desires in love. The closest parallel to this passage in th+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ence to the one who was first in such arts (28), but who nevertheless 'daunced behynde' (29) in love himself may be to Chaucer's Pandare. He was adept at enlisting his knowledge of the natural spirits of the air and the weather in the cause of Troilus (Tr III.519-25 and 547-53) and is said to know much about 'the olde daunce' (Tr III.695), that is, about the ways of love; the same knowledge in the same idiom is also attributed to the Wife +f Bath (GP 476). Despite his success on behalf of Troilus, however, Pandare says of himself to Criseyde, 'I hoppe alwey byhynde!' (Tr 11.1107). 32-3 Boece I.pr4.258-62. The saying is attributed to Pythagoras; see the note in Benson. ++++++++++++++++ this side of God,' that is, 'here below'; so Skeat. Cf. II.13.21-2. 39-42 The fomulation is from Gregory's++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ous places, including Gregory's++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ attributed to Alanus de Insuli+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ever, was probably Trevisa's translation of the Polychronicon: 'For Gregorie in an omelye seib man hab beynge wib stones, lyvynge wib trees and herbes, felynge wib bestes, knowleche and vnderstondynge wib aungels' (Higden 2.183). The notion is frequently encountered in literature of the later Middle Ages. Jean de Meun discusses the four-part division of the soul in th+++++++++++++++++++++++ and John Gower puts material of a similar nature into each of his three major poems: C.a.,++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. II. 12.49-52 n. 43 The universe was supposed to consist of four indivisible elements, each characterized ++++++++++++++++++++ics,' 621). Love uses the presence of these secondary elements later on to argue that even contrary elements like dry earth and wet water share

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 9 241 a common property because both are cold (II.8.37-51). Each of the four elements had a corresponding humour (Rubin 191). The relationship between the elements and humours can best be seen in the table below. Element

Qualities

Humour

FIRE

hot and dry hot and moist cold and moist cold and dry

CHOLER BLOOD PHLEGM MELANCHOLER

AIR WATER EARTH

43-4 Since man was composed of the same elements as was the universe, he could naturally be thought of as a little world, or microcosm. The relation between the great world - the universe, or the macrocosm - and the little world - man, or the microcosm - w much elaborated by medieval authors, as in the book-length discussion by Bernardus Silvestris, his+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++smographia, The Cosmograhia of Bernardus Silvestris: A Transl+tion with Introduction and Notes, has a valuable introduction to the work and its background; the bibliography (165-71) provides an ample selection of primary and secondary works on the elements of the macrocosm/microcosm. See also Brian C. +++++++yth and Science in the Twelfth Century: A Study of Bernard Silveste+++ an able account of the history of the notion of the microcosm from early classical antiquity to the Renaissance, see Rudolph Allers's 'Microcosmus from Anaximandros to Paracelsus.' 44-5 Proverbial (Whiting N179). 48 A paraphrase or translation of Psalm 81:6, 'Dii estis, et filii Excelsi.' 61ff. The notion that Usk's heavenly reward would be immediate if he died in the service of his Margaryte (61-5), seems as extravagant as the suggestion of the consequences to her if she allows Usk to die without showing him her routh (65-75). The passage is somewhat reminiscent of Pandare's speech to Criseyde in Tr 11.278-385; cf. for example, the expression++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ wit+++++++++++++++++++++++ 67 Schaar proposes++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ay be kept with the sense 'for the benefit of, on behalf o++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++eans 'given,' a sense well attested in M.E., as at MLT 769, ShipT 294, and ShipT 404. 74-80 This is another passage where a drastic disruption of sense and syntax seems to indicate that a displacement of text has taken place. In his thesis, Leyerle emends this

242 Commentary to Book I, Chapter 10 passage extensively, suggesting that passable sense and syntax can be had by interchanging the passage 'with order which to me was ordayned. Sothely, non age, none overtournynge tyme, but' with the previous passage 'withdrawn by might of the hygh bodyes. Why, than, shuldest thou wene so any more? And if the lyste to loke upon the lawe of kynde and.' While I have not kept Leyerle's emendation, the passage is problematic; seeShoaf 341. 79,82-7 On the nature of the knot in the heart, see the Introduction, section 4; cf. 1.1.803 n. and II.4.124-7 n. Cf.+++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++at glosses++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tual agreement' 5 (b), but does not give 'betrothal' as a meaning of the word, although it quotes such a use of it by Gower, 'So was the mariage left, / And stod upon acord til eft' +++++II.516-+2). 92-3 In advising Joseph to take his family to Egypt, the angel calls Mary the +mther of Christ, not the spouse of Joseph: 'Surge, et accipe puerum, et matrem ejus, et fuge in jEgyptum' (Matt. 2:13). Usk may have had in mind the previous angelic visit when Joseph learned that Mary had conceived a child by the Holy Ghost: 'noli timere accipere Mariam conjugem tuam' (Matt. 1:20). +++++++he reference is to David in Psalm 95:5, 'quoniam omnes dii gentium daemonia.' 112-19+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ exhortation to each human being, th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++Love refers to 1.4.60-6,1.9.13-14, 18-19, and 53-4. The syntax is unusual because the infinitive++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. low the Latin use of the infinitive in indirect statement. BOOK I, CHAPTER IO

++++he discussion is carried on from the end of chapter 9; the last objection is a reference to Usk's fear that he was tryin+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ emendation++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++, lowliness,' fits the context exactly. 6-7 See 1.9.14 n. +++++keat indicates that the passage is imitated from++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ence of Boethius is clear, but there are no certain borrowings from Chaucer's translation. For the point that Usk makes, cf. 1.6.20-1. +++++++++++++++++s a form of the past participle and means 'held.' +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++eans 'possessions, property, wealth.' The two sentences in 16-17 are reciprocal:/oraveris the opposit+++++++++++++++++++++++ sense is as follows: 'Lo, how the false, on account of wealth, is held to be true. Lo, how the true is called false, on account of lack of property.' Cf. the reciprocal clauses in 11.1617, 39-40, 86-93.

Commentary to Book I, Chapter 10 243 18 The words++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 23-41 thilke governour is God acting through the influence of the planets, the kyndely ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++m5. In phrasing there are some ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++7 with 34; 28-9 with 53; 31-2 with 50-1; and 33-4 with 37-9. Usk's expressio++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ renders Boethius+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ hir chayeres ofdignyte++++++++++++++++++++++++ 29-30 The reference is to I.9.34ff. 31-2 Usk addresses Love in this passage as the unifying bond of the universe; cf. 1.4.378. The source is the Consolatio II.m8, a passage Chaucer used for the song of Troilus at the end of Book III, 1744-71, as already noted in the comment to 1.4.35-40. For the ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++e Stephen A. Barney's Troilus Bound' (44558). ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++nd yet you did in that office, following the advice of wise men, anything [that] was needed.' 58-60 Skeat regards Boece II.pr2.9-16 as the source. The first sentence is remote from ++++++++++++++++d the second is based on Job 1:21, 'Nudus egressus sum de +utero matris me, et nudus revertar illuc.' ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++.pr2.32-5, as Skeat notes. The discussion follows the Consolatio III.pr3. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ood fortune,' are personified. The pronouns ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++n 80 refer to the hypothetical persons behaving in the manner described. In line 84++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. nine pronoun, but is most unlikely in London English of 1385. 76-107 Skeat takes this passage as coming from+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ of what he regards as literal imitations: 92-3 from 27-32; 95-8 from 32-6; and 101-3 from 41-5. Usk is certainly using Boethius, but his debt to Chaucer's translation seems slight, as may be seen by comparing the following three passages: The one draweth a man from very good; the other haleth hym to vertue by the hookes +of thoughtes. (92-3) At the laste, amyable Fortune with hir flaterynges draweth myswandrynge men fro the sovereyne good; the contrarious Fortune ledeth ofte folk ayen to sothfast goodes, and haleth hem ayen as with an hook.++++++++++++++++ Postremo felix a uero bono deuios blanditiis trahit, aduersa plerumque ad uera bona reduces unco retrahit.+++++++++++++++++++. At 98-9 Usk's sentence becomes clear when referred to the++++++++++++++++++ Chaucer's translation: Trewly, at the goynge of the ylke brotel joye, ther yede no more awaye than the ylke that was nat thyne proper, [fortuna] discedens suos abstulit, tuos reliquit.+++++++++++++++++++

244 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 1 Whan she departed awey fro the, she took awey hir freendes. and lefte the thyne freendes.++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++means 'the same that +was not properly yours.' +++++++++++++++++++fputteth. 99-100 Schaar suggests a readin++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ referring to ylke broteljoye, which liytly voydeth and notes that an antithesis to the second part of the sentence is needed. The subject, however, is true and false frien+dshi+++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++he sense is as follows: 'He (that false friend) was never separated easily from fair fortune.' The point is that a false friend follows fortune. No emendation is needed. The next sentence follows the same logic, but is elliptical in sense: 'Your own good (i.e., worldly adversity), therefore, leaves it (i.e., what is properly yours) yet with you.' 101 The adjectiv++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ of the passages in 1.1 is omitted, perhaps by error, perhaps by idiomatic compression in direct address. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++I.pr9.91, 'Recte inquit; ac simul ita modulata est.' Then follows metrum 9. Usk gives no song at the end of Book I. The first chapter in Book II is a prologue, as is the first chapter of Book III. The narrative resumes in chapter 2 of Book II, briefly preceding Love's song. The dialogue picks up in chapter 3.

BOOK II, CHAPTER I

Here the narrator interrupts his dialogue with Love with a prologue to Book II. Love's song follows in chapter 2, and the dialogue between the narrator and Love resumes in chapter 3. 4-7 Although the Wheel of Fortune is not mentioned specifically here, the allusion in these lines is clearly to that commonplace idea. 8 Thynne reads wrongful; Skeat's wonderful is an error. The wrongful steeryng is a reference to Fortune's sway. 11 thynne wytte, a possible pun, set by the compositor or editor; cf 1.1.62. 12-16 This passage in Thynne presents two difficulties: one is the point of the reference to the Romayne emperour, and the other is that the clause beginning that the Romayne ++++++++n line 13 is left unfinished. Skeat calls the reference mysterious and offers no explanation of it. Shoaf speculates this is a reference to Constantine (344). He indicates a gap after other in line 14, supplies nedeth after empyre in line 15, and emends o in line 16 +++++++chaar takes the passage as an admonition to Richard II, and emends it to make his view of the passage clear: 'Grevously, god wot, have I suffred a greet throwe that the Romayne emperour, which in unite of love shulde acorde with every other, [th+e] cause of

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 1 245 [love] to avaunce, [this cause dereth]; and namely, sithe this empyre [nedeth] to be corrected of so many sectes in heresie of faith, of service, o[f] rule in loves religion' (14-15). When the Testament was written, however, Usk was in Brembre's party and would be most unlikely to attack Richard, the chief supporter of Brembre; at II.4.110 Usk has Love +++++++++++++++++++++++++++Schaar's version involves extensive emendations that are hard to explain. Leyerle's thesis also emends the passage, though less extensively than Schaar, insertin++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ The passage does not seem to be criticizing any particular Roman emperor, but is a general lament for lack of an ideal emperor who would unify all people in the service of love and establish order in secular and religious realms alike, abolishing the sort of factionalism, small and large, from which Usk was suffering. Dante, in De monarchia, offers the most famous elaboration of this view of the ideal emperor and his role in creating universal social harmony. A parallel close to Usk's point is in the prologue to Gow+++++++++++++++++++pecially in section V, which offers an extensive critique of the Roman emperors and concludes with the hope that a true ruler might arise to unify the world in love. On the other hand, Usk may not be speaking of secular divisions at all, but rather of the tumultuous papal politics of his time. The Great Schism, a time from 1378 to 1409 when two, and at times three, popes claimed obedience from European Christians, may very well be the object of at least indirect reference here. In 1385, the approximate time of the composition of the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ while Pope Clement VII operated out of Avignon, the seat of papal power for about three-quarters of a century at the time of the schism (see DMA 'Schism, Great,' 38a42b). No simple emendation will fix this passage, though adopting Leyerle's idea of trans+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++r a virgule in Thynne yields +++++++++++++++ line 16 is a well-attested word meaning 'one+++++++++++++ passage could be translated 'God knows, I have grevously suffered a great while [in] that the Roman Emperor, who should bring accord in unity of love, did not make every man with the other to advance in the cause of the other, and namely for this purpose, this empire to be corrected of so many sects in heresy of faith and service: one rule in love's religion.' 17-28 The passage summarizes four false sources of love treated in individual chapters later in Book II: riches (17-19) in chapter 5; rename (19-22) in chapter 8; dignytees +++++++++++++++++++++26-8) in chapter 7. 20-1 Proverbial (Whiting V6); cf. C1T 995-6. The wo+++++++++++++++++++++++ be emended to as to make the expression parallel with the other three in 11. 17-28. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++nd was probably apprehended as being plural in force. The lack of concord between subject and predicate in Usk is well attested; see 11. 43, 83^, I.Prol. 19-0 n. 34 Isaiah 5:20.

246 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 1 ++++This passage is an allusion to the supposed Lollard sympathies of Usk's adversaries. Gaunt's support of Wyclif at the abortive trial in St Paul's in February 1377 led to the common belief that he was a Lollard himself. Northampton is said to be a follower+of Wyclif by Walsingham (11.65). Some of his actions as mayor tend to support the view; during his mayoralty he waged an active campaign against immorality and limited the fees that the poor were to pay for baptisms, marriages, and funerals. The reference to arms in line 36 is taken by Skeat as an allusion to the armed conflict after 1378 between adherents of the pope and those of the anti-pope. However, there is little in the++++++++ to support this inference; the allusion is probably to the violent action of Londoners during Northampton's mayoralty in breaking down the doors of the chamber where the trial of John Aston for Lollardy was being conducted by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Walsingham, 11.66). There was a good deal of Lollard sympathy in London at the time, but neither Gaunt nor Northampton seems to have been seriously committed to Wyclif or his teachings. See Ruth Bird's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ sions to Lollardy in the Testament, see II. 1.83 and II.14.22ff. 43+For the lack of concord, see 11. 32-3, 83-4, and I.Prol. 19-20 n. 43-6 Matt. 2:1-2 and Luke 2:8-14. The inflected adjectiv++++++++++++++++++++ influence of O.F.; see 1.5.56 n. +++++++++++++sythen that suche heretykes and maintaynours offalsytes. Wherefore I wotte well sythen that they ben men / and reason is approved in hem / the cl+owde of erroure hath her reason bewonde probable resons / whiche that catchende wytte rightfully may not withsytte. By my travaylynge study e I have ordeyned hem/with that auctorite misglosedby mannes reason/to graunt shal be enduced++++++++++++++++ suche, and emends bewonde to beyond and with to whiche. However, his emendations do little to improve the awkward sense and syntax of the text in Thynne. A displacement +f some words has almost certainly taken place, because a shift of about two lines at the end of the paragraph to the end of the second preceding sentence corrects both sense and syntax; cf. III.6.84-8 n. Jellech proposes another shift of text, but the sense of her final +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ecalls the Boethian phrase 'mortalium rerum nube,'+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 55 Cf. Tr I V.I 3-14. +++++++++++++++ake an inclusive doublet meaning everyone; the literal sense is 'rider on horse and walker on foot.' +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++line 62. +++++keat points out that Usk gives here a translation of a much-quoted passage +in Homily 26 of Gregory's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ humana ratio prabet experimentum' (1197C). Gregory's remark, in a slightly altered form, appears in PPi. 'Fides non habet meritum vbi humana racio prebet experimentum' (B.X.24). See Skeat's note to the passage in PPL 74-61 Cor. 13:12, 'Videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate; tune autem facie ad faciem.'

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 2 247 79-801 Cor. 13:13. 80 Matt. 15:13 and Mark 4:26-32. 82-3 The parable of the tares and the wheat (Matt. 13:24-34) was used in the fourteenth century to attack the Lollards, as in the epilogue to Chaucer's MLT. The name Lollard was likened by their detractors to Lat+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ among the wheat of the church's true doctrine. The Vulgate has zizania in the parable. SeeII.1.35ff. n. 83-4 For the lack of concord, see 11. 32-3,43, and I.Prol. 19-20n. 85-9 The passage is difficult. Skeat emends Thynne's kynge in line 86 to thing, but does not otherwise alter his text; he suggests, with some hesitation, that the passage in 86-7 should read as follows: 'with many eke-names, [and] that [to] other thinges that the soule [seketh after, men] yeven the ilke noble name' (48). Schaar's emendations are less extensive than Skeat's: 'with many eke-names, that [to] other thinges the[y f]oule yeven the ilke noble name' (16). Leyerle emends Thynne's kynge to likynge and emends the passage in 86-7 as follows: 'with many eke-names, [and] other thynges tha[n] the soule yeven the ylke noble name' (73). The alteration adopted here follows Skeat on++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Leyerle's reading involves. The sense of the passage is as follows: 'however it may be that men call that thing, the most precious in nature, with many nicknames, and other things that the soul gives the same noble name, it shows clearly that in a way men have a great affection in honouring of that name.' 89 The words++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ with the name of Love,' is a reference to++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. +++'Love'at 1.98-9.. 94-5 Aristotle refers to his fourth cause as the final cause and calls it t++++++++++++++ is, the purpose for which a thing is done. He illustrates the point by arguing that a man walks in order to be healthy and that end is thus the final cause of the action+++++++++ ++++.2). This notion, applied to the end or design of the world, was a commonplace+ in medieval theology. 96-7 that isfynally to thilke ende, 'that exists, ultimately, for that same result.' 98-101 The sense is as follows: 'Just so [it is] with the writing of my book "Love," since love is noble. Wherefore, though my book is ignorant, the cause with which I am directed and that one for whom I ought to write are both noble.' 102-3 Cf. Chaucer's 'An ABC.' 113 Usk is not known to have written such a treatise, unless he here refers to Book+III of ++Testament.. BOOK II, CHAPTER 2

Love's song in 11. 8-128 is the one proposed at the end of Book I (see 10.113 n.). 1-16 Schaar suggests that t++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

248 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 2 planctu naturae and that in two passages Usk derives ideas from Prose IV of that work. Lines 8-13 show some similarity with passages i++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 10-26, and 11.462,11. 12-16). The other passage in 11. 15-16, does not, however, seemto show clear influence from 11.464,11. 13-15, as Schaar maintains. In+++++++++++++++ Natura leaves heaven and comes among men on earth to reveal their vices. In the+++++ ment the action is the reverse: Love withdraws to an island in the ocean because man has allowed the star of envy to eclipse her. This expression, the clyps of me (13), may, however, be a recollection of the eclipse of the star-like gems in Natura's diadem of the heavens: 'ad tempus vero suae coruscationis eclipsi videbantur ab ipsius diadematis exulare palatio' (11.433,11. 15-17). Jellech points out on p. 81 that several passages in the+++++++++++++++++++; III.m2 and m9; IV.m6; and V.m3) are complaints that man does not follow natural law and could be as much of a source as Usk needed for material that was, after all, a medieval commonplace. 20-2 Skeat translates me have 'possess me,' and takes the passage to mean 'they think they can procure men's love by heaping up wealth' (465). Schaar's interpretation follows Skeat's: 'those who wanted power possess me' (18). Love is discussing her reception among men; in the former age, men who wanted love to have dominion gained heaven for a home. The literal sense is 'in that age those, who wished me to have sway, in proper time were lodged in heaven on high above the sphere of Saturn.' The plural us+++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++e I.Prol.39 ++++++++++++++++++++++++++may refer either to the circle of the fixed stars, or to the Empyrean beyond. The point is familiar from chapter 3 of th++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++ Macrobius, where Scipio learns that all who have benefited the commonweal, or, as Chaucer put it, whoever h+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ translated to the circle of the fixed stars. ++++++e view that love is not found in riches is mentioned at II. 1.17-19 and discussed at length in II.5. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++may be no more than typographical convenience. See Norman F. Blake's 'English Versions of Reynard the Fox in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries' (70-1). Cf. 11.12.11 and IH.5.108. +++++at takes the phra++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ mouldy in a chest.' Such a sense does not fit the context, which is a list of secure storage places where valuable goods are safely kept. Jellech suggests th++++++++++++++++ maler,++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ grade indicated by th+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++b.3, 'a great mass' in the sense 'heaped,' but +++++++++es not record use of the noun until the middle of the sixteenth century. On the other hand++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the unaspirated form of whicche, or whitch, 'chest.'

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 2 249 31ff. Skeat suggests tha++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ adding that Usk 'is referring to the primitive days of the Church when "the pope went afoot"' (465). The error could arise from misreading a manuscript form iijrd as vijth. A reference to the time when 'the pope went afoot' and Love was worshipped by all the holy church may be an echo of Eph. 5:1-2, 'Estote ergo imitatores Dei, sicut filii charissimi; et ambulate in dilectione, sicut et Christus dilexit nos.' The sense of Usk's reference is that in former times the pope was a true imitator Dei and walked in love. +++++++++'caused to be married. 42-67 An example of Usk's prose at its best. It features a number of contrasting phrases that form rhyming couplets (as both Skeat and Shoaf note): Nowe is stewarde, for his achates, now i[s] courtyour, for his debates, nowe is eschetoure, for his wronges, nowe is losel, for his songes ....

free herte is forsake and losengeour is take. (43-5, 46-7) These are followed by another couplet in 11. 49-50. Examples of alliteration appear in 11. 45 and 59-60. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++artaker and prebendary,' are predicate nouns. 47ff.+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++. passage is reminiscent of the abuses assailed in++++as Skeat points out: with 47-50 cf. B.V.416-18; with 50 cf. B.V1.305; and with 51-3, 59-60 cf. B.X.308-13. 60-2 The passage probably should be read 'They are greatly vexed by poor men; because they always ask and give nothing, they would like to have them buried.' 62-6 Skea++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++he translates the passage 'you can please no one, unless those oppressive and wrong-doing lawyers are in power and full action' (466). Schaar notes that this statement contradicts itself because the evil lawyers would, in fact, be pleased. He also objects that Love's presence would preclude the activity of such men. He suggests that the passage can stand without addition of words: 'The point +++++++++++++ natural enough, goes with+++++++++++the idea being: if I, Love, am admitted amongst men, unrighteousness is expelled and becomes worth nothing at all. Consequently, the activity of unjust officials also ceases, and so unrighteousness can no longer please anyone - unless those evil rulers have their power left (which they have not)' (19). This interpretation is strained; Love is talking about lawyers, not rulers. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++makes poor sense; lawyers welcome litigation, +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++he act of appearing in court, or of taking a legal step, separately rather than as a group.' This A.F. legal term (like+++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++ II.2.65) gave the compositor trouble and he replaced it with a

250 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 2 common word nearly indistinguishable with it in handwriting, but meaningless in context. The singula++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ lack of grammatical concord (see I.Prol. 19-20 n.). Thus, the passage could read, 'But among lawyers I dare not come. My activity, they say, makes them poor. They would on no account have me around, for then tort and individual cases in court would not be worth a haw nearby and would please no men; but these lawyers are oppressive and extortionate in power and activity.' In line 64 the expression is proverbial (Whiting H193 ); cf.++++++++ 66-7 Skeat notes that the reference is to a proverb (Whiting R102) used by Lydgate as a refrain, 'It may wele ryme, but it accordith nought,' in his poem 'Ryme without Accord' +++++++++++++92-4). Love's point is that things are not made accordant by rhyming them together, as she herself has done in the preceeding passage. Antithetical balancing of opposing statements is a marked stylistic feature of the highly decorated rhythmical prose of Love's speech. ++++++ece Il.pr3.35,propinquyte or alliaunce. 94-9 The reference is to Gen. 9:22-7. Noah became drunk with wine and lay naked in his tent. His son Ham, who was led to the spectacle according to later interpreters by his son Canaan, mocked Noah, but his brothers Japheth and Sem, averting their gaze, covered him. When Noah learned what had happened, he cursed Canaan to be a servant to his uncles. Usk's point is that the biblical order has been reversed; Japheth's descendents are poor and Ham's are rich. Jellech cites the++++++++++++Part I, for the interpretation of Noah's curse as a division of mankind into three classes: 'Knyth, and thrall, and freman, / Oute of per thre breper bigan; / O sem freman, o laphet knytht, / thrall of cham be maledight' (11. 2133-6). +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++n line 96, despite its appearance, means 'of Ham.' The names Cain and Ham were confused in medieval orthography because of the Vulgate spelling Cham for Ham. The form Cham was misread as Chain because o+ minim error and then mistakenly seen as a form of Cain, which then came to be written Chain by reverse spelling. The variants were early so mixed that often the context is the only way (as here) to know whether Cain or Ham is meant by such forms +++++++++++ Cam, Chain, Chayn, Cham++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ VIII.60 for Cain and Cham at VIII.83 for Ham; the context shows that Macaulay is right, but in fourteenth-century handwriting+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the / were not marked, as it often was not. lOlff. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ WBT 1109ff. was written too late for Usk to have known it. 103-7 An instance of the+++++++++++ +++++++ording to the common medieval tradition, Alexander bequeathed his e+mpire to Perdicas, one of his best generals. Actually Alexander was succeeded by his halfbrother, Arrhidaeus, the illegitimate son of Philip of Macedon and a dancing girl called

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 3 251 Philinna. Skeat suggests in 'Thomas Usk and Ralph Higden' that the source for Usk's remark is Higden, where Perdicas is incorrectly said to be+++++++++++++++++++ Usk's account is taken, however, not from the Latin, but from Trevisa's translation, as is indicated by the repetition of the uncommon word+++++++++(cf. PardT 477): 'In Grees was no man grettre ban Alisaundre; nobeles Perdica, a tombester sone, was his successour, and noust his owne sone' (III.30, vol. 4, p. 15). For another use of Trevisa's trans++++++++++++++++++++++ Usk, see I.Prol.73-98 n.; and for another mention of Perdicas, see III.2.23-4. Otto Jespersen, in 'A Supposed Feminine Ending,' has shown that the+++++++++++ not a feminine suffix in early English, but was used for both sexes from the earliest occurrences (420-9). +++++++ese lines are from+++++++++++++++ ++++++++ese lines are close to+++++III.m6, but show less dependence on Chaucer's version than the previous sentence and may be drawn directly from t+++++++++++ +++++++his passage has some verbal echoes from the sam+++++++++++++++++++++ thow loke youre bygynnyng, and God your auctour and yowr makere, thanne nis ther none forly ved wyght or ongentil, but if he noryssche his corage unto vices and forlete his propre byrthe' (III.m6.10-14). Although the sentence structure is different, the verbal parallels are clear, especially the phrase norissheth his corage (114). 121-++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ II.3.97, because the remarks do not well suit the topic ++++++++++++++++++++++ climax to Love's defense of women' in chapter 3 (283). The proposal is attractive for its improvement in the sense, but how such a shift might have happened is hard to explain. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++no subject and makes little se+nse in context. The correct reading is sowene; the medial e is redundant. The expression +++++++s idiomatic and means 'tend toward, make for, be consonant with' (cf. +GP 307). The sense is as follows: 'I will say nothing... that can tend toward anything against her sex.' ++++++++++++eans 'in them,' that is, 'in women.' BOOK II, CHAPTER 3

The dialogue between the narrator and Love, interrupted by the narrator's prologue and Love's song, begins again in this chapter. 7-23 In III Esdras 3-4 there is an account of a contest that Darius holds; he offers a rich reward to the person who tells him what is the strongest thing in the world. The first reports that wine is the strongest; the second that the king is the strongest; and the third, Zorobabel, that+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ are a number of verbal parallels between th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

252 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 3 verse 14 and 11. 15-23 with vv. 15-19. Usk does not, however, make use of Zorobabel's conclusion in vv. 34ff. that truth is the strongest of all. In line 7 the expressio+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ genitive of description. +++++++++++++++in line 8 as corrupt and suggests in his note to the passage that a ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ut he does not emend his text. Schaar suggests that Usk is translating a variant reading of III Esdras 4:14++++++++++++++ imperat eisl++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ [re]nge[th]1+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++eed not be changed, although it is unusual in London English of the 1380s. The verb gien or guien, MED 3, means 'command, rule, control'; in a manuscrip+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ of Schaar, H.R. Patch suggests th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++s a sense 'principle, order+' MED line n. (1), 3 (a), but no verb in the sense Patch suggests is recorded by the MED. However, the MED records lignen as an attested form of lightnen, having a sense 'to clarify (sth.), elucidate,' v. (1), 4 (a). Thus, Thynne's text can be left as it is; cf. 11.14.40 for another third-person singular -es verb ending. ++++++++++++++++++++++'so that in no way can they refuse the desire of one who asks well.' ++++roverbial (Whiting G401);+++++++++++++ +++++e is used ironically. +++++hat thing ... hym wel knowe, 'what a thing it is for a woman to love any man before she knows him well.' +++++he passage from lines 41 to 72 is drawn from 90 lines of the++++++++++++++. word: 41-52 from 269-85; 56-7 from 305-9; and 62-72 from 332-59. Dido's account of a man's self-interest in loving several women at once will serve as an example:+'of oon he wolde have fame / In magnyfyinge of hys name; / Another for frendshippe, seyth he; / And yet ther shal the thridde be / That shal be take for delyt'+++++++++++++++++. sage is compressed by Usk into 11. 56-7. Authors of the Middle Ages made free use o other literature in their own work and often left such debts unacknowledged. Skeat's scathing comment on Usk's method here could be applied to many: 'Surely, this is nothing but book-making, and the art of it does not seem to be difficult' (xxvii). Two proverbs in this chapter are probably also taken from th++++++++++++++++++ ing G282) are probably from HE 272, 'Hyt is not al gold that glareth.' For the other instance, see the note to 101-2. ++++Proverbial (Whiting S617). ++++++overbial (Whiting F582). ++++eare... on hande, 'accuse'; the implication of the idiom is often that the accusation is wrongful.

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 4 253 +++++++++++k, artifice.' 53 bloder, 'blubber, sob, "carry on.'" +++++++++++++++'is led into believing.' 60-1 Proverbial (Whiting M608); c+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'you men.' 61 For the appearance o++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 67-72 An allusion to the LGW might be seen in these lines with more justice than in the passages Tatlock cites; see the note to I.Prol.73-98. Dating considerations make any debt ++++++++++++st unlikely, however. In 70 Skeat supplie+++++++++++++++ 81 Gen. 2:18, 'faciamus ei adjutorium simile sibi.' 82 This tree refers to Eve and at 84 to women in general. +++++++++'Saracens.' ++++++++ oblique reference to Nero's murder and dissection of his mother (II.6+.68 11.7.7). For Jellech's emendation of this passage, see the note to II.2.121-8. 98++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 101-2 This proverb (Whiting H356), like the one at 11.42-3 above, is probably taken from th++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ See the note to 11. 41-72 and cf. 1.5.3+8. BOOK II, CHAPTER 4

Iff. In Thynne 11. 1-4 are at the end of chapter 3; the result is that the syntax of the sen tence in 11. 3-7 carries awkwardly through the chapter break. The arrangement adopted here avoids that difficulty and still gives the initial T required by the acrostic. It also puts the dialogue in 11. 1-2 at the start of the chapter, where such an exchange is usual, rather than at the end of one, where it is unusual. Skeat calls the sentence in 11. 3-7 obscure and 'apparently imperfect' (468). Schaa supplies one word and emends a second:' "Now" quod she, "for thou shalt not wene that [to] womans condicions for fayre speche suche thing [ne] longeth."' He understands the statement to be an 'ironical sally - alluding to the previously mentioned contempt for woman' (20). This interpretation follows Skeat in continuing the syntax through the chapter break and is none too clear in sense. In II.3.38-75 Love's remarks make a gloss on+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Love's major point is that many men will say anything to have their way with a woman and that true service is therefore shown only by continuing long and steadfastly. Conse+++++++++++++++++++++eems to be a nonce usage, otherwise unrecorded, with the sense of longen, MED v. (2), 2, (c), 'to become longer in duration, to lengthen.' The lack of grammatical accord in line 4 is common in the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Skeat suggests that ei++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ servyc++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

254 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 4 is probably the unemphatic form of++++(see the note to I.Prol.58; cf. II.4.5; 5.77; III.6.40, 44; 8.9, 84). The sense is as follows: '"Now," she said, "so that you do not suppose that woman's stipulation for gracious speech delays such a thing, you must," she said, "understand first, among all other things, that all the diligence to men of my service, in the complete joy of doing, is desired in every man's heart, be he never so much a wretch."' As often in M.E. the wordparfyte in line 9 has a sense close to its Latin source perfection and means 'complete' (OED 3), and hence 'faultless' (OED 4). Love's point is that women's insistence on long service is not really a delay because it reinforces the innate desire of all men, even a wretch, for complete and faultless joy in everything done. +++++he source for the material in Love's speech is the+++++++++III.pr2.2-13; there are some verbal echoes fro++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 'howsoever.' Schaar suggests that the sentence in 16-19 contradicts the logic of the preceding passage: 'What follows ... from the premises given, is that if the Supreme Good is not pursued, but some lesser good instead, he that must have full bliss in reality gets none at all' (21). He emends the second+++++++++++++++++ No emendation is necessary. Love is defining t+++++++++++++++++++++++++++ passage is an adaptation of Philosophy's definition of the summum bonum in the Consolatio III.pr2.6-10. The syntax is like that in Boece III.pr2.11-17: 'And this thyng forsothe is the soverayn good that conteneth in hymself alle maner goodes; to the whiche good if ther fayled any thyng, it myghte nat ben sovereyn good, for thanne wer ther som good out of thilke sovereyn good, that myghte ben desired.' Usk's+++++++++++. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++understood from its use in ++++++++++++++++++++++++++he sense of Usk's passage is as follows: The+refore, complete happiness can not exist, if there be lacking anything of happiness in any way, and then it follows also, that he that may have complete happiness, may lack no happiness in love in any way.' 20-3 The passage summarizes the Consolatio III.pr2.13-21; cf. 54-60. In line 22 ++++++++++eans 'my expectation being that.' Line 22-3 is proverbial (Whiting H36) and means 'it goes against the grain (literally, against the hair).' Skeat emends Thynne's thrages in line 22 to thinges; this change supposes the corruption of a common word to a relatively rare one, a violation of the usual editorial principle of giving preference to the difficilior lectio. The original was probably thrates, 'vexations'; the word originally had a sense of 'press or crowd of people,' which fits the context here very well. 23 Skeat emends+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ is an acceptable form of the past part, and can be retained. 27-8 Proverbial (Whiting B199, L402) +++++To some extent you know this desired joy.' +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++eans 'to regard as being independent of, outside of.' Skeat emends to to t[w]o, but the change is not necessary. The sense of the pas-

Commentary to Book II, Chapter 5 255 sage is as follows: '... we agree that such passionate desires should not be named, but held outside all other modes of life and demonstration. And so there remain two modes of life, human and reasonable, to start with.' 58-82 The material is drawn from the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++; the discussio+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++++++++eans 'what about him whose.' In 11. 77-8 Schaar emends as follows: 'it is shame and villany, to him that coveyteth renome, that more folk nat prayse [his] name than [these].' This version does not make +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++omes at the end of a line and is not followed by any mark of punctuation. The first word on the next line is Soth, which is awkward because Love goes on to say, 'Thou sayst soth'. The emendation of soth to other supposes that a manuscript reading op was mistaken for fob. The sense is as follows: "Truly," said I, "it is shame and baseness to him who desires reputation that more people do not praise him in name than praise another."' +++++++++++++++++++++++++as if for a short trial thou didst dream' (Skeat); songedest is taken as derived from O.F. songer. The OED does not record such a verb. ++++++++++es, but Usk is the only attestation. 103-11 Here and at line 10++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ testimony against Northampton in August 1384 at Reading. The expression+++++++++ +++++++++++++++++++++eans 'to subject your body to martial action'; see the note to 1.2.170 and cf. 1.7.10-11. The reference to the+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ don of 24 Sept. 1384; cf. H.14.68-70. The expression in 11. 106-7 is proverbial (Whiting W120). 117-19 Proverbial (cf. Whiting G298, M522, S327). 124-7 Cf. 1.1.80-3 n. and 1.9.82-7. The words++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++described in II.1.72ff. and alluded to at the start of II.4. On the knot, see the Introduction, section 4. 128 Skeat emends Thynne's+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ tio) meaning 'application of a name to something.' The OED takes inpossession as an obsolete form of the word so that no emendation is necessary. 133 The literal sense of the phra+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ the meaning is little more than 'here below,' or 'in God's name'; cf. 1.9.37 n. BOOK II, CHAPTER 5

The discussion in this chapter is based on the++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ bal echoes from Boece. Details are given in the notes below. 2 The antecedent of the adjective claus+++++++++++++++++++++++++ The usage of richesse, riches, and richesses in II.5 can be grasped most easily in tabular form.

256 Commentary to Book II, Chapter 5

word for...

++++++

richesse riches richesses

2 2

0

antecedent of a +++++++++++++

+++++

antecedent of a +++++++++++

++++++++++

1 0 0

8 0 2

6 5 1

21 7 0

The complications are caused by several factors++++++++++++++++++++++++ although singular in form; some of the forms are probably errors arising from /te; Sk £/te. See commentary. Sk supplies with after me. yoye; folio CCCxxxiii v. Th prints++++++++++ Sk supplies++++++++++++ a? /j/5. See commentary. passeth;+++++++++++ before-dede.+ admynystred; folio

Textual Apparatus 301 CCCxxxiiii r begins with nystred. 84 hardest suche* Rigg suggests the insertion of cumthe. A spelling such as++++++++++ appear so similar to suche as to cause loss of the verb through haplography. 90 +++++++++++++++. 109-10 for ofte thynges. 114 ++++++++++++++++++++++. 98), but does not emend his text. 120 desyred of* See commentary. 1.9 12 13 15 49 61 67

72 77 101 104 108

1.10 18 49 81

84 85 106 107

leneth; Sk leveth. as thus; folio CCCxxxiiii v. Sk supplies thee after thynkest. Sk supplies+++++++++++++. I in. in this persone.+++++++++ tary. benommen; Sk benimen. ofkynde; folio CCCxxxv r. Sk supplies+++++++++++ /us; Sk «. thy; Skis.

shulde; folio CCCxxxv v. ended. their; Sk /i/s. Perhaps, on the basis of the idiom in 86, his is preferable.. he; Sk she. And ever;folio CCCxxxvi r.. leaveth. deneyth; Schaar deyneth.

II. 1 I

14 ++++ 19 ++ 29 48 ..50-1

61 ++ 87 89 94 110

11.2 14 24 31

35 43 +4 91 98

The initial V is a decorated woodcu; the letters+++++++++ and the words welth may not are printed in the large type used for running titles at the top of each page. acorde and; see commentary. faith of service* woweth. But. sectes; folio CCCxxxvi v. no; Schaar to. Th prints the words with that auctorite misglosed by marines reason, to graunt shal be enduced+++++++++++++ commentary. L supplies in after ful. kynge; Sk thing. that other thynges that.+++ commentary. fthilke;+++++++++++++ as. Th reads heven 7 putteth; the 7 is an error for /.

it wened; Jellech it is wened. shed; Schaar shet. See commentary. seventh; Sk proposes thirde, but does not emend his text. See commentary. poore; folio CCCxxxvii v. it; Sk is. ++++++See commentary. wo;+++++++++++++ omeden;+++++++++++++ but does not emend his text.

302 114

II.3. 1

29 41 46 47 51 52 56 91 114

II.4. 1^

7 15

20 22 26 41 44

Textual Apparatus corare;+++++++

The initial R is a capital printed in the large type size used for running titles at the top of each page, but it is placed in the middle of the space left for a large woodcut initial. Chapters 5 and 10 of Book II start the same way. +++++folio CCCxxxviii v So. on; Sk of. 7. vnhande+++++++++ wreche. hem;* Rigg others, +++++++folio CCCxxxix r begins with selfe. For the location of the end of the chapter in Thynne, see commentary to II.4.1-4 following.

Lines 1 through 4 come at the end of a paragraph in Th and are put as the conclusion of II.3 in Sk. See commentary. seke; Sk seketh. Sk supplies whiche after wight, sothe;+++++++ thrages. See commentary. wol; Sk wot. maner; folio CCCxxxix v. +++++++and manlich. Reso-. ++++++the words were proba-. +++lost by haplography after bestiallich, resonablich.

45 65 78 80 107 114 119 121 134 135

IL5 1 33 36 89 96 107

11.6 17 22 23 30 33 34 43 47 49 110

121 128

134 13 8-9. 141

lustes; -y+++++++++. thing. soth. See commentary. and wenden. with good+++++++++. .of. diseases+++++++ in /me. dmytted.+ Understanden.

See H.3.1 textual note. Mike persons; folio CCCxl v. that. yvel. manye; folio CCCxli r begins with nye. warnyng.

Sk supplies++++++++++ dignytes;++++++++. Sk supplies of after cloude. By. thynge. relyed.+++++++++++. Not; folio CCCxli v. leneth. it. be longeth* L he belongeth. besmyteth; folio CCCxlii r begins with++++++ but it. he. The construction is paralleled+++++ dignyte. reverence I that that. to.

Textual Apparatus II.7 27 92 114

167 syde is no; folio CCCxlii v. ++++++++++folio CCCxliii r. without.

303

Sk supplies she after herafter. +++++++folio CCCxlv v.. However, the catchwords on folio CCCxlv r are of. moche.

II.8 2 31 35 39 42 45 46-7 75 95 102 111 II.9 9 17 19 23 35 50 51 70 71 72 74 75 102

120 129 141 147 157 163

waye. by lackyng; folio CCCxliii v. our,++++++++. Sk supplies++++++++++. cloudes. my; Sk by. erth;+++++++++. than. fayrnesse;+++++++++++ folowen; Skfalowen. autartico.

joye; Skjoyes. hertes; Sk herte. plesaunce. herynge;+++++++++++++ rynge.+++++ +++++++++folio CCCxliiii v innoctees; Sk innocentes. soule. do; Sk to. Cf. 72. out. Sk supplies // after+++++. +++++See commentary.. ++++See commentary. ++++++folio CCCxlv r begins with -ynge. yeres. pronerbe; Skproverbe. suffre/of. See commentary. noon;++++++++. Sk suppies++++++++++++++ ontygence;+++++++++++

11.10 1 6 17 25 29 42 47 53 76 79 92 93 96 108 114 117

See II.3.1 textual note. Sk supplies of after that. But. sorouful;+++++++++++. entreth; Schaar endeth. Sk supplies they after mayntenaunce. my,* Rigg by Trewly++++++++++++ lyfe maken. a/ /ze; Sk+++++ rcekyng; Sk reckyng. See commentary. dyng',Sk dying. beloved+++++++++ dauuger;++++++++ whyle. Certayn;+++++++++++ In Th the C is a large capital, the usual mark of a new chap+++See the Introduction, section 1.

11.11

13 41 48 69 78 82 86

.confouded. Sk supplies his after knot. awake* (th++++++++. through haplography). folysshe; folio CCCxlvii r begins with lysshe. disese/he; Skdisese, if he. as; Sk++ power suffisaunce.

304 Textual Apparatus 101

112 137 142 11.12 11 12 30 33 37 45 49 52 56 75 81

In Th the++++++++++++++++ capital, the usual mark of a new chapter. See the Introduction, section 1. servvnt. servaunt;+++++++++++ Sk supplies thee after praye.

neighed; Sk neigheth. See commentary++++++++ wrethe;++++++++. Sk supplies fey after s/ze/.++++ oures. congelement vertue* colours', Sk colour. werfces; folio CCCxlviii r. good. meve; Sk mene. downe\ Sk proposes dewe, but does not emend his text. Sk supplies++++++++++++++ wolde; Sk welde.

11.13 1 23 28 36 38 53 68 77 89 124

Certes;folio CCCxlviii v. f/wtf every; Sk++++++++++. beynge and of,+++++++++. determission',+++++++++++ See commentary. good; Sk GoJ. Also 37. goodly;++++++. baddesse; Sk badnesse. // dissolveth; folio CCCxlix r. vertue/ryght;+++++++++++ ryght. weneth;+++++++. c/zese; Sk i7ze.se.

11.14 3 5 30 ^9 41 56 64 75 78

as we/; folio CCCxlix v. ++e thanked I it. cankes;+++++++ Mercurius. See commentary. servaunt; Sk servaunts. grawnf; folio CCC1 r. foude. leanyng;66+++++

IH.1 6 23 25 26 30 32 33 36 44 93 103 124 142 143 145 149 154

156 157 III.2 10 21

Demacion;+++++++++ punysshed is. faylinge*+++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++ em/e; folio CCC1 v. w/f/z; Sk w/z>>/. Cf. 40. jewel; Skjewelles. perles/the; Sk perles by the. Another s good;+++++ Another good is. ofGoddes; folio CCCli r. strentgh; S k strength. /sr/ze. //law; Sk proposes+++++++ does not emend his text. coude endite;+++++++ endite. wel;+++++ Sk supplies in after frenship. w/z7z t7z0f/>'; Sk emends with to w//e. Sk supplies+++++++++++ Love; folio CCCli v.

innocet. c/e/Ae.++++++++++++++++++++ Julyus.

Textual Apparatus 32 35 36 60 62-3. 64 80-1 83 90 98 100 101 104 109 132

++++++ avautage. wyl not compelled.* recth', Sk recche. course of; folio CCClii r. Sk supplies r/wrt after parte. goodly/draweth; Sk good/y and draweth. Sk supplies nof after dootfz. even;+++++. eommended. shulde I thanke; Sk shuldest +++thanke. neds; Sk nedes. Sk supplies w after service. Sk supplies may after justice. /or 6ad; folio CCClii v.

++. 155 166 171 .172-3 .175-8.

III.4 8 12 21 23 26-7

III.3 7

10 27