Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos: Commercial Districts and the Role of Crete in Phoenician Trading Networks in the Aegean 9781803273228, 9781803273235, 1803273224

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Commercial districts and the role of Crete in Phoenician trading networks in the Aegean Judith Muñoz Sogas

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Commercial districts and the role of Crete in Phoenician trading networks in the Aegean

Judith Muñoz Sogas

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-80327-322-8 ISBN 978-1-80327-323-5 (e-Pdf) © Judith Muñoz Sogas and Archaeopress 2022

Cover: Kommos bay from the south (by the author) Back cover: the site of Kommos (by the author)

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents

List of Figures and Tables����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii Abstract������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� vii Preface and acknowledgments������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ viii Introduction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Contextual analyses���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Aim and methodology������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������3 The site of Kommos�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 Location and context��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 The Southern Area�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������7

The Commercial temple of Kommos����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Temple B���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������11 The Tripillar Shrine and its architectural resemblances �����������������������������������������������������������14 Finds�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������15 Terracottas and figurines������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������15 Pottery ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������17 Temples A and B���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������17 Finds from other buildings���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������21 Inscribed ceramics�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������25 The commercial district of Kommos���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������25 Type of settlement�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������26 Observations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������27 Kommos and its connections within Crete�������������������������������������������������������������������������������29 Knossos �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������29 The site������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������29 Cippi�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������31 Tomb 10 at the Venizeleion Hospital (Sanatorium)���������������������������������������������������������������31 Tomb III at Atsalenio�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������32 Bronze��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������34 Faience�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������34 Faience figurines from Fortetsa�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������34 Other faience objects from Fortetsa and the North Cemetery���������������������������������������������36 Animal-shaped vases�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������38 Oriental jewellery and vases �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������38 Tekke Tomb J���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������41 The Khaniale Tekke Tholos Tomb 2�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������42 Pottery: the unguent factory�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������44 Knossos and its overseas contacts���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������47 Observations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������47 Eleutherna �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������48 The site������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������48 Cippi�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������48 Tomb A1K1������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������52 Pottery�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������52 Bronze��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Bronze shield���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Bronze bowls���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Faience�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������55 i

Tomb M������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������56 Observations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������57 The Idaean Cave���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������58 The site������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������58 Bronze��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������59 Bronze shields�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������59 Bronze bowls���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������61 Other bronze objects�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������62 Gold������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������63 Faience�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������63 Glass�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������64 Ivory ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������64 Observations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������65 Other sites�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������66 The Dictaean Cave������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������66 Amnisos�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������68 Gortyna – Sanctuary of Athena�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������70 Phaistos�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������71 Kounavoi – Ancient Eltyna���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������71 The Syme Cave�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������72 The Inatos Cave����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������73 The Patso Cave�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������74 Land routes�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������74 General observations on Cretan sites���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������80

Other possible commercial sanctuaries������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 85 Cyprus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������87 The temple at Kition �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������90 Rhodes�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������93 The temple at Vroulia���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������102 Samos and the Temple of Hera������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������106 Euboea ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������113 The Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������114 Observations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������121 Further Eastern and Phoenician presence����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������121 Temple areas�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������121 The Temple of Artemis at Ephesus �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������121 Corinth�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������124 Artemis Orthia at Sparta�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������128 The Temple of Zeus at Olympia�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������129 The Aegean islands��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������130 Sea routes�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������132 General observations on commercial temples���������������������������������������������������������������������������������134 Conclusions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 136 Chronological and spatial aspects�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������138 Commercial districts: multifunctional buildings and temples �����������������������������������������������������140 The nature and direction of traded goods�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������141 Cultural and interactive aspects: hybridisation and identity�������������������������������������������������������142 Final remarks����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������143

Bibliography����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 145

ii

List of Figures and Tables Figure 1.1. Figure 1.2. Figure 1.3. Figure 1.4. Figure 1.5. Figure 1.6. Figure 1.7. Figure 1.8. Figure 2.1. Figure 2.2. Figure 2.3. Figure 2.4. Figure 2.5. Figure 2.6. Figure 2.7. Figure 2.8. Figure 2.9. Figure 2.10. Figure 2.11. Figure 2.12. Figure 2.13. Figure 2.14. Figure 2.15. Figure 2.16. Figure 2.17. Figure 2.18. Figure 2.19. Figure 2.20. Figure 3.1. Figure 3.2. Figure 3.3. Figure 3.4. Figure 3.5. Figure 3.6. Figure 3.7. Figure 3.8. Figure 3.9. Figure 3.10. Figure 3.11. Figure 3.12. Figure 3.13. Figure 3.14. Figure 3.15. Figure 3.16. Figure 3.17. Figure 3.18. Figure 3.19. Figure 3.20. Figure 3.21. Figure 3.22. Figure 3.23.

Map of the main Aegean sites mentioned throughout the book.���������������������������������������������������� 2 Map of Eastern Mediterranean winds in the summer (Safadi 2016). ��������������������������������������������� 3 Map of Crete detailing the main sites subject to study (by the author).���������������������������������������� 4 Kommos, bay showing Papadóplaka (right) and the archaeological settlement (left).��������������� 6 Kommos, general view of the site (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 Kommos, general site plan (Shaw 2000: Fig. 1.6). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 8 Kommos, Southern Area Period Plan (Shaw 2006).��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 The temples of Kommos (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Isometric drawing of Temple B with Tripillar Shrine (Shaw 1997: Fig. 4).���������������������������������� 11 Finds associated with the period of Temple A (by the author).����������������������������������������������������� 12 Finds associated with the period of Temple B (by the author).����������������������������������������������������� 13 Finds associated with the period of Temple C (by the author).����������������������������������������������������� 13 Stele from Nora (Shaw 1989: Fig. 15).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 Plan of the Shrine at Sarepta (Pritchard 1978: Fig. 125). ��������������������������������������������������������������� 15 Figurine of Sekhmet (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 593; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Figurine of Nefertum (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 594; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Local ceramics found at Temple B (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 East Greek ceramics from Temple B (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Oenocoae from Temple B (photographs by J. Shaw, drawings by Callaghan and Johnson 2000: Figs. 247–248).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18 Phoenician ceramics from the period of Temple A (by the author).�������������������������������������������� 19 Phoenician storage and transport jars from Temple B (by the author).�������������������������������������� 20 Phoenician pottery from Temple B (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Local pottery from Building Q (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Phoenician pottery from Building Q (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Phoenician pottery from Building P (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 East Greek pottery from Building P (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Phoenician pottery from Building F (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Commercial inscriptions from Building Q and Temple B (by the author).���������������������������������� 25 Map of Crete showing the sites analysed in this chapter. �������������������������������������������������������������� 29 View of Heraklion from the East with the Bronze Age Palace of Knossos on the left, Iron Age Fortetsa in the centre, and Agios Yoannis, the Tekke area and Atsalenio to the right.����� 30 Knossos, general site plan (Antoniadis 2020: Map 1). ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Roman tombs at the Venizeleion Hospital (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������� 31 Cippus from Venizeleion Hospital (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: Fig. 18.1). ����������������������� 31 Cippus TT91 S6 from Tyre (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: Fig. 19.3). ������������������������������������� 32 Cippus from Atsalenio (Kourou 2012: Fig. 6a; after Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: Figure 378). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Stela from Nora (Aubet 2009: Fig. 58. Photograph by Giovanni Tore). ���������������������������������������� 33 Cippus TT91 S12 from Tyre (Kourou and Karetsou 1998: Fig. 14; after Helen Sader). ��������������� 33 Bronze bowl with omphalos and leaves (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������� 34 Cypro-Phoenician bronze bowl (by the author)������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34 The area of Knossos-Fortetsa, showing Villa Dionysos in the centre.������������������������������������������ 35 Faience figurine of Ptah-Seker (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 597; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).������������������������������������������������������������������������ 35 Faience figurine of Nefertum (Inv. Mo. ΑΜΗ Υ 598; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).������������������������������������������������������������������������ 35 Scarabs from Fortetsa (Brock 1975: Pl. 173). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 36 Lekythia from Fortetsa (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Alabastron from Fortetsa (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Glass bowl from Fortetsa (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Faience bowl from the North Cemetery (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Ape-shaped vase from Fortetsa (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 39 Ape-shaped vase from the North Cemetery (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������� 39 Bird vase from the North Cemetery (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Bird vase from Fortetsa (by the author; after Brock 1957: Plate 110).������������������������������������������ 39 iii

Figure 3.24. Figure 3.25. Figure 3.26. Figure 3.27. Figure 3.28. Figure 3.29. Figure 3.30. Figure 3.31. Figure 3.32. Figure 3.33. Figure 3.34. Figure 3.35. Figure 3.36. Figure 3.37. Figure 3.38. Figure 3.39. Figure 3.40. Figure 3.41. Figure 3.42. Figure 3.43. Figure 3.44. Figure 3.45. Figure 3.46. Figure 3.47. Figure 3.48. Figure 3.49. Figure 3.50. Figure 3.51. Figure 3.52. Figure 3.53. Figure 3.54. Figure 3.55. Figure 3.56. Figure 3.57. Figure 3.58. Figure 3.59. Figure 3.60. Figure 3.61. Figure 3.62. Figure 3.63. Figure 3.64. Figure 3.65. Figure 3.66. Figure 3.67. Figure 3.68. Figure 3.69. Figure 3.70. Figure 3.71. Figure 3.72. Figure 3.73. Figure 3.74. Figure 3.75. Figure 3.76. Figure 3.77. Figure 3.78. Figure 3.79. Figure 3.80. Figure 3.81. Figure 3.82. Figure 3.83. Figure 3.84.

Lion-shaped vessel from the North Cemetery (by the author).����������������������������������������������������� 40 The site to the north of Andrea Nathena Street.����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 The site to the south of Andrea Nathena Street.������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 40 Tekke Tomb J inscribed bowl (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Part of the Tekke Jewellery (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Gold rings from Fortetsa (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Black-on-Red pottery from Knossos (Hoffman 2000: Pls. 69–70).�������������������������������������������������� 44 Egyptian perfume jar from Fortetsa (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Phoenician jugs from Fortetsa (Hoffman 2000: Pls. 104–105)�������������������������������������������������������� 46 Eleutherna, general site plan. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 49 Orthi Petra, general view of the site.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 View of Orthi Petra showing Building A.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Cippus from Eleutherna discovered in 1985 (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������� 50 Cippus from Huelva (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Cippus from Tharros (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51 Cippus A29 2002 from Eleutherna (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Stele from Tharros (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Stele from Motya (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51 Cippus A1 2001 from Eleutherna (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Cypriot lekythos (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Vessel A118 (Kotsonas 2008a: Fig. 70).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Bronze shield from Eleutherna (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 54 Bronze bowl from Eleutherna (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Faience Sekhmet from Eleutherna (by the author) ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 56 Gold pendant with the Master of Lions (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Gold pendant with lion head (by the author). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Gold sheet of the sphinxes (by the author). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Gold sheet of the Mistress of Animals (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������ 58 Idaean Cave, view of the entrance (by the author). ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 59 Shield of Horus (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Shield of Melkart (by the author). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Shield of the Goats (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ X 01; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Bronze Bowl from the Idaean Cave (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ X 29; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).����������������������������������������������������� 60 Bronze bowl from Nimrud (by the author). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Bronze handle in the shape of a hydria (by the author)����������������������������������������������������������������� 62 Bronze tripod stand (by the author, after Matthäus 1998).������������������������������������������������������������ 62 Gold pendant from the Idaean Cave (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Faience figurine of Bes (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Ivory figurine of a lion (by the author). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Ivory sphinxes from the Idaean Cave (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Ivory figurine of a calf (by the author). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Double ivory head (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Interior of the Dictaean Cave. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 67 The Lasithi Plateau.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 Figure of Amon-Ra (by the author).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 The site of Amnisos.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 68 The location of Amnisos in relation to the sea and the islet.��������������������������������������������������������� 69 Sekhmet from Amnisos (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Astarte from Amnisos (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Roman theatre, Gortyna.���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 The Minoan palace of Phaistos and its view of the Mesara Plain. ������������������������������������������������ 71 The area of Kouinavoi and the archaeological site of ancient Eltyna.������������������������������������������ 72 Phoenician jug from ancient Eltyna (by the author).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Part of a sistrum with relief of Egyptian Hathor.����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Bronze hunters from Syme (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Bronze Reshef figurine (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Land routes from Kommos to Gortyna (map developed by the author). ������������������������������������ 75 Land routes from north to south (map developed by the author). ���������������������������������������������� 75 Views of the Mesara Plain and its path from the Idaean Cave.������������������������������������������������������ 76 Land routes to the Idaean Cave (map developed by the author). ������������������������������������������������� 77 Land routes from the Idaean Cave to Eleutherna (map developed by the author). ������������������ 78 iv

Figure 3.85. Figure 3.86. Figure 3.87. Figure 4.1. Figure 4.2. Figure 4.3. Figure 4.4. Figure 4.5. Figure 4.6. Figure 4.7. Figure 4.8. Figure 4.9. Figure 4.10. Figure 4.11. Figure 4.12. Figure 4.13. Figure 4.14. Figure 4.15. Figure 4.16. Figure 4.17. Figure 4.18. Figure 4.19. Figure 4.20. Figure 4.21. Figure 4.22. Figure 4.23. Figure 4.24. Figure 4.25. Figure 4.26. Figure 4.27. Figure 4.28. Figure 4.29. Figure 4.30. Figure 4.31. Figure 4.32. Figure 4.33. Figure 4.34. Figure 4.35. Figure 4.36. Figure 4.37. Figure 4.38. Figure 4.39. Figure 4.40. Figure 4.41. Figure 4.42. Figure 4.43. Figure 4.44.

Land routes from Eleutherna to Patso (map developed by the author). ������������������������������������� 78 Land routes from the Inatos Cave to the Dictaean Cave (map developed by the author). ������� 79 Land routes of Crete (map developed by the author). ������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Select sites for the research (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 Main Cypriot sites mentioned (by the author).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Recreation of the ivory throne from Salamis (by the author).������������������������������������������������������ 89 Cippus from Palaikastro (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 89 Silver-gilt bowl from Cyprus (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Cesnola Collection).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 90 Red-slipped bowls from Kition (Bikai 2003: Pls. 2, 7). ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Jugs with concentric decoration (Bikai 2003: Pls. 5, 7).������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Storage jars (Bikai 2003: Pls. 6, 8). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 93 Main Rhodian sites mentioned (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 94 Map of the cemeteries of Ialyssos (by the author). ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Cypriot Black-on-Red bottle and Euboean skyphos from Tsambico Tomb LI (393) (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Faience spoon from Ialyssos (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).���������������������������������������������� 97 Sphinx from Ialyssos (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes). ��������������������������������������������������������� 97 Map of the cemeteries of Kameiros (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������� 98 Jewellery from the ‘Tomb of Jewels’, Kameiros (by the author).��������������������������������������������������� 98 Silver plaque (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes). ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 The Sanctuary of Athena, Kameiros.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 100 Egyptian faience figurines from Kameiros (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).�������������������� 100 Location and plan of the current Temple of Athena at Lindos (by the author).����������������������� 100 The Temple of Athena, Lindos.��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Lindian scarab depicting Sekhmet (Apostola 2019: Fig. 8.9). ����������������������������������������������������� 102 Faience figurines of Egyptian divinities (drawing by the author, after Blinkenberg and Kinch 1931: Pls. 53–54). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 102 Female figurine (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 Map of the location of Vroulia (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Flute-player from Vroulia (drawing by the author, after Kinch 1914: Plate 13, Fig. 3). ���������� 104 Sphinx from Vroulia (by the author, after Kaninia and Schierup 2014: Fig. 9a).���������������������� 104 Dinos, late ‘wild goat’ style (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Amphorae sherds (drawing by author, after Kinch 1914: Pl. 21, Figs. 1a and 1b).�������������������� 105 Map of the island of Samos showing its main sites (by the author).������������������������������������������ 106 Aryballos from Samos (Cat. No. A.00174, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. 84/1039; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 108 Late 8th-/early 7th-century BC Amphora from Samos (Cat. No. A.00207, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. 84/1072; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria). ����������������������������������������������������������������� 108 Limestone sphinx from Samos (Cat. No. C.00060, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. Κ/ΚΑ ΕΠΚΑ/84/9; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 108 Wooden kore (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Ivory lion (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Aegis of the goddess Sekhmet (Webb 2016: Pl. 12, Fig. 4, Cat. 118). ������������������������������������������� 110 Bronze Bes with a flute player (Cat. No. B.00353, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. Κ/ΚΑ ΕΠΚΑ/84/502; Samos VIII, Bonn 1972; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).�������������������������������������������� 111 Bronze griffins from Samos (Museum of Samos, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Horse blinker from Samos (by the author). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Map of the main Euboean sites examined (by the author). ��������������������������������������������������������� 113 Plan of the Sanctuary of Apollo, Geometric Phase (courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115 Bronze blinker (Verdan 2013: Pl. 102, Fig. 391. ............................................................................... Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece). ������������������������������������������������������������ 116 Egyptianising female (Verdan 2013: Pl. 102, Fig. 393. .................................................................... Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece). ������������������������������������������������������������ 117 Recreation of an ivory from Nimrud (by the author, after Barnett 1975: Pl. XXIII, S8).���������� 117 Faience amulet of Nefertum (Huber 2003: Pl. 130, Fig. O 207. Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 v

Figure 4.45. Faience amulet of Sekhmet (Huber 2003: Pl. 130, Fig. O 205. Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 Figure 4.46. Near Eastern presence in the Aegean (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������� 122 Figure 4.47. Faience Hathor-like figure-vase (Hölbl 2008: Fig. 182). ���������������������������������������������������������������� 123 Figure 4.48. Inscribed scarab from the Artemision at Ephesus (Hölbl 2008: Fig. 190 a–b).��������������������������� 123 Figure 4.49. Map of the main Corinthian sites (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������ 125 Figure 4.50. Area of Acrocorinth (by the author). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 125 Figure 4.51. Finds from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Corinth: bronze bull, pin, and scarab (Archaeological Museum of Corinth). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 126 Figure 4.52. Bronze griffin from the Heraion at Perachora (Archaeological Museum of Corinth).������������� 127 Figure 4.53. Mask from Artemis Orthia (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 128 Figure 4.54. Ivory of a ram from Sparta (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 Figure 4.55. Ivory plaque from the Temple of Artemis Orthia, Sparta (Kopanias 2009: Fig. 12.1).�������������� 129 Figure 4.56. Bronze bowl from Olympia (by the author).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 130 Figure 4.57. Map showing main sea routes (by the author).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 133 Figure 5.1. Map showing the distribution of the main finds studied. ����������������������������������������������������������� 137 Table 1. Table 2.

Grid showing the finds of each Cretan settlement (by the author).��������������������������������������������� 81 Grid showing the finds of each Aegean settlement (by the author).������������������������������������������ 135

vi

Abstract The island of Crete was an important place for cultural and economic exchanges between Greeks and Near Easterners in the Aegean during the 1st millennium BC. Kommos and its temple provided materials that attest the connections between different populations, such as Greeks and Phoenicians. An examination of these objects and those form other Cretan sites such as Knossos, the Idaean Cave and Eleutherna is presented in this book. Moreover, the case of Kommos is compared to other Aegean cult structures of similar characteristics, such as the Sanctuary of Apollo in Eretria, the Heraion of Samos, the temple of Kition in Cyprus or the Temple of Vroulia in Southern Rhodes, among other temples. These appear to be not just religious spaces but also economic and social meeting points, integrated in networks of commercial districts connected by land and sea routes. This book aims to understand Phoenician presence and trade in Aegean temples, as well as how Crete shaped its role within the context of Mediterranean trade routes from the East to the West.

vii

Preface and acknowledgments This book stems from my doctoral thesis, developed between 2015 and 2020. The idea of examining the archaeological record of the island of Crete started when I was studying my Master’s on Archaeology of the Classical Mediterranean at the University of Sheffield (United Kingdom) between 2014 and 2015. The history and archaeology of the island fascinated me during the courses of John Bennet, Paul Halstead and Peter Day, and, having some background on Phoenician studies thanks to Maria Eugènia Aubet’s lessons during my undergraduate degree at Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona, Spain) and I ended up focusing my Master’s dissertation on the role of Phoenicians on Crete under the supervision of J. Bennet. Later, I decided to continue researching on this field, and this is when I started off my PhD, supervised by M.E. Aubet (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) and Susan Sherratt (University of Sheffield), examining not only the role those Phoenicians played on Crete, but also how they could have helped shape trading networks all over the Aegean Sea through the establishment of the so-called commercial districts and commercial temples. I would like to thank Maria Eugènia Aubet for her ideas and suggestions, as well as for encouraging me to write my PhD thesis, which later on became this book. Writing it would not have been possible without her; moreover, the conditions under which it began, while I was in the UK and she was in Spain, were difficult for both of us, so I am also grateful for her patience and the ease with which we could communicate online. Besides her, I would also like to thank all the Department of Archaeology at the University of Sheffield, where I took my Master’s, and particularly, John Bennet, who not only supervised my thesis but was also my tutor and mentor throughout the whole academic year. I am also very grateful to Peter Day and Paul Halstead, from whom I learned much about archaeological science and who were extremely patient with me, bearing in mind that I was coming from a different field. Special thanks should also go to Susan Sherratt, who supervised me at the University of Sheffield while she was a visiting researcher there during the academic year 2016–2017. During that time I decided the main sites that would be explored throughout my research, making clear that my main focus would be on Kommos in southern Crete. In that moment I started planning some field trips in order to get to know the archaeological site. My first visits to the site were in August 2016 and 2017. I managed not only to understand the archaeological organisation of the settlement but also to appreciate the geographical space of the island, the distances between sites, and the difficulty or ease of access from one area to another. I am also grateful to Antonis Sardakis and Niki Sardaki, who helped me when, in 2018, I managed to access the Apotheke of Pitsidia (Crete, Greece) as a member of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. There I drew and photographed Phoenician sherds of both the catalogued and uncatalogued pottery, getting familiar with the fabrics, shapes and thicknesses, as well as pieces with inscriptions and miscellaneous objects, such as faience beads and vessels. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Vyron Antoniadis, who guided me during my 2019 stay at the National Hellenic Research Foundation, where I explored the role of Aegean temples in terms of their functions and Near Eastern material, such as Egyptian or Phoenician objects. Furthermore, I am grateful for the support and guidance of other researchers from the centre, especially Giorgos Bourogiannis, an expert on Rhodian and Near Eastern Black on Red pottery, and Demi Andrianou, specialist on furniture and Iron Age material culture of the Near East. Moreover, I have been able to visit the archaeological sites of Eretria, with the help of its excavators Tobias Kapf and Samuel Verdan, as well as Corinth, guided by the associate director of its excavations, Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst. viii

Special thanks also go to other students of archaeology who have walked with me along the path of researching and writing my thesis, including Eleni Makrigiorgou, Malamatenia Vlachou, and Carolina Jiménez. I am also deeply grateful to the Kampourakis family, who hosted me on Crete several times and offered me their help to visit numerous archaeological sites, museums, and research centres. And, of course, my deepest thanks go to my friends and family, and, especially, to my brother, Marc, and my parents, Manel and Núria, who supported me unconditionally.

ix

Introduction Contextual analyses ‘Any Phoenicians sailing to the western Mediterranean would have been foolish to avoid the Aegean’ (Coldstream 1982: 261) and especially the island of Crete [Figure 1.1]. Possibly towards the end of the 10th century BC, maritime traffic from Phoenicia to the west emerged, and was later intensified by the tribute demands of Assyria after its growth in the 8th century BC (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 365–366). Cypro-Levantine objects started to appear in many places, such as Sardinia and Italy, north-west Africa and southern Spain, as well as the Aegean. Even though many Levantine exports are not of Phoenician origin, they were probably carried by Phoenician sailors (Coldstream 2000: 16). Cultural encounters, social interactions and negotiations between Phoenicians and locals from the areas mentioned took place in a so-called ‘middle ground’, where a phenomenon of hybridisation occurred (Hodos 2009: 222), beliefs were transmitted, and practices were shared and imitated (Kotsonas 2012: 155). Hence, these factors impacted on the identities, ideologies and economies of natives and newcomers alike (Knapp 2008: 7). Strategic points started to develop, e.g. the port-town of Kition on Cyprus, Kommos and Knossos on Crete, and Near Eastern cultural and religious values were transferred due to trading contacts (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 365–366). Phoenician contacts with Crete could have been an end in themselves (Coldstream 2005: 181), although they probably happened as they progressed westwards. The main east–west routes followed by Phoenician merchants were through the Cyclades to Euboea and Attica, crossing the isthmus of Corinth, or via Crete, where Phoenician installations, such as Kommos, were supplied (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367). The island of Crete appears to have played a relevant role in Phoenician routes east–west, and it deserves attention. Trade routes throughout the Eastern Mediterranean depended, of course, on the winds and sea currents that moved the merchant ships [Figure 1.2]. Weather stations in Crete prove that the wind direction between Crete and Egypt was mainly in a north and north-west direction, and in the summer (known to be the sailing season) there were blowing velocities of around Force 4–5 on the Beaufort Scale (20–38 km/h); the sea currents moved south–east as well, giving speeds of 20–40 km/h. Taking into account the weight of the ship, the fact that currents and wind are not stable, and the wind blows 10–12 hours a day, and not every day with the same intensity, travelling from Crete to Egypt (a journey of 490 km) would have taken around four days, a period of time that Strabo also records in his writings (Lambrou-Philipson 1991: 12). This further implies the difficulty and improbability of travelling straight from Egypt towards the north to reach Crete, and therefore the most probable journey would have been along the Levantine coast. There, some southerly winds between May and October may have helped sailors heading north. Wind speeds in winter were not violent (Force 2–4) and summer speeds were of a maximum of Force 4 on the Beaufort Scale (20–28 km/h), which suggests that travelling in the summer towards the direction of the wind would have been faster than in winter, but it also reminds us that sailing was not necessarily restricted to one season, as travelling in winter was also possible (even though the wind direction then was not so favourable). However, winds were of a higher scale offshore, so that would have made sailing in open seas difficult if the winds were against one (Safadi 2026: 354). Nonetheless, sailing from the Levant to Cyprus presented no excessive dangers, so this would have been the main route followed by Iron Age merchants travelling in the Eastern Mediterranean. Egyptians, Phoenicians and Syrians sailing towards the Aegean would, therefore, have gone from the mainland towards the north-east potentially in summer, following the northerly winds, turning west to Cyprus, and then Crete and the North Aegean. From Crete, they would have gone south straight to Egypt to go back to their homelands (Homer, Odyssey 3.276). 1

Figure 1.1. Map of the main Aegean sites mentioned throughout the book.

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

2

Introduction

Figure 1.2. Map of Eastern Mediterranean winds in the summer (Safadi 2016).

Aim and methodology The themes addressed in this book refer to the role of Crete in the Phoenician routes, east to west, during the 1st millennium BC. According to the archaeological record, most of the trading contacts in Crete took place at Kommos, Knossos, Eleutherna, and the Idaean Cave [Figure 1.3.], and, therefore, several questions are raised. When did Phoenicians arrive in Crete? What materials were transported to the island? Were they arriving for their intrinsic value or for their contents, i.e. in the case of pottery? Did Phoenician trade routes touch exclusively on Crete, or did they extend into the Aegean to the north? Did Phoenician material reach Mount Ida and Eleutherna through Kommos or Knossos? Were the Phoenicians settled in Crete for a period of considerable length, or regularly visiting the sites? What was the role of Temple B at Kommos? What other Aegean sites share characteristics with Cretan ones? Were other Aegean temples used for commercial purposes? What were the interests of Phoenician seafarers? What were they pursuing? To answer these questions, an examination of the role of the Phoenicians in the creation of trading networks within the Mediterranean Sea is needed, mainly by paying special attention to Kommos, as the archaeological evidence suggests many contacts in the port and temple. For an understanding of the site of Kommos, this will be contextualised within the island of Crete, and thus other relevant sites will also be analysed, such as Knossos, Eleutherna, and the Idaean Cave. This current research also aims to explore the role of Temple B at Kommos, and to compare it to other Aegean temples that might have had a similar role, analysing the similarities between objects found on Crete and objects found at other Phoenician establishments, such as Kition (Cyprus) and other Aegean sites that present Phoenician and Near Eastern material. The type of settlement used

3

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 1.3. Map of Crete detailing the main sites subject to study (by the author).

by Phoenicians will also be considered, as well as whether it can be called a ‘colony’, by analysing the phenomenon of identity creation and hybridisation. Moreover, the following hypotheses will be tested and explored, some of which have a general character and others are related to specific sites and finds: a) Crete was a very important stop for Phoenician merchants on their east–west route, and the Phoenician objects found on Crete present similarities to those excavated at western and eastern sites; b) we cannot know about the ethnic origin of a potter by looking at his or her pots (Kotsonas 2001); c) Kommos was the Cretan port most frequented by the Phoenicians; d) its temple was not only used for religious purposes, but also for economic ones, as Aubet (2009) argues; e) cippi are proof that Phoenicians lived at the sites of Knossos and Eleutherna (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 352); f) going to Eleutherna for economic exchange was not viable for Phoenician merchants. These hypotheses shall be extrapolated examining the archaeological record of each site. After examining the hypotheses, and having answered the questions presented above, the general question of the role of Crete will be re-evaluated. To conduct this research, existing theories are examined, e.g. those of Aubet, who claims the economic use of the temple at Kommos (Aubet 2012: 66), and Kotsonas, who conceives the funerary statues similar to cippi as proof that Phoenicians lived at the sites of Knossos and Eleutherna (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 352). However, some of the existing theories were contrasted by examining the archaeological record. Published archaeological reports are used as the main source of collecting data.1 For each Cretan settlement the reports written by the relevant archaeologists are used. The main publications for 1 

For the works of these scholars, see the bibliography.

4

Introduction the site of Kommos are Joseph Shaw’s reports; the principal sources for Knossos are Boardman, Coldstream and Kotsonas; and for Eleutherna the main references used are the reports of Kotsonas and Stampolidis. Ceramics and faience objects from Kommos analysed during the present author’s study season at the Apotheke of Pitsidia in 2018 are discussed here, together with finds from other Cretan sites, mainly of Egyptian origin, displayed in the collections of the archaeological museums of Heraklion and Eleutherna. Other Aegean sites are also evaluated, basing the data collection on publications as well as evidence collected during field work in 2019. The temples selected for examination are located at the sites of Kition (Cyprus), Vroulia (Rhodes), Eretria (Euboea), the Heraion on Samos, as well as the Artemision at Ephesus, the Temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, a series of Corinthian temples, and Olympia. These temples are regularly compared in shape, location, and finds to Temple B at Kommos (Crete). One more aspect analysed here is whether these temples could share the characteristics of a commercial district (following the terms of Aubet 2012). Most of the temples reviewed here are examined through published excavation reports, as well as articles and data collected during fieldwork in 2019. The Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria is studied with the publications from the excavations of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece prepared by Sandrine Huber and Samuel Verdan. The information on the Samos Heraion is mainly extracted from archaeological reports of the German School of Archaeology by Kyrieleis. The Rhodian temple of Vroulia is studied through the reports of Knich from the early 20th century. The Temple at Kition, published by Karaeorghis, is also included in this research. Even though Cyprus is not strictly located in the Aegean Sea, it acts as a gateway from the Levantine coast to the Aegean, and thus it is crucial to include it within this present study. In fact, this island acts as a ‘first stop’ for oriental merchants as they enter the Aegean routes and, afterwards, the western ones. Moreover, the temple of Kition serves to draw parallels with other temples on other islands: i.e. the presence of metallurgy associated with this temple site can be connected to others (e.g. Eretria); sacred prostitution will be linked to activities traced at Corinth; and, furthermore, Cypriot pottery is reflected in possible ‘unguent factories’ at Knossos, Kos, and Rhodes. Other sites with temples that were visited during the 2019 fieldwork are also included in this volume, i.e. certain Rhodian sanctuaries devoted to Athena at Ialyssos, Camiros and Lindos, the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus, the Temple of Aphrodite and the Temple of Demeter and Kore at Corinth, the temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, and the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. An examination of these sites and the character of their temples in terms of Phoenician interactions and commercial exchanges is offered here, together with an array of several maps that assess the major land and sea routes that comprised this Iron Age commercial network. Each site contributes much towards our understanding of the function, or functions, of Temple B at Kommos, including its relationship with the island it was built on, as well as the sea that surrounds it. The site of Kommos Location and context Kommos is a port site on the south of Crete, located on its eponymous bay [Figure 1.4] (also known as Mesara Bay). The bay comprises the beaches of Kommos and Kalamaki, a rocky area that served as a fantastic harbour for the site of Kommos, which is identified as the ancient port of Phaistos (Melfi 2013: 355), according to the Odyssey when describing the place of Menelaos’ shipwreck (Homer, Odyssey 3.293–296).

5

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 1.4. Kommos, bay showing Papadóplaka (right) and the archaeological settlement (left).

Figure 1.5. Kommos, general view of the site (by the author).

6

Introduction The bay faces west, and therefore receives westerly winds. Nonetheless, being a bay, the port is relatively sheltered from the rough seas that characterise the south of the island. A useful landmark for seafarers using the site would have been the little islet known as Papadóplaka, just a few metres west of the site of Kommos. This islet (now less visible after bombing in WWII) would have been used by merchants as an extension of the harbour and as a first point to anchor their ships.2 The site of Kommos [Figure 1.5], located in the Mesara region, was, indeed, linked to other settlements in western Mesara, i.e. Agia Triada and Phaistos, together referred to as the ‘Great Minoan Triangle’ (Shaw, J. 2006: 79). After the decay of the palaces in LM IIIB, a decrease of population in the area led to the abandonment of some sites. However, the arrival of ‘new Greeks’ at Phaistos seemed to promote the creation of new temples in the region, such as a shrine in front of the megaron of the abandoned site of Agia Triada, and an 11th-century BC shrine (later called Temple A) at the site of Kommos, referred to in linear B tablets from Phaistos as ‘Amyklaion’ (Watrous et al. 2004: 310). During the Protogeometric period, it was not only Kommos that received great volumes of imports, as we will examine, but also Phaistos, mainly in terms of Aegean pottery. The 7th century BC saw population growth in the region, with the construction of a monumental temple at Phaistos and a shrine at Kalamaki, and with a great intensity in overseas relations at Phaistos and Kommos. Nonetheless, the 6th century BC saw a decline in these contacts, and Kommos and Agia Triada started to welcome only sporadic visits, whereas Phaistos and Gortyna managed to continue their relations during the Archaic period, until the latter destroyed the former in the 3rd century BC (Watrous et al. 2004: 312–320). Kommos, hence, is thought to have been, together with Kition (Cyprus), one of the places from where the Greeks absorbed oriental elements (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 167), as the archaeological record from the 2nd to the 1st millennium BC confirms. In this book, however, we will be focusing on the finds that correspond to the 1st millennium BC. The Southern Area The site of Kommos is made up of various areas [Figure 1.6]: the ‘Minoan Hilltop Houses’, the ‘Central Hillside’ and the ‘Southern Area’. The latter is the territory that will be studied in this book, as it encompasses the buildings that were built and used during the 1st millennium BC. The Southern Area [Figure 1.7] includes buildings constructed during Minoan times, as well as Iron Age structures, or attachments and renovations. Building P, built during LM III on top of the Minoan North Stoa of Building T, is one of the most curious at Kommos. It features parallel galleries 5.5 m wide and 38.5 m long (Shaw, J. 2006: 37–39). Hundreds of storage vessels were found there, and therefore this building is of great importance, despite its deterioration c. 1200 BC, and sporadic use during EIA, as we will examine later.3 By the end of the 11th century BC, a rectangular construction identified as a small temple was built upon the ruins of Minoan civic structures. The building, called Temple A, was replaced by a larger one, Temple B, during the 9th century BC, which was in turn replaced by another, Temple C, towards the end of the 7th century BC (Shaw, J. 1998: 15–16). As will be explained below, Temple B [Figure 1.8] has an oriental structure (Aubet 2012: 66) and it is associated with the Phoenician merchants who came to Kommos on their east–west route. Near Eastern objects, including Phoenician pottery (e.g. amphorae and drinking vessels), were found in this structure – as well as in other buildings that surrounded it (Bikai 2000).

2  3 

This system is attested at other Aegean sites, and is also present at Amnisos, in the north of Crete, as will be examined in Chapter 3. See 2.1.2.3. Finds in other buildings.

7

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 1.6. Kommos, general site plan (Shaw 2000: Fig. 1.6).

8

Introduction

Figure 1.7. Kommos, Southern Area Period Plan (Shaw 2006).

Figure 1.8. The temples of Kommos (by the author).

9

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Also during the 7th century BC, building Q was established to the south of the temple, as a long porch with successive rooms, where fragments of imported transport amphorae were found (Shaw, J. 2006: 43). Building Z, erected during the Geometric period, and Altar U and Building V, raised during the Archaic period, have also provided pottery finds that will be analysed throughout this chapter. All this material draws scholars into speculation about the Phoenician presence at Kommos (Morris 1992: 154–155). Some argue that Phoenician traders lived permanently at the site, as they had a permanent religious building (Negbi 1992: 609), whilst others claim they lived there only semipermanently in order to trade (Aubet 2012: 230); Kourou also conceives that craftsmen, apart from traders, were resident there as well (Kourou 2012: 41). The use of Temple B is also questioned by Aubet, who defends its economic role (Aubet 2012; MuñozSogas 2017), whereas other scholars, such as Papalardo support its religious function (Papalardo 2002).

10

The Commercial temple of Kommos Temple B The coastal sanctuary at Kommos has three successive phases: Temple A (c. 1020–800 BC), Temple B (c. 800–600 BC), and, after a period of partial desertion, Temple C (c. 375–160 BC) (Shaw, J. 2000: 2). The sanctuary grew with the addition of structures in a gradual manner and all the temples show signs of feasting, ritual animal sacrifice (as the animal remains by the altar suggest) and the offering of statuettes (Shaw, J. 1989: 165). To understand the nature of Temple B [Figure 2.1] and, eventually, of Kommos, we must first have a look at Temple A. Most of the materials found in the sanctuary are Cretan. Nonetheless, two sherds of Phoenician storage jars, and one of a jug, were discovered in a dump (Bikai 2000: 303). According to Shaw, these storage jars of closed shapes were

Figure 2.1. Isometric drawing of Temple B with Tripillar Shrine (Shaw 1997: Fig. 4). 11

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.2. Finds associated with the period of Temple A (by the author).

brought from Cyprus or Phoenicia as exchange items when their carriers, presumably Phoenicians, stopped at Crete during their first voyages to the Western Mediterranean (Shaw, J. 1998: 18–19). After this first period of sporadic connections, Temple B was built over the previous sanctuary. The temple had three different phases, detailed below. During the first phase, the structure was built upon Temple A, coinciding in the northeast corner. A stone pillar was placed in the centre and the bench was built. A circular hearth was set in the interior of the temple, where some fragments of terracotta animals were found. Behind it, a reused Minoan triangular block [Figure 2.2] was used as a base for three stone pillars with cut bottoms and uneven surfaces, which suggests that they were not used to support any structure and therefore they were not used as a table, but as a shrine (Shaw, J. 2000: 14–20); this so-called ‘Tripillar Shrine’, hence became the centre of dedication. These are thought to have been worshipped, since the representation of divinities in the shape of a column was common in antiquity (Yalouris 1979: 100– 101). Behind the shrine a charred wooden bowl was found, perhaps used as a lamp. Other relevant finds of this period were fragments of a Phoenician transport amphorae, also seen in Building Z, cups, skyphoi, bowl fragments of Egyptian blue faience (F 35), a lid and a mug, which suggest drinking, a bronze arrowhead, and terracotta figurines (Shaw, J. 2000: 21). During the second phase, the hearth was rebuilt. Many objects from this time were excavated [Figure 2.3], such as a bronze shield, terracotta figures (generally animal legs, e.g. C 2457), a scarab (F 6), scaraboid beads (Mi 75), faience beads (Mi 59) and Egyptian blue beads (F 30), a faience bowl base (F 26), iron objects, a bronze fishhook, Geometric and oriental cups, and amphorae and aryballoi, which were used as unguent containers. A bronze ring was found next to the altar (B 16), and some loomweights (C 8788) were recognised in the southern area of the temple. During this period, some figurines of an Egyptian type were placed between the pillars of the shrine, which will be discussed later. During the third phase, the bench was at floor level. A rectangular hearth was rebuilt where the circular one had been, and another hearth was set west of the former. Presumably, the fires were lit in front of the shrine (Shaw, J. 2000: 23) and there were therefore changes in the nature of the 12

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.3. Finds associated with the period of Temple B (by the author).

Figure 2.4. Finds associated with the period of Temple C (by the author). 13

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos cult (Shaw, J. 2000: 24); however, the cups and aryballoi found show that the tradition of ritual meals remained. Other finds include finger rings, a scarab, and terracotta animals (C 6291) [Figure 2.4] (Shaw, J. 2000: 24). The Tripillar Shrine and its architectural resemblances The Tripillar Shrine, a triangular sandstone block and three freestanding pillars which were accompanied by other offerings (Shaw, J. 1989: 173), resembles other structures. For instance, Shaw connected it to the Middle Bronze Age terracotta pillar shrine at Knossos, a structure with three columns on which three birds rest (Shaw, J. 1989: 174; Hoffman 2000: 175), and to other pillars on mainland Greece. Some similar structures are found in the Near East and, possibly, Phoenicia. Shaw links the pillar worship to Egyptian obelisks (Shaw, J. 1989: 176) and states that the Stele of Nora [Figure 2.5] depicts a shrine of a similar structure as the one at Kommos (Shaw, J. 2000: 21). This transmission of beliefs is plausible, as by the time Temple B was built Egypt and Phoenicia were closely connected by trade. It is also noteworthy that some of the figurines found between those pillars are Egyptian, or of an Egyptian type, which makes an Egyptian connection more probable. Some shrines in the Near East that resemble the Tripillar Shrine in terms of structure are known from Byblos, Hazor, and Lachish (Pritchard 1978: 135–136; Shaw, J. 1989: 21). Their shared feature is the presence of benches along the walls, a very common characteristic of Near Eastern temples. However, according to Shaw, the most analogous shrine is that of Tanit-Ashtart at Sarepta [Figure 2.6] (Shaw, J. 1989: 22), as it has benches along the walls and a pillar in the centre (Pritchard 1978: 131–138). Nonetheless, their similarities are limited, as the shrine at Sarepta probably had two entrances and a central table (Pritchard 1978: 133–136), which the Tripillar Shrine at Kommos does not have. Other comparisons are found on Cyprus, exceptionally related to Phoenicia of the 10th and 9th centuries BC (Pritchard 1978: 136). The temple of Enkomi, where there were benches and freestanding pillars, and that of Astarte at Kition,1 where more pillars were worshipped, are the two structures that bear similarities to the Tripillar Shrine at Kommos (Pritchard 1978: 136; Shaw, J. 1989: 177). We have, therefore, sufficient evidence to link the temple at Kommos with Phoenician religious beliefs and practices which come from Egypt and other Near Eastern areas and arrive on Crete through the Levantine coast and Cyprus. Figure 2.5. Stele from Nora (Shaw 1989: Fig. 15). 1 

See Chapter 4.1.1., the Kition temple.

14

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.6. Plan of the Shrine at Sarepta (Pritchard 1978: Fig. 125).

The existence of reliefs on tripillar shrines in Sardinia, as well as pillars on Sicily (at Motya, and probably at Segesta and Selinous) and Malta (Shaw, J. 1989: 178–80), also reflect this expansion of iconography, practices, and, presumably, beliefs to the west. Therefore, the idea of a Tripillar Shrine was of foreign origin, as it bears resemblance to the previously mentioned temples and depictions. The feature was almost certainly inspired by Phoenicians, and may even have been of Phoenician construction, having come to Kommos for trade on their route westwards (Shaw, J. 1989: 182–183). Finds Terracottas and figurines Having established the probable Near Eastern origin of the Tripillar Shrine, we will now focus on the second-phase figurines, found between the pillars, which are of Near Eastern origin or inspiration. An Egyptian faience figure of a standing feline-headed female was found on a figurine of a horse of Greek style between two pillars [Figure 2.7.] (Shaw, J. 1989: 174). Shaw associates the object with Sekhmet, the Egyptian goddess of war (Shaw, J. 1998: 18). Other Egyptian divinities are also represented with a feline head and in a standing position, such as Bastet (Eggler and Gubel 2010), but in our case, as will be detailed below from the find of another figurine of a major divinity, this piece does seem to represent Sekhmet, although it has also been associated with the Phoenician goddess Astarte (Apostola 2015: 103). A male figurine found between two other pillars is linked with Nefertum [Figure 2.8] (Shaw, J. 1998: 18; Shaw, M. 2000: 166–168), son of Sekhmet, and therefore the theory that the first figure represented Sekhmet becomes more plausible. The figure of Nefertum is widely represented on Crete, as other figurines have been excavated, such as the one from Knossos’ North Cemetery (Shaw, M. 2000: 169). Accepting the assumption that the divinities represented are Sekhmet and Nefertum, these two gods, together with Ptah, comprise the members of the ‘Memphite triad’ 15

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.7. Figurine of Sekhmet (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 593; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).

Figure 2.8. Figurine of Nefertum (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 594; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).

(Shaw, J. 1998: 18), but no figure representing Ptah has so far been found at Kommos (Shaw, M. 2000: 168). Thus it seems that the foreign images of divinities discussed here were likely worshipped by foreigners on Cretan territory. Of course, we do not know whether the figurines bore the same meanings as they did in Egypt, or if they were simply offerings of some value in the temple. Judging by the shrine, however, it looks like the figures were worshipped with their Egyptian meanings and associations, and each divinity may even have been associated with a pillar. It is therefore logical to assume that these foreigners, whose Phoenician origins and trade purposes we have tried to demonstrate, collaborated with local Cretans and used Temple B as a meeting place (Shaw, J. 1998: 19). Hence, Cretans could have worshipped their gods there as well. Some scholars relate the triad of Sekhmet, Nefertum and Ptah to the Cretan trinity of Apollo, Artemis and Leto (Shaw, M. 2000: 167). We have to bear in mind, however, that the Memphic triad is composed of two males and a female (a couple and their son), whilst the Cretan one is made up of two females and a male (two siblings and their mother). Thus, the two trinities are not directly matched (Shaw, M. 2000: 168) and their correspondence is arguable. Nonetheless, the locals could well have associated the similar appearance to their own triad without knowing in detail the differences. Moreover, the rest of the votive figurines found in Temple B are representations of animals. The most remarkable ones are bulls, horses, and a snake, which can be linked to the cult of Apollo (Shaw, M. 2000: 165–174), and these therefore support the hypothesis of a Cretan triad parallel to the Eastern one (Shaw, J. 1998, 26–28). 16

The Commercial temple of Kommos With reference to the use of these figures, Maria Shaw links them to the protection of procreation and offspring, using the analogy of the faience Nefertum found in a child’s tomb at Knossos (Shaw, M. 2000: 169). However, the attribution of Sekhmet to the feline-headed figurine found in Kommos can clearly again be questioned, as, if the figurines in Temple B were used for the purpose of maternal protection, the feline-headed figurine should actually represent Bastet, who had widely known connotations as a mother goddess (Eggler and Gubel 2010). The origin of these figurines is also debatable. It used to be thought that most faience objects in Crete came from Egypt (Hoffman 2000: 138). However, they could also have been made as imitations in Phoenicia. Hence, whilst Shaw claims that the feline-headed figurine was made in Egypt, the possibility of it being a Levantine imitation should not be discarded. Pottery Temples A and B Most of the pottery finds in the temple are of local origin [Figure 2.9] (Shaw, J. 1998: 20; Callaghan and Johnson 2000: 298). These appear to be made of a soft fabric, with geometric decorations, generally painted with a reddish colour, although in some cases they are incised (i.e. C11320). Their thickness indicates that most of these pots were used as transport and storage jars, even though some of them are slightly thinner and suggest smaller pots. However, imported ceramics are also present in important amounts. Since the Bronze Age, Kommos had been receiving pottery from Egypt, Cyprus, and even the Western Mediterranean, especially Sardinia (Watrous 1989; Stiglitz 2018: 251). In the Iron Age, these imports continue and the main regions of origin are the Aegean [2.10] (mainly from Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and Miletus), as well as the Near East (Domingo and Johnson 1997: 62–68). The examples selected consist of rims and

Figure 2.9. Local ceramics found at Temple B (by the author).

17

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.10. East Greek ceramics from Temple B (by the author).

Figure 2.11. Oenocoae from Temple B (photographs by J. Shaw, drawings by Callaghan and Johnson 2000: Figs. 247–248). 18

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.12. Phoenician ceramics from the period of Temple A (by the author).

bases with lower bellies of transport amphora that were found in 7th-century contexts around the temple altar (the sherds C10196, originally from Chios) and inside Temple B (C8651, C6042 and C6758, with Samian shapes, the last two having some mica in their fabrics (Callaghan and Johnson 2000: 245)). A few 7th-century BC sherds of Cypriot or Creto-Cypriot type [Figure 2.11] were also found in the temple. These belly and shoulder fragments are of an Early Orientalising period and belong to oinochoes and aryballoi, denoting the function of drink serving. They are very similar to some Cypriot jars found in other areas of the island, as will be explained later, and appear to have concentric circles in the area of the body (C2398) and along the neck and upper part of the body (C2399) (Callaghan and Johnson 2000: 237). A total of 339 sherds found in the temple structure were recognised as Phoenician. Of the 339 sherds that appeared (mostly rims and handles), 91% belong to storage jars and transport amphorae that probably contained wine and oil (Shaw, J. 1998: 21; Johnston 2005: 311). These pots were imported from the East, specifically from the north Israeli and south Lebanese coasts, the Sharon Plain and northern Philistia, given the petrographic analyses (Gilboa et al. 2015: 79). They suggest mass production, according to the surface treatments, such as the use of red-slip techniques, painted concentric circles, and self-slipped and burnished vessels (Bikai 2000: 306–310). Fragments of redslipped pots were also found at Huelva (Spain), from the late 9th century BC (Bikai 2000: 311; Gilboa 2013), and Sant’ Imbenia in Sardinia (Oggiano 2000). This is evidence, therefore, that individuals were moving Phoenician pottery from the Eastern Mediterranean towards the west, dropping some 19

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.13. Phoenician storage and transport jars from Temple B (by the author).

off at places such as Kommos, which could be an indication of Phoenician expansion westwards, and exchanges in general between East and West. Since the first period of construction at Temple A, large quantities of ceramics seem to have come from Phoenicia [Figure 2.12]. The earliest Phoenician fragment is C3270, which was found on the lowest floor of Temple A, in trench 33C. This piece is a sherd with white inclusions (Bikai 2000: 303), probably of the late 11th or early 10th century BC. The second floor of Temple A, corresponding to the early 9th century BC, shows an increase in Phoenician imports; bodies and rims of transport jars were found (Bikai 2000: 309), some showing traces of red-slip on the exterior of the bodies (C8050), and some with incised rims and shoulders, recalling Protogeometric forms (C8117, C3528, C8191, C8190). The second stage of the temple attested the continuity of Near Eastern visitors at the site. Among the pottery finds in Temple B, according to Gilboa, are some soft-fabric pots from the Phoenician coast, dated roughly between 850 and 650 BC (Gilboa et al. 2015: 94), as well as soft fabrics with red ferrous inclusions and a harder fabric, the so-called ‘crisp’ ware [Figure 2.13] (Bikai 2000: 302). These sherds are all thick and therefore belong to heavy jugs (C3245) or storage jars (like C4072, the rim and body parts of a reddish-yellow ware with ferrous inclusions; Bikai 2000: 311), and transport vessels (such as C4070, or amphora C3294, an assemblage of c. 50 sherds). If we assume that these pots were mass-produced and imported to Crete, even though some were cumbersome to move, we must now ask why such imports were made. Were the vessels exported for their own intrinsic value, or for their contents? Shaw proposes that foreign pottery with closed shapes, such as jars, amphorae, or pithoi, were imported for their contents, whereas wares with open shapes were brought in for their aesthetic qualities or household use (Shaw, J. 1998: 15). Since most of the vessels found in Temple B had closed shapes, it is very plausible that they were imported for their contents (Shaw, J. 1998: 18). However, not all pots found in Temple B had the same function. Even though most of the sherds belong to storage jars, some belonged to drinking and eating vessels [Figure 2.14]. One of these drinking juglets is attested by the handle sherd C3134, which is paralleled with some Cypriot 20

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.14. Phoenician pottery from Temple B (by the author).

examples by Bikai (2000: 306). Some bowls were also found, such as two uncatalogued sherds found in the southern part of the temple (uncatalogued 34 A2/36) that have some red-slip decoration on one side. These were found surrounded by local serving jugs and skyphoi. Also, the sherds of bowl C11310 are red-slipped and therefore more decorated than the storage jars, recalling the aesthetic qualities of these open shapes. The variety of pottery leads us to think that the building was used for more than one activity. The ownership of ceramic vessels is also under discussion. Hoffman (2000: 176) claims we cannot equate pots to people, and therefore thinks that these local pots belonged to local individuals; perhaps within this context of exchange Phoenician merchants sold Eastern wares to locals and received their wares in exchange. Most of the pots have local characteristics, and it is possible that some belonged to Phoenicians and others belonged to the locals. The same could have happened with the Phoenician pots. Finding both kinds of wares in the same context suggests, hence, contacts and interactions between both groups – foreign seafarers and the local population – who would, presumably, have sat and eaten together in Temple B, using both kinds of pots. Finds from other buildings Not only in Temple B were there ceramic finds of interest, but also in Building Q, Altar U, Building V, and Buildings Z and P. In Rooms 30, 31, 37, 38, 39, and 40 of Building Q, to the south of Temple B, Cretan ware of local manufacture is very abundant, including cups, hydriai, amphorae, kraters, aryballoi, and other open and closed shapes [Figure 2.15]. Most were painted in black and have 21

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.15. Local pottery from Building Q (by the author).

Figure 2.16. Phoenician pottery from Building Q (by the author).

22

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.17. Phoenician pottery from Building P (by the author).

incised, concentric motifs. Some imported wares of Corinthian, East Greek, and Laconian origin were also attested in Building Q. The most prominent type of ware is represented by the amphorae finds, some black-painted (Attic), Lesbian, Chian, Samian, Corinthian, Cypriot, and also Phoenician (Johnston 1993). The sherds from Building Q which seem to be of Phoenician origin [Figure 2.16], precisely from the same period when Phoenician materials were popular at the site, have different characteristics: some present ferrous inclusions indicating their Levantine origin (Bikai 2000: 330), and, moreover, are marked by the presence of concentric decoration (C8413 and the uncatalogued K85A 63A3/1:84), similar to the amphorae found in Temple A. Others, however, lack this characteristic, which might indicate that they were manufactured at other sites in North Africa or Spain under Phoenician influence, such as Carthage (Bikai 2000: 330; Johnston 1993: 371). This is the case of the uncatalogued K85A 64A3/1:81 and 64A3/2:86, which suggest commercial interrelations in the oil and wine trading routes that go not only from East to West, but also in the reverse direction. Shaw claims the liquids were imported from abroad, emphasising the position of Cyrenaica, in modern day Libya (Shaw, J. 2000: 33–34). Nevertheless, the theory of specific Western sites manufacturing amphorae would open new trading horizons. Building P also provided a great amount of pottery from the 9th – 6th centuries BC. In Gallery 3 of Building Z, part of Building P, and contemporary with Temple B, located south of it, pottery for domestic use was found. The finds included local drinking vessels and cooking pots, kraters, amphorae, cups, and skyphoi, mainly corresponding to the Protogeometric period (800–725 BC). Additionally, fragments of two Phoenician jars [Figure 2.17], one of them an amphora (C7885) and the other a flask (C10695), were found (Shaw, J. 2000: 25–26), suggesting local and Phoenician activity

23

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 2.18. East Greek pottery from Building P (by the author).

Figure 2.19. Phoenician pottery from Building F (by the author).

linked to the temple. A large number of amphorae and hydria could also be attested (Johnston 2000: 197–223), and these are key to the commercial function of the site, as will be discussed below. Some sherds from Corinth, Euboea, or eastern Greece [Figure 2.18] were also found in the building (Johnston 2000: 190), i.e. a 7th-century BC Corinthian skyphos and an amphora handle (uncatalogued K85A 65A3/1:61), discovered around the hearth. Aryballoi, cups, and skyphoi were found in the Altar and in Building V, to the east of the temple (Shaw, J. 2000: 26–29). A few metres east of Building V, Building F also revealed some pottery of interest to us, such as a few sherds of a 7th-century BC Phoenician red-slip plate (C9551) [Figure 2.19], which presents similarities in fabric and paint to sherds C11310 from Temple B. Hoffman questions whether Phoenicians were carrying out most of the trade in the Mediterranean during the first centuries of the 1st millennium BC, something which cannot be determined through pots alone (Hoffman 2000: 176). Pots cannot tell us about the ethnic origins of the potter, but about the artisan’s skills and experience and the place of manufacture of the pot (after analysis), as well as the personal taste of the pot’s owner, in cases where it is acquired for its intrinsic (aesthetic) value, not for its contents. Hence, to know if Phoenicians were present in Kommos during the early 1st millennium we have to focus on other indices, such as objects (which indicate contacts with imports and artistic influences), burials (that attest immigrant presence, but not interaction) and architecture (which can also indicate a foreign presence) (Hoffman 2000: 185). In the case of Kommos, we can certainly confirm Phoenician presence and culture by looking at the oriental structure of Temple B and its finds. 24

The Commercial temple of Kommos

Figure 2.20. Commercial inscriptions from Building Q and Temple B (by the author).

Inscribed ceramics A total of 41 ceramic sherds found around Temple B, Building Q, and Building P feature inscriptions; most are in Archaic Greek alphabets and are inscribed on pieces of cups or other tableware, generally painted with black glazes or white paint. Serendipitously, some inscriptions can relate the area to commercial activity, and these three are the ones that I will examine [Figure 2.20]. The first (I99) consists of two inscribed lines on a sherd belonging to a 5th-century BC Samian amphora. Inscription 42 is on the handle of a Mendean amphora (estimated to be 7th – 4th century BC) with symbols of an Archaic Greek alphabet that indicate the capacity (‘ten choes and two kotylai’) and price (‘ten staters’) (Csapo, Johnson and Geagan 2000: 148). The third inscription, which is also drawn below, is I45, found on an amphora from eastern Greece, discovered in Temple B, with a black glaze. Belonging to the 7th century BC, this inscription shows two and a half letters that have similarities to examples from Posidonia and Eretria, as well as from a late 10th-/early 9th-century BC Phoenician inscription from Šipitwba‘al and ‘Abdo, and an 8th-century BC Aramaic inscription from Bar-Rakib (Zenjirli, Turkey) (Csapo 1991: 210–5). All of these inscriptions are connected to transport jars and seem to indicate amounts, dates, prices and other data that buyers and sellers would have needed in order to establish commerce at the site. Both these inscriptions and non-inscribed pottery sherds seem to contribute to the idea of this site as being a commercially oriented area, as will be argued below. The commercial district of Kommos Understanding the uses of Temple B is important in terms of comprehending the role of Kommos with regard to Phoenician presence. The building and its finds not only give us evidence for one

25

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos utility of the site of Kommos, but for many uses, such as religious practices, food consumption, and economic transactions. The religious use of Temple B is the one most commonly accepted. Ritual is evidenced by the figurines of gods, which, at the same time, indicate the presence of immigrants from the Near East (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 353). As mentioned previously, the pillars themselves were worshipped in rituals (Yalouris 1979: 100–101), and hence some scholars propose divine triads, e.g. Shaw proposes the triad of Baal, Ashera, and Astarte, or Tanit, Ashera, and Astarte (Shaw, J. 1998: 18). Melfi (2013: 358–359) suggests a cult to Apollo2 during the 7th century BC, as some cups are inscribed with his name. Moreover, there is a connection between Apollo and the ancient name of Kommos, Amyklaion, which presumably derived from a Greek transliteration of a Phoenician title (Shaw, J. 1989: 175; Melfi 2013: 358). Therefore, it could be plausible that the triads mentioned came from Egypt, or perhaps Phoenicia (Shaw, J. 1989: 175), to Crete and then the Peloponnese during the first half of the 1st millennium BC. It is possible that these triads could have undergone transformations as a result of contact with indigenous groups, which is why some monuments that represented at first eastern divinities, such as the Tripillar Shrine, became dedicated to other gods, e.g. Apollo. Hence, the Tripillar Shrine was a symbolic and iconic representation of a divine triad, possibly Phoenician. This Temple of Kommos, where peoples of diverse origins interacted, is understood as being a multi-ethnic religious installation where both oriental and local spiritual beliefs and objects coexisted (Pappalardo 2002: 201). Temple B was also used as a place to eat and drink, as local pottery and some figurines indicate (Shaw, J. 1998: 20). This use may be intrinsically related to the religious function of the temple (ritual meals), or simply to the need for travellers to find a place to rest and eat. The fragments of transport amphorae indicate that travellers by sea could have used the site as a staging point for trips to the Western Mediterranean, or to the interior of the island, possibly the Idaean Cave, where there are many Eastern finds. Before going inland, seafarers from the East may have stopped at the temple and had a meal there. After the Phoenicians stopped coming to the temple (when Phoenician material is no longer attested archaeologically), worship and banqueting continued in Temple B, as suggested by an unbroken sequence of local ceramics (Shaw, J. 1989: 183). It is not known whether Phoenicians continued visiting the site without leaving archaeological traces behind them, or if they stopped going to the temple for good. The third use for Temple B, as it was obviously a site for cultural interaction, could have been as a marketplace (Aubet 2012; Sherratt and Sherratt 1993). According to Aubet, the establishment of a temple as a place of both cult and trade was a Tyrian practice (Aubet 2012: 66), also detected at other sites, e.g. Samaria (Aubet 2012: 223) and Kition (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367). Hence, this edifice, a site of connections and encounters, was a place where seafarers and locals exchanged not only beliefs and customs, but also objects. Temples and sanctuaries in many locations became meeting points between different economic systems: Phoenician traders and local groups who were active in commerce (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 375). As a result, this temple acted as a gateway for Near Eastern practices into Crete, absorbing oriental cults by receiving people who traded cultic objects from Egypt, explaining their significance and benefits (i.e., presumably, the faience figurines of Egyptian deities), and other exotic materials (Shaw, M. 2000: 170–171). Type of settlement Considering the idea that one of the roles of the temple was economic, we may suggest that Kommos included a Phoenician commercial district. Phoenicia had large commercial settlements in many places throughout the Mediterranean, i.e. Carthage and Kition, considered to be colonies (Aubet 2  Religious syncretism needs to be taken into account not only with the triad mentioned but also with individual gods, since Apollo is often associated with Adonis, the national Phoenician god, in the way Herakles is associated with Melkart. This is a complex subject that will be analysed later.

26

The Commercial temple of Kommos 2012: 221; Nijboer 2021). According to Aubet, commercial districts are permanent installations of commercial interest abroad and they generally have a temple (which is a sign of the political authority of the metropolis). These districts are located next to existing indigenous centres and their objective is not the total control of exchange but the distribution of resources by taking advantage of the local demand and already operative infrastructures (Aubet 2012: 221–223). It is proposed that this is the case at Kommos, which presumably had its indigenous centre at Phaistos or Aghia Triada. The amphorae and jars found in Temple B suggest storage, as well as frequent stops by foreign ships at the port. Therefore there would have been groups of immigrant seafarers who had need of a permanent base for exchange and cult worship (Aubet 2012: 230). This phenomenon is also seen at other commercial stations, e.g. Samaria, a settlement with a temple possibly used in the same way as Temple B, by a Phoenician community formed of artisans, merchants, and priests (Aubet 2012: 226–227). Southern Spain also has two possible commercial districts – Cádiz and Huelva – both located next to existing indigenous communities (Aubet 2012: 230–231). A case can be made, therefore, that Kommos shares similarities with both Samaria and Huelva. Temple B, a building used as a place of cult by oriental immigrants, suggests the permanent, or at least the very regular presence of these immigrants (Negbi 1992: 608–609). Other scholars, such as Shaw, propose that the architecture implies more than an intermittent presence (Shaw, J. 1989: 182; Hoffman 2000: 174), and a religious building would fulfil the needs of a permanent Phoenician population. However, this is not necessarily the case. We may agree with Aubet (2012: 230), who suggests a semi-permanent Phoenician presence, as we are assuming that Kommos was a commercial settlement with economic objectives. Phoenician immigrants would come to the site very often to trade with the indigenous populations, even staying for some nights before weighing anchor to sail on elsewhere. In supporting this theory it must be noted that there is only limited material evidence for Phoenicians – or other merchants – living at Kommos. Only a few Phoenician items have been found in Building Z, which may indicate, according to Shaw, temporary residence (Shaw, J. 1998: 22). The presence, however, of a few sherds of Phoenician pots is not enough evidence to claim Phoenician residence. Thus, so far we can only say that Phoenicians traded at the site, and that, therefore, Kommos was a commercial district rather than a colony of permanent Phoenician settlement. Observations Having assumed that Kommos was a trading district, we must focus now on who traded there, and from and to where. Of course, Phoenicians were involved in commercial exchanges, but other populations could have participated as well. Were the Egyptian figurines carried by Egyptians, by Cretan merchants, or by Phoenicians? According to our knowledge of ancient winds, the journey from Egypt to Crete was a hard one, and ships, therefore, opted to go along the Lebanese coast (Shaw, J. 1998: 16). This makes it harder to decide who transported what, as several different populations were involved in trade. Hence, many foreign groups would have arrived at Kommos, some of whom would have left no trace (Shaw, J. 1998: 16). Among these, the Phoenicians would have possibly been the ones to stay longer during their en-route stops. Although most objects came by sea, some could also have arrived by means of trans-shipment from the north of the island, as Lambrou-Phillipson has proposed with reference to the Egyptian figurines (Lambrou-Phillipson 1991: 11–19). Nonetheless, Shaw questions this hypothesis, there being no evidence for such inland routes at Phaistos and Aghia Triada (Shaw, J. 1998: 16). This lack of evidence, however, does not prove the lack of such routes; there is evidence of other inland routes between Kommos and Mount Ida, i.e. the many Eastern-influenced objects in the Idaean Cave (Shaw, J. 1989: 182). Hence, inland communications and commerce are also plausible. 27

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos What we know so far is that Kommos was a regularly frequented port by Phoenicians between the 10th and 9th centuries BC, and then in the 7th century BC (Shaw, J. 1989: 165; Kourou 2000: 1068), and Temple B was not only used for religious purposes but also economic ones (Aubet 2012: 221). Although most of the ceramic sherds found in Temple B belonged to storage jars, therefore promulgating the economic use of the building (Bikai 2000: 302), some other fragments came from vessels used for eating and drinking (Shaw, J. 1998: 20), thus indicating that Temple B had multiple functions. We should also mark the non-permanent character of the Phoenician population trading at Kommos, and hence the role of the settlement as a commercial district (Aubet 2012: 221), rather than being a permanent colony. It is also important to bear in mind that local pottery was found in Temple B. Hence, assuming that the Tripillar Shrine was a Phoenician construction, the shrine was accepted by the locals (Shaw, J. 1998: 20), with whom they would have shared the above-mentioned meals. According to Shaw, the three pillars would also have represented three deities for the locals, probably Apollo, Leto, and Artemis (Shaw, J. 1998: 20), whilst Phoenician merchants would have presumably worshipped Sekhmet, Nefertum, and Ptah (Shaw, J. 1998: 18; Shaw, M. 2000: 167). Csapo illustrates this phenomenon of cultural contact, explaining that the port was a place where Cretans, Greeks, and Phoenicians ‘lied to each other over wine and limpets at the seaside Shrine and left their cups, possibly for reuse on the return journey’ (Csapo 1991: 215).

28

Kommos and its connections within Crete The site of Kommos has presented similar material to other neighbouring sites, proving Crete was a primary transit point for Eastern Mediterranean commerce (Markoe 1998: 233; Muñoz-Sogas 2018). To understand Phoenician trade inland, the routes they followed, and the importance of each area for commerce, it is necessary to examine these other Cretan sites. Most are located in the central area of the island, from north to south, but only a few are relatively close to the sea. The sites that have presented the greatest amount of material are Knossos, Eleutherna, and the Idaean and Dictean caves. To a lesser degree, Amnisos, Ancient Elthyna, Gortyna, Phaistos, and the caves of Syme, Inatos, and Patso [Figure 3.1] have provided some objects of oriental origin that could also help in tracing these inland routes that traders might have used. Knossos The site Odysseus claims that a Phoenician ship took him to Ithaca twice. On one of these journeys he specifies that they sailed along the north coast of Crete en route from Phoenicia to Libya (Homer, Odyssey 14.285–14.300; Sherratt 1996: 91). A coastal site on the north of the island that has produced archaeological evidence for contacts with Phoenicia is Knossos, in modern-day Heraklion [Figure 3.2], a much frequented port by the Phoenicians on their way westwards (Kourou 2012: 41). The harbour was located at Katsabas, where the Kairatos river reaches the sea after coming from Archanes. The Iron Age site of Knossos, distributed in different areas along the riverbed, has

Figure 3.1. Map of Crete showing the sites analysed in this chapter. 29

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.2. View of Heraklion from the East with the Bronze Age Palace of Knossos on the left, Iron Age Fortetsa in the centre, and Agios Yoannis, the Tekke area and Atsalenio to the right.

Figure 3.3. Knossos, general site plan (Antoniadis 2020: Map 1).

produced Phoenician and Cypriot vessels, bronze vessels, gold jewellery, jugs with lotus flower decoration, ivory items, and small objects of faience, glass, and Egyptian blue, i.e. scarabs and figurines (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 341–346). Some finds, such as a bowl with a Phoenician inscription, and other Near Eastern objects, suggest the exchange of goods and trade by Phoenician merchants on their way to the west (Coldstream 1982; Kourou 2012: 35). Funerary monuments that resemble Phoenician cippi, one with an anthropomorphic form, are seen as proof of Phoenician residence at the site (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998). The finds of gold jewellery in deposits are used to prove the presence, and even residence, of Near Eastern goldsmiths in Knossos (Boardman 1967; Muñoz-Sogas 2019). The great amount of Cypro-Phoenician unguent pots found has also encouraged some scholars to suggest the presence of an immigrant unguent factory at the site (Coldstream 1982). 30

Kommos and its connections within Crete Most of these objects of Near Eastern origin, or resemblance, were found in tombs. These are grouped in different areas [Figure 3.3] (Antoniadis 2017). The area of Atsalenio, in the north, produced some Early Iron Age chamber tombs, such as the one where a cippus was found. Most of the Early Iron Age Tombs (c. 150) are found in the area of Tekke (also known as Ambelokipi), where the bowl with the inscription appeared. In the north there is the Khaniale Tekke district, where the Tekke jewellery was discovered. This find suggested the permanence of Near Eastern craftsmen (Boardman 1967), although other scholars link it to elite control (Hoffman 2000; Kotsonas 2006). To the east there is the area of the Venizeleion Hospital, also known as the Sanatorium, where an anthropomorphic Phoenician cippus was found (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 239). To the south there is the Fortetsa area. Other areas are the Kephala Ridge, the Ayios Ioannis zone, the upper and lower areas of the Gypsades Hill, and the Mavro Spilio district (Antoniadis 2017: 50–56). Cippi Tomb 10 at the Venizeleion Hospital (Sanatorium) At the site of the Sanatorium [Figure 3.4], over the edge of Roman Tomb 10, a stele was found [Figure 3.5]. It was upside down, corresponding to a Late Roman wall structure. As it had no connection with the rest of the finds, it is clear that its position was accidental (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 239–240).

Figure 3.4. Roman tombs at the Venizeleion Hospital (by the author). 31

Figure 3.5. Cippus from Venizeleion Hospital (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: Fig. 18.1).

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos The stone was cut out of soft local limestone and measures 0.44 m x 0.24 m x 0.155 m. It has a pillar-like shape and the upper part, which is carved in a heart-like shape, is intended to represent a human head (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 240–241). There is no doubt that this is a Phoenician cippus, as anthropomorphic stelae similar to this are common in Phoenician and Punic areas, e.g. Sardinia, Sicily, and North Africa. For instance, the two-headed cippus from Selinus is very similar in shape, even though it dates to the 5th or 4th centuries BC, and the cippus from the Sanatorium must be earlier, possibly from the 7th century BC (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 246). It also resembles the Kimolos cippus, although it emphasises the human body, whereas the Sanatorium find emphasises its head only (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 242–245). A cippus to which it bears much resemblance is the one from the Tyrian tophet (TT91 S6) [Figure 3.6]. It dates from the 7th century and has a human head relief at the upper part (Sader 1991). The shape of the head is very similar (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 246).

Figure 3.6. Cippus TT91 S6 from Tyre (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: Fig. 19.3).

The presence of a Phoenician cippus at Knossos is very meaningful. This kind of stelae was considered to be the resort for the soul of the deceased (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 243), and, therefore, they are proof of an oriental mortuary practice. Even though we cannot be sure that people on Crete conceived cippi in the same way as at other places of the Punic world, the context where it was found suggests it had a similar meaning. This advocates that oriental people, or, more precisely, Phoenicians, resided at Knossos (Kourou and Grammatikaki 1998: 248; Kourou 2012: 41). Tomb III at Atsalenio

Figure 3.7. Cippus from Atsalenio (Kourou 2012: Fig. 6a; after Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: Figure 378). 32

Two blocking stones were found at the entrance of chamber Tomb III at Atsalenio. One appeared to be a reused stele, a complete monument that was not part of the architecture [Figure 3.7]. It was found near an Early Orientalising oinochoe from 700 BC,

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.8. Stela from Nora (Aubet 2009: Fig. 58. Photograph by Giovanni Tore).

Figure 3.9. Cippus TT91 S12 from Tyre (Kourou and Karetsou 1998: Fig. 14; after Helen Sader).

so the secondary use of the stone must be dated to the 8th century BC. Kourou and Karetsou (1998: 243–247) assumed that it was previously used as a cippus, judging by its shape. The stone, made of local limestone and measuring 0.80 m x 0.32 m x 0.22 m, had a rectangular shape with a central circular cavity and a projection on top (Kourou and Karetsou 1998: 244). It recalls the shape of the stele from Nora in Sardinia [Figure 3.8], although the reliefs are absent and it has a Phoenician inscription that marks it to the end of the 9th century BC (Aubet 2009: 223), possibly the same period as the cippus at Atsalenio. The decoration of the cippus at Atsalenio is very similar to that of the cippus TT91 S12 from the Tyre Tophet [Figure 3.9], which, instead of a circular hole, has an elongated leaf-shaped relief. Regardless of the possible meanings of these forms as the solar disc and as a tree (Sader 1991: 108), the popularity of cippi throughout the Mediterranean and, concretely, at Tyre, the Phoenician homeland, as well as at Knossos further west, suggests Phoenician expansion to the west (Kourou and Karetsou 1998: 246) not only in terms of economics and trade, but also in terms of social and cultural practices, as well as a place of residence. The fact that Knossos is one of the Mediterranean centres where these cippi appear might imply it was a major trading hub and an important port of call on the Phoenician route to the west (Kourou 2012: 41). Unlike Kommos, Knossos was not only a port, but also a second hometown for those traders who wished to practice their economic activities from Crete, even though we have not yet defined exactly what the economic activities of these Phoenicians who decided to stay in Knossos 33

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.10. Bronze bowl with omphalos and leaves (by the author).

Figure 3.11. Cypro-Phoenician bronze bowl (by the author)

might have been. Whether those people were craftsmen, merchants, or other professionals, is a topic that will be discussed throughout this book by analysing further finds. Bronze A few bronze bowls found in the area of Heraklion share resemblances to Phoenician bowls and seem to be imitations of such. A 7th- or even 6th-century bowl with a central omphalos boss [Figure 3.10] was also found at Knossos, but closer to the area of Ambelokipoi, at Tomb 9 on the Hatzaki plot. Around the omphalos are a few leaves. Other bowls from the surroundings of Knossos are compared to Phoenician bowls, such as the one found at Arkhades [Figure 3.11], which has friezes of bulls and falcons, birds, flowers, and a rosette in the centre (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 124–126). Faience Faience figurines from Fortetsa The area of Fortetsa [Figure 3.12], to the west of the Minoan Palace, has been a treasure trove for faience discoveries. Figurines of Egyptian deities, scarabs, bowls, and even glass objects have been found around the area in different Iron Age contexts. An 8th-century figure of Ptah-Seker [Figure 3.13] sitting on a throne and two Nefertum figurines [Figure 3.14] in a pithos burial of a female child were found at Tomb P2 at Fortetsa (Hoffman 2000: 41). The god Nefertum, wearing an Egyptian apron and a crown with a plant motif, was associated with creation. Ptah-Seker, presumably holding a lotus flower, wearing a necklace and the Atef crown, was linked to children, so both statues might have been used as protection amulets (Maria Shaw 2000: 169; Karetsou and Papdakis 2001: 355). The figurine of Nefertum, 32 cm high, is the largest faience statue imported to the Aegean found so far. However, because of the lack of hieroglyphs, it is suggested that the figurine is not an Egyptian original but that it has a Syro-Palestinian manufacture. The figurine of Ptah-Seker has some hieroglyphs on the base, although they bear no apparent meaning, thus the same origin has been suggested for it (Karetsou and Papdakis 2001: 355). As Coldstream has argued in discussing Shaw’s 34

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.12. The area of Knossos-Fortetsa, showing Villa Dionysos in the centre.

Figure 3.13. Faience figurine of Ptah-Seker (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ Υ 597; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).

Figure 3.14. Faience figurine of Nefertum (Inv. Mo. ΑΜΗ Υ 598; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED). 35

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos article in 1998, one of the Nefertum figures was an imitation and not an original, unlike the figure of Nefertum from Kommos, which looks Egyptian in origin (Shaw 1998, discussion). Identifying original and imitation faience objects is a difficult task, as different techniques were employed for making such figurines (Hoffman 2000: 136). These objects could also have been imported by north Syrians or native Cypriots, but Phoenicians had a better trading infrastructure and contacts with Egypt (Boardman 2006: 513), thus it is more likely that they brought them to the island. Moreover, other finds, such as the gold jewellery made by using filigree and granulation techniques studied below, suggest Phoenicians controlled most of the trade in Knossos. Another unanswered question is if these practices and beliefs are understood in the same way as in Egyptian contexts. There was, probably, a change in the way the objects were used, as they had been brought to the island by intermediaries only, who slightly transformed the essence of the beliefs unintentionally. What is crucial, nonetheless, is the access of oriental religious and funerary practices to Crete. Both Kommos and Knossos act as ports of entry for these new beliefs and they spread then to other locations on the island, such as Eleutherna and, probably, Mount Ida (Shaw 1998: 27; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 344). Other faience objects from Fortetsa and the North Cemetery The Fortetsa area has also revealed some faience objects, vases, and bowls of Eastern origin. Three scarabs of white and greenish faience [Figure 3.15] found in Tomb 2 at Fortetsa, originals from the 16th Egyptian Dynasty (because of the inscribed name of Amenhotep on one of them), indicate the importance of Near Eastern antiquities in the 8th century BC (Brock 1957: 97). Other scarabs have been found at the Kephala Ridge Tomb, even though the inscribed hieroglyph suggests a Levantine imitation rather that an Egyptian original (Coldstream 1963: 30). A piece of a faience figurine from

Figure 3.15. Scarabs from Fortetsa (Brock 1975: Pl. 173).

36

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.16. Lekythia from Fortetsa (by the author).

Figure 3.17. Alabastron from Fortetsa (by the author).

Figure 3.18. Glass bowl from Fortetsa (by the author).

Figure 3.19. Faience bowl from the North Cemetery (by the author).

37

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Tomb 9 at Fortetsa seems to represent the goddess Sekhmet, even though its head is missing (Brock 1957: 30), and a top piece of another figure from Tomb P2 looks like Ptah-Seker (Brock 1975: 83). Two faience lekythoi (oil flasks) [Figure 3.16] from the 8th/7th centuries BC were found in Fortetsa Tomb P. These were made of blue faience, but the vitreous surface has disappeared, so only a whitish-grey colour is preserved. They have incised decoration of concentric centres and geometric motifs, and seem to be related to Egyptian and Assyrian examples, even though they could have been products of local Cretan manufacture, imitating the Eastern originals (Brock 1957: 133; Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 144). A blue faience alabastron [Figure 3.17] was found in Tomb P2. It was decorated with incised vertical and horizontal lines and depictions of lotuses, palms, and a rosette (Brock 1957: 83). Also from Tomb P is a glass bowl [Figure 3.18], presumably made in a mould. It appears to be from Asia Minor (Brock 1957: 134; Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 145) and presents similarities in shape and technique to one found at Eleutherna. From the North Cemetery we have a 7th-century BC faience bowl [Figure 3.19] with a curved surface and a central rosette. The technique is similar to other workshops of eastern Greece, imitating Egyptian art of the Third Intermediate Period (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 143; Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 357). Animal-shaped vases Two ape-shaped vases [Figure 3.20] made of terracotta and unpainted, with incised eyes and paws, were found in Tomb P. They date to the 7th/8th centuries BC and do not show much refinement, compared to other more elaborated monkeys (Brock 1957: 134). Another monkey-shaped vessel [Figure 3.21] was found in the North Cemetery; it has a very grotesque face, open-mouthed and showing its tongue, and shows the influence of Cyrenaica and Egypt (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 147–148). The number of bird-vases (askoi) increases during the 9th and 8th centuries BC on Crete, especially in the area of Knossos, connecting the ornamental motifs both to the East, mainly in its Cypriot detailing, as well as to a Mycenaean past, with decorative elements common in the 14th century BC (Stampolidis 1998: 78). An interesting vessel with the shape of a bird and head of a bull [Figure 3.22], found in a 7th-century BC context, evokes mythological references (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 147). Another bird-shaped vase [Figure 3.23] from Fortetsa, made of terracotta, shows less development; it evokes a Greek siren and belongs to the Early Orientalising period (Brock 1957: 134). An 8th-century BC lion with a small vessel between its paws [Figure 3.24] was found in the North Cemetery. The lion, which finds some parallels in the Idaean Cave and Rhodes, rests on an elliptical base and the tail is made as a relief, curved towards the front. It is a Palestinian import, being an example of an intricate vase form, with a tube leading to a container area inside (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 147; Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 356). Oriental jewellery and vases Most of the gold and silver finds come from the Tekke area of Knossos. The Tekke and Khaniale districts, to the north of the Bronze Age palace, are areas covered in modern buildings. Only a few sites, which were also used in Roman times, are currently visible – around the hospital and on both sides of Andrea Nathena Street [Figures 3.25, 3.26].

38

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.20. Ape-shaped vase from Fortetsa (by the author).

Figure 3.21. Ape-shaped vase from the North Cemetery (by the author).

Figure 3.22. Bird vase from the North Cemetery (by the author).

Figure 3.23. Bird vase from Fortetsa (by the author; after Brock 1957: Plate 110).

39

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.24. Lion-shaped vessel from the North Cemetery (by the author).

Figure 3.25. The site to the north of Andrea Nathena Street.

Figure 3.26. The site to the south of Andrea Nathena Street. 40

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.27. Tekke Tomb J inscribed bowl (by the author).

Tekke Tomb J Tekke Tomb J, a chamber tomb used from the 10th century BC, had two burials, probably separated by a generation (hence one is dated to the early 9th century BC). Between two amphorae lay a hemispherical bronze bowl with an inscription of twelve archaic Phoenician letters [Figure 3.27] (Coldstream and Catling 1997: 25–27; Coldstream 1982: 271). Sznycer and Coldstream, focusing on the archaeological context, agree that the bowl dates to c. 900 BC by (Sznycer 1979: 89–93; Coldstream 1982: 270–271), whereas Cross takes his dating from palaeographical analysis and compares it to other inscriptions from the 11th century BC, such as the stele of Nora, stating that the Phoenicians began their commercialising with the west from the 12th century BC (Cross 1983: 17). We may here agree with Cross, suggesting that the bowl was manufactured and inscribed during the 11th century, and that it passed down from hand to hand until being buried in the 10th or early 9th century, as Sznycer and Coldstream indicate: it could well have been an heirloom when it was placed in the tomb (Hoffman 2000: 122). Having been brought across the sea before the 10th or 9th centuries BC, it would have presumably been one of the first Phoenician items to arrive on Crete. With reference to the meaning of the inscription, Sznycer’s provisional reading was ‘the bowl of X, son of Y’ (Sznycer 1979: 89), and Cross contributed by proposing its reading as ‘Cup of Sama [], son of L []’ (Cross 1983: 15). Hence, the inscription of the bowl suggests private ownership. According to many scholars, it was, thus, not an object of commerce but the possession of an early Phoenician who resided in Knossos (Coldstream 1982: 271; Negbi 1992: 608). As suggested above, taking into consideration the context of the find, which is in a 10th-or 9thcentury tomb, and a dating by Cross to the 11th century BC, we must assume the bowl was in use for some generations before being buried. Hence, the owner of the bowl, presumably buried in Tekke Tomb J, could have been a descendant of an early Phoenician, once an owner of the bowl. Assuming this, then Phoenicians lived and died on this site for more than a generation, and therefore Knossos would have been used, as proved by the cippi finds, as a place of residence for Phoenician families, regardless of their professions. Nonetheless, we cannot just assume that the inscription refers to the family of the first owner of the bowl, since it could also be associated with the donor. If this assumption is true, a Phoenician merchant, for instance, presumably called Sama, could have donated the bowl to a non-Phoenician individual at Knossos, who then donated it to his descendant and was buried with it. Hence the donor of the bowl would not necessarily have been an inhabitant of Knossos. Likewise, as Coldstream suggests, the bowl could have been traded by Phoenicians on their way to westwards (Coldstream 1982: 27). These assumptions are equally plausible. However, the previous one appears to be much 41

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos stronger, thus it is preferable here to suggest that the bowl was owned by a Phoenician family who lived at Knossos. The Khaniale Tekke Tholos Tomb 2 At the Khaniale Tekke district, which lies north-west of the Minoan palace of Knossos, the ruins of a round tomb with a single burial proved to be a tholos tomb, referred to as Tholos Tomb 2. The tomb had Minoan symbols, e.g. a pair of horns of consecration (Kotsonas 2006: 152). Below the chamber floor two small unpainted ceramic vases were found on each side of the door. Inside these, assemblages of gold objects were found, now known as the Tekke Jewellery [Figure 3.28], dating from the second half of the 9th century BC (Hutchinson and Boardman 1954: 216; Hoffman 2000: 191; Kotsonas 2006: 150). Among the objects in these vessels was a quantity of finished jewellery, as well as raw materials in the form of bars. These jewels are made of gold, but also of amber and rock crystal, which are materials from Crete. However, some of the items were made by using the techniques of filigree and granulation, very popular in the Near East, and very common for Phoenician gold objects (Aubet 2009: 112). These precious objects, therefore, were made of Cretan materials, using ‘imported’ techniques (Boardman 1967; Hoffman 2000: 213). One of the most intriguing of these finds, made with the above-mentioned techniques, is a gold necklace with inlays of crystal and amber in a crescent shape underneath a chain that ends with

Figure 3.28. Part of the Tekke Jewellery (by the author).

Figure 3.29. Gold rings from Fortetsa (by the author). 42

Kommos and its connections within Crete snake heads (Hutchinson and Boardman 1954: 216), perhaps similar to the one described in the Odyssey as ‘a necklace of gold, and with amber beads’ (Homer, Odyssey 15.454). It has been compared to the lunate-shaped gold pendant found in the Toumba complex at Lefkandi,1 dated to the middle 10th or early 9th century BC (Catling 1986–1987: 13). Although the crescent shape was common in Sub-Minoan Crete, these motifs reappeared in the 10th century BC, possibly as a result of Near Eastern influence, as crescents and crescents with disks, understood as celestial images of the sun and the moon, which were very common in Near Eastern and, particularly, Phoenician imaginary, even though they are normally found with the open side down (Hoffman 2000: 213–221). Another jewel with a crescent found among the Tekke Jewellery, again made using filigree and granulation techniques, was a gold pendant/brooch with amber inlays. The crescent has a guilloche pattern, almost closing into a circle. There are four birds, a common animal in Cretan ceramics, standing in the centre. On the tips of the crescent there are human heads wearing poloi (Hutchinson and Boardman 1954). These present similarities to the human figures depicted on the 8th-century BC rectangular gold plaque found in the Idaean Cave (Hoffman 2000: 221), as well as those human heads wearing hats depicted on two decorated gold rings found in Fortetsa [Figure 3.29] (Lebessi 1975: 171). Another important find was the quatrefoil in a Maltese cross shape with rounded ends, also made with filigree and granulation, comparable to the shapes of the two rings mentioned previously (Hoffman 2000: 225). A diadem with stamped designs of human figures and lions found in the deposit resembles one from Lefkandi, as well as a gold diadem from Fortetsa (Hoffman 2000: 227). However, according to some scholars, the Knossos find was made locally, whereas the Lefkandi one was a Phoenician import (Coldstream 1982: 268) – from the suggestion that the Toumba site is a Phoenician family tomb (Nijboer 2008; Kourou 2012: 40). The theme of men mastering lions is an ancient one and can be traced to the Near East, starting with the story of Gilgamesh himself (Hoffman 2000: 227–228). Boardman argues that this was a Near Eastern jeweller’s tomb, as between the 9th and the 8th centuries BC some Near Eastern metalworkers arrived in Greece, settled, practised their craft and taught their techniques. Hence, a community of oriental metalworkers, working for Cretan patrons, would have been established and the family owners of the tomb in question would have been part of this community (Boardman 1967: 63). Boardman’s argument, supported by Coldstream, is based on the deposition of the pots on either side of the door, as in foundation deposits typical of the Near East, the bars of unworked materials, i.e. the craftsman’s ‘stock-in-trade’, and the oriental character of the objects (Boardman 1967: 57–75; Coldstream 1982: 267). Hoffman criticised this hypothesis by explaining that foundation deposits were made to protect the building, not the owner of the tomb, and, moreover, it was not exclusively a Near Eastern practice (Hoffman 2000: 207). She also remarks that, as seen from the descriptions of the objects, not all the motifs are Near Eastern, but also Cretan (Hoffman 2000: 213–229), and that the unworked materials could have been weights used as currency (Hoffman 2000: 198–199). Furthermore, the same scholar suggests that the absence of craft tools indicates that the occupant of the tomb was not a craftsman (Hoffman 2000: 204). It is true that the evidence of tools is crucial to determine whether the deceased was a craftsman, but we cannot claim he was not a craftsmen based on negative evidence, as he could have been a goldsmith whose tools were kept elsewhere. Hoffman’s arguments were supported by Kotsonas’ observations on the abundance of precious materials in the tomb (gold, silver, rock crystal, amber) in comparison to the limited distribution of these materials. He concluded that the occupants of the tomb were Cretan patrons, an elite who had access to the Tekke workshop and regulated the distribution of the materials mentioned (Kotsonas 1 

This site will be briefly examined in Chapter 4.4 (Euboea).

43

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos 2006: 159–162). These craftsmen were probably Near Eastern metalworkers who introduced the techniques of filigree and granulation that had been forgotten in Bronze Age Crete (Hoffman 2000: 235), and used Cretan materials provided by their patrons, as well as a ‘mixed’ iconography. Even though the jewellery was presumably made by Phoenician metalworkers, judging by the techniques and some of the motifs used, who possibly lived and died at Knossos, as has already been proved with the cippi, this particular tomb could have been the burial place of Cretans. We may therefore agree with Kotsonas, as the tomb revealed Minoan symbols (Kotsonas 2006: 152) that do not match with the theory of Phoenicians being buried there. All in all, both the theories of Boardman and Hoffman and Kotsonas support Near Eastern metalworkers living at Knossos. Hence, we may suggest that Knossos was a place where Near Eastern traders, and particularly Phoenician ones, stopped on their way westwards. Once they saw its market possibilities, some stayed and produced objects, whilst teaching their skills to (possibly) Cretan artisans. The owners of the cippi discussed previously2 could thus have been metalworkers. Pottery: the unguent factory A great number of Black-on-Red unguent containers from the 9th and 8th centuries BC have been found at Knossos [Figure 3.30] (Coldstream 1982: 268; Shaw 1989: 182). These lekythoi and oinochoes, of different shape and size, and decorated with horizontal bands and concentric circles, appear to be Cypriot originals (with a reddish fabric), as well as Cretan copies (with pink and reddish-yellow fabrics, fired harder) (Coldstream 1998: 158–160; Kotsonas 2012: 165). The motifs are of the same kind as fragments C2398 and C2399 from Kommos. Phoenicians, as well as Egyptians, were well known for their unguents (Jones 1993: 293). A few Egyptian perfume jars [Figure 3.31], made by winding molten glass around a core and pulling it down to form a wavy pattern, were found at Fortetsa, attesting the importance of Egyptian and Phoenician perfumes in Crete. Hence, the explanation for the Black-on-Red lekythoi referred to above has centred on the presence of a Phoenician unguent factory at Knossos, similar to suggested ones from Rhodes and Kos (Coldstream 1982: 268–269), although this theory has generated much controversy and is still under discussion.

Figure 3.30. Black-on-Red pottery from Knossos (Hoffman 2000: Pls. 69–70). 2 

See Chapter 3.2 (funerary monuments similar to cippi).

44

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.31. Egyptian perfume jar from Fortetsa (by the author).

According to Coldstream, Phoenician unguents and Phoenician (or ‘Cypro-Phoenician’) unguent containers, presumably made at Kition (Cyprus), would have, at first, been imported to Crete, and later these Phoenicians would have established a factory on Crete to meet the needs of their clients (Coldstream 1982: 268–269; 1998, 257–260). Possibly, after some time, Cretan locals, trained by foreigner potters, would have started producing imitations of the Black-on-Red lekythoi at the Cretan factory. Assuming the perfumes/oils came from the Near East, imitating foreign pots could have been a way of indicating that the unguent contained within was of the same previous quality, or that it was a way of misleading the consumer into thinking it was of the same quality when it was not (Hoffman 2000: 180). This would suggest that the unguents were imported by the Phoenicians in bulk and then ‘bottled’ at Knossos (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 365). It has also been said that the unguent itself could have been produced locally to avoid risk of container breakage and loss of valuable merchandise during the journey from Phoenicia to Crete (Jones 1993: 294). This would have been a very plausible option, as Crete has one of the richest ecosystems in Europe in terms of aromatic plants, making the island perfect for the collection of the raw ingredients required for unguents. Nonetheless, pottery does not necessarily indicate the origin of those who made it (Hoffman 2000: 176; Kotsonas 2011: 134). It does indicate, however, the level of expertise of the craftsmen, or the owner’s taste or acquisition status. Even though pottery cannot confirm the ethnic identity of the potters involved (Kotsonas 2011: 134), it is true that some techniques are more likely to be practised by certain groups of potters. For instance, Black-on-Red pottery tends to be linked to a Cypro-Phoenician origin. As distinguishing imported objects from those made locally is very difficult (Hoffman 2000: 186), we cannot assume that these unguent containers were manufactured by Cretans just because they look slightly different from Cypro-Phoenician Black-on-Red containers. They could have been made exclusively by Phoenicians, who gradually changed their style to accelerate production, or, in the unlikely case that the consumers could spot the differences between originals and imitations, to adapt to the local tastes of their customers. However, Antoniadis distinguishes between originals and imitations in his thesis, concluding that there are many more imitations than originals (Antoniadis 2017: 165), which in turn leads us to think that, after some Phoenicians had set up their businesses at Knossos, they would quickly have taken on new potters.

45

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.32. Phoenician jugs from Fortetsa (Hoffman 2000: Pls. 104–105)

However, the first unguent containers were not necessarily made at Knossos. Frankenstein affirms that the Phoenician trade organisation was so good that they did not need to establish factories on Rhodes or Crete (Frankenstein 1979: 274). Certainly, they could have imported unguent pots from the Near East, where they had a factory, and used the site at Knossos as a ‘bottling plant’ only, at least until imitations started to appear. Or, perhaps, the Cretan imitations were not related to the Phoenician unguent factory but to Cretan competence, where a group of local potters was copying the product independently. This does not mean that there were no Phoenician potters at Knossos. Some vessels present clear technical differences to their oriental originals, and are therefore considered imitations, i.e. Cypriot oinochoes and Cypriot Black-Slip juglets produced at Knossos. This evidence suggests that the transmission of technical skills can be seen as an indication of potters working away from home (Kotsonas 2011: 137–139). Hence, one or more Cypriot or Phoenician potters could have worked at Knossos (Kotsonas 2011: 141). Likewise, four neck-handled amphorae from c. 700 BC found at Fortetsa suggest the presence of a Naxian potter at Knossos (Brock 1957: 62–63; Kotsonas 2011: 144). This could also have been the case with Phoenician potters, as the presence of Knossian fabrics used in Cypro-Phoenicianstyle wares points towards local production. For instance, the Black-on-Red lekythoi from Knossos which present differences to original lekythoi from Cyprus (Kotsonas 2011: 144; Kotsonas 2012: 170) suggest that they were made by someone with a different level of expertise, possibly the apprentice of a Cypriot potter. The mushroom-shaped Phoenician lekythos from Tomb P at Fortetsa [Figure 3.32], also found at other sites on Crete, present a spherical body, a long neck, decoration of concentric circles on shoulder and neck, and are bright red varnished and unpolished. Thus they reveal a mix of Phoenician, Cretan, and Cypriot elements (Brock 1957: 108; Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 133; Adam-Veleni and Stefani 2012: 120–125), being very faithful to Phoenician originals found in Palestine and Cyprus (Coldstream 1977: 44). Presumably, then, there were Phoenician as well as Cypriot potters on Crete, who settled in workshops and transmitted their technical skills (Kotsonas 2011: 151). 46

Kommos and its connections within Crete An attempt can be made to conciliate the theories of Coldstream and Frankenstein with those of Sherratt and Sherratt about the unguent factory. Phoenician traders probably carried the unguents in bulk for ‘bottling’ on different Mediterranean islands as they sailed westwards. After seeing their success on Kos, Rhodes, and Crete, in the late 9th century BC, they might have decided to stop there more regularly and even, eventually, move part of their production to these major centres of consumption, where they would have set up workshops and intensified their production by using local raw materials. Knossos and its overseas contacts As we have already seen, Knossos was a place of residence for Phoenician and other immigrants, a working location for potters and metalworkers, and a trading spot, as the use of the site as a commercial port corroborates. Phoenician traders and craftsmen are not only present at Knossos but also at other Aegean sites, i.e. in Attica and at Lefkandi. These places have in common their sea locations, facilitating the access of immigrants. Networks of trade can be traced by looking at imports, e.g. a Syro-Palestinean jug found at Lefkandi that resembles one from Kition on Cyprus (Kourou 2012: 35), or by looking at the gold jewellery from Toumba 79, made by using the techniques of filigree and granulation (Kourou 2012: 36–40). The similarities between these jewels and those found in the Khaniale Tomb at Knossos indicate their shared networks and contacts with Phoenicia. Could these jewels, perhaps, even be the trinkets Homer talks about when describing Phoenician trade goods (Kourou 2012: 40; Sherratt 2010: 131–132)? Toumba 79 at Lefkandi, as well as the Khaniale Tekke tholos tomb at Knossos, shows a number of objects with Phoenician details. These indicate the impact of oriental forms and the orientalising phenomenon in the Aegean (Nijboer 2008: 301). At Knossos, the adoption of oriental funerary forms can also be attested via the cippi and the presence of Egyptian figurines in tombs. It also has to be noted that not only are Phoenicians to be found in the Aegean-connected triangle, Attica–Lefkandi–Knossos, but Greeks can also be detected in the Levant. Greek pottery found at Al Mina, Tyre, and Tell Hadar probably indicates the activities of Greek mercantile residents and traders (Coldstream 2000: 16–30), although this is a topic for another discussion. Observations Thus we have provided evidence to suggest that the funerary statues identified as cippi are proof that Phoenicians lived on the site of Knossos for a period of some considerable length (Kourou 2012: 41). These artefacts, together with statuettes of Egyptian gods, suggest the arrival of oriental ritual beliefs and practices. The fact that Phoenicians used different monuments to mark their graves leads us think that they were aware of their identity, although the use of Near Eastern and Cretan motifs on their artefacts suggests a process of hybridisation. The characteristics of potters have been discussed, and it has been argued that we cannot know about the ethnic origin of a potter, but only of his skills, which can certainly be transferred by another potter, as well as about the tastes of their customers. However, technique may not only indicate the level of expertise of a potter, but also his origin, as some techniques (i.e. filigree and granulation) are widespread in Phoenicia, and therefore most objects made by employing these techniques must have been made by a Phoenician, or the apprentice of a Phoenician. We should now return to the question of why pots were imported, whether for the value of the vessels themselves or the value of their contents. Regardless of the fact that at Knossos some pots could have been made locally (i.e. not imports), in the case of the unguent factory it is quite 47

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos evident that the pots were used as containers (Coldstream 1982: 268), and thus their value was in the perfumed oil or unguent they contained, and not in the pot itself. We have also provided evidence for trade routes towards the north Aegean. Phoenician routes did not only touch Crete, but also sailed through the Cyclades – towards Attica and Euboea (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367) – as Near Eastern jewellery from Lefkandi, and other finds from Attica and Knossos, illustrate. These Phoenician routes of trade towards the Aegean are not the only ones on which they relied. Inland routes can also be documented; some oriental objects found at Eleutherna and in the Idaean Cave, such as cippi and Egyptian figurines, seem to have come from Knossos (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2013: 191), as well as Kommos. Thus, the port of Knossos was, like Kommos, a port of entry for orientalia, which was then traded and distributed through inland routes around the island. Nevertheless, Kommos and Knossos differ in many ways. Iron Age material at Knossos seems to be more disperse, scattered around in different areas relatively far from the sea and also far from the Bronze Age Palace. Kommos, on the other hand, locates all its Iron Age material within a very small sector by the sea, the southern area of the site, which includes a temple with special characteristics. This could indicate the importance of Kommos as a port of entry and a known stop for merchants, and the fact that Knossos may have been used as port, but with less frequency, or with the intent that merchants would move their goods inland, and not rely so much on trading at the same port site, since the materials seem to move along the shores of the Kairatos river. Moreover, Knossos, lacking a commercial temple comparable to the one at Kommos, would have been used as a place of residence for some arrivals from the Near East, whereas Kommos was just a stopping point for foreigners, with its considerable facilities, for those merchants who wished to voyage around the Eastern Mediterranean. Eleutherna The site Eleutherna, far from the sea and ports, is located 25 km southeast of Rethymnon (Stampolidis 1990a: 375; 2003: 221). In its rural setting it is very different from the coastal sites of Kommos and Knossos, although it has been linked to inland routes of commerce (Kourou 2012: 41). Orthi Petra, the 6th- to 9th-century BC necropolis of Eleutherna, lies on the west slope of the hill of Prines [Figure 3.33 and 3.34]. Within the necropolis, some of the tombs excavated have produced Eastern finds, i.e. the neighbouring trenches A1 and K1, located in the central part of the necropolis, and Tomb M (Kotsonas 2008a: 19; 2008b: 285–286). Cippi Three worked limestone pieces that resemble Phoenician cippi have been found at Orti Petra: two near building A [Figure 3.35] (Stampolidis 1990b: 99) and the other inside it (Stampolidis 2003: 223). The first [Figure 3.36] was discovered in 1985, in a vineyard northwest of the cemetery, perhaps having fallen from a higher terrace where another stone was found (Stampolidis 1990b: 99). It was a monolithic block consisting of two parts: a trapezoidal form with a projecting cincture for the lower part, and another trapezoidal shape for the upper part. Its dimensions are 0.77 m x 0.20–53 m x 0.41–42 m (Stampolidis 1990b: 99). Even though it has been defined as a cippus, its shape is similar to cippi-arulae, similar to the ones found in Huelva (Spain) [Figure 3.37], Tharros (Sardinia) [Figure 3.38], and Saint Louis (Carthage), dated from the 7th to the 5th centuries BC. Stampolidis suggests that the Eleutherna cippus is later than the find from Carthage (Stampolidis 1990b: 101–103). If we are to consider that it was 48

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.33. Eleutherna, general site plan.

Figure 3.34. Orthi Petra, general view of the site. 49

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.35. View of Orthi Petra showing Building A.

Figure 3.36. Cippus from Eleutherna discovered in 1985 (by the author).

Figure 3.37. Cippus from Huelva (by the author).

50

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.38. Cippus from Tharros (by the author).

Figure 3.39. Cippus A29 2002 from Eleutherna (by the author).

Figure 3.40. Stele from Tharros (by the author).

51

Figure 3.41. Stele from Motya (by the author).

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Phoenicians who imported this tradition to Crete, then obviously they would have done so by sea, and, therefore, they must have called in at a port before continuing inland. Knossos could be a plausible port, judging by its Phoenician finds. The cippi found at Knossos have been dated to the 8th and 7th centuries BC and it would be logical that the cippi found at Eleutherna were from the same period, or later. Thus Stampolidis’ suggestion is tenable, although with a date no later than the 6th century BC, as Phoenician materials after this are rare. Another limestone [Figure 3.39] was found 20 m – 30 m west of building A1K1, on the corner of an olive grove (Stampolidis 1990b: 99; 2003: 223). The stone, referred to as A29 2002 and which measures 0.37 m x 0.24 m x 0.14 m, was damaged but it had a rhomboid shape that suggests it was a cippus of the idolo a botiglia type (Stampolidis 2003: 221–222). It has been compared to a stelae from Tharros [Figure 3.40] and Motya (Sicily) [Figure 3.41]. The third cippus (A1 2001) [Figure 3.42] is 0.60 m in height and was found on the southwest corner of Building A1, an area characterised by the deposition of cinerary urns. The sherds found around the cippus corroborate its dating from the 8th to the 7th century BC (Stampolidis 2003: 224). This stone strongly resemblances the first cippus described above and it has been suggested, therefore, that it was originally located in the northwest corner of Building A1, next to stone A1 2001. These cippi would therefore have been used to mark the area reserved for Phoenician graves within the cemetery (Stampolidis 2003: 224). As at Knossos, the presence of these cippi may indicate the residence of Phoenicians at Eleutherna (Kourou 2012: 41). Other finds, such as bronze elements and faience, also suggest their presence and, probably, residence, as many of these artefacts should not be interpreted as imports but rathe as the products of Phoenician craftsmen who lived on Crete (Stampolidis 1990b: 104–105) – more precisely, at Eleutherna. One of the reasons for this present author’s suggestion there were resident Phoenician craftsmen here is because the site is far from the sea, and, therefore, it was not worth travelling such a long distance every time the Phoenician merchants, who were principally seafarers, wanted to trade. Thus it would be logical and efficient for a community of Phoenician craftsmen to base themselves at Eleutherna, even though some merchants would still have continued travelling by land in order to exchange. Arguments for this hypothesis will be shown throughout this chapter. Tomb A1K1 The rock-excavated chamber Tomb A1K1 dates from the 9th to the 6th centuries BC and has produced great amounts of cremation urns and burial offerings, from pottery to bronze and faience objects (Kotsonas 2008a: 19). Most of the burials have been identified to be those of adult males, presumably warriors (Apostola 2015: 102). Pottery Most of the ceramics in A1K1 correspond to local wares, however, some pots from other parts of the Aegean, such as the Cyclades (Kotsonas 2008a: 72), and Near Eastern wares, generally Cypriot, but also Phoenician, were retrieved. The Cypriot pots were Bichrome, Black Slip and Black-on-Red wares (Kotsonas 2012: 157). According to Kotsonas, Black-on-Red oinochoes, lekythoi, and aryballoi reached Crete as imports in the 9th century BC (Kotsonas 2008a: 65–66). While Coldstream has it that a workshop of Cypriots settled and started producing these objects on Crete (Coldstream 2000), Kotsonas, on the other hand, maintains that these jugs were imitated by Cretans (Kotsonas 2008a: 65–66). Assuming that the Cypriot jugs were once imported by Cypriots, although they could have been carried by other traders, i.e. Phoenicians, it is very plausible that the merchants settled on Crete and hence started their own production, taking Cretan artisans as apprentices.

52

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.42. Cippus A1 2001 from Eleutherna (by the author).

Figure 3.43. Cypriot lekythos (by the author).

An 8th-century Cypriot two-handled lekythos [Figure 3.43], Black-on-Red, with concentric circles, was found at Orthi Petra. It resembles a Cypriot trefoil oinochoe dated to the second half of the 8th/beginning of the 7th century BC, from its Black-on-Red concentric decoration (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 132), as well as oinochoe C2398 from Kommos. The Cypriot trefoil oinochoe, in turn, also shares characteristics with other vases found at Kommos (C2399), Knossos, Rhodes, and Larnaca (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 130). Additionally, three Phoenician ‘mushroom-lipped’ lekythoi were found at Eleutherna. These onehandled vessels have ovoid forms and relatively tall necks with traces of red paint on the surface (Kotsonas 2008a: 287; Adam-Veleni and Stefani 2012: 126–127). One, known as A118 [Figure 3.44], was found in Tomb A1K1, and after macroscopic analysis it was found to have inclusions common to southern Phoenicia. These lekythoi have parallels with those found at Knossos, and some sherds of a jug with a similar shape have turned up at Kommos (Kotsonas 2008a: 287). As previously stated, although only one Phoenician pot was found in Tomb A1K1, the Cypriot wares could have also been imported by Phoenicians who were exchanging other goods, e.g. beads, faience vessels, figurines, bronze objects, and scarabs (Kotsonas 2008a: 288). The presence of foreign finds at Eleutherna and in the Idaean Cave also suggests other foreign craftsmen (bronzesmiths, ivory workers, jewellers), as well as Cypriot or Phoenician potters, might have established themselves at Eleutherna (Coldstream 2000); it is commonly accepted, for example, that Cycladic potters worked there (Kotsonas 2008a: 69–72; 2011: 147). Hence, Phoenicians not only lived and died at Eleutherna, as the cippi suggest, but also did business there, even manufacturing orientalised products. Perhaps the owners of the cippi were those who produced the jewellery and bronze artefacts. The mobility of the potters is also debatable – were they were freelancers in search of a market, or perhaps forced to move due to events at home (Kotsonas 2008a: 71–72; 2011: 148)? The Phoenician case is complicated. It seems clear that the Phoenician rulers did not propel their subjects West 53

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.44. Vessel A118 (Kotsonas 2008a: Fig. 70).

Figure 3.45. Bronze shield from Eleutherna (by the author).

in search of customers. However, with the demands of Assyria for tribute from Phoenician cities (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 370) some Phoenician traders and craftsmen were driven to move and practise their professions elsewhere. Thus some craftsmen were forced to move, but not all, as before the rise of Assyria some Phoenician merchants and artisans were already busy in other places around the Mediterranean. Bronze Bronze shield A bronze shield of the Idaean Cave type was discovered at Eleutherna [Figure 3.45] (Kourou 2000: 1070; Pappalardo 2001: 168; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 349), and this association, as will be explained later, provides evidence of contacts between this celebrated cave and Eleutherna (Stampolidis 2003: 226). The shield was found in use as a lid to a burial urn of the 9th century BC in Tomb A1K1 (Stampolidis 2003: 226). The centre of the shield has the projecting head of a lion with its mouth half open. Instead of paws, it has human hands. It is surrounded by relief circles and bands with guilloche motifs, one of which depicts felines attacking bovines. Above the lion, there is a relief of a naked female figure, extending her arms and touching two other lions that look at her (Stampolidis 2014: 228). These motifs can be connected to both Crete and the Near East, however, due to resemblances with other shields in the Idaean Cave, ethnographic analysis of the shield must wait.3 Bronze bowls The bronze bowls found at Eleutherna indicate relevant connections with Eastern materials. One of these bowls is dated to the Late Geometric period, presumably the same date as cippus A1 3 

Idaean Cave shields are discussed in 4.5.1 (Bronze shields).

54

Kommos and its connections within Crete 2001 (Stampolidis 2003: 226); it has Egyptian motifs and is associated with the Phoenicians [Figure 3.46]. This bowl covered the mouth of a Theran stamnos of the 8th century BC, used as a cinerary urn, and is decorated with a rosette with six petals in the centre, palmettes, and guilloche bands. The wider band has three pairs of sphinxes wearing Egyptian aprons and Hathor crowns with the sun disk; they raise their legs in front of three papyrus plants and the falcon god Horus. Flanking the pairs of sphinxes is a scarab on a lotus flower (Stampolidis 2014: 287). An almost identical bowl from the 9th century BC was found at Nimrud, decorated with an outer band of pairs of felines as well, but with falcon heads (Stampolidis 2014: 288). Two bowls from the Idaean Cave, which will be examined later, as well as one from Olympia, also follow a very similar pattern. According to Stampolidis, the four bowls were created in the Phoenician tradition, but where they were created, and how they ended up in such different places, remain questions to be answered (Stampolidis 2014: 288): possible solutions lie in the study, to follow, of the two bowls from Mount Ida.

Figure 3.46. Bronze bowl from Eleutherna (by the author).

Similar to this style is another bowl that has a rosette in the centre and two decorative friezes with bulls, lions and a hunting scene, as well as floral motifs and circles similar to Egyptian sun-disks of Ra. Also divided into friezes is a basin showing women holding hands and dancing; it has Cypriot, Phoenician, as well as Aegean, echoes. A similar bowl has been found at Sparta (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 126). There are also several 7th-century BC bowls with a central boss, or omphalos, from Eleutherna. Some of these have a rosette around that omphalos, recalling SyroPalestinian and Egyptian bowls, whereas others are of Phrygian type, judging by their concentric circles around the omphalos and plain decoration in the other areas. One of these Phrygian bowls, nevertheless, has its interior decorated with a repoussé lotus flower, also denoting Assyrian and Phoenician elements (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 124–141). The other Phrygiantype bowl is an indicator of connections between central Anatolia and the Aegean (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 140–141). Faience The most striking faience find is a Sekhmet amulet, found in Tomb A1K1 in an 8th-century BC cinerary urn along with other grave goods [Figure 3.47] (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 341). The figurine appears in a standard iconographical pose, standing in front of a pillar with an illegible inscription, in either Phoenician or Aramaic, and with her right arm parallel to the body (Apostola 2015: 102). According to Apostola, who also links the goddess to Astarte, it has a warlike character, confirming the assumption that the tomb held warrior burials (Apostola 2015: 103). However, the artefact could have also been related to fertility and healing (Maria Shaw 2000: 168).

55

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos We have to bear in mind that this figurine belonged either to a Near Eastern immigrant living in Eleutherna, or to a local who had adopted Egyptian beliefs (Apostola 2015: 102). In either case, assuming it was not made at Eleutherna, it must have been brought to the site through inland routes. Judging by the other figurine of Sekhmet found at Kommos, this one would presumably have come via that same landing spot. However, the figurines found at Knossos might also lead us to think that the Eleutherna find came from that northern port. It is also appropriate, of course, to think about who might have carried the goods from a port to other sites in central Crete, such as Eleutherna. These individuals could have been Near Eastern or Cretan traders, or even others who had their residences on Crete. It is doubtful whether Phoenician seafarers went inland to exchange their goods. They probably would have deposited their cargoes in the ports of Kommos or Knossos for others to transport inland. At Kommos, we may suggest that Cretan traders would have been in charge of distributing these exotic goods, whereas at Knossos it could have been either Cretan traders or Near Eastern traders and craftsmen, since they would have settled at Knossos and would subsequently have to make their living on the island. Figure 3.47. Faience Sekhmet from Eleutherna (by the author)

Other faience objects include small lekythoi. Two were found in Tomb A1K1, amphoroid in shape and decorated with a white glaze. Dating to the early 8th century BC, they have parallels from Rhodes and Assyria, where they were probably produced (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 144).

Tomb M Tomb M, a stone structure in the north of the necropolis of Orthi Petra, held the burials of four high-status females. A gold pendant [Figure 3.48] was found in the burial between the skeletal remains of a woman, c. 65 years old, and a younger woman, aged c. 16 years (Stampolidis 2010). This pendant depicts a man mastering two felines, thus it reveals Cretan-Aegean motifs, but the pendant shape and use of granulation technique suggest a Near Eastern, specifically Phoenician, origin (Stampolidis 2014: 286). We are reminded here of the pendant in Tekke Tomb J, referred to previously (3.1.6.1), to which it bears a striking resemblance. This can prompt us to think that the inland routes were more common from Knossos to Eleutherna than from Kommos. Regardless of the status of the buried women as ‘princesses’ or ‘priestesses’ (Stampolidis 2014, 286), they must have had contacts with individuals from the Near East, or they could have been Near Eastern themselves. Other gold pendants [Figure 3.49] were found within the burial. These depict a feline head and two human heads looking at each other. Both pendants are surrounded by a very detailed crescent moon made with the granulation technique.

56

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.48. Gold pendant with the Master of Lions (by the author).

Figure 3.49. Gold pendant with lion head (by the author).

Sheets of pierced gold have also been found [Figures 3.50, 3.51], representing two sphinxes confronting each other, with polos crowns and wavy hair. Another sheet represents two characters greeting and being followed by a number of people. An interesting find is the gold depiction of a ‘Mistress of Animals’, holding two supposed lions upside down, its iconography greatly resembling that of a bronze harness from Cyprus (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 150–151). Observations The cippi, a sign of self-identity, also suggest that Phoenicians had settled for a considerable length of time, rather than regularly visiting the site. Hence, we could argue the possibility that there were Phoenician colonies at both Eleutherna and Knossos, places where a process of hybridisation of cultures had already started. The absence of a temple indicates that this was not a commercial settlement, in the way Kommos was (Aubet 2012: 221), but a different type of specialised trading 57

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.50. Gold sheet of the sphinxes (by the author).

Figure 3.51. Gold sheet of the Mistress of Animals (by the author).

centre that controlled, for instance, the production of bronze objects, and where a local exchange system overlapped with an interregional system (Morris 1992: 126) connected, as we suggest below, to Mount Ida. Eleutherna, hence, could certainly have been a site where globalisation, the sharing of different cultural practices and ideas, took place (Hodos 2009: 221). This interesting topic is one for further examination and future discussion. The fact that Eleutherna was far from the sea (Stampolidis 2003: 221) and, thus, that trade by sea was not possible, leads us to think that craftsmen were working in situ, and that also some merchants controlled inland routes both from Kommos and Knossos. Contacts were more possible between Knossos and Eleutherna (Pappalardo 2011) than with Kommos, judging by their proximity and the finds made of gold pendants, figurines (although they have also been found at Kommos), and cippi. The Idaean Cave The site Approximately 50 km south-east of Eleutherna, the Idaean Cave on Mount Ida [Figure 3.52] is a cave sanctuary considered one of the highest archaeological sites in the world (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2013: 190). It has produced bronzes and ceramics that are thought to have derived from 58

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.52. Idaean Cave, view of the entrance (by the author).

Knossos (Pappalardo 2011; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2013: 190), via Eleutherna (Stampolidis 2003: 226; Kourou 2012: 41). The site of Eleutherna is thought, thus, to have been a crossroads for visitors to the Idaean Cave (Kourou 2012: 41). Some of the materials found are Near Eastern imports (faience, glass, Egyptian blue, ivory objects, bronze vessels, shields) associated with Phoenician trade (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2006: 341–346). Moreover, these objects from the cave, used as a sanctuary, suggest the introduction of Oriental rituals in Crete (Sakellarakis 1988: 214; Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2013: 193). Bronze Bronze shields The shields found in the cave are circular, with diameters measuring between 0.55 m and 0.68 m. They have holes for suspension or attachment, indicating that they were meant to be used, not to be votive offerings (Frothingham 1888: 436). All of them have bands with guilloche motifs that separate different scenes. The shields feature Near Eastern motifs in relief, but also Cretan designs (Pappalardo 2001: 154). For instance, one shield shows Horus extending his wings [Figure 3.53], another depicts Astarte with Egyptian-like sphinxes, and another the god Melkart standing on a bull [Figure 3.54] (Frothingham 1888: 436–443). The so-called ‘Shield of the Goats’ [Figure 3.55] is especially similar to the shield found at Eleutherna (Stampolidis 1990b: 106; 2003: 226); it depicts a prominent lion head in the centre, circled by a band of goats and an outer band of bulls (Frothingham 1888: 444).

59

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.53. Shield of Horus (by the author).

Figure 3.54. Shield of Melkart (by the author).

Figure 3.55. Shield of the Goats (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ X 01; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/HOCRED).

Figure 3.56. Bronze Bowl from the Idaean Cave (Inv. No. ΑΜΗ X 29; Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/ HOCRED).

60

Kommos and its connections within Crete The similarities between all these shields to the one found at Eleutherna suggest that they were all made by the same bronzesmith, or in the same workshop. Frothingham opines that they feature Phoenician workmanship, under direct Assyrian influence, judging by some of the motifs (Frothingham 1888: 439). Thus they would have been manufactured in the Near East and imported to Crete. Dunbabin (1957: 40–41), however, proposes that the bronze piece was a product of some Near Eastern craftsmen working on Crete, a view supported by the present author, as some of the reliefs do not necessarily depict oriental motifs, i.e. the goats and bulls. Phoenician craftsmen could have settled their workshop either close to the Idaean Cave or further north, perhaps in Eleutherna, where they also had their permanent residences.

Figure 3.57. Bronze bowl from Nimrud (by the author).

Bronze bowls A number of bronze bowls of different sizes found in the cave bear similarities to the shields in terms of decoration. They have parallels in Assyria and Phoenicia, based on their motifs of rosettes and lotus flowers. Two of these bowls found in the cave [Figure 3.56] also resemble the find from Eleutherna, and a further example from Olympia.4 They are dated to the 8th century BC, according to the similarities with a bowl found at Nimrud [Figure 3.57] (Frothingham 1888: 447; Hoffman 2000: 128; Kourou 2000: 1070). Sphinxes are also depicted, in one case walking toward three columns of campaniform capitals supporting two snakes with the solar disk and a scarab, and in another example walking towards bulls on altars (Frothingham 1888: 447). These relief sphinxes wear the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt, whereas the ones found in Eleutherna have on Hathor crowns, and they are interrupted with bulls, instead of papyrus, as in the Eleutherna finds (Stampolidis 2014: 287). These four bowls might have been made by the same bronzesmith, and could well have been produced in the Near East and imported to Crete (Stampolidis 2003: 225). The fact that they were made by the same person, however, does not mean they were made in the same place, i.e. they could have been made by an itinerant craftsman who went to Crete and left the bowls there (Markoe 2003: 228). Perhaps the craftsman made, or sold, the first dish in Nimrud and travelled towards the west until he arrived on Crete, and, instead of selling more items there and continuing his voyage he decided to settle and open his own workshop. Assuming that these bowls were made by a Phoenician, as they have Egyptian and Phoenician motifs (Frothingham 1888: 447), the likelihood of the craftsman residing in Crete is very high (Kotsonas 2001: 134), as the finds of cippi suggest. Hence, the bronzesmith who made the bowls, and the creator of the bronze shields, could have been the same person, or the same group of people at least. However, the shields present some Cretan motifs that lead us to conjecture that they could have been made by a master and his pupil.

4 

See Chapter 4.5.1.4 (Temple of Zeus at Olympia).

61

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.58. Bronze handle in the shape of a hydria (by the author)

Figure 3.59. Bronze tripod stand (by the author, after Matthäus 1998).

It is also necessary to think about the use of these objects. The shield and the bowl at Eleutherna were used as lids, and the ones in the cave were offerings (Stampolidis 2014: 288), whereas the shields would have been actual armour, according to the holes for suspension, as mentioned before (Frothingham 1888: 436). If they were used differently then this may well mean that they were not understood in the same way, and thus that they were not used by the same people. This point could be used to support the fact that they were imports, conceived in one way in their places of origin, and in another when they reached Crete, where they were imports. On the other hand, these objects could have served primary functions as bowls and shields, and then been used secondarily as votives and urn lids, being associated with their owners in life. Assuming this, the objects could still have been manufactured on Crete. Other bronze objects Numerous other bronze objects were found in the cave, indicating a possible bronzeworking workshop somewhere on the site. A 9th-/8th-century BC bronze jug with an oval body and a long neck and handle was found at the cave. This type of jug shows the same characteristics as other jugs from Phoenicia and Cyprus from between the 9th to 7th centuries BC. It also presents resemblances to metal jugs found as far away as the Iberian Peninsula. A small bronze jug with a relief of a lotus flower on the handle was discovered in the cave, having an exact parallel in the find from Knossos-Fortetsa. This type of bronze vessel appears to have been a popular one in Egypt, Nubia, and the Eastern Aegean, with some comparable pieces also being found in the West. It is considered to date from the 10th/9th centuries BC.

62

Kommos and its connections within Crete Bronze human and animal figurines found in the cave have been dated broadly from the 9th to the 6th century BC, being compared to figurines from other sites – Knossos, Olympia, Delphi (Matthäus 2011). A number of bronze handles [Figure 3.58], of various shapes and sizes, from the 7th/6th centuries BC, representing sphinxes, lions, and horses, indicate the presence of furniture (presumably wooden) that has not survived (Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 2013: 76–92). Additionally, pieces of cauldrons and other vessels have appeared, as well as rod-tripods and foursided stands [Figure 3.59], some of which have wheels and panels with representations of ships, chariots with horses, warriors, female figures, and sphinxes. Gold There were few gold objects retrieved from the cave. One find, however, merits our attention due to its similarities to the gold objects found in Eleutherna’s Tomb M, i.e. the gold pendant [Figure 3.60] with panels featuring Syro-Palestinian iconography. In the design we see three dressed and standing goddesses separating two felines that have Oriental astral motifs above and below (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 134). These felines look almost identical to the ones on the gold pendant from Eleutherna, which also feature a moon-shaped object below. The felines from the Idaean Cave, however, have round eyes, whereas on the Eleutherna pendant they are rhomboid, and there are more details on the crescent that supports the animals. Faience The faience figurines used as offerings in the Idaean Cave seem to come from Egypt or Phoenicia (Hoffman 2000: 38–49), i.e. a lion figurine, two sphinx heads, and a figurine of Bes [Figure 3.61] (Hoffman 2000: 38–49). These objects, with their oriental motifs, could have been made in the

Figure 3.60. Gold pendant from the Idaean Cave (by the author). 63

Figure 3.61. Faience figurine of Bes (by the author).

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Idaean Cave as imitations, but they could also have been original imports from Egypt or Phoenicia, as in the case of the faience found at Kommos, and, presumably, the figurines from Knossos. Some scholars have argued that there was a faience factory on Rhodes in the 8th century BC, and therefore these faience objects found on Crete could be imports from there (Hoffman 2000: 138). Of course, they could also have been made anywhere in the Near East and been carried to Crete by merchants, along with other exotica. Glass Glass production is not known in the cave as one of its main activities. Some glass objects, however, have been found there, and they have been considered as imports: a Phoenician miniature glass jar with two handles, in the shape of an amphora, indicates these connections. As mentioned previously, a Phoenician/Egyptian glass unguent vessel was found at Knossos, and these two items could have been introduced by the same merchant. Necklaces of glass beads have also been found at the site. Ivory Around a hundred ivories were discovered in the cave. Ivory itself is an imported material, there being no ivory sources on Crete (Hoffmann 2000: 53). Analysis is necessary to ascertain whether the objects themselves were imported as finished products or whether they were made on Crete. Ivory fragments of lions [Figure 3.62], sphinxes [Figure 3.63], pyxis, papyrus, a gazelle, a bull, and a calf [Figure 3.64] have been dated to the 9th century BC, and are compared to Nimrud ivories of the Loftus group, as they have the same chronology (Barnett 1935: 186; Hoffman 2000: 147; Kourou 2000: 1069). Some of these ivories have been recognised as coming from craftsmen of the so-called ‘Crown and scale’ and ‘Wig and wing’ schools, workshops functioning at Nimrud between the 8th and 9th centuries BC, and depicting Egyptianising motifs. i.e. crowns of Lower and Upper Egypt and griffins (Herrmann, Laidlaw and Coffey 2009; Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 2013: 198). Hence, according to Sakellarakis, most of the objects found in the Idaean Cave were imports from northern Syria and Palestine in the 8th century BC (Sakellarakis 1988: 210), possibly brought in by Phoenician merchants. However, many of the ivory objects reveal holes for screws and nails, i.e. the lion figure and the sphinx plaque, suggesting they were attached to another medium, presumably wood, and thus were furniture decorations (Sakellarakis 1988: 210), i.e. for wooden thrones (Kourou 2012: 41), like the one found at Salamis (Cyprus), which we will examine later.5 These finds might imply the presence of ivory carvers working at the same site, their products being assembled elsewhere later (Hoffman 2000: 160). Barnett suggests that there were ivory carvers working on Mount Ida (Barnett 1948: 1), since, according to ancient sources (e.g. Philostratus, Vila Apollonii, 5.20), artisans travelled to where the patrons were, in this case Crete, to produce their work, instead of selling ready-made objects.

Figure 3.62. Ivory figurine of a lion (by the author). 5 

Hence, the Near Eastern ivory carvers worked in situ (Kourou 2012: 41), and could even have been the same craftsmen who worked the faience objects mentioned above. These artisans might well have been Phoenicians, but we cannot rule out North Syrian craftsmen either,

See Chapter 4.1 (Cyprus).

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Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.63. Ivory sphinxes from the Idaean Cave (by the author).

Figure 3.64. Ivory figurine of a calf (by the author).

judging by resemblances to ivories from the Loftus group. Perhaps North Syrian and Phoenician ivory carvers worked together at the site, as Crete was one of those places where diverse people coexisted (Homer, Odyssey 19.177 –179; Kotsonas 2011: 134). Other fine examples of ivory-working belonging to the mentioned groups include pins with human heads, a young man’s face, and female figures [Figure 3.65]. These figures, such as the double-headed piece, are represented with hairstyles incised in straight lines. This pattern is repeated on other Idaean objects, i.e. the dress of the standing female figurine representing a Figure 3.65. Double ivory head (by the author). ‘Potnia Theron’ or Lady of the Animals (Kopanias 2009: 124–128), and is a design that appears to be in the so-called ‘Daedalic’ style from the 8th century BC. Therefore, the iconographic parallels of these kinds of figures should not only be compared to Near Eastern examples, but also to Greek ones. A few other examples of ivory plaques from Aegean sites, e.g. Artemis Orthia at Sparta, echo such patterns. We will discuss these later,6 shedding light on the possible movement of craftsmen from South–East to North–West. Observations The objects found in the Idaean Cave may have been manufactured at the site; this appears to be the case for the ivory items especially. However, other finds, such as the bronzes, were not necessarily made on Mount Ida, they could have come from a bronzesmith’s workshop in Eleutherna, or elsewhere, as there is no evidence that they were made in the cave. We may suggest that the 6 

See Chapter 4.5.1.3 (Artemis Orthia at Sparta).

65

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos bronzes from the Idaean Cave were made in a workshop in Eleutherna, where finished pieces are also found, and that the craftsmen would also have had permanent residences there. The sites of Eleutherna and the Idaean Cave, in spite of being some distance apart, appear to have been connected by the trade of certain luxurious items. The objects found at both sites suggest a common place of manufacture and the regular transit of merchants between Eleutherna and the famous cave sanctuary. There must, therefore, have been a network of inland routes within Crete – one clearly connecting Eleutherna, and probably Knossos, to the Idaean Cave. From these locations, connections to other places in the Aegean, i.e. Sparta and Olympia, would presumably also have been made. Unlike the economic/commercial use of Temple B at Kommos, the main function of the Idaean Cave was presumably as a religious sanctuary (Stampolidis and Kotsonas 2013: 190). The site is too far from the sea to have become a stopping point for Phoenician merchants, and, thus, a commercial location in its own right. Even though the finds demonstrate cultural contacts and economic exchanges, these transactions would probably not have taken place within the sanctuary, but outside, probably where the manufacturing was undertaken. Other sites Finds from different settlements on the island of Crete also deserve our attention. What follows is a brief list of sites and caves where certain finds can help us trace the connections between Kommos, Knossos, Eleutherna, and the Idaean Cave – and also aid our understanding of the different land routes taken by both Cretan and Near Eastern merchants, and thus trace the island’s possible commercial networks. The Dictaean Cave The Dictaean Cave [Figure 3.66], also known as the Cave of Psychro, or the Cave of Zeus, is located on the Lassithi Plateau [Figure 3.67], in eastern Crete: it was one of the most important of the island’s sanctuaries, a focus of cult activities for centuries, from Minoan times to the Hellenistic period. The earliest offerings date from the Postpalatial period, including large numbers of bronze figurines, double axes (some of them functional, others made of very thin layers of bronze and possibly for votive purposes only), votive daggers, and tablets with Linear A inscriptions. From the 7th century BC until the Roman period, the cave was visited sporadically, but its finds demonstrate its reputation and popularity even in later periods. Most Geometric/Archaic finds come from the ‘Temenos’ (store room) in the middle of the cave, but the lower chamber was also in use, revealing finds such as aryballoi, cups, human figurines, jewellery, votive shields, and weapons (Watrous 1996: 54). In with the other eighteen human figures, in clay and bronze, within the cave was a statuette with the plumed crown of Amon-Ra [Figure 3.68], god of the Sun and protector of the Pharaoh. According to Hogarth, this figurine was made during Egypt’s New Kingdom, but it would have been brought to Crete c. the 10th century BC, being identified with the Greek god Zeus (Hogarth 1899: 107; Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 346). Other finds include several metallic objects, such as three 8th-century BC bronze shields decorated in repoussé. They have rows of deer, lions and sphinxes, one with a three-dimensional representation of a lion’s head, recalling the shields from the Idaean Cave. There were not only objects from the South and East Mediterranean, there was also an interesting find of a curved, bronze knife that had at its end a bearded human head; the object possibly reached the cave from northern Italy (Hogarth 66

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.66. Interior of the Dictaean Cave.

Figure 3.68. Figure of Amon-Ra (by the author).

Figure 3.67. The Lasithi Plateau.

67

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.69. The site of Amnisos.

1899: 111). This is a reminder of the bidirectional nature of trade connections and routes – East– West as well as West–East. Some other 7th-century BC artefacts appeared at the cave, including votive bronze plaques depicting a man carrying a goat over his shoulder, as well as a clay bust of a griffin that imitated a metal prototype. The plaque of the man presents similarities to Egyptian wall-paintings of men carrying animals, which is a motif repeated on other bronze plaques found in different Cretan settlements and caves. Amnisos Amnisos [Figure 3.69] is a site in north-central Crete. It was used as a port and a palace since Minoan times, with its location by the sea, close to a small rocky islet [Figure 3.70], making it easy for merchants to use the site as a natural port, with various options for mooring their boats, just like the Kommos site. Presumably still during the Iron Age, Amnisos received merchants and visitors not only from other Cretan locations, but from all over the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. A coastal sanctuary was founded in the 7th century BC which was devoted to the worship of Zeus Thenatas, as can be attested by inscriptions of the Hellenistic period, and it received offerings from the Levant and Egypt. Among the finds, two limestone sculptures of an eagle and a falcon were presumably supported by columns at the entrance of the sanctuary, c. the 6th century BC. These birds can be associated with the Greek gods Hera and Zeus, but they can also be linked to the Egyptian god Horus (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 352), as some of the other finds also link the site to Egyptian culture. Moreover, a spherical-ovoid pyxis, in the form of a basket and decorated with a low relief pattern on the surface and a rosette at the bottom, was presumably imported from Egypt, these shapes being common there since the New Kingdom period (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 351). Other votive offerings from the sanctuary included a bronze male figurine, and bronze ox figurines. An Egyptianising faience figurine of a female figure holding lotus flowers, and another faience figurine of the god Bes, protector of fertility, attest these connections with Egyptian material culture. The female figurine recalls the goddesses Sekhmet and Mut, because of the flowers she

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Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.70. The location of Amnisos in relation to the sea and the islet.

holds, and a very similar figurine has been found at Kition (Cyprus), suggesting perhaps that they were created by the same individual (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 248). A faience pendant with a lion head, representing Sekhmet [Figure 3.71], was found at the site, being dated to the 7th/6th century BC. Other faience figurines of Egyptian gods of the same period, most of them broken and only showing their feet, also prove these contacts between the north of Crete and Egyptian material culture. A figurine presumably depicting Astarte [Figure 3.72] was also found among these statuettes, represented as a nude woman with one arm over her breast and the other on her pubic area. It shows a direct connection with Phoenicia, and not so much with Cyprus,

Figure 3.71. Sekhmet from Amnisos (by the author).

Figure 3.72. Astarte from Amnisos (by the author).

69

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.73. Roman theatre, Gortyna.

as traditionally the Cypriot Astarte is represented with both hands on her breasts (Schäfer 1992: 251–252; Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 347–350). Gortyna – Sanctuary of Athena Gortyna is a site located on the Mesara Plateau, southern Crete, 27 km east of Kommos. It is located in a strategic position, close to an ancient track that connects the slopes of Mount Ida to the Mesara and the south of the island (Perna 2012: 43). Even though the site is well known for its Hellenistic and Roman periods of occupation [Figure 3.73], certain Iron Age finds reveal some of the land routes followed by merchants between the 8th and 7th centuries BC. A small sanctuary devoted to Athena was established c. the 8th century at the site. Some relevant finds include a 7th-century BC shrine model with a triad of divinities, reminding us of the importance of this group cult characteristic of the Archaic period on Crete. Large-scale divine triads are also depicted on two relief limestone plaques from Room XXVI in the same sanctuary, and links can be established with the triads of Kommos. Also found at the site were some 7th-/6th-century BC clay plaques with reliefs of sphinxes and female deities. The traits and characteristics of the faces represented on these clay pieces, both on the triad and the sphinxes, is very characteristic: with almond-shaped eyes and wavy hair to the shoulders (Johannowsky 2002), similar to the gold sheets from Eleutherna. Votive shields, paterae, and other miscellanea, i.e. faience beads, have also been found at the site (Johannowsky 2002). Moreover, a limestone shrine model containing a relief figure and imitating a Phoenician shrine was also discovered at Gortyna. This shrine recalls cippi that are similar to the previously mentioned finds from Motya and Tharros, in terms of the rectangular shape and carving of a figure inside. Additionally, a faience figurine of the Egyptian god Bes was also uncovered in the sanctuary. It is dated to the 7th century BC and has similarities with the figurines found at Amnisos and in the Inatos Cave.

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Figure 3.74. The Minoan palace of Phaistos and its view of the Mesara Plain.

Phaistos The site of Phaistos [Figure 3.74] is also located in southern Crete, less than 10 km from its harbour, Kommos. Known for its Minoan palace and its power during the Bronze Age, the site retained its contacts thanks to its strategic location, with views of the Mesara plateau, and proximity to the sea. Dating from the Geometric/Early Archaic period, c. the 8th/7th century BC, two clay Phoenician lekythoi (oil flasks) were found in the area of Phaistos/Hagios Ioannis. They feature a round body, long neck, and a small handle; the clay is reddish, painted with a red slip (Coldstream and Catling 1996: 234; Adam-Veleni and Stefani 2012: 125–126). They are almost identical to the find made at Kounavoi, which will be examined later, and very similar in type to the examples from Knossos and Eleutherna; there are also similarities to the bronze jug of Cypro-Phoenician type found in the Idaean Cave. Kounavoi – Ancient Eltyna The ancient city of Eltyna is in the valley of Pezos, in the Kounavoi area, between Archanes and Myrtia, c. 10 km –15 km south of Knossos [Figure 3.75]. The site includes Geometric and Archaic cemeteries, excavated by Vathiades, that have provided large quantities of finds of great interest that connect the site to merchant routes, including ceramics, faience beads, metal fibulae, and stone and bone objects (Rethemiotakis and Englezou 2010). A rare object revealed in the area was one particular bone item – probably the handle of a fan in the shape of a palm tree. Dated to the late 11th or early 10th century BC, its surface is worn and appears to be inscribed with some geometrical lines (Rethemiotakis and Englezou 2010). Analogous examples have been found in the Nimrud palace, and fragments of objects similar to these are attested at both Mount Ida and Knossos.

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Figure 3.75. The area of Kouinavoi and the archaeological site of ancient Eltyna.

Presumably, no further Near Eastern finds were offered at the site until two centuries later. One of the known finds from the 8th/7th century BC is the lekythos that resembles the one discovered at Phaistos [Figure 3.76] (Englezou 2004: 428; Adam-Veleni and Stefani 2012: 125–126). This can help us map a probable route that merchants would follow to get from one end of the island to the other. A further important discovery was the late 7th-/mid 6th-century BC fragment of a law inscription found reused in the cemetery of ancient Eltyna: it records economic transactions, and includes a reference to the Greek alphabet linked to the word ‘ποινηκηα’, meaning ‘Phoenician’. The inscription, therefore, is repeating the tradition that the Greek alphabet is derived from the Phoenician one, and suggests that Crete might have contributed greatly to the dissemination of the alphabet to the rest of the Greek world. The Syme Cave

Figure 3.76. Phoenician jug from ancient Eltyna (by the author).

The cave of Syme is located in eastern Crete, south of Mount Dikte. The sanctuary, devoted to Hermes and Aphrodite, was in continuous use from c. 2000 BC until the 7th century AD, confirming its significance as a place of worship. During the Protogeometric period this cave-sanctuary had an altar, a bench, and several buildings; the finds consisted of jewellery, clay figurines of animals and men, as well as jugs. Artefacts dating from the Late Geometric include ceramic vases, bronze animal figurines, and weapons. Some of the bronze offerings suggest a Near Eastern influence and these will be discussed later (Watrous 1996: 65–68).

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Figure 3.77. Part of a sistrum with relief of Egyptian Hathor.

Figure 3.78. Bronze hunters from Syme (by the author).

One of the most interesting finds, associated to the 9th – 7th centuries BC, is a part of a sistrum [Figure 3.77], a musical instrument known on Crete since prehistoric times, decorated with relief images of standing female figures and heads of the Egyptian goddess Hathor – represented with a U-shaped face and almond eyes, her hair ending in a spiral. The reverse of the sistrum neck shows the relief of a nude female figure, presumably also representing Hathor, emphasising breasts and pubic area, and following the Oriental fashion of necklaces and bracelets (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 363). A silver lion was also found at the site, indicating contacts with the Near East and knowledge of animal anatomy – this find has more accuracy in its detailing than the lion from Knossos, denoting the smith’s higher skill level. A series of bronze reliefs [Figure 3.78] depicting hunters is dated to the 7th, 6th, and 5th centuries BC, blurring the gap between the 7th and 5th centuries revealed by other sites on the island (with their lack of 6th-century material). The objects represent human figures in contact with natural elements, such as trees and animals. Some depict Cretan hunters, even though the way the animals are being carried and the positions of the men show some Egyptian influence. Such representations are common on Egyptian wall-paintings, and show some similarities to the examples from the Dictaean Cave, as well as finds from Olympia and Delphi (Hermary 1989: 270). These items were probably made on Crete, but following some Egyptian traditions, thus some knowledge of the style was needed (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 365–369). The Inatos Cave The cave of Eileithyia in the coastal area of ancient Inatos in south-central Crete (modern Tsoutsouras) was used as a place of worship from 1900 BC to the 4th century AD. Peak human presence is dated from the 11th to the early 6th centuries BC. Eileithyia, protector of childbirth, 73

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos was worshipped and adorants invoked her favour by offering figurines of couples, pregnant women, and representations of childbirth. Models of ships and imported figurines from Egypt and the East reveal the use of the cave by travellers and seafarers, and indicate its fame well beyond Crete.

Figure 3.79. Bronze Reshef figurine (by the author).

The range of Egyptian and Near Eastern finds made at the site include faience scarabs, gold and bronze jewellery, bronze pins, and necklaces of rock crystal and glass dating to the 8th century; there are also 7th-/6thcentury BC faience amulets and figurines of Egyptian deities (Nefertum, Bes, Isis, and Sekhmet or Bastet). These figurines are thought to have been manufactured in Syria and influenced by Egyptian styles. One of the female figurines is a common one along the SyroPalestinian coast and it is thought to be an amulet left at the cave as an ex-voto, as it represents a goddess related to fertility (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 152; Karetsou and Papadakis 2001). A bronze bowl of the same type as the Phrygian bronze bowl from Eleutherna, was found at the cave, providing some evidence of trade from central Anatolia and Asia Minor to Crete (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 141).

The Patso Cave Identified with the cave of Eileithyia, mentioned in the Odyssey, the cave of Patso is located to the west of Mount Ida. This cave is known for the Minoan material discovered, such as terracottas and inscriptions to Hermes, but also for some Hellenistic and Roman pieces (Nilsson 1928: 460). Additionally, material from our period and field of interest was also discovered there. The most striking find from the cave is a bronze Reshef figurine [Figure 3.79] with no stratigraphic context. The figurine, wearing a skirt with a belt and a characteristic hat, lifts its right arm and advances its right leg. The position and style of the piece suggests a date of the 11th century BC, even though it could have been an imitation made by a Phoenician, a Cretan, or an artisan from northern Syrian (Hoffman 2000: 110–111). It is possible, of course, that the figure could have arrived on Crete a few centuries or so after its manufacture. Land routes The port of Kommos is convenient for other sites on the island [Figure 3.80]. It is located only 8 km from Phaistos; traders and locals could walk the distance in approximately hours, or use pack animals. The path was relatively flat and straight, taking into account the inclination of the island towards the sea, and only having to go uphill slightly at the elevation of Kamilari. Either from Phaistos, or directly from Kommos, people interested in the exchange of goods could also have directed themselves towards Gortyna, c. 27 km away from the port. The path to get there was, in spite of being longer, flatter and straighter. A person on foot would have probably taken between five and six hours to get from Kommos to Gortyna (without stopping at Phaistos); the trail opens towards the Mesara Plain, opening up the landscape and making it easier to walk. Even though material from Knossos could perfectly well have reached the other end of the island inland, some items might have been transported from the northern port of Amnisos [Figure 3.81]. 74

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.80. Land routes from Kommos to Gortyna (map developed by the author).

Figure 3.81. Land routes from north to south (map developed by the author).

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Figure 3.82. Views of the Mesara Plain and its path from the Idaean Cave.

The latter received relatively large quantities of Eastern figurines that could have been spread around the northern sites of the island through inland routes. Despite Knossos presumably having its port at Katsabas (c. 4 km from most Iron Age finds), Amnisos could have been used as a secondary trading port, 8 km distant from the Tekke area. This makes the journey similar in terms of length as the one between Kommos and Gortyna. It is likely that some traders moved from Knossos towards the small site of Kounavoi, passing through Archanes, where large volumes of Bronze Age, and also some Iron Age material has been found. The path towards this site, of c. 10 km, would have taken five hours to walk. The way until Archanes would have been quite flat and straight, but between there and Kounavoi the route is relatively steep and it goes around mountains, so it would not have been an easy option. Gortyna lies c. 30 km south of Kounavoi, and if we take into account the distance and the lack of archaeological evidence between the sites, it seems unlikely that they were connected via inland routes. However, the quality of the finds made indicates otherwise. The lekythoi from Phaistos greatly resemble those from Kounavoi, and the figurine of Bes from Gortyna is almost identical to the one from Amnisos, and mention must also be made of the Egyptian figurines of Nefertum from Kommos and Knossos. Therefore, it is plausible that these six sites were somehow connected through a trail that would have crossed the whole island. However the exact path taken is very difficult to determine, since there is a lack of Iron Age finds in the centre of the island. One possibility is the route, both from the north of the island and from the south, leading to Mount Ida and the Idaean Cave. Those travelling from Knossos to the cave would have taken more than ten hours to walk there, along a very mountainous and steep path, and thus it seems most unlikely 76

Kommos and its connections within Crete

Figure 3.83. Land routes to the Idaean Cave (map developed by the author).

that this way of linking the north of the island to the south would have been regularly favoured due to its difficulty. Getting to the Idaean Cave from Kommos would have taken more or less the same amount of time, being a similar distance as that from Knossos to the cave (56 km to Kommos, and 47 km to Gortyna). However, the path from the cave would have been much easier. The only difficulty would have been to climb Mount Ida, where the cave is located. The rest of the path would have been through the Mesara Plain, visible from the cave itself. This way would have been used since Minoan times, according to the island’s locals, and its traces remain until today, as the picture of the views of the Mesara Plain from the Idaean Cave shows, with the narrow path visible on the right [Figure 3.82]. It is clearly a relatively flat trail, with the natural inclination of the island towards the sea, and with only a few kilometres of uphill travel towards the cave. Since it is a long way, c. 12 hours, this journey is very likely to have required pack animals of some kind [Figure 3.83]. The finds from the Idaean Cave feature many similarities to those from Eleutherna [Figure 3.84]. Moreover, the proximity of the sites in terms of their distance from any sea routes seems to suggest that they were also linked via an inland route. This would have been, however, one of the most difficult paths on the whole island, since we are talking here about mountainous areas that lack any level stretches that might ease the journey. The distance, c. 45 km, would have taken around ten hours to complete, and probably also required pack animals. The track would presumably have gone around the highest points of the Psiloritis mountain range, on its north, less steep, side. There is the possibility, nevertheless, that traders and locals would have arrived at Eleutherna from Knossos, not Kommos. Both Eleutherna and Knossos reveal evidence of Phoenician populations living there, and the finds, such as pottery, make archaeologists think that there might have been 77

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.84. Land routes from the Idaean Cave to Eleutherna (map developed by the author).

Figure 3.85. Land routes from Eleutherna to Patso (map developed by the author).

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Figure 3.86. Land routes from the Inatos Cave to the Dictaean Cave (map developed by the author).

a northern route that facilitated travel between the sites. However, due to the irregularities of the relief and the lack of material evidence, this remains an hypothesis. Another possibility could have been the presence of a port of some description at Rethymnon, but, again, there is no confirming evidence. The Patso Cave is c. 25 km south-west of Eleutherna, and is accessible through the Gorge of Agios Antonios, after going around some of the steepest areas of the Psiloritis range. However, the small quantities of finds made to date indicate that this journey was not very common [Figure 3.85]. On the south-eastern side of the island, the three caves of Inatos, Syme, and Dikte should also have been linked via relatively short land routes [Figure 3.86]. Inatos was close to the sea and it would have been fairly easy to move from here to the Syme cave by going around the beach and then striking uphill along a twisting path. Getting to the next site would have been a more difficult task – to walk from Syme to the Dikte the traders could have taken a choice of routes. Perhaps the most logical would have been up and down and around Mt Spathi, by walking c. 10 km west from Syme and then heading north for c. 40 km. The connection between the three caves and the rest of the island is not very clear [Figure 3.87]. It is possible that the cave of Inatos was connected to Gortyna by a land route that would have been relatively level for c. 35 km, a journey, perhaps, of seven or eight hours. After the flat trail, traders and locals would have climbed the hill to the cave, so it would have been a safe, straightforward journey. The Inatos Cave could have been used as a first stop on the island, due to its proximity to the sea, but as no harbour structures have been found there this seems an unlikely possibility. Moreover, it is clear that most of the Near Eastern presence on the island is located in the central zones (both north and south). The ports and harbours of both seem to indicate that it was common 79

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 3.87. Land routes of Crete (map developed by the author).

for merchants to sail both towards the north, and into the Aegean Sea, and towards the south, probably heading west. Those merchants who stopped at Knossos could have been the same as those calling in at Kommos, or they could have been a different group. This remains unknown, as are the identities of those transporters of commercial goods over Crete’s land routes. It seems unlikely that sailors would disembark at Kommos, Knossos, or Amnisos, only then to make treks inland. They could, as is the case at Kommos, have left their ships in the harbour, sold their stock, and stayed to rest up. There would be little point in moving their merchandise further inland if they could sell it directly at the port, thus it was probably groups of local merchants who transported these luxury objects around the island. General observations on Cretan sites Throughout this chapter, the 11th and 10th centuries BC have been suggested as some of the dates for the first contacts between Phoenicia and Crete, as the ‘Tekke bowl’ from Knossos suggests. The 9th and 8th centuries BC would have been the periods of more intense interactions between Cretans and Phoenicians. It must be borne in mind, however, that the Near East and Crete were constantly connected, probably without interruption, from 1200 BC onwards. It has also been noted that a great variety of different materials reached Crete, from metal and ceramic containers, to shields, amulets, and even cippi. Table 1 provides an analysis of the distribution of these materials across the island, and helps us to understand the role of the key archaeological sites, indicating the objects found at each. The most common objects found on the island are figurines representing Egyptian deities, found at ten of the twelve sites examined. Representations of the god Bes and the goddess Sekhmet are 80

Kommos and its connections within Crete Table 1. Grid showing the finds of each Cretan settlement (by the author).

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Kommos and its connections within Crete the most numerous, with finds of four each. Three of the Bes figurines are practically identical in size and shape (those from Amnisos, Gortyna, and the Inatos Cave), whereas those depicting Sekhmet are of different dimensions (Kommos, Eleutherna, Amnisos, Inatos). Phoenician lekythoi are found at four sites, mostly close to the north of the island (Kounavoi, Kommos, Eleutherna), although there are finds at Phaistos. Bronze bowls are also very common, especially those with a central omphalos and rosettes (Knossos, Eleutherna, Ida, Inatos). Scarabs, faience bowls, Cypriot oinochoes, gold jewellery, and bronze shields have all been recovered from three sites as well, indicating the high demand for these types of products on the island. Some of these items arrived as imports and others were probably made on Crete, either by Phoenicians or by Cretans. The pots imported to Crete, and those made on the island, were bought for their contents, as the unguent pots at Knossos and the amphorae at Kommos suggest; there is also a possibility that they were purchased for their own intrinsic aesthetic qualities, as the bowls from Eleutherna and the Idaean Cave might suggest. There is no doubt that the island of Crete was a very important destination for Phoenician merchants going westwards, as well as for those Phoenician craftsmen who wanted to settle permanently. The evidence from Kommos perhaps illustrates best the way merchants arrived and left the island, using the port as a trading base, where they could stop, rest, and exchange goods. A case has been made that Temple B was used for both religious and economic purposes – a meeting place for Phoenicians, locals, and other groups and a gateway for the ingress of oriental practices and beliefs. The port of Knossos, in spite of the eponymous settlement not being as close to the sea as Kommos, would also have been a stopping point, with connections to other areas of the Aegean. Knossos would also have been a place of Phoenician production, as is suggested by the arguments put forward for an unguent factory there. It was also a location Phoenicians would chose to live and die in, as the finds of cippi from Knossos and Eleutherna illustrate. Being able to be buried in the North Cemetery at Knossos was very important for foreigners, implying that they were accepted within the community and were seen as citizens with rights, and probably duties, even though they had a different identity. However different, this identity was, to whatever degree, shared with the locals, as part of the hybridisation process and the transmission of practices and, ultimately, culture. It must be remembered, of course, that while we have finds of cippi, which prove that their owners were citizens by right, there could have been other Phoenicians at Knossos or Eleutherna living there permanently, just like the cippi owners, but who might not have not acquired full rights, or, at least, the right of being buried with the usual rituals. Whether all foreigners were accepted as citizens or not remains an open question. Furthermore, we should note that there could well have been Phoenicians living at any of the other mentioned sites, but who did not acquire citizenship rights or have burial rituals either. Apart from being a place of residence, Eleutherna would probably also have had workshops. The bronze finds at the Idaean Cave seem to have been made at the same place as those from Eleutherna. It is possible that they were made at Eleutherna itself as there is evidence of individuals from the Near East living there. The ivory objects from the Idaean Cave, however, were made in situ; the role of this cave is that of a religious sanctuary, seemingly unconnected with economic transactions. Each of the settlements analysed follows a different pattern and appears to have been used in a different manner. Therefore, each site has a distinct role within the island: Kommos is understood as a stopping port, where merchants would rest and trade before continuing their route; Knossos as a port of trade, but also as a place of residence, and even of manufacture; Eleutherna is seen as a place of Phoenician residence where, probably, a community of bronzesmiths lived; and the Idaean Cave as a religious sanctuary where ivory carvers would work, but probably not live. The fact that 83

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos each site presents different characteristics is very meaningful in terms of the understanding of Crete as a whole. Going back to our initial question about the role the island played in the nexus of Phoenician routes towards the West, it can be suggested that Crete had not just one part, but many; perhaps the initial one was that of a port of call, but it soon became more than that. Crete became a place of residence for groups of Phoenicians who also traded and manufactured objects there, and, hence, contributed to the Mediterranean trade routes. Another role the island acquired was that of absorbing and transmitting elements of Oriental cultural practices, beliefs, and taste, to other areas in the Aegean, thus making it easier for Phoenicians to sell their objects there, as the appeal for them spread and grew. Hence, Crete was a very important stopping port for Phoenician routes to the West. Not only was it where they could rest for a period before continuing their journey (as at Kommos), but also where they would sell their distinctive products and transmit their culture, and even, possibly, a writing system, although this is still subject to discussion (Coldstream 1982). At the same time, the island became a portal for Oriental techniques, the elaboration of pottery (Knossos) and metalwork (Eleutherna, Idaean Cave). Therefore, Eleutherna and the Idaean Cave appear to be intrinsically connected through inland routes, as well as Knossos. These routes of exchange are also important to determine what seaways the Phoenicians would use on leaving Crete, primarily north, towards Corinth, and hence presumably their Cretan stop would be near Knossos, or south, and, thus, calling in at Kommos (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367). Since Phoenician merchants and artisans had different motives for coming to Crete, they would have used these main routes to go to different places, and undertake different activities. Consequently, Phoenicians interested in trading in the West would probably choose the southern route, likely to be a faster one, whereas those bent on economic transactions in the Aegean, or within Crete, would opt for the northern way (Coldstream 2005: 181), as it was best connected to Attica and Euboea, as well as Crete’s inland corridors. A similar phenomenon to that on Crete must have been happening on other islands around the Mediterranean, as well as continental areas, both in the East and the West. As we have seen, similar objects to the ones analysed in this study have turned up in other parts of the Aegean (i.e. Lefkandi and the Dodecanese), the West (i.e. Sicily and Huelva), and the East (i.e. Cyprus and the Phoenician homeland). These parallels not only evidence the contacts between these places, based on Phoenician trade, but show also that Phoenician merchants were distributing Oriental products towards the West. It must also be borne in mind that these routes represented not only an East– West phenomenon, but one that also functioned in reverse, West–East. All in all, the island of Crete was a place of contact between Phoenicians and Cretans, where not only materials were exchanged, but also thoughts, techniques and traditions: it was a place of many opportunities. Similarly, Temple B at Kommos had not just one function, but many. Exploring other islands in the Aegean, and specifically temples that might have shared common features to those of Kommos’ Temple B, will help shed light on this field of study.

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries Temple B at Kommos was used both as a marketplace and as a ritual space (Aubet 2012: 66). The Oriental-shaped temple and its finds indicate the connection between religion and trade (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367), as well as the importance of Near Eastern traders at the site. The fact that Egyptian religious figurines as well as objects of common commerce, i.e. amphorae sherds, have been discovered in the sanctuary denotes the possibility of economic exchanges within the temple, making it a possible commercial district (Aubet 2009: 66a). Like some other Late Bronze Age temples found in the Levant (Sidon, Sarepta, Tyre), and even the so-called ‘temples with no cities’ (Tell Michal, Tell Mevorakh), are good examples of places of exchange throughout the course of the 2nd millennium BC. Seafarers and land merchants would presumably carry and keep their trade goods safely at these sacred buildings, where their precious objects would be protected by divine powers (Kochavi 1990: 9). This pattern of commercial temples and sacred areas protecting trade goods found its continuation and parallels throughout the Early Iron Age Aegean, not only at the site of Kommos, but also within other sacred structures of Cyprus, the Dodecanese, the islands of the northern Aegean, and the Greek mainland. Temple B at Kommos, therefore, presents similarities to other temples in the Aegean [Figure 4.1]. To understand the role of these buildings in Greek and Phoenician interactions, and how temples were used during the Iron Age as places of exchange, it is necessary to examine the finds associated with these buildings. The major temples near ports in the Iron Age (generally used between the 8th and 6th centuries BC) included the Heraion on Samos, the Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria, and the Vroulia temple on Rhodes. There is also the temple of Kition-Bamboula on Cyprus, and even though not strictly in the Aegean, it was a key location for the access of Levantine merchants to the Aegean. The main common feature between these sanctuaries is the distance of the Protogeometric and Geometric temple structures from the sea: in all cases within walking distance from the shore (maximum 500 m), and seemingly connected to other structures similar to those of a port, with storage spaces and/or commercial areas. Some temples far from the sea will also be used in this analysis, i.e. the Spartan temple of Artemis Orthia, and the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. Most of these Iron Age and Archaic temples were designed following Greek architectural styles, even though some, like Temple B at Kommos (Crete) and the Temple at Kition-Bamboula (Cyprus), have an Oriental structure. Just like at Kommos, many imported materials were attested within these sanctuaries: Egyptian bronzes and ivories (some of them of religious figures), Phoenician inscriptions, imitations of Egyptian inscribed objects, as well as Nimrud-style materials. These temples were not only used as commercial stopping points, but also as workshops. The temple at Kition-Bamboula seems to have been connected to metalworking, according to Phoenician inscriptions and metal bowls; and the Temple of Artemis Orthia could have been a workplace for Near Eastern ivory carvers (although their ivories might also have been manufactured at the Idaean cave sanctuary on Crete and imported from there. Table ceramics also suggest consumption of food and drink within the temple, reminding us that seafarers would not only stop there to sell products but also to eat, rest and enjoy themselves (prostitution has also been suggested by the inscriptions found at Kition-Bamboula). The Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria has revealed Geometric features, horseshoe in shape, below the Archaic and Classical structures. The northernmost of these Geometric buildings is where the metalworking took place; the longer building of the same period is where the horse blinkers from north Syria, dedicated to King Hazael, were found, as well as bronze figurines. The Northern Sacrificial Area revealed Egyptian statuettes of deities and stone and faience scarabs. Among the 85

Figure 4.1. Select sites for the research (by the author).

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries pottery, there were finds of a few Phoenician amphorae sherds, denoting the use of the building as a place of storage or exchange. The Heraion of Samos has yielded the greatest quantity of Oriental bronzes from the 8th/7th centuries BC, mainly Egyptian and Syrian in origin, but also from Assyria, Iran, and Anatolia. Other objects of interest are the ivories found in the sanctuary, as well as Cretan wooden statuettes and pottery of different types. A duplicate Aramaic inscription documenting King Hazael is engraved on a bronze horse frontlet, reminding us of the one from Eretria just mentioned above. The Rhodian temple at Vroulia has very little material evidence, most of the objects having been collected before the beginning of the official excavations in 1905. The find of a sphinx bears an inscription that links it to the Phoenician world. Additionally, Cypriot limestone figurines, a bronze bowl, and a Cypriot horseman were found there, as well as ceramics from Kameiros (Rhodes), Cyprus, and some amphorae. Rhodes also has other sanctuaries devoted to Athena – at Ialyssos, Kameiros, and Lindos – and although these are located not far from the coast they are on acropolis sites difficult of access for seafarers. Thus these temples, with their great quantities of Near Eastern finds, are not considered to be commercial temples, but sanctuaries where votives were deposited, and other objects, such as comestibles, were stored but not exchanged. The same holds true for Corinth’s temples of Aphrodite and Demeter/Kore: both situated 5 km inland, on mountainous Acrocorinth, making them implausible commercial districts. The temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta is 50 km inland, and the Temple of Zeus at Olympia is 25 km away from the shores of the western Peloponnese. Even though the Oriental finds from these temples could relate them to some sort of commercial activity, their distance from the sea makes this doubtful. The sites mentioned above can be looked at in more detail, with the intention of assessing the extent of their commercial nature. Additionally, this research will briefly focus on the Phoenician and Near Eastern presence on other Aegean islands, i.e. Kos, Naxos, and Melos, even though no traces of ‘commercialised’ temples have been found there. However, Kos, together with Ialyssos (Rhodes), have been identified as key points for the production or bottling of unguents supervised by Near Eastern merchants, as presumably occurred at Knossos on Crete. Therefore, it is important to keep these sites in mind in order to draw connections and trade routes that might not have included the use of a built structure, such as a temple. Cyprus The Canaanite and Phoenician presence on the island of Cyprus has been attested since the Bronze Age through the trade of copper. The shipwrecks of Ulu-Burun and Cape Gelidonya, dating to the 14th to late 13th centuries BC, prove this early stage in the East–West trade of copper, as well as Mycenaean, Cypriot, and Levantine pottery. The harbour site at Marsa Matruh (western Egypt) also reveals trade routes that would have started from the Levant and then steered towards Cyprus, Rhodes, the Cyclades, mainland Greece or Crete, and then back to Egypt, before returning to the Levant (Kochavi 1990: 12; Stampolidis et al. 1998: 74). A more stable connection was established during the following centuries. Syro-Palestinian pilgrim flasks of the 10th century BC, and Phoenician Red-Slip pottery from the 9th century BC, suggest a new phase of interactions between Sidonians and Tyrians with islands of the Eastern Mediterranean ( Karageorghis 1976: 95). Moreover, it seems that during the Iron Age the role of Phoenicians in Cyprus shifted from trade to colonisation (Bikai 1989: 205), either because of the growth of Phoenician populations on the mainland, and the need for more agricultural land, Assyrian demands for tribute, or because of increased competition among Phoenician city-states (Bikai 1989: 206). 87

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Figure 4.2. Main Cypriot sites mentioned (by the author).

Cyprus, therefore, would have been the first stop made by Phoenician and Eastern seafarers on their journey towards the West. Sites such as Amathus, Palaipaphos and Kition [Figure 4.2] were used by Phoenicians in the Early Iron Age, the colony of Kition being in the process of being turned into the main strategic location and economic centre of the island by these merchants. The temples located in these cities were mainly dedicated to female goddesses, generally linked to Greek Aphrodite or Phoenician Astarte. In the case of Salamis, however, the temple is associated to a male god related to Zeus (Hermary 1998; Budin 2004). In all cases, Near Eastern material has been discovered, indicating religious syncretism and hybrid practices that make us question these associations of gods. Proof of such contacts between Cyprus, the Levant, and Crete, could include the finds of Black-onRed Cypriot trefoil oinochoes and lekythoi with concentric decoration. The site of Amathus has provided a number of these pots, which are also seen in large amounts at Knossos, as well as from some areas on Rhodes and Kos, perhaps not as exports but as imitations, through the establishment of unguent factories.1 Phoenician lekythoi with mushroom-like rims and globular bodies like the ones from Eleutherna and Fortetsa are also common at Amathus (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 88). Also the site of Palaipaphos shows these cultural and commercial contacts. The site is located at the village of Koulia and was presumably founded by Phoenicians. A Temple dedicated to Aphrodite, already mentioned in Homer’s Odyssey (viii. 362), was erected c. 2 km inland (Cesnola 1878, 205). Several tombs were found at Skales, to the south of the site, including imported ceramics from the East, studied by Patricia Bikai, such as amphorae with similarities to Tyrian storage jars (Tomb 58) and trefoil juglets, globular jugs, and other flasks that were decorated with palm tree motifs and concentric centres (Bikai 1983: 396). Other finds are Egyptian objects, such as scarabs, a faience bowl with a central rosette, cauldrons, rod tripods, ceramics, and inscriptions (Clerc 1983: 376; Karageorghis 1983), bringing to mind some shapes and iconographies seen in the Egyptianising material from Crete. 1 

See the observations and conclusions in Chapter 3 (Kommos and its contacts).

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Figure 4.3. Recreation of the ivory throne from Salamis (by the author).

Figure 4.4. Cippus from Palaikastro (by the author).

Moreover, recalling the material from Eleutherna, two golden plaques were discovered at Skales. These depict female figures wearing long dresses and poloi, and holding tree branches (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 150). Also presenting similarities to the finds of golden sheets and pendants from Eleutherna, and, specifically, those representing the Mistress of Animals, is a bronze harness from Salamis on Cyprus. In this case, the female figure presents similarities to the Egyptian sun goddess Hathor, due to the depiction above her head (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 151). The site of Salamis in particular, specifically its Royal Necropolis, has provided a great deal of archaeological material that draws connections between the Aegean and the Levantine littoral. Its ostentatious burials not only indicate the presence of powerful figures residing there, but also the changes that occurred in the 8th/7th centuries BC on the island, probably stimulated by Phoenician and Assyrian commercial and political influences (Rupp 1988). Apart from Black-onRed pottery and bird-shaped askos found in funerary contexts of the 8th/7th centuries BC, Salamis is also known by finds of non-ceramic containers, i.e. the material from Tomb 79 has become of vital importance for our understanding of metalworking and ivory carving. The impressive bronze cauldron decorated with griffins recalls other Aegean examples from Olympia and Delphi as well as Samos, as will be examined later. Other metallic elements, e.g. bronze horse blinkers with Egyptian iconography have been discovered at the site, presenting formal similarities to the blinkers from Euboea that will be examined later (Karageorghis 1969).

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Figure 4.5. Silvergilt bowl from Cyprus (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Cesnola Collection).

Furthermore, Tomb 79 has been the provider of many ivory objects and it gives us hints on the production of wooden furniture covered in ivory. The most impressive piece found at the tomb is the throne [Figure 4.3] with carved crowns of Lower and Upper Egypt, sphynxes and flower motifs. Also some ivory plaques with carved sphynxes were found there, and are thought to belong to other pieces of furniture, presumably beds (Karageorghis 1969; 1999). These pieces could be connected with the ivory carving workshop at the Idaean Cave on Crete, helping us understand the process of carving, as well as the use and position of the ivory pieces found within the cave, which appear quite disconnected as any wood to which they might have been attached has not been preserved, making any reconstruction hypothetical. This is why a complete throne, like the one from Salamis, is so helpful. Of no less importance are the votive limestone sculptures found in Cypriot sanctuaries and the necropolis. The 7th-century BC cippus from Palaikastro [Figure 4.4], to the north of Kition, reminds us of this status of citizenship which some merchants, or colonisers, had on the foreign island, as well as this hybridity of cultural expression (Counts 2008: 5–7). This cippus, made of Cypriot limestone, depicts a human-lion head, echoing the Egyptian divinity Bes. It also has a Phoenician inscription dedicating the stele to the Egyptian-Canaanite god Reshef. It is, thus, a perfect example of the integration of different cultures within one monument, reminding us of the ‘internationality’ of Phoenician seafarers. The temple at Kition To the south of Cyprus, directly on the shore, lies the site of Kition. Even though the evidence for the date of the first Phoenicians arriving here has not yet been fixed, it is safe to say that these visitors from the Near East had consolidated their presence on the island c. the 9th century BC (Karageorghis 1976: 95), and that between the 9th and 6th centuries BC, Kition was presumably a major stopping point, where Phoenician merchants would rest before continuing their journey westwards. A Phoenician temple is located in the area of Kition-Bamboula, very close to the port, which had functioned since the 13th century BC (Yon and Childs 1977: 14; Yon 2000), making it easy for 90

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Figure 4.6. Red-slipped bowls from Kition (Bikai 2003: Pls. 2, 7).

merchants to access the temple area from the sea. The temple was dedicated to Herakles-Melkart and Aphrodite-Astarte and it provided material from different origins, including very valuable inscriptions about the way the temple worked, which will be explored later. As for the architectural structure, the building was similar to Jerusalem’s Temple of Solomon and the Temple of Melkart at Tyre. It measures 35 m x 22 m, making it one of the largest in the Phoenician world, a few metres longer than the Jerusalem edifice. The latter consists of three sections (vestibule, main room, sacral space with altar), which Kition replicates, although it lacks a vestibule and the main room is a space with pillars and benches along the walls, like the temples at Kommos and Sarepta (Bikai 1989: 207–208; Demetriou 2001: 136). The offerings found there are similar to those from the shrine of Sarepta,2 i.e. beads, Egyptianising amulets, and terracottas of Egyptian influence, one depicting Hathor (Yon 1984: 93; Bikai 1989: 208; Demetriou 2001: 140). A few faience objects connect the site to other Cretan destinations: the Late Bronze Age Egyptianising faience bowl found at Kition is very similar to the 7th-century BC bowl from Knossos (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 143). Furthermore, some metal bowls with Egyptian and Assyrian motifs and Cypriot inscriptions (Karageorghis 1999, 15) connect the temple to metalworking: a Phoenician inscription found in Cyprus talks about Melekram, a Phoenician smith who worked near the sources of raw materials on the island (Bikai 1989: 208). In fact, storerooms and a workshop for smelting copper were located within the sacred area of Kition, with a direct communication with the altar (Karageorghis 1976: 113–114). Thus it seems clear that the temple was not only used as a religious space, but also as a metalworking area, although it might have been providing religious objects for the temple. Some metal bowls, plates, and figurines produced by Phoenician craftsmen attest to this. Several gold and silver bowls (8th/7th centuries BC) similar to those from Nimrud, the Idaean Cave, and Eleutherna, have been found at different locations on Cyprus, one from Kourion that refers to the King of Paphos [Figure 4.5]. These bowls, now in the Cesnola Collection, could have been made in the workshop at Kition and exported. From the area of the industrial quarter, finds of other metal objects, mainly figurines, have been made – specifically figurines of Near Eastern divinities. One of the earliest is a bronze statuette of Astarte from the 12th century BC: she is represented naked, her arms raised to her breasts (Karageorghis 1976: 70–74). Other figurines depicting, both men and women of different styles, have been found across the whole site (industrial quarter, temple, bothros, etc.), highlighting the importance of the use of bronze, and, inevitably, copper, at the site and on the rest of the island. Of interest to us also is the statuette of the Egyptian god Bes, found outside the southern area of the temple, and, presumably, 5th century BC in date (Karageorghis 1976: 111). 2 

For this shrine and its similarities to Temple B at Kommos, see Chapter 2 (Kommos).

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Figure 4.7. Jugs with concentric decoration (Bikai 2003: Pls. 5, 7).

Kition has also provided ceramic imports, specifically Levantine and Phoenician pottery (Yon 1984: 93, Bikai 2003: 207–257). The sherds found, and especially those from the temple and the industrial quarter, may be indicators of trade between the island and the Phoenician homeland. However, Tyre, from where most of the sherds presumably come, is so close to Kition that, perhaps, it was individual settlers, and not the concerted efforts of merchants, who brought to the site with them their personal items, including cooking ware and jars (Bikai 2003: 208). We will, however, focus on the pots found at the temple and in the storerooms, that suggest some sort of communal use, or institutionalised storage of goods that were destined for the commercial enterprises of Phoenician merchants. The context and types of finds are reminiscent of finds from Temple B from Kommos. Cooking ware, fine ware, jugs, and storage jars have been found at all levels of the temple, always very fragmentary, and with different decorations. the cooking ware is mainly of hard red or brown clay with burn marks; Cypriot White-Painted, Bichrome and BlackSlip and Black-on-Red fragments; red-slipped, wheel-decorated or incised plates and bowls [Figure 4.6] of different thicknesses, similar to those from Tyre and Sarepta, which may be considered luxury items, similar to plate C11310 or Uncatalogued 34 A2/36 from Kommos; bichrome jugs with concentric circle decoration [Figure 4.7] and globular bodies, and mushroom-lipped jugs – identical to jugs C2398 and C2399 from Kommos (even though they are much more common within Cypriot funerary contexts than Crete); and storage jars and amphorae with sloped carinated shoulders, in thick clay [Figure 4.8], and ‘torpedo’ or crisp ware, confirming the 8th-century BC use of the temple and connecting it to Kommos, Sarepta, Salamis, and Tyre (Bikai 2000: 310). Overall, the Phoenician pottery from Kition indicates a Phoenician presence from the 9th and towards the 7th century BC (Bikai 2003: 207–257). However, a transition of materials does not necessarily indicate the presence or absence of a specific group, nor the initial use of the site or the temple. Some of these ceramic objects had inscriptions, mostly in the Phoenician alphabet (Amadasi 2003: 258–264). A 7th-century BC inscription on a bowl seems to describe Mesopotamian incantations to an unnamed guardian deity (Coote 1975; Lipinski 2004: 44–46), a 5th-century BC limestone tablet, written in Cypriot semi-cursive, records payments made to workers at the temple during a particular rite (Peckham 1968; Schmitz 2009), and an early 4th-century BC limestone tablet with a double inscription details some of the monthly expenses of the Temple of Astarte (Karageorghis 1976: 107; Beer 1992: 82), with payments being made for sacrifices and to guardians, architects, 92

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Figure 4.8. Storage jars (Bikai 2003: Pls. 6, 8).

singers, bakers, craftsmen, scribes, shepherds, and ‘temple girls’ (or, as Masson and Sznycer (1972: 27) translate it, ‘sacred prostitutes’). Despite being from the second half of the 1st millennium BC, this document represents to us proof of the multi-functionality of Late Iron Age and Archaic temples. All sorts of activities were carried out at the site, either during festivities, or, as seems to be the case, on a regular basis: sacrifices would take place, food would be consumed (attested by pottery finds, as well as the inscription’s references to bakers, who received regular payments at the temple), music would be listened to as a form of leisure activity, objects would be produced (here our inscription probably refers to the ‘craftsmen’ working on bronze production at Kition), and, most importantly, prostitution would have taken place. All these activities were paid for by some kind of institution the temple belonged to, and it seems that the income was received in several different ways: exchanges made at the temple could have been taxed, or used as some sort of profit for the temple, and prostitution is likely to have been considerable generator of funds (Beer 1992: 83). Sacred prostitution it likely to have occurred at harbour towns and places where seafarers found themselves far from home. The Temple of Astarte at Kition would have been one of these locations, and other temples on the island would probably have offered the same diversion, such as the Temple of Astarte at Palaipaphos (Herodotus I. 199; Karageorghis 1976: 108). The identification of Astarte with Aphrodite, goddess of fertility and sexuality, was a relatively common phenomenon in the Late Iron Age and Archaic periods, and even today Cyprus is often referred to as ‘the Island of Love’ (Young 2005). Perhaps this is a further reason why ancient seafarers dropped anchor here before continuing their long journeys. Rhodes The island of Rhodes, like Cyprus and Crete, must have been another familiar stop on the way from the East to the Aegean. The main sites where Oriental objects have been found are Ialyssos, Kameiros and Lindos, as well as the geometric necropolis of Exochi (between modern Lardos and Pylona), and the port site of Vroulia [Figure 4.9]. The three first sites have temples that could have been used as commercial spaces and are known as ‘international sanctuaries’ from the foreign origins of the objects found there (Hermary 1998: 272). However, the temples are all located some distance from the sea, on acropolis sites that are not very accessible to merchants. Thus the most meaningful site for our study seems to be Vroulia, which shares many characteristics with Kommos, with its large quantities of faience figurines and amulets. Whether they are imports or produced locally is still under debate, since the materials and processes used are very similar to those followed in Egypt and the Near East, but with some distinctions (Stampolidis, Karetsou and 93

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.9. Main Rhodian sites mentioned (by the author).

Kanta 1998: 144; Skuse 2021). Similar objects can be found in alabaster, which is a very common material found at Naucratis too (Hermary 1998: 269). Additionally, Egyptianising material, and Phoenician and Cypriot pottery and jewellery, have all been found at most Rhodian sites of the Geometric period (Villing and Mommsen 2017: 140). The northernmost site of interest to us is Ialyssos, located just a few kilometres from the island’s current capital, and which includes funerary and cult areas. The necropolis, sharing characteristics with other cemeteries studied previously, i.e. Cretan Eleutherna and Knossos, has provided Protogeometric and Geometric material (D’Accunto 2017; 2019), some of which comes from the Near East (mainly Cyprus and Phoenicia). The acropolis has an Athena Sanctuary from after the Mycenaean period (during this period pots were made locally), when scarabs, cylinder seals, bracelets, ivory and other luxury objects start being imported. The earliest Early Iron Age tombs from Ialyssos, just like the neighbouring site of Kameiros, date from the Late Proto Geometric, c. 940–900 BC (D’Accunto 2017), they are located at Platsa Daphniou and Annuachia (below Mt Filerimos), and at Tsimoiroi and Marmaro (on the plain) [Figure 4.10]. Generally, adults are buried in ash-urns and sub-adults in inhumations in pythoi. Men seemed to have been buried with objects linked to warfare, whereas women are associated with burials featuring jewellery and conspicuous consumption. The female tomb, Marmaro 43, has provided three objects in faience: a statuette of Bes (now lost), a pendant in the shape of a rosette, and a pyramidal seal, together with one of the best examples of White-Painted Cypriot ware (Bourogiannis 2012: 71). These objects are imports from the Levant, possibly from Cyprus, with the seal echoing Cypro-Phoenician styles (Coulié 2014: 181). The silver bowl from Marmaro Tomb 61 also shows connections to the East, with its decoration of palm trees in low relief, similar to the Cypriot and Knossian bowls already mentioned (Coulié 2014: 212). The 94

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Figure 4.10. Map of the cemeteries of Ialyssos (by the author).

necklace made of faience beads and a single bronze pendant from the Tsimoiroi 2 female tomb, were also imported from the Eastern Mediterranean, probably from the Syro-Palestinian coast. There are, thus, indications enough to show that the Rhodian elites were involved early on in this EIA Cypro-Phoenician and Euboean trade network (according to the objects found in Lefkandi) (D’Accunto 2017: 445). Laghos 3 is a female burial containing a diadem with geometric decoration in repoussé, a local aryballos/lekythos of Cypriot type with a ridge on the neck, and a neck-handled amphora; there were also imports from Kameiros, and Cypriot-type lekythoi with Black-on-Red concentric decoration. The 8th-century BC finds from the cemetery indicate a change, being the era of the great sanctuary of Athena. The burials from Tsambico South, i.e. the grave goods of Tomb LI (393), are from c. 750 BC. These include a tridacna shell, a luxury import, like the one from Lindos, coming from the Red Sea, Corinthian vases, a bird askos, Cypriot White- painted pottery, Black-on-Red bottles, and also north Aegean pottery, such as an Euboean skyphos [Figure 4.11]. Tomb LVIII (422) contained metal objects (two silver spirals, several bronze fibulae, a bronze ring and a silver ring), and a large jug/ oinochoe (Cypriot white-painted). Imports from Phoenicia are a mushroom-topped lekythos and Black-on-Red Cypriot pottery (oinochoes with flat or trefoil mouth, and spaghetti-style aryballoi). Tomb CIV (389) yielded faience beads and a faience figurine of Nefertum, one of the most common Egyptian divinities found in the Aegean (D’Accunto 2017; 2019). Mushroom-topped lekythoi, imports from the Syro-Palestinian coast to Ialyssos, were traded all over the Mediterranean for their perfume contents from the end of the 8th century BC. The vase finds demonstrate the production of perfumes, of Cypro-Phoenician character, on Rhodes by Eastern Mediterranean metoikoi, whose centre, according to Coldstream and Burogiannis, must have been at Ialyssos, (Kourou 2003: 253; Bourogiannis 2009; Bourogiannis 2013). Both Ergias and Zenon mention Phoenicians arriving at Ialyssos (D’Accunto 2017: 463), explaining that Kadmos went to Rhodes, where he founded a temenos dedicated to Poseidon and left some Phoenicians as overseers of the sanctuary. It was the presence of such large amounts of Black-on-Red containers that led to

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Figure 4.11. Cypriot Black-onRed bottle and Euboean skyphos from Tsambico Tomb LI (393) (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).

Coldstream’s assumptions of an unguent factory, with another being established at Knossos,3 with Eastern Mediterranean merchants landing on Rhodes and establishing a commercial enterprise to produce perfumes in the Cypriot manner. The same author first suggested that the immigrants at Ialyssos, who then produced unguents there, could have been Phoenicians (Coldstream 1969), but in a later work (1998) he partly changed his view a little, theorising that they could have been Phoenicians formerly working at Kition. The votive offerings from the Sanctuary of Athena are also very striking. The votive deposits to Athena found on the acropolis of Ialyssos were the richest of the three sanctuaries to this goddess on Rhodes, consisting of c. 5000 artefacts dedicated by her worshippers. The cult lasted from the 9th to the 4th century BC, and the provenances of the finds include Phrygia, Syria, Phoenicia, Cyprus, Urartu, Crete, Egypt, and northern Greece. Among the personal objects offered there are quantities of bronze artefacts, including earrings, amulets, a belt from Urartu, tweezers, a fishhook, and even cheese-scrapers. Particularly striking is an offering from the Pharaoh Nékao of eleven white faience objects, c. 610 BC – 596 BC, including figurines of birds and flowers (Coulié 2014: 198). Additionally, an 8th-century BC ivory plaque, with a relief of two gazelles, a 6th-century BC bronze statue of a goat, and Egyptian faience amulets, all connect the sanctuary to Eastern trade routes. Also made of faience, in this case green, is a falcon-jar of the so-called ‘New Year’ type – from its hieroglyphic inscription with New Year wishes for its owner. It is believed to come from a workshop at Naukratis, although Rhodes is thought to have developed its own faience manufacturing workshops, which would imply that all of these faience objects could have been made locally, imitating Egyptian originals (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 144), as is most probably the case with a faience aryballos and a faience spoon in the shape of a woman [Figure 4.12]. Also from the temple’s deposit is a Cypriot-looking limestone statue of a sphinx [Figure 4.13]. This type of sculpture is quite common on Rhodes between the 7th and 6th centuries BC. All the above finds, left as votive offerings, indicate the importance of the temple, with the international nature of the objects deserving particular attention, as D’Accunto writes (2017: 463): ‘It is interesting to observe how this tradition reproduces in a mythical form some typical ancient mechanisms of how a foreign presence in another land was handled. The first step is a presence in a sanctuary: in the Greek world and in general in the ancient societies the sanctuary, and more precisely one in a trading community, acted as the guarantor of the physical safety of foreigners and 3 

See Chapter 3 (Kommos and its connections within Crete).

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Figure 4.12. Faience spoon from Ialyssos (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).

their commerce. In this tradition one can observe that Poseidon is a good candidate for the possessor of such a sanctuary, one that involves exchanges with foreigners and in particular Phoenicians. A subsequent stage is referred to in Zenon’s passage: the mingling of the Phoenicians with the Ialyssians, which gives them the right of a true integration in the local community as fellow citizens.’ Thus, the institution of the temple would give the opportunity to Near Eastern immigrants to perform as active participants in an exchange network at Ialyssos, at the same time as becoming part of this new society. Moreover, the partially preserved inscription in Greek and Phoenician on a body fragment from a vase found in Tsambico Tomb XXXVII (344) suggests that Phoenicians were integrated within the local community (D’Accunto 2017: 465). This phenomenon could be linked to the presence of cippi in the cemeteries of Eleutherna and Knossos on Crete, as well as Palaikastro on Cyprus, transforming a ‘foreigner’ into a member of a complex, integrated, and accepting society.

Figure 4.13. Sphinx from Ialyssos (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).

Other Greek-Phoenician bilingual inscriptions on marble have been found on Rhodes. One was found at the necropolis near the church of Panagia Phaneromene, dedicating an offering; another comes from south of the acropolis above Rhodes town (Monte Smith), probably of the 2nd century BC, judging by the Hellenistic Greek letters and a Phoenician expression common in the Punic West; another was also found on Monte Smith, close to the Temple of Apollo Pythios (Fraser 1970: 31–36).

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Figure 4.14. Map of the cemeteries of Kameiros (by the author).

Figure 4.15. Jewellery from the ‘Tomb of Jewels’, Kameiros (by the author).

98

Other possible commercial sanctuaries South of Ialyssos is the site of Kameiros, which also includes a cemetery and a sanctuary dedicated to Athena. The necropolis at Kameiros differs from the burials from Ialyssos, as the adults at the former were buried in chamber tombs, as well as cremation pits (D’Accunto 2017: 453). The cemeteries were located at several sites scattered around the hilly landscape of ancient Kameiros. The Late Protogeometric cemetery (late 9th century BC) is at Patelles, while the Geometric graves, from the early 9th to 7th centuries BC, are found at the acropolis, Papa tis Loures, the area of Temple A, and Kechraki. The Patelles site was used in the Archaic period, as was Laerminaki and Vizikia [Figure 4.14]. The so-called ‘Tomb of Jewellery’ at Kameiros provided two sets of seven plaques, representing Mistresses of Lions and female faces [Figure 4.15] (almost identical to the gold sheet of a Mistress of Animals from Eleutherna), a headband, and more than 150 small objects, some of them depicting rosettes, probably part of clothing ornaments. Additionally, two necklaces, earrings, a ring with Phoenician characters, and a scarab from the second half of the 7th century BC were found there (Coulié 2014: 130; Mazet 2019: 136). Figure 4.16. Silver plaque (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).

Tomb 3 from Makri Langoni provided material from 640–600 BC, such as the silver bowl with an omphalos that can trace connections to the bronze bowls from Eleutherna. Tomb 210 from Kechraki, a pithos burial with an infant, provided a silver plaque with repoussé decoration of a winged goddess holding rosettes and faience vases [Figure 4.16]. Tomb A from Kameiros yielded Corinthian vases from c. 600–580 BC. These have been useful to date the tomb and provide a terminum ante quem for the rest of objects found there: a triple-beaked lamp with a support made of clay (probably from Cyprus, 7th/6th century BC), a scarab with the inscription ‘Chaufrou’ (Khéops), an amulet in the shape of the Eye of Horus from the 6th century BC, and two Oriental (probably Syrian) flasks, one made of clay with black, blue-green, and white glaze, and the other of alabaster (Coulié 2014: 150–151). The Sanctuary of Athena [Figure 4.17] is a building existing from the 9th century BC, and used up to Hellenistic times, on the acropolis of Kameiros. Fragments of Egyptian statuettes have been discovered in the sanctuary, as well as sculptures, a gold disk (Marshall 1911), a gold ring, and a silver bowl (Kourou 2003). Just like at Ialyssos, the Egyptian statuettes are made of white, green and blue faience and represent Egyptian divinities [Figure 4.18], including figures of Bes, Sekhmet, and Nefertum (Hermary 1998: 268; Apostola 2018). These present similarities to other faience objects found on the island, and, therefore, this suggests a single manufacturing area. The temple deposits also yielded a fragment of a black basalt sculpture of two hands on a lap with an Egyptian hieroglyph, a bronze statuette of a female torso, a few alabastrons, scarabs of green 99

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Figure 4.17. The Sanctuary of Athena, Kameiros.

Figure 4.18. Egyptian faience figurines from Kameiros (Archaeological Museum of Rhodes).

Figure 4.19. Location and plan of the current Temple of Athena at Lindos (by the author). 100

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Figure 4.20. The Temple of Athena, Lindos.

and blue faience, an amulet in the shape of a cat, probably Bastet, small faience oinochoes, and ceramic lekythoi (Coulié 2014: 199–290). Also from the temple are a few limestone sculptures of a lyre player, a man holding a lamb, a banquet scene, and a few sphinxes of a very similar type as those from Ialyssos. Moreover, a faience spoon with a female shape has also been found at Kameiros. Its dimensions and shape are exactly those of a spoon find from Ialyssos. This may substantiate the theory that some faience objects were made from the same mould, and it is possible that they were manufacture on Rhodes and not in Egypt or the Levant (Coulié 2014: 230–220). The third Athena temple on the island is at Lindos, on the east coast, set on the acropolis, a rocky hill above a cave opening that had been used for dedications before and after the temple was built [Figure 4.19]. The early dedications to the sanctuary date from the 8th to the 5th centuries BC, the time when the temple was destroyed for unknown reasons; in the 4th century BC a new temple, Doric in style, was rebuilt above the old one [Figure 4.20]. The finds from the first period of use included daily objects, such as vases, bronze fibulae, and figurines similar to those from Kameiros and Ialyssos. The later periods revealed change in materials preferred, including bronze statues. Some of the finds are incised triacna shells from the Red Sea, as well as Phoenician and north Syrian ivories (Blinkenberg and Kinch 1931; Kourou 2003; Coulié 2014). Additionally, an Aramean bronze figurine of the Reshef type, and Cypriot and Aramean bronze mace-heads were found. Blue faience scarabs were discovered, one representing the goddess Sekhmet, with a griffin and an inscription to men-ka-Ra [Figure 4.21], proving its originality and manufacture in the Nile River Delta (Blinkenberg and Kinch 1931; Coulié 2014: 200; Apostola 2015: 107). Also made of faience are 101

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Figure 4.21. Lindian scarab depicting Sekhmet (Apostola 2019: Fig. 8.9).

Figure 4.22. Faience figurines of Egyptian divinities (drawing by the author, after Blinkenberg and Kinch 1931: Pls. 53–54).

figurines of Egyptian deities [Figure 4.22], including Nefertum, Sekhmet or Bastet, Ptah-Seker, Bes, and Isis, among others. Moreover, large quantities of limestone and terracotta sculptures were found on the acropolis. The terracottas from Lindos have resemblances to Cypriot examples (Hermary 1998: 269), i.e. the top part of a female figure with a tympanum (hand drum), made of terracotta and with red chromatism. However, most of the figures are made of limestone, and one of the best preserved is a sculpture of a lion (Coulié 2014: 164), which has some Cypriot characteristics as well. Other Cypriot-looking sculptures are those of musicians: double-flute or lyre players. The most commonly represented sculptures, however, are the sphinxes. These are also associated to Cypriot manufacture of the 7th century BC, and are related to the Orientalising imaginary that proves the flow of ideas and cultural aspects from the Near East to the Aegean islands. More specifically, the sphinxes at Lindos wear the Egyptian double crown and an apron that partially covers the creatures’ front legs (Blinkenberg and Knich 1931: 448; Kourou 2003: 255; Coulié 2014: 222). The temple at Vroulia The distant site of Vroulia on Rhodes takes its name from the local vegetation, which is mainly composed of bulrush, βρύλα In Greek. Vroulia was founded c. 700 BC (Melander 198: 83), possibly as a result of a colonisation movement, or for its strategic position, and perhaps acting as a port of call within the territory of Lindos (Kourou 2003: 256). Its location extends from the southern tip of Rhodes to a small rocky peninsula referred to as Nisi or Prassonissi. The orientation of the site of Vroulia [Figure 4.23] follows the main fortified wall, which was the first structure to be built there. The gate seems to have been built before the abandonment of the site in the 6th century BC (Melander 1988). Against the fortified wall there is a line of houses, marking an 102

Other possible commercial sanctuaries

Figure 4.23. Female figurine (by the author).

inhabitation zone. On top of a small hill is a tower (for defensive or observation purposes perhaps) and on the south-east there is an open-air sanctuary with an altar, where a 7th-century female terracotta figurine was found [Figure 4.24]. Next to it is an agora (the public meeting space) and beyond the wall there is a cemetery. An early 7th-century temple (‘La Chapelle’) was raised at the south-eastern foot of Vroulia hill (Kaninia and Schierup 2014; Kaninia 2019). When excavated, the structure of La Chapelle – the temple – preserved a bench and footings of three walls (Knich 1914: 8), which is a shared characteristic with the houses of Vroulia’s citadel along the fortified wall. It should be recalled that the temple of Kommos on Crete, just like the structures from Sarepta and Kition-Bamboula, seemed also to have this bench feature, leading to the idea that one of the many functions of the building was as a resting place. Most of the objects from La Chapelle were collected by locals in the area in 1905 and recovered during the 1914 excavation (Kaninia and Schierup 2014; Kaninia 2019). Some of these objects included statuettes made of terracotta and stone that have resemblances to Cypriot finds, i.e. a three-dimensional figure of a man riding a horse, which shows Cypriot-style features, both in the horseman’s face and the decoration of the horse (Kaninia and Schierup 2014; Kaninia 2019). Other relevant finds included: a statue of a worshipper offering a pig, similar to the figurines found at Lindos, Cyprus, and Sidon; a limestone figure of a man in a tunic, beardless and with a braid; a woman with a double- flute [Figure 4.25], with traces of red paint on the mouth and flute, and again showing similarities to a find from Lindos; and a perching bird, resembling an example from the Artemision at Ephesus (Knich 1914: 17; Kaninia and Schierup 2014: 120). 103

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.24. Map of the location of Vroulia (by the author).

Figure 4.25. Flute-player from Vroulia (drawing by the author, after Kinch 1914: Plate 13, Fig. 3).

Figure 4.26. Sphinx from Vroulia (by the author, after Kaninia and Schierup 2014: Fig. 9a).

Figure 4.27. Dinos, late ‘wild goat’ style (by the author).

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries The statue of a sphinx [Figure 4.26] dedicated at La Chapelle appears to be the most relevant of Vroulia’s finds for us. This was made of Cypriot limestone, and the preserved part measures c. 18.5 cm in height; it is missing part of its front legs and head. Its shape, position and style are very similar to the sphinxes already analysed from Ialyssos, Kameiros and Lindos. However, the Vroulia example has a Phoenician inscription on the right wing that reads as ‘t(or: š) s m z (or: g). g (or: n) h (or: t) q k š’ (Kaninia and Schierup 2014: 120). It is clear, therefore, that this Cypriot statue must have been dedicated by a Phoenician, or by a Cypro-Phoenician (Knich 1914: 16; Kourou 2003: 255; D’Accunto 2017: 465). Even though there are very few non-Greek inscriptions on Rhodes, this is not the only Phoenician written document found on the island. Some graffiti (4th and 3rd centuries BC) with bilingual Greek and Phoenician inscriptions have come to light (Fraser 1970). However, the Vroulia find is one of the oldest inscriptions, echoing an inscribed word on a terracotta figurine from the sanctuary at Stageira in Macedonia, a donation from a Phoenician traveller who paid tribute to the sanctuary. In the Vroulian case, the inscribed sphinx could be proof of Phoenician or Cypriot presence at the site. Phoenician seafarers could have stopped there to seek divine protection, as they would have done at Temple B at Knossos, or they could have been residents at the site, as is known at Eleutherna or Knossos. In any event, such a find confirms long-distance trade between the Levant, Cyprus, and Rhodes, and, therefore, the La Chapelle temple at Vroulia could have acted as a port of call for Cypriot and Phoenician merchants, from where they would start their distribution efforts to other Rhodian (and Aegean) sites (Kourou 2003: 257; Bourogiannis 2019: 164). An aspect that should be taken Into account is the fact that we do not know to whom the temple at Vroulia was dedicated. The absence of figurines of deities (of any kind – Greek or Egyptian) means we have no clues as to the religious inclinations of residents or visitors to the site. Other finds from La Chapelle suggest more quotidian activities, such as eating, drinking, and cutting of some kind; there was also clothing decoration. Proof comes from some metal objects collected, including part of a very thin, bronze bowl, nine fragments of a small fibula, a silver ring, an arrowhead, and a fragment of an iron knife. Other miscellaneous finds included some greenish glass fragments and non-decorated shells (Knich 1914: 17). In terms of ceramics, most pieces found were from open shapes, therefore suggesting table use. Some had painted motifs, such as a north Ionian dinos (7th/6th century BC) with its support [Figure 4.27], depicting goats, lions, sphinxes, and other animals, all separated by freezes with rosettes and lotus leaves; it is associated with the late ‘Wild Goat’ style, as well as some dishes from Milet (Kaninia and Schierup 2014: 119–120; Kinch 1914: 218–220).

Figure 4.28. Amphorae sherds (drawing by author, after Kinch 1914: Pl. 21, Figs. 1a and 1b).

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Other vases include oinochoes of the Kameiros style, drinking cups, skyphoi, Naukratis-style cups, Corinthian sherds, and ‘Vroulian’ cups. Additionally, fragments of ten Cypriot vases with concentric circles were found at the temple (Kinch 1914: 20–25), proving once again that Vroulia was connected to those Cypro-Cretan trade routes that might have involved unguent factories (Coldstream 1969). Amphorae finds at the site included small vessel types, as well as fragments of large, non-decorated jars, presumably also amphorae [Figure 4.28] (Kinch 1914: 25–26). Some ceramic finds from outside the temple are also of great value, especially some further north Ionian dishes, a globular white-painted oinochoe, a bird-shaped askos, and a ring-shaped aryballos. All come from different tombs from the necropolis, and therefore correspond to votive offerings. Taken together, the finds from Vroulia show that the temple area of La Chapelle was much visited: merchants would have stopped there, as they did at Temple B at Kommos, and would probably have spent some time there, resting and socialising with the local community who lived around the city walls. Some of those inhabitants could have been Near Eastern traders themselves, who had established themselves close to the shore to take advantage of the strategic commercial location of the site of Vroulia, which could, in turn, have been transformed into a commercial district through the course of the 7th and 6th centuries BC. The location of the temple and the layout of the site make it very plausible that Vroulia was used as such in the Early Iron Age. However, the lack of clear material information, due to the collection of artefacts by 20th-century inhabitants nine years before Kinch started excavations in 1914, makes it very difficult to make any secure statements on the type of settlement we are dealing with. Samos and the Temple of Hera The island of Samos [Figure 4.29] is located c. 300 km north of Rhodes, 100 km south of Chios, 40 km east of Icaria, and only a few hundreds of metres away from the Turkish coast, separated by the Mycale Strait. Ancient navigators would possibly have followed the Turkish coast from Rhodes, via Kos and Kalymnos, to Samos. The ancient city of Samos, nowadays known as Pythagorion, is

Figure 4.29. Map of the island of Samos showing its main sites (by the author).

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries situated south, faciliating the arrival of Eastern navigators. To the south-west of the city, c. 6 km away, the so-called ‘Temple of Hera’ was erected; access was along a 7th-century BC ‘Sacred Way’ that connected the city to the temple area (Kyrieleis 1993: 99–105). The Heraion of Samos is located in the basin of the Imvrassos River, an area of wetland very close to the seashore. The sea level locally has raised by 1 m to 2.5 m since the Iron Age, as a paleoenvironmental analysis of the site has revealed; this is also made clear by the Hellenistic mole and 6th-century BC sewer which are today below water, whereas they would have functioned above sea level in ancient times (Evelpidou et al. 2019). The temple area has had three successive phases of construction. The first, c. the 8th century BC, including the so-called ‘Hekatompedon’, a structure that was 100 feet long (c. 33 m), with its entrance facing the sea. From the Geometric period there is also an altar and the ‘South Stoa’ (Kyrieleis 1993: 100, Sassu 2015: 8). The complex is reminiscent of Kommos on Crete (with buildings Z and Q) and Vroulia (with its dwelling area). In the 6th century BC, a second structure, known as the ‘Rhoikos Temple’, was erected, a few metres west of the first temple. This was soon replaced by a third temple in 550 BC, 55 m wide and 105 m long, and featuring 155 Ionic columns (Kyrieleis 1993: 100; Hellman 2009: 272–273). An altar was raised in front of the main temple and a number of structures, possibly also temples, were constructed, with their entrances facing the altar, possibly sharing it (Kyrieleis 1993: 105; Herrmann and Moustaka 2013). The 5th- and 4th-century BC Samian inventories state that the main function of this third temple would have been to safeguard valuable items, and, hence, its main role would have been a civic one, i.e. not exclusively a religious space (Sassu 2015: 15; 2016: 534). Later writers, such as Cicero (De Leg. II, 6), also inform us that financial transactions took place at the temple, therefore confirming the multiple uses of this complex. By examining the finds more closely we are able to get a clearer picture of the character of this highly interesting site. The first ceramic evidence of the Sanctuary area comes from prior to the construction of the Hekatompedon. Protogeometric vessels were placed around the altar from the 10th/9th century BC, including craters, hydriai, and amphorae, some depicting concentric circles. Jars and, especially, amphorae appear to be from other Aegean sites (Chios, Naxos, Rhodes), but also local Samian amphorae seem to belong to the 9th century BC. Jars with globular bodies, probably oinochoes, appear to be decorated with early Geometric motifs (Walter 1968: 11–23). In the 8th century BC, with the construction of the Hekatompedon, a large quantity of pots were deposited inside the temple, evidencing ritual feasting, normal eating, and the transporting and storing of resources. Sherds of bowls and craters that belong to this period share some common characteristics with other Aegean craters, or dinos with their stands, like the Vroulian example. These features are not only common in iconography, i.e. on the late 8th- and early 7th-century stands found in front of the temple, or the nine fragments of a Lakonian crater, also from inside the temple, which show its light brown tone with a grey core and white coating with black varnish, but also common in shape, as can be seen from an 8th-century crater found inside the temple (Walter 1968: 24–46; Moustaka 2004: 56). Also from the 8th century BC is a hydria from Euboea that shows very similar motifs to those found in the Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria (Huber 2003: 52; Gimatzidis 2011: 76–77). From the same period is a group of globular-shaped, mushroom-topped lekythoi and aryballoi [Figure 4.30] with black-painted decoration that resemble Cypriot originals. Other late 8th-century and early 7th-century BC pieces correspond to amphorae [Figure 4.31] and amphoriskoi, denoting the transport and storage use of these vessels and the need to bring consumables into the site. 107

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.30. Aryballos from Samos (Cat. No. A.00174, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. 84/1039; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).

Figure 4.31. Late 8th-/early 7th-century BC Amphora from Samos (Cat. No. A.00207, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. 84/1072; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).

Figure 4.32. Limestone sphinx from Samos (Cat. No. C.00060, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. Κ/ ΚΑ ΕΠΚΑ/84/9; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries From the last phases of the Hekatompedon come large quantities of craters, as well as one possible Late Geometric amphora, thought to be from the mid 7th century BC. Orientalising motifs (sphinxes, griffins, other hybrid creatures) are used on later pots of the Early Archaic period, as seen on many 6th-century sherds from the South Stoa (Walter 1968: 47–81), as well as pieces from Rhodes, Miletus, Ephesus, Chios, Thassos, north Ionian areas, and Anatolia (Walter-Karydi 1973). Additionally, undecorated sherds, presumably belonging to amphorae, have been found around the temple area. Some of these, especially the Archaic and Classical sherds, were stamped, showing the provenance of such pots. Most of these are associated with Samian potters, although others seem to be from neighbouring islands, such as Rhodes and Kos (Grace 1971: 62). It must be noted, however, that most sherds found at the Heraion of Samos (both the Hekatompedon and the Rhoikos temple) belong to pots that suggest consumption, including cups, plates, and drinking vessels. Together with the amphorae, they were found in large quantities, and probably could not be removed from the temple after being brought in, according to the sanctuary’s regulations (Kyrieleis 1993: 110). The drinking and eating vessels might denote, moreover, some sort of ritual consumption, and not only the periodic meals that visitors to the temple made in the course of their daily needs. Pieces of terracotta figurines were also found. Of great importance are the clay fragments of sphinxes, belonging to the 6th century BC, from the Rhoikos temple, and having some resemblances to the sphinxes from Rhodes, as well as the almost complete limestone sphinxes [Figure 4.32] and birds found at the site (Kourou 2003; Moustaka 2011). These would have recalled the scale of the bird sculptures of Amnisos, made of clay. Iconographically and chronologically, they correspond to the clay plaques with sphinxes found at Gortyna, making clear the network of connections between Samos and Crete. Some 7th-century objects from the Heraion were identified as Cretan (Kyrieleis 1998: 277). These are generally wooden statuettes, some representing women [Figure 4.33], that present similarities to the terracottas from Gortyna and the Kore from Auxerre, associated with Eleutherna. They are also similar to some ivory pieces from Eleutherna, and even from Ephesus, a Turkish site close to the island of Samos. Therefore, it is thought that itinerant craftsmen, most probably of Cretan origin, or, even, the Ephesian apprentices of the Cretan masters, would have produced these wooden artefacts (Kyrieleis 1993: 110– 104; Kyrieleis 1998: 287). Hence, Samos would not have been a production centre for these carvings but, instead, an importer. Other objects of interest are the ivories found in the sanctuary. A third of these objects are of Greek origin (Mylonopoulos 2006: 368) and the rest are Oriental, west Phoenician and Egyptian (Greifenhagen 1965; Freyer-Schauenburg 1966). For instance, the finds from the Heraion include lions [Figure 4.34] of Egyptian origin that are probably from a piece of furniture dated to the Rameses era (Kyrieleis 1993: 116) and that resemble fragments from the Idaean Cave. Some other finds are heads of Assyrian style with similarities to the Nimrud ivories (Greifenhagen 1965), or Egyptian scarabs and

Figure 4.33. Wooden kore (by the author). 109

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.34. Ivory lion (by the author).

deities, i.e. a head of Hathor that resembles the bronze Hathor from the Syme Cave on Crete (FreyerSchauenburg 1966: 111–116). Other Cretan parallels can be found in the 7th-century BC Daedalic figure of a young man with some Egyptian traits and well-worked anatomy, showing details in the eyebrows, hair, and torso. This ivory was part of a musical instrument, probably some type of guitar, as is indicated by the hole in the upper part of the statuette (Greifenhagen 1965: 1469). There are also a few pieces of 7th-century combs, with incisions, depicting lions, goats and sphinxes, which find parallels all the way to the West: the site of Cruz del Negro (Carmona, Sevilla) in Spain (Freyer-Schauenburg 1966: 104–110; Aubet 1978; Bourogiannis 2018: 71), where Phoenician traders could have sold some of their pieces of ivory while making their way to Samos. Faience is another material that merits closer analysis. Fragments of ‘New Year’ flasks, like the ones from Rhodes, aryballoi, scarabs, figurines of animals (commonly falcons and cats, but also hippopotami and monkeys), and humanlike figures, including worshippers, double-flute players, and divinities, i.e. Nefertum and Bes, are very frequent finds in the temple (Webb 2016). An amulet was recovered from the Heraion in the form of an aegis [Figure 4.35], which reproduces the head of the goddess Sekhmet, with a collar decorated with beads and a sun-disk crown. This amulet shares resemblances to two other faience figurines from the Heraion of Perachora,4 and, even though the feline goddess is often confused with Bastet, when wearing an aegis amulet she is normally identified with Sekhmet (Apostola 2015: 106; Webb 2016: 72). Although most of these finds come from the Rhoikos temple, some faience objects were also discovered at the Hekatompedon, and are thus associated with the 8th- and 7th-century BC use of the site, including an aryballos and an amulet of a bull (Webb Figure 4.35. Aegis of the goddess Sekhmet (Webb 2016: 2016: 21, 100). Pl. 12, Fig. 4, Cat. 118). 4 

The Heraion of Perachora is discussed in 4.5.1.2 (Corinth).

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries Moreover, the Heraion of Samos has yielded more Oriental bronzes from the 8th and 7th centuries BC (mainly from Egypt and Syria, as well as Assyria, Iran, and Anatolia) than any other site we know (Jantzen 1972). Some of these objects were made using the hollow casting technique. Ulf Janzen (1972: 92) attributes its transmission to Greece to the Egyptians, although other scholars state that other Oriental communities, i.e. the Phoenicians, could have spread it, as this technique was also known in the Near East. Although most of the bronze objects found in the temple area appear to be imports, it is also thought that a metalworking space was established at the temple itself, and that hoarding bronze (as well as silver and gold) was routine at the Samian Heraion (Sassu 2015: 12–13). Moreover, Herodotus makes clear the civic and sacred use of the temple when talking about bronze figures held in the holy area, as well as the frequent journeys and connections that Samos had with Egypt (Herodotus IV, 152). Perhaps some of the more interesting bronzes are actually Egyptian products, since very many of them represent divinities (Mylonopoulos 2006: 368). A fascinating piece is, for instance, a statuette depicting the Egyptian god Bes holding a drum while sitting on top of a double-flute player [Figure 4.36] (Jantzen 1972: 14; Apostola 2018: 117). Figures of falcons of similar shapes to the clay finds from Knossos (Jantzen 1972: 18–19), of Horus (Jantzen 1972: 23), and of Osiris (Jantzen 1972: 13), were also found at the Heraion. Figure 4.36. Bronze Bes with a flute player (Cat. No. B.00353, Archaeological Museum of Samos, Digital Collection, Cat. No. Κ/ ΚΑ ΕΠΚΑ/84/502; Samos VIII, Bonn 1972; Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).

All these objects were found inside the temple, and, therefore, the building must have had more functions other than just that of providing a religious space; yet it must be stressed that a large percentage of the Egyptian bronze objects recovered were representations of divinities. Therefore, as we did for Kommos, these statuettes need to be assessed in terms of function: if they were used for religious purposes in the temple, it means that there could have been some kind of transmission of beliefs from Egypt to Samos (possibly via Phoenician merchants), and some regular worshippers at the temple who would accept such beliefs. Hence, it could have been a temple

Figure 4.37. Bronze griffins from Samos (Museum of Samos, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Samos and Ikaria).

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.38. Horse blinker from Samos (by the author).

shared between Greek and non-Greek communities, with each group having their own deities. Further possibilities will be examined after analysing the finds at the Eretria Sanctuary in the next section. Additionally, large quantities of griffin heads [Figure 4.37], presumably fixtures of bronze cauldrons – such as the finds from Salamis, Delphi, and Olympia – were recognised at the site. They are of different size and shape, but all are made of the same material and have orientalising characteristics, presumably belonging to the 7th and 6th centuries BC. It is possible, moreover, that Samos acted as a production centre for bronze protomes, and exported some of these to Etruria, where they became common (Aruz 2014: 275). Another striking object, belonging to the 7th century BC, is an Egyptian mirror of an elliptical shape and with a sharpened handle. It is only decorated on the front part, depicting a woman, probably the dedicator. This female figure seems to be offering a mirror to Mut, probably identified with Hera. Below the mirror is a hieroglyphic inscription naming the goddess, Mut, Mistress of Heaven, and the woman’s prayer (Jantzen 1972: 33–34; Day 1994: 44). Some Syrian bronze objects were also brought to light at the Heraion and these present some interesting connections to other Aegean sites. A bronze statuette of a seated man, probably of north Syrian origin, was found at the south-west corner of the Great Temple of Hera. This figure presents similarities to one found at Eretria, as will be examined later (Jantzen 1972: 66–68; Verdan 2013: 128–129). Bronze horse equipment has also been discovered. Of great importance is a 9thcentury BC horse frontlet of trapezoidal shape with repoussé decoration, found in a bothros at the Heraion dated to the late 7th/early 6th century BC (Morris 1992: 134; Bourogiannis 2018: 57, 71). The object represents a winged sun and three naked women treading on feline heads held by a fourth naked female figure. These women might embody goddesses of a Near Eastern type, as they resemble some images of the Nimrud ivories. More specifically, they could be representing the goddess Astarte, as they share elements of both erotism and warfare. An Aramaic inscription on the side states that this object is dedicated by King Hazael of Syria, making it very possible that the object came together with the bronze pieces that will be examined below (Kyrieleis 1993: 119; Fales 2006; Niemeier 2014: 296–297, Bourogiannis 2019: 172). Several bronze pieces belonging to five 9th-century north-Syrian horse blinkers seem to have arrived at the site at the same time as the frontlet. Despite not having any inscriptions, these blinkers depict Near Eastern-looking characters. Three horse blinkers, more fragmentary, depict standing animals, probably felines, and a sphinx, possibly facing an identical copy of its own image. 112

Other possible commercial sanctuaries The other two blinkers include men mastering felines [Figure 4.38], probably lions, even though they look winged, as well as standing goats (Jantzen 1972: 59). These are almost identical to the horse blinkers found at the Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros at Eretria, one of which shares the same inscription as the frontlet previously described. Additionally, the Stele of Hamath in Syria has a very similar inscription (Orchard 1967: 27). Euboea The island of Euboea has had connections to the East and the West since very early times. It has exported material from Eretria (especially to sites such as Al-Mina (Walker 2004: 140)), Chalkis (to northern Greece), and Kymi (to the western side of the Italian Peninsula, where the merchant cities of Cumae and Pithekoussa were established). These connections should be further examined, but here, however, just a brief reassessment of Near Eastern presence in Euboea will be made, focusing our attention on Eretria, where a possible commercial sanctuary was located, and quickly looking at Lefkandi and Amarynthos, its closest neighbouring sites [Figure 4.39]. The cemetery of Lefkandi,5 to the west of Eretria, has yielded a great amount of archaeological evidence for Near Eastern presence, most of it belonging to the 10th and 9th centuries BC. Additionally much Euboean pottery was found, proving it to be an important centre of production and distribution since the Bronze Age (Lemos 1996; Catling 1996), as pottery from the island shares parallels with ceramics found on Crete, Knossos in particular (Coldstream 1996; Lebessi 1996).

Figure 4.39. Map of the main Euboean sites examined (by the author). The site of Lefkandi merits a deeper discussion in terms of Phoenician presence. However, for the purpose of this present research, we will not examine the site in great depth, as the does not include any space that can be understood as a ‘commercial temple’, compared to the sites previously mentioned. It is important, however, to highlight some materials that do have some sort of connection to the objects analysed at other sites.

5 

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos The ‘Toumba’ building, an apsidal space that included numerous grave goods, seems to have held the bodies of not only Pan-Euboean populations, but also Near Easterners (Nijboer 2008). Faience objects have been found in Tomb 22; Tomb 39 provided a possibly Phoenician jug with a lotus handle, as well as jewellery and bronze objects that resemble Knossian finds; Tomb 46 at Skoubris yielded a small Syro-Palestinian juglet, with an almost identical parallel in Kition; Tomb 59 revealed a gold pendant of lunar shape, dated to the middle 10th/early 9th century BC (Catling 1986–1987: 13), which resembles Knossian jewellery from the Khaniale Tekke Tholos Tomb 2; and Black-onRed and Phoenician bichrome jugs were also found at the area of Toumba 79. These finds appear to be very similar to those from Cypriot sites, such as Amathus and Palaipaphos (Nijboer 2008: 366). Of special interest is the 9th-century BC necklace of 53 amulets of Sekhmet and a central one representing Isis with Horus. The presence of such a piece at Lefkandi seems to be due to contacts between Euboean and Phoenician traders, most probably in south-eastern areas of Mediterranean, and not so much along the Euboean coast (Apostola 2015: 101). However, the site of Lefkandi does not seem to be a main exchange centre, but more of a casual location where Oriental objects might end up (Bourogiannis 2019), possibly due to wealthy elites there who would welcome luxury objects, perhaps a rich Phoenician family (Nijboer 2008). It was arguably, then, not so much an organised commercial district with trading structures, like the ones previously identified at Kommos, Vroulia, and Samos. The abundance of imports shows that ‘Lefkandi was the destination rather than a stopover of maritime routes originating in the eastern Mediterranean’ (Bourogiannis 2019: 58), perhaps in the same way that the necropolis of Orthi Petra at Eleutherna acted as a receiver of Near Eastern objects. Nonetheless, Toumba 79, of similar characteristics to the Phoenician family tomb from Achziv, in northern Israel, seems to be that of a warrior-trader, and, therefore, some commercial activities could also have been undertaken at the site (Nijboer 2008: 367–368). The other site of interest for us is Amarynthos, just a few kilometres east of Eretria, and also facing the southern coast of the island. It has very recently provided evidence for a Temple of Artemis, of Classical and Hellenistic periods, erected above a prior cultic building of Archaic characteristics, which is above the level of an apsidal building from the 8th century BC and a massive wall from the Protogeometric period. These structures prove the diachronic importance of the location of Amarynthos, where, after centuries of using these structures (without traces of a cultic space so far), a sanctuary devoted to Artemis was established (Reber, Knoepfler, Karapaschalidou, Krapf and Theurillat 2018: 6). The ongoing excavations will be key to assessing the importance of the site, as well as the relevance of its proximity to the site of Eretria. The Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria The Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros at Eretria, located only a few hundred metres from the southern shore of Euboea, was easily accessible, not only to those who lived on the island, but also to those seafarers who would reach the Euboean coast. Thus its strategic location by the shore would have made it a perfect destination for maritime traders wanting to land, rest, and exchange products in a central Aegean location. The occupation of the site of Eretria in the Early Iron Age is divided into three main periods: Geometric Phase 1 (MGII–LGI), Phase 2 (LGI–LGII), and Phase 3 (end of LGII) (Verdan 2013: 42–63). The urban sanctuary of Eretria would reflect these stages through its Geometric buildings [Figure 4.40], most having horseshoe-shaped structures, and one being longer than the others (Ed2), measuring c. 33 m in length, and therefore also seen as a hekatompedon, like the one from Samos, and located right in front of a Geometric altar (St12), where only animal sacrificial practices have been attested. Towards the north there are smaller semicircular buildings (Ed5 and Ed17), which had traces of metalworking activities, i.e. hearth, spills, and slags of iron, gold and bronze (Verdan 114

Other possible commercial sanctuaries

Figure 4.40. Plan of the Sanctuary of Apollo, Geometric Phase (courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece).

2004), and the northern area, where most Egyptian and Near Eastern material was found (Huber 2003). Other apsidal buildings were found to the south of Ed2. The function of these structures has not been clearly attested, so going through the finds in some detail is necessary to interpret the site’s use in the Early Iron Age (Schefold 1968; Mazarakis 1987: 10–14). Alexandros Mazarakis (1988: 58–63) suggested an initial use of the constructions as dwellings, and Samuel Verdan (2004: 349–351) has proved that some of these buildings were used for metallurgical activities, with droplets, spills and scraps of different metals located not only inside the structures (Ed5 and Ed17) but also outside, close to the south-west border wall. Hence the possible multi-functionality of spaces will need to be kept in mind as we examine the material evidence. The first main source of information is the ceramic evidence provided by the site. The horseshoe structures of the sanctuary have revealed imports from Attica, Corinth, eastern Greece, the Cyclades, Cyprus, and the Near East. Fine table ceramics are the most common type, including 115

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Attic skyphoi, Corinthian cotyles and aryballoi, Samian cups, Cypriot sherds of bichrome lekythoi, White-painted ware, and a Black-on-Red bowl (Verdan 2013: 95–97; Greger 2018). This area of semicircular buildings also contained imported transport and storage amphorae, from, inter alia, Samos, Lesbos, the Cyclades, Cyprus, and Phoenicia. Some belly sherds decorated with concentric circles belong to Cypriot amphorae of Phases 2 and 3. A Phoenician shoulder (number 254) and a piece of a jar with a horizontal handle (number 251) also date to these phases (Verdan 2013: 98; Greger 2018). The northern sacrificial area, at the north-eastern end of the Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros (Huber 2003: 22), also yielded pottery remains. From all the ceramics found in this area, most (90%) were used for rituals, e.g. hydriai with Geometric and Orientalising styles. Pots represented c. 10% of the ceramics, with different decorations, thicknesses and shapes, comprising open (skyphoi, craters, vases) and closed (lekythoi, amphorae) shapes (Huber 2003: 45). The main activities in these buildings would thus have involved the consumption of food and drink. However, based on the presence of amphora sherds in the apsidal structures mentioned previously, it can be said that these horseshoe-shaped buildings were connected to some kind of trade or storage as well, whereas the northern area was presumably not be linked to such enterprises, but mainly to events linked to eating and drinking, or depositions of votive pots via rituals. Further excavation work in the northern sacrificial area should provide more clues. With regards to the metallic finds, apart from the scraps that indicate metalworking, a few objects, presumably imported, have also been discovered. Some bronze items found in the longest horseshoe structure of the temple appear to have a Syrian provenance, and they present similar characteristics to objects found at the Heraion of Samos (Jantzen 1972: 59). Two horse blinkers [Figure 4.41] (one found in an unknown context, appearing as it did during Kourouniotis’ excavations) seem to have been made in a workshop in northern Syrian c. the 9th century (although how they reached Euboea is still a matter of debate). These artefacts reproduce an identical scene: a naked, central character wearing a loincloth and holding two lions. An eagle is depicted on one of the blinkers and the second has a representation of two rosettes, and, importantly, an Aramaic inscription that makes a reference to a donation by one Hadad to King Hazael in return for being able to cross a river (Verdan 2013: 126). This is the same inscription found on the frontlet from the Samian Heraion. Moreover, the scene of the man holding lions is almost identical to that on the blinkers from Samos, even though on them the standing figure on the left seems to be a goat instead of a third lion.

Figure 4.41. Bronze blinker (Verdan 2013: Pl. 102, Fig. 391. Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece).

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Figure 4.43. Recreation of an ivory from Nimrud (by the author, after Barnett 1975: Pl. XXIII, S8).

A bronze statuette of a female figure with Egyptian traits [Figure 4.42] was also found in the long building of the Eretrian sanctuary. She is wearing a long dress of some kind and holds a lotus flower in each hand; a disk is around her head. Some similar representations are found in Syria and Palestine; the hairstyle and disk are very Egyptian. Iconographically, the figure might represent the Phoenician goddess Astarte, or the Egyptian Qedeshet (Verdan 2013: 126). A similar figure with raised arms, the same dress, and lotus flowers [Figure 4.43] was found at Nimrud (Barnett Figure 4.42. Egyptianising female (Verdan 1975; Verdan 2013: 126). However, this female 2013: Pl. 102, Fig. 393. Courtesy of the Swiss divinity shares some common features with Hathor, School of Archaeology in Greece). who is usually also depicted with a sun-disk. She finds parallels in many other representations already referred to, i.e. the sistrum fragment found in the Syme Cave on Crete, depicting Hathor with slightly feline traits (Karetsou and Papadakis 2001: 363), and the bronze harness from Salamis (Cyprus) representing a Mistress of the Animals (Stampolidis, Karetsou and Kanta 1998: 151). An 8th-century BC masculine and bareheaded figure, wearing a tunic with short sleeves and sitting on a stool, is also linked to Syrian or Phoenician manufacture (Verdan 2013: 128–129). He wears a necklace and earrings, and is holding a conic bowl with both hands. This figurine might come from Byblos, or, alternatively, from Enkomi (Cyprus), or even some Western site. It has similarities with the statue of the seated male figure found at the Heraion of Samos, but the latter is wearing a conic hat and holds an object in each hand (Jantzen 1972: 66). A badly preserved miniature bronze tripod cauldron, of Eastern Mediterranean provenance (9th – 7th centuries BC), was also found in the Eretrian sanctuary. This sort of tripod, although generally bigger, is known from other Aegean sanctuaries, i.e. Olympia and Salamis (Cyprus) (Karageorghis

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.44. Faience amulet of Nefertum (Huber 2003: Pl. 130, Fig. O 207. Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece).

Figure 4.45. Faience amulet of Sekhmet (Huber 2003: Pl. 130, Fig. O 205. Courtesy of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece).

1999). According to Sciacca (2005: 27), these tripods were exported to, and imitated in Eretria, even though they have some characteristics that recall oriental prototypes. The sanctuary’s northern area also provided some other metallic objects, i.e. a few rings of silver, bronze, and electrum (Huber 2003). These are mostly imports, but there is evidence that some metallurgical activities were undertaken on-site, and some scraps of metal have been found, linked to the manufacture of bronze and iron, as well as gold, objects (Verdan 2004). The rings found show similarities to others from Rhodes, Crete, Amanthus (Cyprus), Artemis Orthia (Sparta), Al Mina, and sites from eastern Greece and Egypt. The horseshoe buildings at Eretria yielded only a few examples of Egyptian objects: a scarab made of Egyptian blue faience and two others made of stone. The stone ones seem to belong to the group linked to the ‘Lyre Player’ workshop from northern Syria (Verdan 2013: 136). The northern sacrificial area of the sanctuary, however, did reveal large quantities of Near Eastern and Egyptian 118

Other possible commercial sanctuaries material, including different types of scaraboid seals and beads. They appear also to belong to the ‘Lyre Player’ group, representing scenes of musicians, two men, a sitting man, and a palmette, which find parallels in scarabs found on Rhodes: 20 from Ialyssos, 15 from Lindos, and three from Kameiros (Blinkenberg and Kinch 1931; Huber 1998: 117; Coulié 2014: 150–200). They are made of different materials, including amber, stone, and glass and belong to different dynasties of Egypt; some are thought to be Phoenician from the iconography, i.e. Scarab 0168, which has an Assyrian looking tree, and seems to resemble finds from Kameiros and Kition. Other scarabs, such as the glass ones, echo other finds from the Heraion of Perachora, Phoenicia, Syria, Rhodes, Sparta, the Heraion of Argos, Chios, Crete, and Cyprus – indicating how widespread were these exchanges of such artefacts. Amulets in the shape of Egyptian divinities include Bes, Isis-Hathor, Nefertum [Figure 4.44], PtahPatèque, Thoth, and Sekhmet/Bastet [Figure 4.45]. These faience figurines of deities seems to be very common in Aegean sanctuaries in the Geometric period, such as the Heraion of Samos, the three Rhodian sanctuaries to Athena, and Temple B at Kommos on Crete (Shaw 2000; Apostola 2015). The presence of figurines of foreign divinities at a sanctuary presumably dedicated to Apollo suggests a number of things. It could be that these statuettes were only seen as exotic products because of the trade in luxury items happening in the area that had no repercussions in terms of the beliefs of local populations. It might also be that those people visiting the temple, presumably Eastern seafarers, would at first only worship Egyptian divinities, and only later was the temple dedicated to the Greek god Apollo. It might also have been that the Greek gods were confused or associated with foreign divinities. This would be a similar phenomenon to what could have happened at the Kommos temple, which is also associated with Apollo. As mentioned previously,6 the sculptures of Sekhmet and Nefertum from the Kommos temple are members of the Egyptian triad, together with Ptah, and these divinities could have been identified with the Greek triad of Apollo, Leto, and Artemis (Muñoz-Sogas 2017), to whom Ertetria’s northern sacrificial area is also thought to be dedicated. That Egyptian religion was part of Greek everyday life is proved by ancient authors, i.e. Homer, who refers to an Egyptian woman with healing powers (Hom. Od. 4.219), perhaps linked to Egyptian religious practices and magic. Moreover, the association of the Egyptian triad with the Greek one can be accepted as a phenomenon that might have appeared at Eretria as well, and not only Kommos, since Artemis is very much present on the island of Euboea. The neighbouring site of Amarynthos had a sanctuary to Artemis, confirming the importance of this goddess and the connection to her brother, Apollo (Reber et al. 2018), and making the association of triads more plausible. It is clear, therefore, that the Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria had several successive buildings where various activities took place. The northernmost of these Geometric structures was where there would have been metalworking; the longer building of the same period is where one of the horse blinkers was found, as well as bronze figurines, and it appears to have been located right in front of the Geometric altar, where only animal sacrificial practices have been attested. The ‘Northern Sacrificial Area’ is where most Egyptian and Near Eastern materials were found. The Geometric constructions have no direct signs of cult, other than feasting, so a few assumptions regarding the functionality of the buildings can be made one of the buildings was not just used for a single function, but, a number of functions; one of the groups of buildings could have had the same function; or, accepting both these previous two assumptions, and probably right in this case, one of the groups of buildings would have been used for a range of functions.

6 

See Chapter 2 (Kommos).

119

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Therefore, what we have at Eretria would have been a religious area, not just a religious building: a space of dedication to the divinity in the so-called ‘Northern Area’, where votives would have also been placed, as well as a space for animal sacrifices (Altar St12 as well as Altar St45, located within the ‘Northern Sacrificial Area’), followed by the construction of a building that could have been related to a temple, even though up to the moment of construction there would have been no formal temple, and religious activities would presumably have been observed outdoors. And this space would not just have been religious, but also commercial. The pottery finds in the other buildings indicate that the southernmost building would probably have been used for eating and drinking, among other activities, and the elongated building contained amphorae sherds, some of Near Eastern origin. This could mean that the area was used for both purposes (religion and commerce) since Geometric times, and the presence of transport and storage jars, as well as other kinds of open shapes, could indicate the use of the site as a stopping point for merchants, not just for resting and eating, but also for trading. The site could have been identified with a port of call, similar to Kommos, where ships would have stopped on their sailing itinerary, and sailors would have used the site to take a break before their next trip. Perhaps around the same time as the location began being used as a port of call, c. the 8th century BC, foreign merchants and locals frequenting the site would also have reclaimed the worshipping area, establishing an altar, and, later, a religious building. Accepting this assumption, the second theory, about beliefs in Egyptian divinities from the moment the temple was established could be accepted, even though an association between Egyptian and Greek divinities could also have occurred. A further aspect to take into account is the international character of the sanctuary with such proximity to the coast, attesting connections to other Aegean sites, i.e. Samos, and, specifically, its temple dedicated to Hera, a sanctuary that would have had similar characteristics and functions to Eretria’s. The types of finds at the Heraion of Samos (Jantzen 1972), including horse blinkers, the bronze statue of a seated man, and the Egyptian faience figurines, suggest close contacts between these two religious and commercial complexes, and, therefore, imply the existence of a maritime trade route that would connect these two sites through the exchange of luxury objects. Such parallels also appear at the Temple of Kition Bamboula (Yon 1984), where metalworking also took place. In this case, however, it was presumably done within the sanctuary, as a workshop for smelting copper, and storerooms, were located within the sacred area of Kition, with a direct communication to the altar (Karageorghis 1976: 113–114). The Phoenician inscription from Kition referring to Melekram is also testimony to this (Bikai 1989: 208). Moreover, as previously mentioned, the sanctuary at Eretria is identified as a port of call from its location and ease of access to and from the sea, just like Temple B at Kommos on Crete. This characteristic is possibly shared with the temple at Vroulia, southern Rhodes, which might also be classified as a port of call, even though further investigations will be needed to confirm this (Kaninia and Shierup 2014). The numbers of transport jars at Kommos are much greater than the Eretria finds – especially the Phoenician and Near Eastern pottery that might have served as storage containers (Bikai 2000). However, the numbers of sherds found at Eretria might be due to chance, so the possibility of a port of call at the Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros should be kept open. Additionally, Eretria could have been a port of entry for Egyptian and Near Eastern objects into Euboea, and, likewise, a port from where Euboean objects could have travelled towards the Dodecanese, Cyprus, and even Al-Mina (Stampolidis et al. 1998: 74). The Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros would, therefore, form part of the network of Aegean sanctuaries integrated within a series of commercial districts, often controlled by oriental merchants. These districts would have included stopping points where seafarers would have rested, worshipped their gods, eaten, and sold their merchandise (Aubet 2012; Muñoz-Sogas 2017). Hence, the structures forming the Early Iron Age Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria created a hub where commercial exchanges between 120

Other possible commercial sanctuaries foreigners and locals took place, as well as the hybridisation of religious and cultural practices, connecting all compass points of the Aegean Sea. Observations As we have discussed, these settlements share features, but they are also very different. All the sites examined have temples, most situated on coastal areas, even though not all are as close to the sea as others, e.g. Kommos is right next to it (Shaw 1989). This would have affected greatly the way imports and immigrants reached the site, and how exports and emigrants left it. Moreover, some sites have revealed large amounts of Near Eastern material in their temples, such as Samos, whereas others had more objects in other areas of the site. This shows differences in the use of the temples. Hence, the settlements present differences that have led to diverse results throughout our research. Nonetheless, they have some common characteristics, i.e. the presence of certain Eastern objects and evidence for trade. A problem we encounter is that not all the temples provide evidence for objects of everyday commerce, such as amphorae. Therefore we cannot confirm that those temples revealing only religious and Near Eastern objects were used only as places of deposition of votives and, thus, places of religious purposes. However, amphorae and transport vessels could have been brought to the temple and removed again without leaving any traces. Hence, maritime sanctuaries were not only religious buildings but also stopping points between the Eastern and Western Mediterranean, where seafarers would rest, pray to their gods, and exchange (or even produce) items with local communities. Each of these temples would have had a different group of functions (some of them have metalworking areas, others include sacred prostitution), but always keeping the two main roles of a commercial temple – religious and economic. Further Eastern and Phoenician presence Other Aegean sites and temples [Figure 4.46] have been briefly examined to assess the possibility that they were also commercial areas. Those temples that are, thus far, candidates for being included as trading sanctuaries would be Temple B at Kommos, the temples at Kition-Bamboula and Vroulia, the Heraion of Samos, and the Apollon at Eretria. Other Aegean sites and temples assessed within our parameters are listed below, with attempts to justify their inclusion or not, or to highlight where further research would be of interest. Temple areas One of the main characteristics of commercial temples is their proximity to the sea. Some sanctuaries analysed below show similar aspects, structures, or finds to those previously examined. Some other temples exhibit this meaningful factor of distance to and from the sea, but it is unlikely that they took part in such commercial activities. The temples that have been examined in this research are the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus, the Temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and certain temples in the Corinth area. The Temple of Artemis at Ephesus The Temple at Ephesus (Turkey) might appear a perfect candidate for being a commercial temple: its finds and structure make it very similar to the Heraion of Samos. Moreover, it is very close to the latter, Ephesus itself being only a few kilometres from the island of Samos. The great Ephesus temple, is 8 km from the coast, similar to the sanctuaries of Athena at Kameiros, Ialyssos, and Lindos (all on Rhodes). An immediate reaction might be to think that this distance from the sea is a long one, requiring ancient seafarers to moor their ships at the port and travel 121

Figure 4.46. Near Eastern presence in the Aegean (by the author).

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

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Figure 4.47. Faience Hathor-like figure-vase (Hölbl 2008: Fig. 182).

Figure 4.48. Inscribed scarab from the Artemision at Ephesus (Hölbl 2008: Fig. 190 a–b).

for hours to the site of Ephesus, walking and transporting their cargoes on pack animals; all very impractical from a merchant’s point of view. However, recent geophysical studies have provided interesting information on the sedimentation processes and seismic movements of the area (Ladstätter, Büyükkolancı, Topal and Aktüre 2016), which show that in former times the Temple of Artemis was right next to the sea, like Kommos and Vroulia, with the appropriate infrastructure, and thus fully connected to a port where seafarers could easily stop (Kraft, Kayan and Engelmann 2007: 122–131). The temple’s present location is due to the fact that, for millennia now, the Caystros river (Küçük Menderes) has been depositing its sediments and creating the plain on which the temple finds itself today. Thus a brief revision of the temple structure and the finds made would be useful to stimulate further research. Starting with the structure, the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus shows a series of reconstructions and amplifications. The rectangular structures forming Temples A, B, and C (Hogarth 1908: 52–71) present the temples prior to the major construction of the ‘Croesus’ temple in the 6th century BC (Murray 1889; Bammer 1974). The finds of most interest to us come from the early periods, including the 8th-century ivories with hawks, lions, sphinxes, and female figures associated to Hathor and Astarte, presenting analogies with Egyptian ivory figures or Phoenician ivories from Nimrud (Smith 1908: 158–185; Bammer 1985). Other Oriental objects found in the primitive structures are statuettes of women, associated with Artemis, but which resemble Ishtar or Astarte. These are made of gold, silver, lead, ivory, or terracotta, and are relatively frequent finds (Hogarth 1908: 326–328). 123

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos The temple also provided 7th-century terracotta masks and Egyptian faience and glazed terracotta pieces, similar to those from Naukratis (Hogarth 1908: 243–244). These include figurines of Egyptian deities, such as Bastet, and figure-vases of female deities, similar to Hathor, holding a storage jar [Figure 4.47], and Isis with the baby Horus. There were also figurines of humans, possibly worshippers, such as a double-flute player (Hölbl 2008). Amulets of falcons and scaraboid beads are also common. Moreover, some scarabs have Egyptian inscriptions [Figure 4.48], and, according to Wallis Budge, these were not original but presumably copied by Greeks or Phoenicians (Hogarth 1908: 206). An interesting and unique find is a buried deposit containing a pot with coins. This deposition seems to have occurred around the third quarter of the 7th century BC (Williams 1993: 101), since the pot appears in an 8th-century layer, buried in a corner of the temple. This meaningful find might have been an offering, or it could indicate the economic function a 7th-century temple might have had, and the importance of keeping the temple’s income within the temple area, or as a place to look after the payments made by the population in one place to be used later (Sassu 2015: 14). This money could have served not only to pay the temple’s maintenance or dedications, but also to pay all those who worked in the temple on a regular basis (such as priests or sacred prostitutes), or it was used for special occasions (e.g. for musicians, dancers, or to meet the costs of festive banquets). The location and scale of this temple, and the finds discovered there, indicate that it was of a high complexity. It is clear, therefore, that is merits further attention, and extensive studies should focus on whether this building should be included within the network of commercial temples, where the building might have had multiple functions. In particular, evidence for metallurgy, Phoenician ceramics, writing, inventory lists, etc., should be further examined in order to compare this building to Kition or Kommos. Corinth Moving towards the Greek mainland we come to the area of the Corinthian isthmus, which connects Attica to the Peloponnese. The sites located in the Corinth area are close both to the Aegean and Ionian seas, giving the region a special economic and commercial value.7 This would make it plausible that a commercial temple might have been located in the area, and, indeed, some temple sites have been examined and suggested as possible commercial temples, even though we lack sufficient evidence to confirm Iron Age trade activities undertaken within sacred buildings. The sanctuaries that have been investigated are those of Kore and Demeter at Corinth, the Temple of Aphrodite at Corinth, the Heraion at Perachora, and the temple at Isthmia [Figure 4.49]. Starting in the area of modern-day Corinth, there are two interesting temples that have been briefly studied: the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, and the Temple of Aphrodite. Both are located above the ancient settlement of Corinth, in the mountainous area of Acrocorinth [Figure 4.50]. This settlement, where a Temple of Apollo was erected in the 6th century BC (Bookidis and Stroud 2004), is just 5 km from the sea. However, the temples in question are to be found high upon the hill, c. 8 km away. These two sites, therefore, are unlikely to have been used as commercial temples. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore dates to the 7th century BC. Large quantities of amphorae have been found in the sanctuary, however most are of a Corinthian type and belong to the 4th century BC, and thus too late for this present study. Only a few fine-ware amphorae, and some Cypriot imitations of the 4th century BC, have been found; only one fragment comes from inside the sanctuary, as most sherds are from the Forum. Different types of hydriai from the 6th to the 4th In fact, Corinthian pottery has been found all over the Mediterranean, reaching the Iberian Peninsula and its Punic settlements throughout the course of the 5th century BC (Zimmerman 2003). It was, however, during the Classical period that this Corinthian trade was consolidated, whereas in our study we are more concerned with its Iron Age exchange networks.

7 

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries

Figure 4.49. Map of the main Corinthian sites (by the author).

Figure 4.50. Area of Acrocorinth (by the author).

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.51. Finds from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Corinth: bronze bull, pin, and scarab (Archaeological Museum of Corinth).

century BC were also found (Pemberton 1989). Terracotta figurines and sculptures, metal objects, and even a scarab [Figure 4.51], were found in the temple, indicating some sort of circulation of goods in the 6th century BC (Stroud 1968). The Temple of Aphrodite at Corinth is a building that started being used during the Geometric period, according to the ceramic evidence (Blegen et al. 1930: 28). Even though the pottery and objects found at the site are not Oriental, several figurines are related to the love goddess, Aphrodite (Morgan 1953: 138). The cult of Aphrodite itself comes from the Near East, after the myths relating to Ishtar-Astarte were spread by the Phoenicians via the Cypriot temples of Kition and Paphos (Marcovich 1996: 43). Prostitution in temples was also common at many sanctuaries dedicated to Ishtar-Astarte-Aphrodite, linked to their nature as goddesses of fertility and sexual love. The temple does not show direct connections between Greeks and Phoenicians, but it is a clear example of how Near Eastern traditions travelled westwards and became well known in many places around the Aegean. This temple, therefore, can be compared to the Cypriot ones at Kition, Amathus, and Paphos, mainly in terms of the sacred prostitution functioning there (Marcovich 1996: 47). Strabo makes reference to women who were consecrated to love and the service of Aphrodite (Str. Geo. 6.8.20), hence alluding to such practices common in temples where commercial activities occurred. In the Corinth case, however, we cannot prove that these were carried out, but it is clear that holy prostitution, just like at the Temple of Kition-Bamboula, would have been a very usual practice. Moving to the north of the Strait of Corinth, facing the Ionian Sea, is the so-called Heraion of Perachora. Its strategic location on the coast, making it a perfect candidate for a commercial temple, recalling the position of Temple B at Kommos and the temple at Vroulia. However, this structure was presumably built around the 6th century BC and its finds are mostly of Corinthian and mainland Greek characteristics, probably denoting that Perachora, despite its being an important trading centre, had more connections with Ionian sites and the Central and Western Mediterranean than the Aegean and the East. Some Eastern finds were made, however, i.e. a few 126

Other possible commercial sanctuaries bronze objects that date to the 8th, 7th, and 6th centuries BC, including figurines of lions, rams, bulls and sphinxes, pieces of tripod stands that resemble feline figures, a griffin that belonged to a cauldron [Figure 4.52], and a bowl with a leaf pattern and concentric circles around the omphalos (Payne 1940), with similarities to the Syrian and Phrygian bowls found on Crete (Eleutherna and the Idaean Cave). Furthermore, Perachora has also provided evidence for some ivories and Egyptianising scarabs that might help us connect the site to some sort of Aegean trade, and, possibly, with Eastern maritime routes (Dunbabin 1962). However, the site is still too oriented to the West to tag it as a Phoenician-style commercial district, such as Kommos. Coming to the Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, less than 1 km from the Aegean coast, there is insufficient archaeological evidence to support any major commercial function there. In the central part of the sanctuary, in the area surrounding the Temple of Poseidon, and on the ridge on the southern side of the temenos, some significant finds were made, however, including pieces of rod tripods and stands, some with feline traits (Raubitschek 1998: 89–92). Figure 4.52. Bronze griffin from the Heraion at These have Phoenician characteristics, and are Perachora (Archaeological Museum of Corinth). thought to have been manufactured in Cyprus, since a similar lion paw found at Delphi attests an inscription in the Cypriot syllabary. The finds from Isthmia are also similar to certain objects from Olympia. Fragments of orientalising cauldrons, which might have had depictions of Near Eastern griffins (Raubitschek 1998: 85), and Egyptian-style jugs have also been found, presenting similarities to objects from Lefkandi and Crete (Raubitschek 1998: 27), as well as pieces of plaques with incised decoration depicting palmettes and lotus flowers (Raubitschek 1998: 72). Some pieces of statues were also uncovered, mainly of later periods, but also from the 6th century BC; these included some small fragments of ivory sphinxes (Sturgeon 1987: 73). In terms of pottery, only 2% of the temple’s 8th-century finds are amphorae (Morgan 1999: 402); ceramic connections can be drawn between Isthmia, Corinth, Perachora, and, occasionally, Olympia. From the lack of archaeological evidence, the Temple at Isthmia is not now to be categorised as a commercial temple, despite its direct proximity to the sea. This might mean that Isthmia was not a location to be compared, e.g., to Kommos, since Corinth, a very Ionian-oriented area, is relatively far from the Aegean routes used by the Phoenicians, and some traces would surely remain if they had used Isthmia as a port site to enter the mainland (Morgan 1999). Nonetheless, further research at Isthmia is encouraged here to try and provide evidence, one way or the other, that it should be categorised as a commercial district.

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.53. Mask from Artemis Orthia (by the author).

Figure 4.54. Ivory of a ram from Sparta (by the author).

Artemis Orthia at Sparta The Straits of Corinth give land access to the peninsula of the Peloponnese, where two settlements of great importance have yielded material of relevance to our research. A great deal of Near Eastern and, specifically, Phoenician objects was found in the Spartan sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, on the right bank of the River Eurotas. The local goddess Orthia (from ορθός, meaning upright) was associated with Artemis, but also with the Phoenician Asherah-Tanit (Carter 1987). According to Dawkins, cultic practices could have existed since the 10th century BC at the site, even though an altar existed from the Geometric period and the temple was erected throughout the course of the 7th century BC, and then with different building phases until Roman times (Dawkins 1929: 1–17), having provided material from the Geometric, Laconian I and II periods, which Boardman assesses as being from the 8th until the 6th centuries BC (Dawkings 1929: 18; Boardman 1963: 4). The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia has also provided various finds that speak of Phoenician presence at the temple. Of great importance are the 6th-century BC masks [Figure 4.53], which resemble Near Eastern masks of the previous millennium and which could well indicate that Phoenicians installed at the site their own cultic rituals to the goddess Asherah or Astarte (Carter 1987: 355–361). This deity, moreover, has been associated with fertility, drawing parallels to the wilderness of Artemis and her connection to human and animal fertility (Suddaby 2015). The masks have been carefully analysed by many scholars, in terms of character, age and gender representations, materials and associations with other masks; similar considerations have been given to a great number of other finds related to theatre, dance, and music, i.e. bone flutes and ivory carvings of people playing instruments (Carter 1987: 380). During the 3rd century BC, a theatre was erected around the temple, denoting the importance of arts and culture at sanctuaries of this type (Dawkins 1929). As well as the masks, there are Near Eastern semblances in some finds of bronze, lead, limestone, bone, and ivory objects – in particular some ivory reliefs (9th–7th centuries BC) representing a figure of a seated sphinx, similar to Rhodian types, figurines of rams and bulls [Figure 4.54], and plaques with human figures. Some of the female figures appear to have garments, hairstyles, and details of clothing that can be associated with the plaque finds from the Idaean Cave and ancient Nimrud. A good example is the Orthia find of plaque depicting the ‘Sacred Tree’ [Figure 4.55], showing a woman wearing the Cretan ‘epiblema’, like the figure on a pithos from the Fortetsa site near Knossos. Moreover, the hairstyle of the female figure seen in the ‘Sacred Tree’ plaque, just 128

Other possible commercial sanctuaries like the figures of women holding birds, is represented in the same way as the female double-heads found in the Idaean Cave, as described previously8.

Figure 4.55. Ivory plaque from the Temple of Artemis Orthia, Sparta (Kopanias 2009: Fig. 12.1).

Other similarities to Near Eastern ivories are also clear, sharing as they do certain characteristics to Loftus-group finds from the ‘Northwest Palace’ at Nimrud, i.e. the ivory with a relief of a sacred tree and a recumbent calf (Barnett 1948: 14; Kopanias 2009: 124–128). Additionally, they also resemble seal finds from the Idaean Cave on Crete, where they could have been produced. These ivory carvers, of Near Eastern origin, could have also settled in Sparta during the 7th century BC and been active there until the 6th, as large quantities of ivory objects have been found at the site (Kopanias 2009: 130). Some ivories manufactured at the Idaean Cave Sanctuary echo the finds from Sparta, and it has been suggested that some apprentices of the Oriental carvers at the Idaean Cave moved to Sparta and worked at the Orthia Sanctuary producing these plaques (Kopanias 2009: 130). If so, then this in turn might induce us to think that Artemis Orthia was not just a location for the cult of Asherah, but also for the production and trade of ivory objects fashioned by carvers from the Near East or, possibly, Phoenicia.

However, classification as a ‘commercial temple’, as we are defining it, cannot be applied here as the Artemis Orthia sanctuary is far from the coast and sea routes. Even though the Eurotas could have been a way of accessing Sparta from the sea, its irregular flow and recurrent flooding make it unlikely that it was used for routine navigation and seaborne trade between Sparta and the coast. Nonetheless, the sanctuary itself has revealed several facets that can categorise it as a multifunctional building, similar to those of the temple at Kition Bamboula or the Sanctuary of Apollo at Eretria, even though it lacks the characteristic of being port of call that would make it a recurrent stop for commerce. The Temple of Zeus at Olympia The Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia, also in the Peloponnese, and with characteristics similar to those of the Artemis Orthia sanctuary at Sparta, reveals a variety of functions taking place there and finds of Near Eastern material; and like the Spartan site is also located quite some distance from the coast. Of course, Olympia is closer to the Ionian than the Aegean Sea and, therefore, it is less likely to have participated in the network of commercial transactions between Phoenician and Greek seafarers during the first third of the 1st millennium BC.

8 

See Chapter 3 (Kommos and its Connections within Crete).

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos

Figure 4.56. Bronze bowl from Olympia (by the author).

The building of the Olympia sanctuary, a Doric construction depicting scenes of Herakles on the metopes, was erected c. the 5th century BC. However, offerings and the worship of gods occurred mainly at altars and not so much within temples (Curtius 1880: 488–490). At Olympia the altars were established long before the building itself, between the 9th and 10th centuries BC, and, in fact, most of the finds that concern us are from before the times of the main building, i.e. when the cultic space was outside. The sanctuary yielded bronze figurines of nude warriors, men possibly holding reins and horses dated to the Geometric period, mainly the 8th century BC. These figurines decorated the ringshaped handles of votive tripod cauldrons. During the 7th and 8th centuries BC, figures of lions, bull sphinxes, snakes, etc., adorned the tripod stands of vessels. Other finds include female and male winged figures, known from the East, and figures of griffins, bulls and lions that decorated the cauldrons from the late 8th to the 6th century BC. Thirteen registers of a repoussé hammered bronze frieze of Near Eastern workmanship were also recovered from a well near the north stadium wall of the sanctuary (Morgan 1995: 16–25; Guralnick 2004; Hatzi 2008). An interesting Oriental find was a bronze bowl from Phoenicia [Figure 4.56], dating to the late 8th/early 7th century BC, with relief decoration; inside there are four scenes (musicians, sitting and standing figures, someone killing a griffin, and a woman with an infant) and on the outside is incised an Aramaic inscription with a name, presumably of the owner, resembling those already mentioned from Nimrud, Eleutherna, and the Idaean Cave. Therefore, even if the Sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia cannot be classified as a so-called ‘commercial’ temple, it is clear that, somehow, commercial exchanges were taking place there, reaching this remote Peloponnesian site, where oriental metal items became so popular. The Aegean islands Several islands in the Aegean were also stopping places for Near Eastern and, specifically, Phoenician seafarers. Most of the Oriental material found on them comes from cemeteries and areas of habitation, and rarely from temples or specific buildings seen as connected to commercial purposes.

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries One of the most frequented islands seems to have been Kos, halfway between Rhodes and Samos. The island’s main repository of Near Eastern material is the so-called ‘Necropolis of the Seraglio’, but finds have also come from the Sanctuary of Apollo and Herakles, linking the island to the network of Aegean unguent factories already referred to. The Sanctuary of Apollo and Herakles at Halasarna on Kos has provided evidence of 7th- and 6thcentury pottery coming from Corinth and Attica. The Corinthian sherds are almost complete and belong to small vases, e.g. aryballoi and alabastra, whereas the Attic sherds belong mainly to kylixcups and skyphoi (Kokkoroú-Αleurá et al. 2016: 167–195). A bilingual inscription on a stone, written in Greek (54 letters) and Phoenician (75 letters) was also found on Kos. Maurice Sznycer could only decipher the text partially because of the poor preservation of the piece. It is thought to belong to the 3rd century BC, and mentions a dedication to Astarte for the safety of seafarers (Sznycer 1986: 13–30). Even though we might argue that this inscription is intended for merchants travelling the seas and exchanging their products, Lipinski contextualises the piece within the wars of the Diadochi, after the death of Alexander the Great (Lipinski 2004: 150). Other Phoenician inscribed sherds are, however, dated to the 6th century BC, and therefore likely to have arrived in that period (Bourogiannis and Ioannou 2012). The Seraglio necropolis, that contains burials from the 10th to the 8th century BC, and is located in the centre of the island, revealed finds that are associated to Egyptian faience, i.e. Tomb 27, in which there was a faience figurine of a flute player (Morricone 1978: 197) and a bronze belt; Tomb 3 with its statue of Anubis (Morricone 1978: 339); and the faience and vitreous paste beads from Tombs 2, 6, and 10. Additionally, the necropolis also provided evidence for Geometric and Protogeometric pottery; there were vessel imports from Cyprus, i.e. ridge-necked juglets of Blackon-Red, without mica inclusions. There were also finds of ridged-necked lekythoi – sometimes considered imitations of Cypriot juglets, which have also been imitated on Crete (Knossos and Eleutherna),9 and White-painted ware with Cypriot echoes (Bourogiannis 2012). This Koan necropolis also revealed Black-on-Red pottery of local production (Bouriogiannis 2013; Villing and Mommsen 2017), imitating Cypriot types associated with an unguent factory (Coldstream 1998: 255). They present similarities to two oinochoes from the North Cemetery at Knossos that might have come from Kos, Rhodes, or even from Kition (Coldstream 1998: 255; 2003: 45). These pots have also been identified with Euboean and Rhodian types (Palmieri 2015: 135), indicating the likelihood that a group of Phoenician merchants had established themselves at the site to produce unguents, or the pots that would contain them. Other islands that might have also witnessed Phoenician populations (permanent residents, or eventually becoming so) are Thasos, Naxos, Paros, and Melos. Phoenician exploitation of silver mines on Thasos has been linked to c. the 7th century BC (Coldstream 1998: 262). Epigraphic evidence of the 5th century BC points to the existence of a Temple of Herakles at Thasos, founded by Phoenicians and, according to ancient writers, identified with Melkart (Herodotus, II, 44; Launey 1944: 127–191). The island of Naxos was also historically occupied by Phoenicians, with some gold plaques from a child’s burial seeming to depict the goddess Astarte. These latter finds have been compared to Cypriot gold plaques, as well as one of the gold sheets from Eleutherna, perhaps dating as early as the 11th century BC (Karageorghis 1998). On Paros, an anthropoid marble sarcophagus had a bilingual inscription in Greek and Phoenician (Coldstream 1998: 262); on Delos some later Phoenician presence is attested, and on Melos two figurines of Reshef were found at Phylakopi (Kochavi 1990: 13), although the context of the finds, and the site of Phylakopi, date to the 2nd millennium BC, i.e. to Minoan structures, but still indicating Near Eastern contacts from early times (Renfrew 2007: 5).

9 

Although Coldstream considers them imitations from Kos (Palmieri 2015).

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos In spite of there apparently being no so-called ‘commercial districts’, of a Near Eastern kind, i.e. with a temple, like the one at Kommos, these islands clearly had some connections to Near Eastern merchants, possibly those on their way to commercial districts proper on other Aegean islands (Samos, Euboea, etc.). A revision of the possible sea routes that these Levantine traders might have taken can help us understand the role of these Aegean islands, and the sites that have been suggested as possible commercial districts which require further study. Sea routes Phoenician presence in the Aegean is clear not only through the evidence from the temple sites that we examined at the beginning of this chapter, but also through the material culture found on several Aegean islands. Such evidence attests the importance of the sea routes [Figure 4.57] followed by traders in order that Near Eastern objects might arrive and spread throughout the Aegean, and thence to the North and West. These routes are, indeed, the first representation of long-distance trade. Near Eastern material would, at first, reach the Levantine coast either through maritime routes from Egypt, or along land routes from inland areas such as Nimrud and other Assyrian areas. From there, Phoenician merchants or, less likely, Egyptian and Assyrian traders themselves, would sail towards the Aegean. The first stop would most probably be Cyprus, where they could rest at the temple of Kition Bamboula, as well as visiting other areas of the island with commercial infrastructures, i.e. Palaipaphos. From there, merchants would continue westwards, either directly to Crete, stopping at Kommos in the south, or Knossos in the north, or they would sail towards the Dodecanese. On Rhodes, the main stopping point would be Vroulia, and some of the objects sold at the port would be sent to the main sanctuaries of Athena at Lindos, Kameiros and Ialyssos. After that, Phoenician merchants would sail north towards Kos, or west towards the Cyclades and Crete. Contacts between Kos and Crete would also have been established, as indicated by the trade of Black-on-Red pots and the hypothesised unguent factory. Sailing northwards from Kos, the next stop for the merchants would have been Samos, with possible exports to the nearby Turkish coast as well, as material from Ephesus indicates. From Samos they would probably have sailed westwards towards Euboea, where the inscribed horse harnesses have been found, resting at the sanctuary at Eretria. Over to the western shores of the Aegean, it is plausible that seafarers would have gone towards Isthmia, although we still lack sufficient evidence to confirm a commercial district there. From the isthmus of Corinth, ships could sail on westwards (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993: 367), forming this alternative route, and, therefore, perhaps also calling in at Perachora. Moreover, these sea routes would have presumably helped with the spread and development of the alphabet, brought by the Phoenicians. Even though the Aegean was mostly Greek-speaking, this fluid exchange of goods and practices favoured the use of many different forms of verbal communication, especially in commercial areas, making it common in the Aegean to speak a range of languages as well (Bourogiannis 2019: 152–153). This was, probably, how the Phoenician alphabet was introduced into Greece, entering via one or more of the commercial temples we have visited during this study, and developed as a regular writing practice throughout the course of the 1st millennium BC. The inscriptions examined in this chapter are further proof of this early stage of introduction of Phoenician characters, the first Phoenician and Greek bilingual inscriptions appearing, showing the importance of communications between speakers of these two languages, and, eventually, the use of the Greek alphabet into the Archaic and Classical periods.

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Figure 4.57. Map showing main sea routes (by the author).

Other possible commercial sanctuaries

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos General observations on commercial temples It is clear that, during the first third of the 1st millennium BC, the Aegean was being crisscrossed by merchants from all over the Eastern Mediterranean, trading and sailing from port to port, and resting wherever they were permitted to. This is probably why various temples would have been sought as shelters, where merchants could not only practice their religion(s), but also eat and sleep. The finds from every commercial temple, or temple with Near Eastern links, are very valuable in terms of determining the functions of each building, and also the character of an area or site. Table 2 provides a visual guide to compare sites and draw connections that will, it is hoped, incentivise further research. The Table shows clear parallels between the material found at Kommos and the objects from other temples. These common finds tend to be related to Egyptian materials, such as faience scarabs, beads, and figurines, as well as Phoenician ceramics (including amphorae). Moreover, the Aegean temples examined have characteristics that are not all shared by Kommos. For instance, only the sanctuaries of Samos and Eretria revealed horse equipment with an inscription linked to King Hazael. The Rhodian sites, as well as Kition and Kos, share Black-on-Red pottery, suggesting the existence of an unguent factory. Both the Kition Bamboula sanctuary and the Temple of Aphrodite at Corinth share the idea of sacred prostitution. Kition and Eretria seem to have had metalworking activities undertaken in the sanctuary. Religion, of course, is also a matter of interest to this research. As we have seen at Kommos, Samos, and Eretria, it is apparent that a hybridisation of religious practices had developed around the Aegean. The confusion of gods seen between the Egyptian (Sekhmet, Nefertum, Ptah) and Greek (Leto, Apollo, Artemis) triads, and the fact that appears to have been religious tolerance, would have been two factors favouring this phenomenon. Just like the spread of the alphabet, Phoenician ships could have brought these ideas of Oriental religion and deities on board. In fact, seafarers themselves would have had a god assigned to the protection of their ship and journey – in most cases, and especially for Phoenician seafarers, being Astarte or Tanit (Christian 2013). Hence, arriving, for example, at a Greek site, and having worshipped their goddess Astarte on board, and finding themselves at a temple dedicated to Aphrodite, also a goddess of fertility, or even Hera or Artemis – other female goddesses associated with abundance – might well have facilitated religious syncretism and the confusion of these goddesses (Budin 2004). It could also have contributed to acceptance, with each individual being allowed to worship whichever god they wanted at a sanctuary, even if it were dedicated to a specific Greek divinity. This would explain why it was so common to find figurines of Egyptian deities in the temples. These figurines (bronze, terracotta, limestone, faience) could either have been exported from Egypt or locally made. In fact, it is thought that some Aegean sites had their own faience workshops, where Egyptian objects, especially in faience, were imitated, such as on Rhodes (Apostola and Kousoulis 2019). The transmission of religious beliefs and rituals, writing practices, languages, objects, and techniques was, therefore, a phenomenon that owed much to this form of long-distance trade. Phoenician seafarers and the use of these ‘commercial’ temples during the Dark Ages were key to the development of Greece as the Archaic and Classical society we know during the centuries that are to follow.

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Other possible commercial sanctuaries Table 2. Grid showing the finds of each Aegean settlement (by the author).

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Conclusions This book has examined the main Near Eastern finds from Temple B at Kommos, as well as sites that accommodated cultic structures in the Aegean and which could have been used both by Greek communities and Near Eastern merchants. This research has examined a wide range of relevant finds, including pottery of both open (i.e. for consumption purposes) and closed shapes (amphorae or storage jars, both of local production and made of imported materials), metal objects (bronze bowls, gold and silver jewellery), as well as bronze figures (representing animals, humans, gods), glass and faience objects (many of Egyptian type), as well as ivory, stone, and wooden objects. The distribution of these finds around the sites studied is presented on a map [Figure 5.1], which helps clarify the presence of certain objects according to the location of its discovery. A quick glance at this reveals the range of a variety of objects, with some geographical distinctions. For instance, amphorae have been found at Kommos, Kition, Vroulia, Samos, and Corinth, i.e. sites that are closer to the sea. Only a few of these finds, however, show Phoenician characteristics. The quantities of Phoenician sherds, mainly from amphorae, are much higher at Kommos, making it evident that there were frequent contacts between locals and visitors from the Near East throughout the first third of the 1st millennium BC. Kommos, thus, was a unique location, and, even though the other sites studied appear to reveal commercial districts as well, Kommos presents material that makes the site exceptional. Faience has been found at most sites, but with a major presence in eastern locations, mainly the sites from the island of Rhodes and its surrounding regions; some of the Aegean faience production could have been carried out on such islands. Gold jewellery seems to be more common at eastern sites too, perhaps also due to their proximity to the Phoenician homeland, and, hence, to the main sources of production and distribution. Sphinxes seem to be common all over the Aegean, becoming very frequent representations in the Orientalising period. Ivory, too, was much in demand, even though it had to come from distant African and Asian regions (there is no evidence of tusked animals in the Aegean during the 1st millennium BC). The presence of cippi and inscriptions linked to King Hazael seem to be rare finds, restricted to a few sites. Cippi seem to appear towards the south – Crete and Cyprus only thus far. The inscribed metals associated with King Hazael have only been found to date on Samos and at Eretria (Euboea). This indicates a more selective distribution of finds, or of individuals (in the case of the finds of cippi), since merchants did not send their material randomly all over the Aegean, but, logically, would decide which locations would produce the best sales of a specific object, and where would it be most useful to send someone to teach a craft or technique, or to stay and reside there. As well as the major temples, this research has examined their surroundings, which has been of great relevance, as the material found there, in many cases, entered through the ports and harbours where commercial temples were erected. If we think about these neighbouring areas (and not so much about the sites, settlements, or temples) we can see some parallels in the material culture. The areas considered include Crete, as a whole, the islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, Samos, and Euboea, and the Corinth region. These areas have attested Near Eastern material of different kinds and quantities, some from settlements with dwellings, some from cemeteries, and some from temples. In all cases, however, these objects attest Near Eastern and, possibly, Phoenician presence, as well as, in some cases, residence. Some of the objects found in temples, cave sanctuaries, or other sites, allude to metalworking, ivory carving workshops, unguent factories, and even faience production, as well as sacred prostitution. Each temple or area had a different function, or a different set of

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Figure 5.1. Map showing the distribution of the main finds studied.

Conclusions

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Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos functions, and not only a religious role (all included commercial activities and provided shelter, as well as catering to spiritual needs). Even though the cippi found at Eleutherna and Knossos, as well as the funerary stelae from Cyprus, are the only objects that testify to Phoenician residence and citizenship rights, it seems that Crete and Cyprus were not the only islands where Phoenicians could have lived; the unguent factories of Rhodes and Kos, the ivory-carving workshops at Sparta and the Idaean Cave, and the metalworking facilities on Samos and at Eretria could have been organised and led by Phoenician businessmen keen to export their knowledge and skills overseas, spreading Oriental motifs, and techniques of repoussé and granulated metals, pottery making and ivory carving. Some temples where these infrastructures are located have been selected as candidates for being ‘commercial’ temples, or part of a ‘commercial’ district. The temple at Kommos, however, seems to be different from all the others to date. As we have seen, it does share material culture with other temples examined in this study, but it appears to be unique: its Oriental structure, proximity to the sea, and large amounts of Phoenician amphorae, single it out from the other temples we have been considering: Kommos’ commercial temple had a stronger orientation to the sea and to traders from overseas. To try and deal with some of the questions and hypotheses highlighted in the Introduction, and analysed throughout this work, some other considerations were taken into account, i.e. the chronology of the arrival of these goods, together with the Near Eastern and Phoenician merchants, and the time this presence disappears; the dichotomy between presence or itinerancy and residence; the multi-functionality of buildings and, especially, temples within the context of commercial districts; the nature of the goods traded, as well as the direction of trade; and aspects related to identity and cultural hybridisation processes. Chronological and spatial aspects Certain chronological aspects are key to answering some of the questions raised at the beginning of this book: When did Phoenicians arrive on Crete? What materials were arriving on the island? What were the interests of Phoenician seafarers? What were they pursuing? The chronology detailed below is related to the establishment of the first Phoenician Eastern Mediterranean enclaves and colonies, as well as the idea of a ‘colony’ itself, even though the genesis of Phoenician sea travel is not particularly clear. After the 10th century BC, with tax rises resulting from the agreement between Solomon and Hiram of Tyre, one of the main objectives of Phoenician traders was clearly the acquisition of metals. The Phoenicians had already started travelling towards Cyprus1 and the Aegean, presumably only undertaking commercial activities, possibly since the 12th century BC (Negbi 1992); these activities intensified all through the 10th century BC, with the foundation of points of exchange along their trade routes. Around the same time as they established commercial enclaves in the Aegean, the Phoenicians consolidated trading ports on the Sicilian coast, as well as North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula (for tin supplies from the West). They tried to control important trade routes, occasionally those previously established by the Greeks.2 According to John Boardman (1999: 38), these regular Phoenician trading posts only developed c. the 8th century BC, after the Greeks had already occupied good commercial areas, 1  The status of Cyprus needs to be treated carefully, as the character of the island’s sites is closer to a that of a colony, and not so much that of a simple commercial enclave. The different stages and categories of Phoenician advance are discussed by Nijboer (2017) and help shed light on the matter. Also, the proximity between Cyprus and the Phoenician homeland makes it more plausible and logical that contacts started earlier than they did with the other islands mentioned, presumably c. the 12th century BC (Negbi 1992). 2  The Greek route for tin was overland through Cumae, on the Italian Peninsula, Pithecoussai, and then through France (Ridgway 1992: 35–36; Broodbank 2013: 513). The Greeks probably wanted to take over the Phoenician route to the Iberian Peninsula as well, but the Eastern merchants excluded them from the maritime routes (Boardman 1999: 210–211), allowing them only a base on the north of the Peninsula, at the site of Empúries (Emporion).

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Conclusions so they found themselves having to enter into a form of commercial competition that required trading enclaves and colonies. The Phoenicians, therefore, managed to occupy the Western Mediterranean, including the south of the Iberian Peninsula. There they established important commercial enclaves, such as the Temple of Melkart at Cádiz, Malaga, and Huelva, reaching the Atlantic Ocean, and also establishing some sites in modern-day Portugal. Of these Portuguese sites, it would be of interest to research further the Sanctuary of Palácio da Galeria at Tavira (Pappa 2015), as well as sites such as the Castelo de Castro Marim and ‘Abul A’ (Mayet and Silva 1992; Gomes 2012), areas that share some characteristics with the Aegean temples we have been discussing, including Kommos. Contacts between Greeks and Phoenicians are not only evidenced in the archaeological record of the Aegean: Sicily and the southern Italian Peninsula also reveal their encounters, not always peaceful ones (Coldstream 2000: 15). In the Phoenician enclave of Motya (Sicily), for instance, Phoenician and Greek objects that date prior to the 7th century BC prove their early, and peaceful, interactions. During that period, Greek colonies expanded to the west of Sicily, i.e. to the limits of Phoenician interests there. Thus cultural exchange between Greeks and Phoenicians is attested, and Greek enclaves close to Phoenician cities accepted Phoenician practices (as well as their artefacts), e.g. the Greek colony of Selinus, close to Motya, where Phoenician green jasper scarabs have been found. The same phenomenon happened in Phoenician colonies, as Greek fingerrings turn up in Carthage and Utica. Relations, therefore, between Greeks and Phoenicians were generally positive in the West until the 5th century BC (Boardman 1999: 212–215). Nonetheless, when Carthage, in North Africa, grew in prominence then conflict between the two powers became inevitable (Freeman 1911: 26). Herodotus (VII. 157–164) records the first conflict between Greeks and Carthaginians in the 5th century BC; after decades of war, Carthage was defeated (Freeman 1891: 166–195; Sjöqvist 1973: 49–50), and soon Phoenician presence became more evident in the Western Mediterranean than it was in the East, consequently making the Aegean a region mainly occupied by Greek populations, and not by those from the Near East. Based on this historical context, it becomes clear, then, why Near Eastern (and specifically Phoenician) seafarers went from the Eastern end of the Mediterranean to the West, and why materials in the Aegean are mainly attested from the 10th to the 5th centuries BC. Crete reveals its first Phoenician objects c. the 10th (perhaps even the 11th) century BC, i.e. Phoenician amphora fragment no. C3270 from Temple A at Kommos. Some earlier objects have been found on the island, e.g. the 12th-century BC bronze statuette of Astarte from the Dictaean Cave, and probably deposited there a long time after its manufacture, and several other such finds in more locations. Similar Phoenician finds begin to appear on Rhodes and other Aegean islands at approximately the same time as these first arrivals to Crete, proving the early intentions of the Phoenicians to trade widely, and, presumably, to generate income to pay the taxes recently being levied on them. We can also observe that Phoenician trade in the East diminishes as commerce with the West increases, and as colonies are established and consolidated in Carthage, southern Spain, and Sardinia – all coinciding with Greek expansion in the Mediterranean. Consequently, Phoenician presence in the Aegean becomes diluted from the 5th century BC onwards, explaining, perhaps, why the few Near Eastern occupants of the area appear more settled and permanent than the itinerant seafarers from the beginning of the millennium. In fact, Phoenician advances into the Western Mediterranean between the 10th and 7th centuries BC can be classified in several ways: the first related to the distribution of  prestige goods by merchants linked to their bases (including host communities), and who would travel for a short periods only; the second relating to those merchants who would travel for several weeks or months, also distributing prestige goods, and who might well be responsible for the ‘Orientalising’ phenomenon; the third category would involve those artisans and merchants who opted to settle (in small numbers) in overseas enclaves, i.e. Huelva and Sant’Imbenia (Sardinia) – and taking into 139

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos account the sites studied in this book, here we could probably include Kommos and the other commercial temples under discussion; and a fourth category would cover those artisans who would decide to settle in large numbers, forming overseas colonies (Nijboer: 2021), i.e. Carthage. Aubet (2012) focuses mainly on the third and fourth of these categories, linked to merchants settling, and this scholar also refers to merchant ventures, that we translate here as ‘commercial districts’. If Kommos is understood as a commercial district with our category three, then we should probably consider that the other sites with Phoenician presence studied here (not necessarily the commercial temples) could be the results of our first and second categories of Phoenician advance. Therefore, Knossos, Eleutherna, the Idaean Cave, the northern sites on Rhodes, the area of Corinth (and perhaps even Lefkandi) might be seen as places to where artisans and merchants would sail, staying only for short periods of time, and perhaps introducing this Orientalising period referred to. However, a further element to consider is that Eleutherna and Knossos would have had Phoenician residents, an aspect not covered by our first and second categories of Phoenician advance into the West. These first two categories would accept itinerant craftsmen, but not residents. This dichotomy between residents and itinerants becomes problematic at the sites of Eleutherna and Knossos, perhaps Rhodian ones too, where faience production would have been undertaken, possibly by Oriental craftsmen skilled in the technique, c. the 7th/8th centuries BC, and thus Rhodes’ northern sites would probably have accepted Phoenicians, or other Near Eastern populations, residing there, as at Eleutherna and Knossos. Whether they should be included in Nijboer’s (2021) first or second category remains an open question.  Precisely this dichotomy  between itinerant craftsmen and residents is also contingent on chronological features. Levantine trade had already started in the Bronze Age and would have been enhanced by the policies of Hiram I (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993). Therefore Phoenician merchants would have started travelling towards the West, establishing themselves at some stopping points, throughout the 10th and 9th centuries BC. Most manufacturing  would have been done in the Levant, Cyprus, and Egypt, and it would not be until the 8th century BC that production would begin in the Aegean, including Rhodes and Crete. Later, in the 7th century BC, these manufacturing processes would presumably begin to spread out towards the Central and Western Mediterranean. Commercial districts: multifunctional buildings and temples As we have seen, Phoenician trade routes extended into northwards into the Aegean, as well as into the Western Mediterranean. The Aegean sites examined showed pluralism in terms of finds, and also in terms of function. Questions remain unanswered: What was the role of Temple B at Kommos? What other Aegean sites share characteristics with Cretan ones? Were other Aegean temples used for commercial purposes? These and other questions have been approached throughout this present study, but it is still difficult to give specific answers. To date, some of the temples examined have been classified as ‘commercial districts’, with the site of Kommos being taken as the main example to follow. It seems that each temple was different, but, even though they share common characteristics, Kommos remains unique. The multifunctional aspects of several temples, in particular Temple B at Kommos, the temples of Vroulia and Kition-Bamboula, the Heraion of Samos, the Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros at Eretria, have been assessed in this study. These temples appear as plain buildings, and they can serve more than one purpose. The Kommos temple had a clear religious function (although what religion it focused on remains unidentified), but, as stated, it was also used as a marketplace, an area for eating and drinking, and resting; possibly above all it acted as a meeting point. The other temples we have analysed seem to follow the same pattern, catering to several of these features, 140

Conclusions but also, in some cases, including manufacturing activities. The sacred sites at Samos, Kition, and Eretria included areas that focused on metallurgical production (Verdan 2004). To date, we do not know whether Kommos and Vroulia were also involved in these activities, but it cannot be ruled out. The role of sacred prostitution, like that at Kition, is also plausible for other temples, despite not being documented. These ‘commercial temples’ then, fulfilling multiple roles, were not just experienced as places if worship. To understand the uses of these buildings in the distant past, it might help us if we to drew parallels with societies today. These buildings could arguably be compared to our modern ‘shopping centres’, or even airports, i.e. they are places to meet people, buy and sell, enjoy cultural and leisure activities, eat and drink in a range of outlets, etc. Multiple activities are undertaken in a shared space. With our modern locations, of course, the various spaces are organised and divided up, so that different activities do not need to be done in the same area, and the sites overall are considerably larger than the relatively small commercial temples we have been looking at from the first millennium BC. However, the idea of a shared space, where different practices are undertaken is the general notion to remember when trying to understand the concept of a commercial district. This concept, however, can be broader than we think, and it can probably be understood in a more flexible way. Assuming that all the commercial districts we have analysed are different, then they could well have come into being slightly differently. Kommos was used by Phoenicians from the 10th century BC, but it was not until the 8th or even 7th century BC that the Greeks (Euboeans, Cretans…) increased their mercantile activities and were obliged to construct more facilities at Kommos, e.g. to ‘warehouse’ their stock, etc. (Csapo 1991: 211). The Eretria sanctuary, on the other hand, might have developed from a different foundation. Mazarakis (1988) writes that the site where the Sanctuary is located was, at first, an area with dwellings, and that it was only later that it became a religious and commercial area. The Kommos temple could have had the same genesis, or, of course, another, so far unknown. What is important, however, is the fact that these multi-functional buildings, with clear religious and economic functions, also had necessary and vital political connotations. Temples became not only meeting places, and areas where an early type of capitalism started developing, but also centres of power, for to build such a construction, some form of power is required. And to keep such a site working – to celebrate religious festivals, keep track of payments, to maintain it, etc. – some sort of organising body one must supervise and take care of it. Moreover, at certain sites, taxes were gathered at the temple, e.g. at Kition (Beer 1992); who exactly collected these taxes is not known. Priests would have had a key role in the administration of the temple, but so would the leader of the town or city it belonged to. Consequently, the need for the presence of a political figure raises a few questions regarding the nature of the actual power symbol that a commercial temple would have represented for an Early Iron Age town. In whatever way or form, this symbol could have contributed to a site’s development into what we think of as a ‘classical Greek polis’, around the 5th century BC, a time when Phoenician presence in the Aegean was diminishing and Greek hegemony starts. Further examination of the relationships between EIA and Archaic temples, with their political functions and implications in terms of polis formation, should be encouraged for future research. The nature and direction of traded goods Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean was not unilateral, i.e. either from South to North and East to West, but reciprocal. Goods also moved from the north Aegean southwards to Egypt, and from western and central Aegean towards the Levant. Thus the Greeks would trade their goods with Egyptians, mainly in the 7th century, as we are told happened at Naukratis (Herodotus II. 178–179), but also in the Levant, at such sites as Al-Mina. 141

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos Most of the temples we have looked at have revealed finds of amphorae, which were mainly exported for their contents, not just for the vessels’ intrinsic value (even though we know that some Samian amphorae were copied in Egypt, proving the value of the transport jar as a commodity), and thus examining their contents is key. In many cases this cannot be done, however, due to a lack of organic remains, but, e.g., it is known that the so-called torpedo jars were used to transport Phoenician wines (Villing 2013: 79). These jars have turned up at many of the Aegean sites we have explored, as well as at Naukratis, and having been distributed directly by Phoenician seafarers themselves, or possibly by Cypriot merchants. Furthermore, large numbers of Greek painted vessels have been discovered in Egypt, confirming not only the presence of this Eastern Mediterranean trading network, but also proving feasting practices in Egypt and the use of these pots by traders and locals for eating and drinking. The Greeks exported raw materials to Egypt, including oil, wine, wood, and metals such as gold, silver, and iron, and imported rarer materials into the Aegean, e.g. natron, used to produce glass and faience, as possibly indicate on Rhodes (Villing 2013: 76–77). Furthermore, Phoenician unguents that would be sold in the south of the Aegean also became very popular, making it necessary to produce large quantities of pots to contain the perfumes. This demand would have incentivised the Phoenicians further, as well as encouraging Greek communities living in the Aegean to try and imitate Phoenician pots, learning the techniques of these Eastern artisans so as to produce their own. Moreover, especially during the first stages of Phoenician colonisation, where there were constant contacts with the West, the movement of metals from the Iberian Peninsula towards the Phoenician homeland also had consequences for those sites that lay along the way. Thus, the trade of metals intensified, as well as their value, and, possibly, stimulated the interest that both Phoenicians and locals (Iberians, Italians, Greeks) had in the manufacture of metallic objects, as well as the different techniques and methods used to make jewellery. Such ideas suggest the need to examine further these transmissions of techniques, and also the inherent cultural practices. Cultural and interactive aspects: hybridisation and identity This research has presented large assemblages of Near Eastern materials found on Greek territories, and specifically at sanctuary locations that have been called ‘commercial temples’ and equated to a third stage of Phoenician expansion. These commercial temples can be seen as the ‘middle ground’ in a very complex process of cultural hybridisation that requires further detail. Following Knapp (2008: 57), hybridisation is a phenomenon occurring through social interactions and negotiations taking place between ‘colonists’ and ‘colonised’. In our case, and considering Nijboer’s phases of Phoenician occupation, we are able to identify certain aspects of this phenomenon. Since this process takes place in a middle ground, i.e. a place of ‘mutual accommodation’ (Hodos 2006; 2009: 222), here seen as a commercial temple on Greek territory, it seems that the idea of a colonisation is somewhat too advanced. Our temples, associated with Nijboer’s third group, are described as areas where ‘craftsmen or merchants would settle in very small numbers within overseas enclaves’, whereas actual colonies would fall within the fourth phase. Therefore, Knapp’s definition on the process of hybridisation should be adapted to this context: it can be defined as a phenomenon occurring through social interactions and negotiations taking place between local populations and foreigners. It is important to note, then, that the concept of colonisation can have connotations related to the imposition of a culture, or acculturation. However, what is proposed here is a different model of the acquisition of certain aspects of a foreign culture by local populations, and also the assimilation of local practices and beliefs by the newcomers: turning their interactions into ways of learning from each other and blending their cultures together. The clearest cases of this process of hybridisation can be seen at Kommos, but also at sites such as Eretria and Samos, where we have looked at religious aspects. Both Greek and Phoenician – 142

Conclusions or, in general, Near Eastern – communities interact in this shared, sacred space. The Greeks, the local populations, have a stable religion, and the Phoenicians, the newcomers/foreigners who have been sailing, worshipping Near Eastern deities the while (Christian 2013), arrive on Greek territory. They meet at a so-called ‘middle ground’, as we have described it above, e.g. Temple B at Kommos, and they interact, sharing their material culture, exchanging food and drink, talking different languages, possibly instructing on how to make certain objects (pots, ivory carvings, faience figurines), depicting Near Eastern motifs and designs (Tanner 2013; Apostola 2015), and also showing scripts with alphabetical shapes/letters. As time goes by, these same Greeks and Phoenicians benefit from the hybridisation process – learning each other’s customs, skills and techniques; they also, to various degrees, combine their beliefs and expand their imagery. At Kommos, and other commercial temples, we can see how Near Eastern (mainly Egyptian) statuettes of deities become common, therefore showing some sort of association between Greek gods and Phoenician divinities. However, these interactions that took place at the commercial temples also offer an opposing view: the creation of distinctions and identities. Local populations might have shaped their own feelings of belonging with the arrival of these new populations, with their different clothes and languages. This phenomenon can be seen in the first stories we have, e.g. in the Iliad and Odyssey, when Homer refers to non-Greek populations, or, as he calls them, ‘others’ (Sherratt 2010: 126). In particular, the same poet identifies the Phoenicians according to their city of origin (Sidonians, Tyrians), suggesting that the Greeks not only identified themselves as being different from the Phoenicians, but also saw them as differing between themselves, creating stereotypes and fantastic conceptions and characteristics for each group. This distinction, but, at the same time, acceptance, might also be deduced from the cippi found on Crete and Cyprus. These attest the integration of ‘foreigners’ within local communities, but also show that Phoenician groups retained their funerary practices and that the Greeks accepted them (without integrating them into their own culture). Despite these differences, Greeks and Phoenicians have more things in common than distinctions. Tamar Hodos attributes these similarities to a more global ‘middle ground’, represented by the Mediterranean in the Iron Age (Hodos 2010: 228). In fact, this is the main setting for the changes and continuities involving these two communities, and the development of their separate identities, which was parallel to a process of cultural hybridisation. After the first encounters between Greeks and Phoenicians in the Aegean, these similarities in terms of behaviour were enhanced, i.e. the need to control Mediterranean sea routes, expand both communities’ commercial networks, and consolidate permanently settled trading posts and colonies (e.g. coinciding with Nijboer’s fourth phase of expansion). Final remarks The site of Kommos has been examined throughout this book in terms of its finds, its buildings, the individuals who would have moved or lived there, its relationship to other sites on the island and to other sites in the Aegean, and the reasons why a trading network would have been established. Temple B at Kommos has been defined as a commercial district that Near Eastern populations would have at frequented. It seems that Phoenicians settled on Crete for a period of considerable length, mainly at the sites of Knossos and Eleutherna, but that they regularly visited other sites, including Kommos. Land routes between Kommos and other Cretan sites have been established, seeking to understanding where imported materials would have come from and where they went, as well as to understand the EIA dynamics of population movements and commercial networks. Sea routes along the Aegean have also been defined, establishing a number of ports at the main islands frequented by voyagers from the Near East. Commercial districts with similarities to those 143

Thirsty Seafarers at Temple B of Kommos of Kommos have been identified on Cyprus, Rhodes, Samos, and Euboea, proving that religious buildings were used for other purposes, i.e. trading and/or producing goods, and providing meeting points for travellers who needed to rest. Moreover, as a result of the amount of finds of Phoenician pottery, amongst others things, at Kommos, it is evident that Temple B was a unique commercial temple, possibly offering a stronger trading infrastructure and a more strategic location for Near Eastern merchants, and making it more convenient for them to stop and trade there. Ultimately, Crete was an island where cultures interacted, both through the exchange of material culture, and through the cooperation of groups that identified themselves as different. These groups accepted each other’s behaviours and practices and integrated some of them into their own customs and habits, enhancing commerce and the exchange of objects coming from the north, south, east and west of the Aegean, and, in general, the wider Mediterranean. Temple B at Kommos, as well as the other commercial temples and sites with such characteristics, would have acted as a means of entry for new customs, as well as a means of exit for certain hybridised behaviours, which would contribute to the making of a ‘global’ Mediterranean, with these activities undertaken in Aegean ports ending up having repercussions at sites as far away as Huelva. Without knowing it, those Phoenician seafarers – who must have enjoyed their stops at the Temple B site, conversing with the Cretan citizens of Kommos, resting in their homes and drinking wine together, discussing the assorted divinities who protected them on their travels and adventures – were contributing to the creation of new thoughts and beliefs, new ways of life, and different political and economic organisations of a new Mediterranean which was becoming more cohesive, yet, at the same time, more plural.

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The island of Crete was an important place for cultural and economic exchanges between Greeks and Near Easterners in the Aegean during the 1st millennium BC. Kommos and its temple provided materials that attest the connections between different populations, such as Greeks and Phoenicians. An examination of these objects and those fromThe other Cretan such island of sites Crete was an important place as Knossos, the IdaeanforCave and Eleutherna cultural and economic exchanges between is presented in this book. Moreover, case in the Aegean during Greeks and Nearthe Easterners of Kommos is compared tomillennium other Aegean the 1st BC. Kommos and its temple cult structures with provided similar characteristics, materials that attest the connections such as the Sanctuarybetween of Apollo in Eretria, different populations, such as Greeks the Heraion of Samos, and the temple of Kition Phoenicians. Aninexamination of these Cyprus and the Templeobjects of Vroulia Southern and in those from other Cretan sites such Rhodes. These appear as to Knossos, be not just thereligious Idaean Cave and Eleutherna spaces but also economic and social meeting is presented in this book. Moreover, the case points, integrated into networks of commercial of Kommos is compared to other Aegean districts connected bycult landstructures and sea routes. with similar characteristics, The book aims to understand such as the thePhoenician Sanctuary of Apollo in Eretria, presence and trade in Aegean temples, as wellthe temple of Kition in the Heraion of Samos, as how Crete shaped itsCyprus role within the context and Temple of Vroulia in Southern of Mediterranean tradeRhodes. routes from theappear East toto be not just religious These the West. spaces but also economic and social meeting points, integrated into networks of commercial districts connected by land and sea routes. Judith Muñoz Sogas has PhD in History from Universitat Pompeu Fabra (2020) and currently works at Theabook aims to understand the Phoenician Universitat Oberta depresence Catalunya. she has been aasPostDoctoral researcher at the University andSince trade2022, in Aegean temples, well of Barcelona, focusingason Greek-Phoenician contacts in Iron Age Crete. She has been affiliated to the how Crete shaped its role within the context American School of Classical Studies at Athens and the National Hellenic of Mediterranean trade routes from the East to Research Foundation as a visiting researcher, as well asthe theWest. University of Sheffield. She has participated as an archaeologist in several excavation projects in Spain and collaborated with the Archaeological Museum of Catalunya (Spain) and Weston Park Museum (United Kingdom). Judith Muñoz Sogas has a PhD in History from Universitat Pompeu Fabra (2020) and cur Universitat Oberta de Catalunya. Since 2022, she has been a PostDoctoral researcher a of Barcelona, focusing on Greek-Phoenician contacts in Iron Age Crete. She has been American School of Classical Studies at Athens and the National Hellenic Research Founda researcher, as well as the University of Sheffield. She has participated as an archaeol excavation projects in Spain and collaborated with the Archaeological Museum of Catalu Weston Park Museum (United Kingdom).

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