Theory and Description in Latin Linguistics: Selected Papers from the Xith International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics Amsterdam, June 24-29, 2001 (Amsterdam Studies in Classical Philology) [Illustrated] 9050633587, 9789050633581

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THEORY AND DESCRIPTION IN LATIN LINGUISTICS

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY EDITORS

ALBERT RIJKSBARON IRENEJ.F. DEJONG

HARM PINKSTER

VOLUME TEN

PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED

1. A. RIJKSBARON, Grammatical Observations on Euripides' Bacchae. 1991. 2. R. RISSELADA, Imperatives and other Directive Expressions in Latin. A Stucfy in the Pragmatics of a Dead Language. 1993. 3. G. W AKKER, Conditions and Conditionals. An Investigation ofAncient Greek. 1994. 4. C. KROON, Discourse Particles in Latin. A Stucfy of nam, enim, autem, vero and at. 1995. 5. H. DIK, Word Order in Ancient Greek. A Pragmatic Account of Word Order Variation in Herodotus. 1995. 6. J.E. V.D. VEEN, The Significant and the Insignificant. Five Studies in Herodotus' View ofHistory. 1996. 7. A. RIJKSBARON (ed.), New Approaches to Greek Particles. 1997. 8. R. RISSELADA (ed.), Latin in Use. Amsterdam Studies in the Pragmatics of Latin. 1998. 9. P. CLAES, Concatenatio Catulliana. A New Reading of the Carmina. 2002.

Machtelt Bolkestein - Amsterdam, June 2001 (photograph Michel Poirier)

THEORY AND DESCRIPTION IN LATIN LINGUISTICS SELECTED PAPERS FROM THE XIth INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM ON LATIN LINGUISTICS AMSTERDAM, JUNE 24-29, 2001

EDITED BY

A.M. BOLKESTEINt C.H.M. KROON H. PINKSTER H.W. REMMELINK R. RISSELADA

J.C. GIEBEN, PUBLISHER AMSTERDAM 2002

No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. ISBN 90 5063 358 7

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Printed in The Netherlands

Preface

This volume contains a selection of revised papers of the eleventh biannual International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, which was held in Amsterdam June 24-29, 2001. It reflects the scope of present-day Latin linguistics with its combination of description of new data, reinterpretation of descriptions in the light of contemporary theoretical developments in general linguistics, and elaboration of theoretical concepts using Latin linguistic data. The volume therefore does not only address the specialist in Latin linguistics, but other linguists, both theoretical and descriptive, as well. The Amsterdam Colloquium brought together some hundred specialists in Latin linguistics from all over the world. 69 papers were read and - for the first time - 13 posters shown and discussed. Of the papers submitted for publication 27 are published in this volume. They were all reviewed by the editors of the volume and revised by the authors. They have the same format, with translations of Latin texts throughout and an English abstract. We trust that this will make the volume more accessible to non-Latinists. The colloquium was prepared and organized under the inspiring guidance of the late Machtelt Bolkestein. A few months after the colloquium she suddenly died. As her co-editors of this volume, we could only profit from her enthusiasm and expertise in the initial phase of the work. It seems nevertheless appropriate to maintain her name as one of the editors. As a token of respect and gratitude we also decided to publish her unfinished contribution to a pre-conference workshop on Discourse cohesion in Latin and a full bibliography of her publications. Amsterdam, November 2002 Caroline Kroon Harm Pinkster Wim Remmelink Rodie Risselada

Klassiek Serninarium, Universiteit van Amsterdam Oude Turfmarkt 129 NL-1012 GC Amsterdam The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]

Table of contents

Preface ............................................................................................................................. 1 Table of contents ........................................................................................................... 3 Bibliography Machtelt Bolkestein ............................................................................... 7 Machtelt Bolkestein Linguistic reflection of discourse structure in Latin ............................................. 13 Rene Amacker Conditions contextuelles et pragmatiques sur l'emploi de la polysyndete chez Ciceron, Cesar et Varron ........................................................................... 27 Colette Bodelot Habeo quid ... / habeo quod ... : variation libre ou originalite conditionnee? ......... 43 Paulo de Carvalho Entre verbe et nom: du participe dit 'present' ....................................................... 59 Wolfgang de Melo The sigmatic future in Plautus .................................................................................. 75 Wolfgang Dressler Latin inflection classes ............................................................................................... 91 Huguette Fugier Les circonstants de 'temps / lieu' clans la hierarchie des cas latins .................. 111 Alessandro Garcea L'interaction epistolaire entre dialogue in absentia et in praesentia chez Ciceron ....................................................................................................... 123 Benjamin Garcia-Hernandez Los nombres del dativo y la funci6n de destinatario .......................................... 139 Gerd Haverling On the semantic functions of the Latin perfect .................................................. 153

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Table of contents

Fritz Heberleih Die lateinischen Konsekutivsatze auf der Satzverbindungshierarchie ............. 169 Christian Lehmann Latin valency in typological perspective ................................................................ 183 Dominique Longree Sur la concurrence entre 'relatifs' et 'demonstratifs de liaison' chez !es historiens latins: l'exemple de Tacite ................................................ 205 Robert Maltby Gerund and gerundive usage in Isidore of Seville ............................................... 219 Cristina Martin Puente & Patricia Santos Guzman El verbo muto y la expresi6n del 'resultado' .......................................................... 235 Sylvie Mellet Le systeme des conjonctions concessives en latin classique .............................. 249 Roman Muller Tofus prope mutatus est senno - Romische Konzeptionen des Sprachwandels .... 263 Silvia Pieroni 'First subject' and clause structure: a morphosyntactic hypothesis on the control of reflexives ............................................................................... 273 Michel Poirier / In ... ablatif/ et / in ... accusatif/, un morpheme ou deux morphemes? ........ 289 Wim Remmelink Inferring implicit first-argument participants of passive ablative absolutes in Ammianus Marcellinus. A discourse-processing account ....................... 301 Sophie Roesch Les strategies de cloture du dialogue clans les comedies de Plaute ................... 317 Hannah Rosen Complementarity within the pool of cohesion devices? .................................... 333 Olga Spevak La concessive en quamquam, quamuis et licet. subjonctive ou indicative? .......... 347

Table of contents

5

Lyliane Sznajder Interferences et conflits clans les formes du discours indirect .......................... 361 Esperanza Torrego Statim,paulatim, repente / subito: scope and lexical aspect .................................... 379 Christian Touratier Parataxe, juxtaposition et coordination ................................................................ 393 Daniel Vallat Les noms propres metaphoriques: aspects referentiels et semantiques .......... 405 Sophie van Laer Preverbation et 'duplication' en latin: l'exemple de per- ..................................... 421

Bibliography Machtelt Bolkestein

Bolkestein, A. Machtelt 1972. 'Semantische kenmerken van enige Latijnse werkwoorden'. Lampas 5, 55-68. 1976. 'The relation between form and meaning of Latin subordinate clauses governed by verba dicendi'. Mnemo.ryne 29, 155-175; 268-300. 1976. 'Acl- and ut-clauses with verba dicendi in Latin'. Ciotta 54, 263-291. 1977. Review of H. Happ, Grundfragen einer Dependenz-Grammatik des Lateinischen (Gottingen 1976: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). Kratylos 21, 137-146. 1977. 'The difference between free and obligatory ut-clauses'. Ciotta 55, 321-350. 1977. 'De herkenbaarheid van illokutieve funkties in het Latijn'. In: F. Ahlheid, E. Vester & J.J.L. Smolenaars (eds), Apophoreta Leeman. Amsterdam: Vakgroep Klassiek Latijn, p. 59-72. 1977. 'Syntaktische en semantische eigenschappen van komplementen van verba sentiendi in het Latijn: overeenkomsten en verschillen met verba dicendi'. Handelingen van bet 31e Vlaams Filologenkongres, 112-120. 1979. 'Subject to Object Raising in Latin'. Lingua 47, 15-34. 1979. 'The syntactic and semantic structure of Latin modal verbs'. In: S. Daalder & M. Gerritsen (eds), Linguistics in the Netherlands 1979. Amsterdam: North-Holland, p. 104-123. 1980. Problems in the description of modal verbs. An investigation of Latin. Assen: Van Gorcum (Dissertation Universiteit van Amsterdam). 1980. 'The ab urbe condita-construction in Latin: A strange type of raising?' In: S. Daalder & M. Gerritsen (eds), Linguistics in the Netherlands 1980. Amsterdam: North-Holland, p. 80-92. 1980. 'De ab urbe condita-konstruktie in het Latijn'. Lampas 13, 80-98. 1981. 'Embedded predications, displacement and pseudo-argument formation in Latin'. In: A.M. Bolkestein, H.A. Combe, S.C. Dik, C. de Groot, J. Gvozdanovic, A. Rijksbaron & C. Vet (eds), Predication and expression in Functional Grammar. London etc.: Academic Press, p. 63-112. 1981. 'Factivity as a condition for an optional expression rule in Latin: The ab urbe condita construction and its underlying representation'. In: A.M. Bolkestein, H.A. Combe, S.C. Dik, C. de Groot, J. Gvozdanovic, A. Rijksbaron & C. Vet (eds), Predication and expression in Functional Grammar. London etc.: Academic Press, p. 205-233. 1983. 'Genitive and dative possessors in Latin'. In: S.C. Dik (ed.), Advances in Functional Grammar. Dordrecht: Faris, p. 55-91.

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Bibliography Machtelt Bolkestein

1983. 'The role of discourse in syntax: evidence from the Latin Nominativus cum I,ifinitivo. In: K. Ehlich & H.C. van Riemsdijk (eds), Connectedness in sentence, discourse and text (TSLL 4). Tilburg: Tilburg University Press, p. 111-140. 1985. 'Cohesiveness and syntactic variation: quantative vs. qualitative grammar'. In: A.M. Bolkestein, C. de Groot &J.L. Mackenzie (eds), Syntax and pragmatics in Functional Grammar (Functional Grammar Series 1). Dordrecht: Faris, p. 1-14. 1985. 'Discourse and case-marking: Three-place predicates in Latin'. In: Chr. Touratier (ed.), Syntaxe et latin. Actes du Ileme Congres International de Unguistique Latine (Aix-en-Provence 1983). Aix-en-Provence: Universite de Provence, p. 191-225. 1986. 'Parameters in the expression of embedded predications in Latin'. Working Papers in Functional Grammar 8. 1986. 'Zand zonder kalk: Cohesie en bet proza van Seneca'. Lampas 19, 298-308. 1986. Review of W.A. Foley & R.A. Van Valin, Functional syntax and Universal Grammar (Cambridge 1984: Cambridge University Press). Journal of Unguistics 22, 216-221. 1986. 'Expressing the causation of emotion in Latin: A note on V ergil Aen. 6,876'. In: F. Decreus & C. Deroux (eds), Hommages d Jozef Veremans. Brussel: Latomus, p. 11-20. 1987. 'The bad behavior of trivalent verbs in the ablativus absolutus'. Cuadernos de Filologia Clasica 20, 93-103. 1987. 'Discourse functions of predications: The background/foreground distinction and tense and voice in Latin main and subordinate clauses'. In: J. Nuyts & G. de Schutter (eds), Getting one's words into line. On word order and Functional Grammar (Functional Grammar Series 5). Dordrecht: Foris, p. 163178. 1988. Review of H. Rosen, Studies in the syntax of the verbal noun in Ear(y Latin. (Miinchen 1981: Fink). Mnemosyne 41, 193-198. 1988. 'Numne an an non?' In: A.M. van Erp Taalman I L. (popular) fem. dogma, stigma, gen. dogmae, stigmae (forms which maintain the consonantic declension are typically citation forms or less popular than the adaptations, e.g., glaucomata in Plinius vs. fem. glaucuma in Plautus, cf. Andre (1971: 19-20)); G. masc. krati:r, gen. krater-os, stati:r, gen. stater-os, fem. lampds, gen. lampdd-os > L. fem. crate:ra (besides poetic crate:r, gen. -ris, G. acc. -a, pl. -as, cf. Biville (1981: 131-132)), lampada, gen. -ae and state:ra (with similar byforms, called peregrinisms by Biville (1989: 36, 31)), attagena < masc. Gr. attagi:n, gen. -enos, crepida < kre:pis, gen. -idos 'half-shoe'; cilliba < masc. killibas, -nt-os 'round dining table'; amphora < amphoreus; (a') masculines of the same microclass (type agricola, gen. agricolae): nauta, poeta, propheta, baptista < Gr. naute:-s (dial. nauta-s), G. nautou, etc. This way of integration always holds for nouns which designate human males. Greek masculine nouns which refer to animals or objects become feminines in Latin, e.g. amia, coc(h)lea, narita; ballista, catapulta, artopta 'bread-pan', cataracta, charta, margan'ta, metreta, parastata, sanna < amias 'tunny', kokhlias, ne:rite:.;, katapilte:s, artdpte:s, katardkte:s, kharte:s, margarite:s, metre:ti:s, parastate:s, sdnnas. The only inanimate masc. is ergata < ergdte:s 'windlass', and charta has a very rare by-form masc. chartus, -i (Lucilius), where gender has been taken as the dominant property and led to integration into the corrresponding o-stems. Also, exceptionally, the fish saperda has taken over masculine gender from its source G. sapirde:s. Proper names often keep the Greek nom. -sand other Greek case forms (cf. Biville (1981; 1989)), but common nouns never do so, unless in texts (never inscriptions) where they designate foreign concepts (Andre (1971: 85-86), cf. Biville (1989: 31, 35-36)). This shows again the marginal nature of proper names within the inflectional system. Among common nouns we have seen the importance of the animacy scale: here Latin inflectional morphology sets a boundary between humans and non-humans. Gender-dominance, with ensuing classshift is extremely rare. (b) masculines of the microclass ludus, gen. ludi which integrated Greek paradigms of consonantal classes are, e.g., elephantus, abacus, delphinus, pelicanus, po/ypus, cetus < G . eliphas, gen. eliphant-os, dbak-s, gen. dbak-os, delphin, gen. delphzn-

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os (vs. poetic nom. delphin, de/phis), pelekdn, gen. -dn-os, elepha(n)s); neutr. ketos, gen. -ous; (c) masculines of the microclasses fiber, gen. libr-i and puer, gen. puer-i: onager, alabaster, conger, hexameter and presl?Jter < Gr. onagro-s, aldbastros, gongros, hexdmetros and presfdtero-s, gen. -ou (cf. Biville (1995: 241-244)); (d) neuters of the microclass donum, gen. don-i: bracchium, cilibantum < Gr. braxio:n, gen. braxion-os, killibas, gen. killibant-os (cf. Biville (1990: 17 4)); (e) i-stems of the microclass sitis, gen. sitis-. basis, buxis, capparis, tigris < Gr. bds-i-s, G. bds-eos, pyks-i-s, pyks-i-dos, kdpparis, -eo:s / -id-os, tigris. Only in the fifth century the acc. -im starts to be replaced by -em (Andre (1971: 49)); (f) even the neuter i-stems (mare, sedile) may have retained some productivity, as evidenced by the variants si/ enape, cannabe, cappar(e) of neuter indecl. sinapi (also fem. sinapis) < G. sinapi, of fem. cannabis, cannaba (also masc. -us, neut. -um), and of fem. caparis (also both in Greek); (g) consonantal stems in / -on / such as senno, gen. sennon-is-. leo, draco < Gr. leo:n, drdko:n, gen. -ont-os. Two methodological comments: First, there is no dichotomy of integrated loan-words vs. non-integrated xenisms (or peregrinisms), this is rather a gradient continuum: here Langslow (2000) has elaborated a method of how to judge Greek technical terms, especially by differentiating the ways in which such terms are presented by the Latin author. Second, as already pointed out by Biville (1981: 132), Late Latin "regularisations" must be distinguished from earlier adaptations. For in Late Latin, the adaptation of loan words often gives further evidence on the "collapse and reorganization of the Latin nominal flection", as studied via inscriptions by Gaeng (1984). Among verbs, only one Latin microclass has the highest degree of productivity (like its descendants in Italian, French, Spanish, etc.), by fulfilling the criterion of integrating and adapting loans with inadequate properties. This is the microclass of amo, amare: propinare < G. cons. propin-ein, drachmissare (Plautus) < draxmiz-ein:, baptizare < baptiz-ein, taxare < tdss-ein; obson-are > contract verb opso:n-ein, anclare < anti-em, blasphemare < blasphe:m-ein, liare < leio-o: (Leumann (1959; 1968)). All the other verb microclasses only fulfill criteria of lower degrees of productivity. A specific type of integration is represented by the integration of indeclinable nouns into a specific microclass, as in: Gk. kommi > indecl. neuter cummi (,gummi, commi, cf. Biville (1990: 257)), but much more frequent: fem. i-stem cummis, acc. -im, abl. -i, gen.pl. -ium. The inverse change from inflection to non-inflection is a sign of non-productivity, e.g. when G. neuter miry, gen. miryos / miseo:s becomes in Roman authors indeclinable miry / misi / misu (with a late exceptional dat. misu-i), in contrast to G. mo/y, which is indeclinable both in Greek and Latin (mo/y, moli, molu).

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(2) The second highest criterion of productivity refers to the integration of loan-words with already fitting properties. Again first nouns: Evidently, Greek words of the a- and o-declension are taken over into their corresponding Latin microclasses. Other Latin microclasses demonstrate productivity only in the integration of loans with already fitting properties, but the integration of such loans often shows variation with still more productive alternatives, e.g. (h) consonantal microclass of the type grex, gen. greg-is-. G. masc. / fem. stJrak-s, gen. -os > L. masc. sryrax, gen. sryrac-is, grjp-s, G. gryp-os > gryp-s, gryp-is and m. gryp(h)us, gen. -i, G. fem. phalanks > Lat. phalanx and fem. p(h)alanga, G. masc. he,pe:s, -tos > he,pes, -tis and fem. he,peta, arkhitikto:n > architecto, -onis and architectus, -1~ but note the maintenance of the consonantal declension in G. myoparo:n, G. -o:n-os 'light pirate ship', sko,pio:n > L. myoparo, -onis, sco,pio, G. adamas, gen. adamant-os > L. adama(n)s, -ntis (cf. Biville (1990)); (i) G. iris, irid-os and ibis, ibid-os were integrated either into the corresponding dental declension iris, ibis, gen. ir/ bid-is, abl. ir/ bid-e or into the i-stems acc. ir/ bim, abl. iri, gen.pl. ibi-um, etc. If words like rhetor remain in the consonantal declension, one can again think of one of Biville's 'peregrinisms', but note that the difference between integration and guest status (G. Gastwort) comes out in the oblique case forms, such as acc. rhetor-em vs. rhetor-a, cf. Gr. masc. akho:r, -os > L. masc. ac(h)o:r, -is 'scab', but more frequent fem. achora. But note the maintenance of consonantal declension in G. masc. martyr> Lat. martyr, martur. Verbs: Greek verba contracta in -ao: evidently are integrated into the Lat. microclass in -are, as in dapinare < dapan-an (cf. Biville (1990: 155); Leumann (1977: 552)). Only two athematic Greek verbs have been taken over into the third conjugation (cf. Leumann (1977: 552); Steinbauer (1989: 112)): deps-ere 'knead' (since Plautus), psa/1-ere 'play on the cithara' (since Sallustius). Maybe both loans go back into a time when there was still more productivity within the 3rd conjugation. (3) Inflection of conversions: Conversions (sometimes called zero-derivations, cf. Nadjo (1996)) cannot predetermine by a derivational suffix into which class the output of a conversion will go. Therefore they offer evidence for a certain amount of productivity, although less so than the adaptation of loanwords, because the output of a conversion is in no ways foreign to the indigenous morphological system. The output of a conversion may be either athematic or it must be assigned one of several possible thematic vowels. Thus the output of a conversion rule which maintains the thematic vowel of the input of the rule or its athematic character gives less evidence for productivity. For example, the default microclass in -ire forms new verbs (since Early Latin), such as denominal fin-ire: but since it derives from the i-stem finis, it is

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less relevant than pun-ire derived from poena (both since Cicero and Lucretius), jabr-ire 'fabricate' (Venantius Fortunatus), i!Jmn-ire 'to sing hymns' (Prudentius), deadjectival fasciu-ire (since Cicero), uesanire (Catullus),protern-ire 'to be impudent' (ltala) (cf. Mignot (1969: 20-22, 34, 50-53)). The type frequency of new verbs in -ire is not high, neither in the Classical period nor in the Late Latin Christian texts (Mignot, ibid.), but this does not diminish the relevance for the productivity of this microclass. Of similar type frequency are new denominal and deadjectival verbs of the default microclass in -e:re, which are converted from athematic bases or from stems which do not end in -e: but whereas such new denominal verbs are few and do not emerge in the Classical period (e.g. flor-ere in Plautus, frond-ere in Cato), new deadjectival verbs are much more frequent and also still emerge in Classical Latin, e.g. alb-ere 'to be white'(Caesar) and its near-synonym can-ere (Vergilius) (Mignot (1969: 82-83, 113-114)). Later neo-formations are few, and Mignot's (1969: 142) investigation has resulted in doubts about their productivity in Late Latin. For athematic verbs of the 3rd conjugation, Mignot (1969: 232) found only five new verbs, all of them of the same microclass: acu-ere, metu-ere, statu-ere, tribuere (pre-Classic neoformations) and gm-ere (since Sueton). The rarity of such novel creations, their concentration in Early Latin, and their derivation from denominal u-stems, which have no counterpart in -u in verb-stem formation, demonstrates minimal and only early productivity. These three cases of productive conversion are in great contrast to the abundant productivity of conversions into -are verbs (Mignot (1969)). Thus our third criterion supports the evidence based on the two previous criteria. (4) Class shift from one microclass to another microclass is a still weaker criterion for productivity, because first of all it is a relative criterion: one would expect that the class shift goes from a less productive pattern to a more productive pattern. But this is not necessary, as in the participle fact-ens (since Cato), which according to Alfred Ernout is a refection from fact-ans (but see the discussion in Mignot (1969: 82, 121)). Thus this 4th criterion (as for other languages) can only show an, at least, minimal degree of productivity, in our case, for the microclass of tim-ere in the pre-Classical period. Another instance is the total shift of access-ere / accers-ere, facess-ere from the microclass with perfect i-stem (lacess-i-ut) to i-stems also in the infectum (since Caesar and Livius respectively), cf. cupiret (Lucretius) and Meiser (1998: 188). In Old Latin, the third conjugation gives very little signs of productivity even here, as demonstrated by the shift of the prefixations of the verb dare from the first to the third conjugation, e.g. abdere, condere. But in Classical Latin all the microclasses of the 3rd conjugation have become totally unproductive. Note the triumph of the 1st over the 3rd conjugation in the Old Latin variation between fauare and lauere, boare and 3rd pl. bo-unt.

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A special case is the integration of a suppletive noun into a productive class, e.g., the shift from the unproductive fifth declension nominative into the productive first declension in materies, gen. materiae > materia (cf. I gelus, cf. Suarez Martinez (1996: 97)), or if a member becomes indeclinable (cf. Vaananen (1983)), then this is a symptom of unproductivity. (5) Inflection of indigenous suffixations comes last and least: this criterion does not show anything about inflectional productivity, but only evidences wordformation productivity. What it shows about inflection classes is their stability, which means that they are, at least partially, not recessive or decaying. Again there are many neoformations with productive derivational suffixes of the default microclass in -are, such as frequentative-intensive -(z)t-are, but also less frequent -iss-are / -iz-are, -(i)jic-are / i, and still rarer -ic-are, -ig-are, -cin-are / i (Mignot (1969)). The only derivationally productive suffixes of another inflectional microclass are two: First, the desiderative suffix -urire of the microclass of finire (4th conjugation) is moderately productive, as evidenced by neologisms such as cant-urire (since Petronius), cacut-urire (since Martialis), possible occasionalisms, such as empt-urire (Varro), sullat-urit 'he wants to play Sulla' (Cicero), cenat-urit (Martialis). Second, much more productive is the suffix -sc-ere of the 3rd conjugation (Mignot (1969: 164-228); Keller (1992); Haverling (2000)). In Late Latin it has become even more productive, both in type frequency of neoformations, but also in the generality of application, i.e. in the loss of its predominant linking to prefixed verbs and in semantic generalization. This important finding of Haverling indicates that the semantic difference between simplex and sco-derivation was diminished, especially with verbs in -escere, derived from verbs of the third conjugation. In combination with the general tendency of Romance languages to replace Latin shorter simplex verbs with derived verbs (e.g. frequentatives, cf. Iliescu (1990: 165)) this explains the replacement of simplex verbs by sco-derivatives in the infectum. In the perfectum most 3rd conjugation simplex bases of sco-verbs had the same perfect in -ui as the sco-derivation. This explains why the sea-enlargement passed from the status of a very productive derivation to an allomorphic section of a new inflectional microclass (cf. Iliescu (1990)). But why did these verbs of the 3rd conjugation shift into the Romance descendants of the Latin 4th conjugation, the -ire class, microclass of It. finisco,finire, Fr. finir, ifs finissent? This, I suggest, should be linked to the Late Latin and Proto-Romance class shift of -ere verbs of the 2nd conjugation (cf. Zamboni (1983: 9394)) and of so-called mixed verbs of the 3rd conjugation into the 4th conjugation, such as floriunt (Itala), fugire (Augustinus), capire, linire (since Vitruvius),

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cupiret (Lucretius) (cf. also Davis & Napoli (1995), who focus excessively on the infinitive form).

6. Noun-inflection classes The hierarchical class systems of dynamic morphology can be built top-down from the macroclasses downwards or, inversely, bottom-up, from the microclasses upwards. This second way is easier to present, and I will use the tree format, well-known in linguistics and computer linguistics. Within declension, the a-stems clearly form a unique productive microclass. But also all of the other non-isolated nominal paradigms constitute larger or smaller, productive or unproductive microclasses of the same type. Among unproductive microclasses we find the following marginal ones: (a) monoradical microclasses, such as uideo, inuideo, prouideo, etc. These verb paradigms cannot be classified as one isolated paradigm, because the meanings of inutdeo and prouideo are too opaque for making them compositional derivatives of the simplex uideo. All of these verbs must be separately stored, as psycholinguistic evidence from today's living languages shows. Only if derivatives of a simplex are morphosemantically transparent, i.e. compositional, they can be accounted for by the simplex and thus be reduced to a single stored verb that might constitute an isolated paradigm. (b) Some monoradical microclasses may be bound-root microclasses at the same time, e.g. consto, constare, constiti plus instare, obstare, praestare, etc., as opposed to the isolated paradigm stare, steti. (c) mini-microclasses, which consist just of two-member or three-member microclasses: e.g. caueo,jaueo on the one hand,.faueo, moueo, uoueo on the other. Let us start with the class hierarchies of declension in the traditional order (cf. fig. 1): whereas a-stems form a single productive microclass, with femine gender as the default, a-stems consist of several microclasses, the microclass of hortus, which is masculine by default, but includes the well-known, semantically defined feminine groups of tree names, etc., and very few neuters, such as uolgus. Separate productive microclasses are the types of masc. filius and of neuter donum. Nouns in -er (plus uir) form two phonologically complementary productive microclasses: fiber, libri vs. puer, pueri. Thus the class of a-stems, as seen in the tree, is best subdivided into two subclasses, one with nominatives in -er, the other with nominatives in (subsubclass) masc. / fem. -us, (subsubclass) neuter in -um (this is at the same time a microclass). Finally the subsubclass in -us is subdivided into the two microclasses of hortus vs. filius.

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Figure 1 I. Macroclass -a / -o

class -a (fem./ masc.)

class -o

subclass -o ~

masc./ fem. ~

-us

-ius

neuter -um

subclass -er ~

/ e / constant puer

/ e / mobile fiber

[gen.sg. & pl. -i (-ae) & -rum, dat.-abl.pl. -i:s, default nom.pl. -i (-ae)]

What justifies these hierarchical subdivisions? First they follow the principle of default inheritance, as explicitly formulated and demonstrated by Corbett & Fraser (1993) for Russian. Each subordinated node inherits from the superordinate one its properties, the branchings are, as usual in grammar, preferably binary, and in each branching there is usually one default, i.e. the normal case. Thus the node of the o-stem class has the default of masculine gender coupled to the default nom.sg. in -us. The first default is inherited by the right node of the subclass in nom. -er, whereas the default nom. -us is evidently cancelled. The left node first represents the default subclass which inherits the default masc. -us. Among the two subordinated subsubclasses, the neuters represent the non-default, the nouns with obligatory -us in the nom. the default. Finally, within the subordinated microclasses, hortus illustrates the default,ftlius the nondefault. The history of Latin is full of diachronic developments which lead to the loss of non-default properties in favour of default properties. Thus the microclass ftlius loses its distinctive gen.sg. ftli in long -i, in favour of ftlii, much later the neuters were merged into the masculines, and the subclass in -er lost its autonomy. According to Natural Morphology, the properties of each node can be formulated in paradigm structure conditions (PSCs). The PSCs of the o-class are (in abridged form): if the reference form dat.-abl.sg. in -o, then the pl. in -is & the acc.sg. in -um & the gen.sg. in -i & the gen.pl. in -orum & the default nom.sg. in -us (pl. -i & ace.pl. -os) & default gender masc. How are the o-stems related to the a-stems? Do they form two different macroclasses, as do their descendants in Italian (cf. Dressler & Thornton (1996))? Or are they two classes of the same macroclass (cf. Carstairs-McCarthy

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(1994: 751))? The main principles for establishing a macroclass are in our model: (1) The common properties of the internal classes of the macroclass-candidate (expressed in PSCs) should outweigh the properties shared by one of its classes with other macroclasses: the forms of gen.sg., gen.pl., dat.-abl.pl. and default nom.pl. set the o- and a-stem classes well apart from the other macroclasses. The parallel reference forms (in the sense of Carstairs-MacCarthy (1991)) of abl.sg. are the lengthened stems in / o:, a: / . Moreover the most productive adjective class (in -us/ -a / -um) varies according to this macroclass. (2) A prototypical macroclass should include at least one productive microclass. This is not decisive here. Rather it is unusual that all the microclasses of a class (here the o-stems) are productive. (3) A prototypical macroclass should contain at least two microclasses, i.e. it should be branching. This would not be the case if a-stems formed a macroclass of their own. As a result, the assumption of a first macroclass which subsumes the two classes of a- and o-stems, appears to be justified. When we come to the third declension, then our concept of discrete microclasses seems to collapse. There is so much complexity and variation, that the paradigm often really seems to be "un ensemble flou", as Fruyt (1992) had called the Latin verb paradigm. But at a closer look this first impression of chaos is largely restricted to the old i-stems and to their variation between gen.pl. -ium / -um, less so ace.pl. -i:s / -e:s (also nom.pl., cf. Nyman (1990)) and abl.sg. -i / -e. Thus this seeming chaos cannot simply be due to a social and diatopic variety of vertical and horizontal population strata, as Penaz (1996: 522ff.) has put forward. Nor can I follow him when he makes grammarians responsible for not insisting on explicit norms (i.e. prescriptive norms). Rather I propose to use here, as announced at the beginning of section 4, Coseriu's differentiation between the potential system of grammar (which is the main object of my model) and the implicit (sociolinguistic) norms (cf., for Polish, Dressler et al. (1997)). In this spirit, I assume (cf. fig. 2) for the potential system of Latin inflection a second macroclass for all consonantal and i-stems (cf. Janson (1971), Carstairs (1984), Nyman (1988), who comes closest to our views). PSCs predict the gen.sg. -is, the dat.sg. -i, the dat.-abl.pl. -(i)bus (with -i- as default, but cf. the isolated paradigm bu-bus), and for feminines and masculines an ace.pl. in -s, preceded by a long palatal vowel, a gen.pl. in default -um and non-default -ium, and an abl.sg. default -e, non-default -i. The nom.sg. is, for masculines and feminines in -s as a default (but not natio, uer, etc.), the pl. in default long -e:s. For neuters, the nom.sg. ends in the final root-consonant (so-called zero-nominative) or in -e. Furthermore there are the previously mentioned PSCs on the distribution of i-forms in the acc.sg. and pl., the gen.pl. and abl.sg. For neuters, we

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Wolfgang Dressler

Figure 2 II. Macroclass cons. & -i

classes: nom.

pure cons.

~

= obi.

A

pure -i

mixed

nom.

A

* obi.

A

-es

-is

-s

/\/\

~

sitis

mare uectigal(e)

(gen.sg. -is, dat.sg. -i, dat.-abl.-pl. -(i)bus; default ace.pl. -e: / -i:s; gen.pl. -(i)um, abl.sg. -e / -i; default nom.sg. -s, nom.pl. -e:s)

have nothing on accusatives, but the PSCs include the nom.-acc.pl. default -a, non-default -ia. This macroclass is divided into three classes, the biggest and most complex class is the one without i-forms, the smallest class contains pure i-stems with the productive microclass of sitis, turris and the unproductive microclass of neuter mare, sedile, uectigal (potential vectigale, as Quint. Inst. 1.6.19 tells us, cf. Penaz (1996: 523), Neue & Wagener (1902: 1.287)). Inbetween comes the third class of all the other old i-stems (including the microclasses of pars and nubes), which have preserved, I claim, the potentiality of having i-forms in the ace.pl., gen.pl. and abl.sg. The probability of actual occurrence is regulated by the contrast between default- and non-default forms and by the implicational PSCs, as pioneered by Risch (1977), cf. § 2. The only discrete differentiating distinctions of this class are that it cannot have an acc. in im, and that the first, purely consonantal class can have no i-forms.This presupposes that we classify also messis, sementis as pure i-stems, and the rare and / or late consonantal acc.sg. and abl.sg. forms as being influenced by the macroclass default forms at the time of the decay of the macroclass. As to the class of old i-stems with potential variability between i-forms and non-i-forms, most Latinists have been taught in high-school complex explicit norms which prescribe discretely the presence vs. absence of such i-forms. And students of classical philology are still today flunked when they make errors. However, the reality of actual variation, which implies still stronger potential variation, is well attested in inscriptions, by grammarians and even in the manuscripts, as the meticulous study of Reichler-Beguelin (1986) on old ti-stems of the type me:ns documents, although even she tries to get rid of "excessive" varia-

Latin inflection classes

105

tion (e.g. p. 19, 23-26). Compare also Gaebel (1982) on the variation of ace.pl. -es / -is in manuscripts of V ergilius. For reasons of restrictions of space, I just want to mention that the u-stems form a rather weak macroclass, insofar as they contain just two microclasses, the unproductive neuters (type genu) and the very slightly productive microclass of non-neuters (type senatus), with the masculine as default gender (cf. Lazzeroni (2000)). As to the neuters, the forms attested allow no decision whether a noun such as gelu is idiosyncratically defective in the singular (defectiveness in the plural is semantically predictible) or whether a full singular declension can be considered to be potential. Finally, the e-stems are problematic, insofar as they cannot be lumped into any other macroclass, but instead form a still weaker macroclass than the ustems. Here the feminine is the default gender. The only productivity is wordformation productivity of the deadjectival nouns in -ities. But the documented distribution of forms is so scarce and ambiguous that I am not sure whether to assume just one microclass or postulate a second one for the type materies, with its preference for a gen. materiae (cf. Sommer (1948: 396-400), Meiser (1998: 147-148), Krisch (1992: 196), Neue & Wagener (1902: 1.561ff.)). In summary, we see two strong macroclasses, the first of which (in -o / -a) contains only few but all productive microclasses. The second is very complex and contains both productive and unproductive microclasses. The two other macroclasses are weak and nearly unproductive. No macroclass is determined by gender. Only the two weak and unproductive macroclasses have a default gender. The change towards Romance languages, here exemplified with Italian, involves the decay and, finally, collapse of the category of case and the reduction of genders to two. This leads to a massive reduction in the number of microclasses (i.e. of most productive and of all unproductive ones) and to a binary opposition between the two genders, with a corresponding reallignment of macroclasses (cf. Igartua (2000)). The two weak macroclasses are swallowed up by their two stronger rivals, and the first macroclass is split into two macroclasses according to gender (cf. Dressler & Thornton (1996)). In the Italian eclass, the generally less marked masculine gender (type ii ponte, ii balcone (a Germanic loan), ii potere (a converted, i.e. nominalised infinitive)) has had more productivity than the more marked feminine gender (type la classe).

7. Verb-inflection classes After having demonstrated the principles for constructing a hierarchical system of noun-inflection classes, we will only briefly illustrate the class hierarchies of verbs. The first macroclass of -are verbs (cf. fig. 3) contains the fully productive and most transparent default class of amare, plus a second class which consists of the

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Wolfgang Dressler

Figure 3 I. Macroclass -a:re

-u-

-v-

perfect:

-t--------------sec-are

PPP: -itcrep-are

-stare

two tiny unproductive microclasses of crepare, crepui, crepitum and of secare, secui, sectum, plus a third class which just consists of the monoradical root-bound microclass of consto, insto, obsto, etc. All these three tiny unproductive microclasses vanish in the evolution towards the Romance languages. Among the isolated paradigms, the very frequent and largely riming verbs dare and stare live on as isolated paradigms in Romance languages and may even exert some influence on perfect formation in 'regular' verbs (i.e. of rule-derived major or minor microclasses). The second macroclass of the verbs in -e:re (cf. the tree of fig. 4) fall into two classes: those with sigmatic past participle and those with asigmatic past participles, the default. Among the asigmatic ones, the branch with u-perfect and the subordinate microclass of monere, which is very moderately productive, represent the default, the three microclasses with perfect in -vi the non-default. Sigmatic Figure 4 II. Macroclass -e:re perfect: -v- / -u-

PPP: -s perfect def. sigmatic

~

-u-

A

moneo doceo monui docui monit- doct-

-v-

A

flevi

sigmatic

fusion

A

foveo

faveo

asigmatic

auge~rideol\ auxi indulsi risi auct- indultum risum reduplicative lengthening morde~ monoradical uideo

bound-root possidere

Latin inflection classes

107

past participle, similar to modern Italian, implies the default subclass of a sigmatic perfect. The non-default branch of asigmatic PP splits into a reduplicative and a lengthening subsubclass. A similar historical conflation as in the case of the second nominal macroclass (section 6) occurred in verbs and resulted in formation of a third macroclass of athematic verbs, i-stems and the so-called 'mixed' class.

8. Typological conclusions Our approach can characterize the richness and complexity of Latin morphology in new ways (cf. Dressler (1999a)). Under richness I understand the productive core of dynamic morphology, while the unproductive remainder adds complexity to this richness. Latin is richer in morphology than all modern IndoEuropean languages, insofar as it has many more productive microclasses, but also more productive morphological categories and rules. The additional complexity is also greater because of the many isolated paradigms and unproductive microclasses. This can be quantified by the depth and complexity of inflectionclass tree structure. Indo-Europeanists have found a trend towards 'thematisation' of athematic inflection in the history of many Indo-European languages and tend to see this as a recurrent trend in general, and as due to similarity and ambiguity of inflectional forms in the details (cf. Dunkel (1998)). For Latin, we have found another generalisation, namely class shifts towards productive inflection classes. Thus the question arises why athematic verb and noun classes have become unproductive in Latin, partially in Slavic languages, whereas Germanic languages have lost the thematic classes, and Greek has seen opposite changes in nouns and verbs. Phonological change is one factor, but clearly not the only one. Latin nouns have very many fully productive microclasses, verbs only few productive microclasses, of which only one was fully productive. In the development towards Romance languages, e.g. Italian, the productive nominal microclasses diminished to just three and then just two fully productive ones, whereas in the verb, there remained two productive microclasses for a long time. This shows again that the noun class system and the verb class system are largely independent of each other and that they may follow entirely different diachronic paths. Wolfgang Dressler Universitat Wien, Berggasse 11, A-1090 Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected]

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