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Table of contents :
Acknowledgements
Contents
List of Tables
1 Foundations of Denotifying Tribes—An Exploratory Introduction
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Definitions
1.2.1 Tribe
1.2.2 Clan
1.2.3 Sib
1.3 Defining the Problem
1.3.1 Importance of the Study
1.3.2 Frame of Reference
1.3.3 Aim and Objective of the Study
1.3.4 The Plan of the Study, Field Research and Methodology
1.3.5 Research Setting
1.3.6 Establishing Contact Points and Rapport—A Key Component in Criminological Analysis
1.3.6.1 Establishing Rapport
1.4 Data Collection
1.4.1 Library Research
1.4.2 Administering the Interview Schedule
1.4.2.1 Venkumamba Village
1.4.2.2 Irwin Village
1.4.3 Participatory Observations
1.4.4 Field Notes
1.4.5 Verification of Available Records
1.4.6 Validity and Reliability of the Information
1.4.7 Group Activity
1.4.8 Time and Language
1.4.8.1 Language
1.5 Problems of Field Work
1.6 Data Analysis
2 Characterization and Making of Denotified Tribes—A Review
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Concept of Village
2.3 Tribe, Caste, Religion and Village
2.4 Notion of Tribe and Its Utility
2.5 Crimes Among the Tribes
2.6 Crimes Among Criminal Tribes
3 Social and Historical Profile of the Larger Study Area—The State of Andhra Pradesh
3.1 Social Profiling
3.1.1 Origin and the People
3.1.2 Civil Divisions
3.1.3 Demographic Profile
3.1.3.1 People
3.1.3.2 Sex Ratio
3.1.3.3 Urban and Rural
3.1.3.4 Literacy
3.1.3.5 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
3.2 Historical Backdrop
3.2.1 Ancient Period
3.2.1.1 Satavahanas
3.2.1.2 End of Ancient Period
3.2.2 British Rule and Impacts
3.2.2.1 Effects of British Rule
3.2.3 Freedom Movement—Andhra Area
3.2.3.1 Sreeramulu’s Martyrdom
3.2.4 Formation of Andhra Pradesh State
3.3 Crime Situation in the Combined State of Andhra Pradesh
3.3.1 Crime Under Indian Penal Code
3.3.1.1 Crime and Population
3.3.1.2 Major Cognizable Crimes
3.3.1.3 Crime in the Districts
3.3.1.4 Prison Confinement
3.3.1.5 Monthly Average New Offences
3.3.2 Social Profiling of Crime Records
4 Socio-Economic and Criminal Background of the Study Regions
4.1 Guntur District Region
4.1.1 Geo-Political Setting
4.1.2 Rivers
4.1.3 Historical Backdrop
4.1.3.1 Pre-History
4.1.3.2 The Mauryans
4.1.3.3 The Satavahana
4.1.3.4 The Ikshavakus
4.1.3.5 The Kakatiyas
4.1.4 Demographic Profile
4.1.4.1 Total Population According to Taluks
4.1.4.2 Sex Ratio
4.1.4.3 Density of Population
4.1.4.4 Growth of Population
4.1.4.5 Language
4.1.4.6 Religion
4.1.5 Principal Communities: General Structure
4.1.5.1 The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
4.1.5.2 Muslims
4.1.5.3 Christians
4.1.5.4 Inter-Caste Relations
4.1.5.5 Prostitution, Traffic in Women, Drinking and Gambling
4.1.6 Types and Patterns of Criminal Behaviour
4.1.6.1 Incidence of Crime
4.1.6.2 Murders
4.1.6.3 Dacoities and Robberies
4.1.6.4 House-Breaking and Thefts
4.1.6.5 Communal and Other Tensions
4.1.7 Criminal Tribes
4.2 Nellore District Region
4.2.1 Geo-Political Setting
4.2.1.1 River System
4.2.2 Historical Backdrop
4.2.2.1 Pre-History
4.2.2.2 The Reddis of Addanki and Kondavidu
4.2.2.3 The Reddis of Kandukur
4.2.2.4 The Freedom Struggle
4.2.3 Demographic Profile
4.2.3.1 Population
4.2.4 Principal Communities
4.2.4.1 Hindus
4.2.4.2 Tribes
4.2.4.3 Muslims
4.2.4.4 Christians
4.2.4.5 Inter-Caste Relations
4.2.4.6 Immoral Traffic
4.2.5 Incidence of Crime
5 Yerukulas—Organization and Structure of a Dominant Denotified Tribe in Andhra Pradesh, India
5.1 Yerukulas—An Introduction
5.2 Main Divisions
5.2.1 Dabba Yerukula
5.2.1.1 Kunchaparu Yerukula
5.2.1.2 Jakkala or Pariki Muggula
5.2.1.3 Peddintigolla
5.2.1.4 Ura Korachas
5.3 Sub-Divisions
5.3.1 Distribution and Population Trend
5.4 Family Life
5.5 Economic Status
5.6 Life Cycle: Social Customs
5.6.1 Custom of Couvade
5.6.2 Naming Ceremony
5.6.3 Tonsure
5.6.4 Puberty
5.6.5 Marriage
5.6.6 Death
5.6.7 Religion
5.6.8 Important Festivals
5.7 Structure of Social Control and Leadership
6 Two Tribal Settlements Under Study: A Socio-Historical Account
6.1 Venkumamba Village
6.2 Irwin Settlement
6.2.1 Settlement Culture
7 Demystifying Venkumamba Village
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Marital Status
7.3 Family Structure
7.4 Gender Situation
7.5 Age Structure
7.6 Income Structure
7.7 Occupation
7.8 Land Particulars
7.9 Type of Houses
7.10 A New Practice of Stealing—On the Run for Sarees
8 Irwin Settlement: An Analysis
8.1 Part A: Socio-criminological Profiling
8.1.1 Introduction
8.1.2 Marital Status
8.1.3 Nature of Families
8.1.4 Demographic Profile
8.1.4.1 Sex Ratio
8.1.4.2 Age Structure
8.1.4.3 Age Structure (Sex-Wise)
8.1.5 The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Non-criminal Families
8.1.6 The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Criminal Families
8.1.6.1 Age-Specific Rate
8.1.6.2 Income Structure
8.1.6.3 Education
8.1.6.4 Education of Criminal Families
8.1.6.5 Education of Non-criminals Families
8.1.6.6 Occupational Structure
8.1.6.7 Land Particulars
8.1.6.8 Housing Position
8.1.6.9 Changes in Criminal Status
8.2 Part B: A Comparison Between Katheras and Yerukulas of Irwin Village
8.2.1 Comparing the Two Criminal Tribes
8.2.1.1 Sex-Wise Distribution of the Yerukulas and Katheras
8.2.1.2 Marital Status
8.2.1.3 Type of Family
8.2.1.4 Age Structure
8.2.1.5 Non-criminal Families
8.2.1.6 The Criminal Families
8.2.1.7 Age-Specific Rate of Criminality
8.2.1.8 Income Structure
8.2.1.9 Education Structure
8.2.1.10 Occupation Structure
8.2.1.11 Land Distribution
8.2.1.12 House Structure and Lighting
9 Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes (Denotified Tribes)
9.1 What Is a Theory?
9.2 Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes
9.2.1 Indian Ethnic Groups
9.2.2 A Historical Accident
9.2.3 Enactments
9.2.4 Definitions of the Situation
9.2.5 Legalization of the Deviance
9.2.6 A Group Phenomenon
9.2.7 Socio-cultural Product
9.2.8 Culture Created
9.2.9 Social Stigma
9.2.10 Situational and Interactional
9.2.11 Association, Opportunity and Drift
9.2.12 Victims of Social System
9.2.13 Cultural Transmission
10 Summary and Conclusions
10.1 Field Work
10.2 History of the State of Andhra Pradesh
10.3 Crime Situation in Andhra Pradesh
10.4 Background of the Two Regions
10.5 Organization and Structure of the Yerukulas
10.6 Two Settlements: A Historical Sketch
10.7 Venkumamba Village: An Analysis
10.8 Irwin Village: An Analysis
10.9 Comparison Between Yerukulas and Katheras
10.10 Changes in the Criminal Behaviour
10.11 Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes
Appendix 1: Important Dates in the History of Andhra Pradesh
Appendix 2: List of Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh
Appendix 3: List of Ex-Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh
Appendix 4: Abstracts from Law Books as Applied to Yerukula Criminals
The Indian Penal Code
The Criminal Procedure Code
Appendix 5: Criminal Settlements in Madras Presidency
Appendix 6: Interview Schedule for Tribal Village Administered at Household Level
Bibliography
Index
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Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes A Participatory Approach Y.C. Simhadri Sudhakar Yedla

Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes

Y.C. Simhadri · Sudhakar Yedla

Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes A Participatory Approach

Y.C. Simhadri Professor of Sociology and Criminology and Former Vice-Chancellor Andhra University Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India Former President Association of Indian Universities (AIU) New Delhi, India

Sudhakar Yedla Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research Mumbai, Maharashtra, India Professor, IGIDR and Former Vice-Chancellor Dravidian University Kuppam, Andhra Pradesh, India

Former Vice-Chancellor Banaras Hindu University Varanasi, Utter Pradesh, India Patna University Patna, Bihar, India Acharya Nagarjuna University Guntur, Andhra Pradesh, India

ISBN 978-981-99-4583-2 ISBN 978-981-99-4584-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Acknowledgements

The present work is about the Denotified Tribes of Andhra Pradesh in India. These groups were known as Criminal Tribes in the United State of Andhra Pradesh before independence, now known as Ex-Criminal Tribes or Denotified Tribes or Vimukta Jatis. Among the Denotified Tribes of Andhra Pradesh, the Villages of Yerukulas were chosen for a case study. They were originally in the Criminal Tribes list, but in post-independent Republic of India, through political manoeuvring, it was included in the Schedule Tribes list by the President’s order to enjoy special facilities provided by the Constitution of India. In fact, this group happens to be a Denotified Tribe in reality. The topic, Criminal Tribes, was originally chosen for a term paper for graduate study course in the Master’s Programme in Sociology and Criminology in Indiana State University (USA) in 1969, later on, was selected for Master’s Programme Thesis work (1970), and again continued for Doctoral Thesis in Case Western Reserve University (USA) in 1971. Efforts towards understanding these Tribes continued and culminated into a Higher Doctoral Thesis (D.Litt.) in the Department of Anthropology of Ranchi University, Ranchi, India. As such, it is a continuous pursuance of research on Denotified Tribes, and the work presented in this book is the result of long follow-up research. It is common knowledge that any research activity needs the help of many organizations and individuals. To all of them, I wish to acknowledge my grateful thanks for their gracious help. v

vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To the Indian Council of Social Science Research, which has been a great funding agency in India for Social Sciences, I am also grateful for their timely financial help. To my wife, Naoko, who is behind me in every respect, and she is a source of strength for all my academic pursuits, thanks are due to her. Y.C. Simhadri I thank the almighty god for giving me this opportunity and honour of presenting the great work carried out by one of the most eminent social science scholars in India and aborad, Prof. Y.C. Simhadri. He has carried out this work with great passion and over his entire professional life. Rarely one finds such a passionate researcher who continued the work over three decades with such unwavering commitment. He desired to bring out this three decade long work as a book and stared off with a great passion. Destiny holds something else and he departed on a heavenly adobe leaving me with the herculean task of completing his last academic wish, completion of this book. He did all the work, he wrote the text. I am only presenting it to you. I have been included as author for technical reasons of publishing. This book belogs to Prof. Y.C. Simhadri in letter and spirit. Every word and every letter in this book belongs to him and I am only a messenger and I treat this as my greatest privilege. Sudhakar Yedla

Contents

1

Foundations of Denotifying Tribes—An Exploratory Introduction 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Definitions 1.2.1 Tribe 1.2.2 Clan 1.2.3 Sib 1.3 Defining the Problem 1.3.1 Importance of the Study 1.3.2 Frame of Reference 1.3.3 Aim and Objective of the Study 1.3.4 The Plan of the Study, Field Research and Methodology 1.3.5 Research Setting 1.3.6 Establishing Contact Points and Rapport—A Key Component in Criminological Analysis 1.4 Data Collection 1.4.1 Library Research 1.4.2 Administering the Interview Schedule 1.4.3 Participatory Observations 1.4.4 Field Notes 1.4.5 Verification of Available Records

1 1 2 2 3 3 5 6 7 8 8 9

9 13 14 14 15 16 16

vii

viii

2

3

4

CONTENTS

1.4.6 Validity and Reliability of the Information 1.4.7 Group Activity 1.4.8 Time and Language 1.5 Problems of Field Work 1.6 Data Analysis Notes and References

17 17 18 18 21 21

Characterization and Making of Denotified Tribes—A Review 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The Concept of Village 2.3 Tribe, Caste, Religion and Village 2.4 Notion of Tribe and Its Utility 2.5 Crimes Among the Tribes 2.6 Crimes Among Criminal Tribes Notes and References

25 25 28 33 40 42 50 50

Social and Historical Profile of the Larger Study Area—The State of Andhra Pradesh 3.1 Social Profiling 3.1.1 Origin and the People 3.1.2 Civil Divisions 3.1.3 Demographic Profile 3.2 Historical Backdrop 3.2.1 Ancient Period 3.2.2 British Rule and Impacts 3.2.3 Freedom Movement—Andhra Area 3.2.4 Formation of Andhra Pradesh State 3.3 Crime Situation in the Combined State of Andhra Pradesh 3.3.1 Crime Under Indian Penal Code 3.3.2 Social Profiling of Crime Records Socio-Economic and Criminal Background of the Study Regions 4.1 Guntur District Region 4.1.1 Geo-Political Setting 4.1.2 Rivers 4.1.3 Historical Backdrop 4.1.4 Demographic Profile

53 53 53 54 54 55 55 57 58 59 59 59 63 67 67 67 69 69 71

CONTENTS

4.2

5

6

7

4.1.5 4.1.6 4.1.7 Nellore 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5

Principal Communities: General Structure Types and Patterns of Criminal Behaviour Criminal Tribes District Region Geo-Political Setting Historical Backdrop Demographic Profile Principal Communities Incidence of Crime

ix

73 78 80 81 81 82 84 85 89

Yerukulas—Organization and Structure of a Dominant Denotified Tribe in Andhra Pradesh, India 5.1 Yerukulas—An Introduction 5.2 Main Divisions 5.2.1 Dabba Yerukula 5.3 Sub-Divisions 5.3.1 Distribution and Population Trend 5.4 Family Life 5.5 Economic Status 5.6 Life Cycle: Social Customs 5.6.1 Custom of Couvade 5.6.2 Naming Ceremony 5.6.3 Tonsure 5.6.4 Puberty 5.6.5 Marriage 5.6.6 Death 5.6.7 Religion 5.6.8 Important Festivals 5.7 Structure of Social Control and Leadership

91 91 95 95 96 97 99 101 102 104 104 104 105 106 109 110 111 112

Two Tribal Settlements Under Study: A Socio-Historical Account 6.1 Venkumamba Village 6.2 Irwin Settlement 6.2.1 Settlement Culture

121 121 130 143

Demystifying Venkumamba Village 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Marital Status

145 145 146

x

CONTENTS

7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 7.10 8

9

Family Structure Gender Situation Age Structure Income Structure Occupation Land Particulars Type of Houses A New Practice of Stealing—On the Run for Sarees

Irwin Settlement: An Analysis 8.1 Part A: Socio-criminological Profiling 8.1.1 Introduction 8.1.2 Marital Status 8.1.3 Nature of Families 8.1.4 Demographic Profile 8.1.5 The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Non-criminal Families 8.1.6 The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Criminal Families 8.2 Part B: A Comparison Between Katheras and Yerukulas of Irwin Village 8.2.1 Comparing the Two Criminal Tribes Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes (Denotified Tribes) 9.1 What Is a Theory? 9.2 Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes 9.2.1 Indian Ethnic Groups 9.2.2 A Historical Accident 9.2.3 Enactments 9.2.4 Definitions of the Situation 9.2.5 Legalization of the Deviance 9.2.6 A Group Phenomenon 9.2.7 Socio-cultural Product 9.2.8 Culture Created 9.2.9 Social Stigma 9.2.10 Situational and Interactional 9.2.11 Association, Opportunity and Drift

147 147 148 153 156 157 159 161 163 163 163 164 165 165

168

169 176 176 211 211 212 213 215 215 216 217 217 218 218 218 219 219

CONTENTS

10

xi

9.2.12 Victims of Social System 9.2.13 Cultural Transmission Notes and References

221 221 221

Summary and Conclusions 10.1 Field Work 10.2 History of the State of Andhra Pradesh 10.3 Crime Situation in Andhra Pradesh 10.4 Background of the Two Regions 10.5 Organization and Structure of the Yerukulas 10.6 Two Settlements: A Historical Sketch 10.7 Venkumamba Village: An Analysis 10.8 Irwin Village: An Analysis 10.9 Comparison Between Yerukulas and Katheras 10.10 Changes in the Criminal Behaviour 10.11 Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes

223 224 224 225 225 226 227 227 228 229 230 230

Appendix 1: Important Dates in the History of Andhra Pradesh

233

Appendix 2: List of Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh

237

Appendix 3: List of Ex-Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh

239

Appendix 4: Abstracts from Law Books as Applied to Yerukula Criminals

241

Appendix 5: Criminal Settlements in Madras Presidency

247

Appendix 6: Interview Schedule for Tribal Village Administered at Household Level

249

Bibliography

255

Index

267

List of Tables

Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 3.3 Table 3.4 Table 3.5 Table 3.6 Table 3.7

Table Table Table Table Table Table

5.1 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

Table 7.6 Table 7.7

Percentage distribution of crime under important IPC crime heads during 1982–1986 Incidence of cognizable crime under the Indian Penal Code and population in India from 1976 to 1986 Major cognizable crimes Major cognizable crimes reported district-wise 1986 Number of prisoners confined in the jails on 31 December Monthly average of new cases of offences committed 1986–1987 Monthly average age, marital status, employment, education, period of sentence and offences committed by the admitted prisoners of the year 1987 Population of Yerukulas Marital status in Venkumamba village, 1990 Type of families in Venkumamba village, 1990 Sex structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Age structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among non-criminal families of Venkumamba village, 1990 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among criminal families of Venkumamba village, 1990 Age-specific rate of criminality among the males on the settlement of Venkumamba village, 1990

60 61 62 63 64 64

65 98 147 148 149 150

151 152 153

xiii

xiv

LIST OF TABLES

Table 7.8 Table 7.9 Table 7.10 Table 7.11 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table

7.12 7.13 7.14 7.15 7.16 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6

Table 8.7 Table 8.8 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table

8.9 8.10 8.11 8.12 8.13 8.14 8.15 8.16 8.17 8.18 8.19

Table 8.20 Table 8.21 Table 8.22

Income structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Educational structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Education levels of criminal families in Venkumamba Village (sex-wise), 1990 Education levels of non-criminal families in Venkumamba village (sex-wise), 1990 Occupational structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Land particulars in Venkumamba village, 1990 Types of houses in Venkumamba village, 1990 Lighting methods in Venkumamba village, 1990 Change in criminal status of Venkumamba village, 1990 Marital status in Irwin village, 1990 Nature of families in Irwin village, 1990 Sex structure in Irwin village, 1990 Age structure in Irwin village, 1990 Age structure in Irwin village (sex-wise), 1990 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among Non-criminal families in Irwin village, 1990 Age Structure of criminals and non-criminals among criminal families in Irwin village, 1990 Age-specific rate of criminality among the males in Irwin village, 1990 Income structure of Irwin village, 1990 Education structure of Irwin village, 1990 Education of criminal families of Irwin village, 1990 Education of non-criminal families of Irwin village, 1990 Occupation structure of Irwin village, 1990 Land particulars in Irwin village, 1990 Type of houses in Irwin village, 1990 Lighting method in Irwin village, 1990 Change in criminal status of Irwin village, 1990 Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990 Sex structure comparison between Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin Village, 1990 Material status—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990 Type of families—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990 Age structure—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

154 155 156 156 158 159 160 160 161 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 170 171 172 172 173 174 175 175 176 176 177 184 185 186 188

LIST OF TABLES

Table 8.23

Table 8.24

Table 8.25 Table 8.26 Table 8.27 Table 8.28

Table 8.29

Table 8.30 Table 8.31 Table 8.32 Table 8.33 Table 8.34

Age structure of Yerukulas and Katheras (criminals & non-criminals) among non-criminal families in Irwin village, 1990 Age structure of Yerukulas and Katheras (criminals and non-criminals) among criminal families in Irwin village—a comparison, 1990 Age-Specific Rate of Criminality among the Males in the Yerukula and Kathera in Irwin Village, 1990 Income structure of Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village—a comparison, 1990 Educated persons in Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a difference, 1990 Education of non-criminal among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a difference (sex-wise), 1990 Education of criminal families among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a comparison (sex-wise), 1990 Occupation structure—comparison between Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990 Land particulars of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village—a comparison, 1990 Type of houses—comparison of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village, 1990 Lighting methods—comparison of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village, 1990 Changes in criminal status of Yerukula and Kathera families of Irwin village—a difference, 1990

xv

190

192 196 197 199

200

202 203 205 207 208 209

CHAPTER 1

Foundations of Denotifying Tribes—An Exploratory Introduction

1.1

Introduction

In the Indian subcontinent, there were only castes and tribes, particularly when the Britishers ushered in their expansionist colonial rule. Earlier, there were no tribes as such, over and above castes, the otherwise known Jatis and Varnas, besides Untima Jatis (fifth varnas) or outcastes or untouchables. However, during the British period, there were supposedly four million people belonging to the so-called “Criminal Tribes” who were more or less said to be living a criminal mode of life through generations. As those people have been living by criminal means for their livelihood, they were called ‘Criminal Tribes’. In 1871, the Britishers introduced and passed in the British Parliament, an Act called “Criminal Tribes Act”, through which crime-prone groups can be convicted in the British Indian courts. Since then, these groups were officially designated as ‘Criminal Tribes’ and continued to be called as such in the Indian legal codes until India become independent, and after which the Indian Republic scrapped that law. After independence, the Indian Parliament in 1952 passed the Habitual Offenders’ Act, through which legal stigma of these groups was removed, even though a subtle derisive social labelling continued. These groups are now euphemistically referred to as ‘Denotified Tribes’, ‘Ex-Criminal Tribes’, ‘Vimukta Jatis’ or ‘Habitual Offenders’.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_1

1

2

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

Nonetheless, it is relevant to know why these groups continued to live by criminal means since a long time and why they have been indulging in those nefarious activities even today. It is also relevant to find out whether all of them commit crimes and whether these social groups are really Criminal Tribes or only backward Hindus. These questions call for a methodical investigation to explain about the criminal tendencies of those people.

1.2

Definitions 1.2.1

Tribe

Tribe may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name, which as a rule does not denote any specific occupation but generally1 claiming common descent from an animal, but some parts of the country are held together rather by the obligation of kinship, usually speaking the same language and occupying professing or filming to occupy a definite tract of the country (Risley, 1908). The term ‘tribe’ derives its origin from the word ‘tribuz’, measuring three divisions. It gives different meanings to different groups. For instance, among Romans, the tribe was a political division. In the Western world, as also in India, the term ‘tribe’ has a totally different connotation in the past than what is prevalent now. ‘Tribe’ was the highest political unit comprising of several districts, which in turn were composed of clans. It occupied a definite geographical area and exercised effective control over its people. Permanent settlement in a particular area gave geographical identity to a tribe. According to the Western writers, the term ‘tribe’ generally means an ethnic group, geographically isolated or semi-isolated, identified with one particular territory and having distinct social, economic and cultural traditions and practices. But now there is a change in its connotation. Tribes, so much so, is a social group, usually a definite area, dialect, cultural homogeneity and unifying social organizations. It may include several sub-groups, such as sibs or villages. A tribe ordinarily has a leader and may have a common ancestor as well as a patron deity. The families or small communities making up the tribe are linked through economical, social, religious, family or blood ties (Tylor, 1988). The term ‘tribe’ in India was first used in 1876 in an Indian Office report.

1

1.2.2

FOUNDATIONS OF DENOTIFYING …

3

Clan

Clan is matrilineal sib or a unilateral kin-group, often exogamous. Membership in a clan hinges on kinship through one’s parents. A clan should be provided mutual security, legal help as also a Government, marriage regulation through exogamy and economic institutions, religious ceremonies, property regulations, social control and role allotment. 1.2.3

Sib

Sib is a pseudo-kinship or unilateral extended lineage group in a community. It may be quite large, e.g., among the Bantus of East Africa, it is a name and often has ceremonial equipage. Such functions of a religion (totemism), marriage and inheritance are discharged by the sib. Members have a common descent in a maternal or paternal lineage, although they may not be able to follow the specific genealogical ties among themselves. ‘Sib’ happens to be the general term for both clan and genes. To continue about the Tribe, the Indian Constitution did not define a tribe. In fact, there exists no satisfactory definition of the term “tribe” anywhere. An East Asian consultant in Sagada (Philippines) defines a tribal community as forming a group of people generally constituting a homogenous unit, speaking a common language, claiming a common ancestry, living in a particular geographic area, generally lacking in scientific knowledge and modern technology and having a social structure based on kinship. According to the Oxford Dictionary, ‘tribe’ “is a group of people in a primitive or barbarous state of development, acknowledging the authority of a chief and usually regarding themselves as having a common ancestor”. Lucy Mair defines a tribe as ‘an independent political division of a population with a common culture’. G.W.B. Huntingford maintains that a tribe is a group united by a common language, by a common territory, and by a feeling that all who do not share this name are outsiders, “enemies”, notionally. The Aryans were tribes. Historians agree that in remote antiquity, say about 10,000 years ago or even earlier, the Aryan tribes inhabited the high Pamirs of Central Turkmenistan. As some tribes migrated to Europe, others came to West Asia, particularly Iran, and eventually via Afghanistan, to India (Piloo Nanavuthy, 1977).2 Ancient Indian history indicates that they were all tribes, both Dravidians and Aryans. Bimala Shuru Law indicates that there were twenty-two ancient Indian tribes (B.S. Law, 1980);

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and, as such, tribes existed even much earlier, although they were not called that way. However, these tribes were only social groups of different kinds, possessing interactions, inter-relationships with some subtle ingroup feeling. In other words, if tribes come from outside, they are also not indigenous people. Scholars like Andre Beteille state that tribes have the characteristics, which make them a society. Defining a tribe, he observes: We have described the tribe as a society: further, as a society based upon kinship, where social stratification is absent. No, it has to be emphasized that like so many definitions of social categories, this also is in definition, an ideal type.

Let us now trace the background of the Scheduled Tribes as used in the Indian Constitution. In the Constituent Assembly, Shri Jaipal Singh had favoured the use of the term ‘Adibasi’ instead of “Scheduled Tribes”. It was, however, not accepted. The reason, as explained by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Chairman, Drafting Committee of the Constitution is, “the word Adibasi is really a general term which has no specific legal dejure connotation”, whereas, “the word Scheduled Tribe has a fixed meaning, because it enumerates the tribes”. In the event of the matter being taken to a Court of Law, there should be a precise definition as to who these “Adibasis” are. It was, therefore, decided to enumerate the “Adibasis” under the term “Scheduled Tribes”. The Scheduled Tribes is only a political creation of the Republic of India. There were no tribes as such; they were all social groups like Aryans, Dravidians, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Sudras, etc. Originally, there was no concept like Scheduled Tribes until the emergence of the Indian Constitution, and there were no tribals as such in usage until 1876. For the first time, the British Government attempted in 1878 to classify information about ‘tribals’. Towards this end, they conducted census operations in the tribal areas so as to assess their population and gather other information. In the Census Report of 1891, J.A. Bains, the Commissioner of Census, classifies the castes according to their traditional occupation. Under the category of ‘Agricultural and Pastoral castes’, he formed a sub-category called ‘Forest Tribes’. The members of ‘Forest Tribes’ were then estimated to be nearly sixteen million. In the Census Report of 1901, they were designated as “Animists” and in

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5

1911, as “Tribal Animists” or “people following tribal religions”. In the Census Report of 1921, they were specified as “Hill and Forest Tribes” and their number was estimated to be 16 million. The 1931 Census Report describes them as “primitive tribes”. Further, the then Government of India Act, 1935, specified the tribal population as “Backward Tribes”. However, in the Census Report of 1941, they were classified as “Tribes” only, and their total population was estimated to be 2.47 crores which further grew up to 10.42 crores by 2011 Census. Later, it turned out to be that Tribes in India are either (1) Criminal Tribes or (2) Non-Criminal Tribes, while former, i.e., Criminal Tribes are made up of those people who traditionally follow criminal activities as their profession, now called Ex-Criminal Tribes or Denotified Tribes or Vimukta Jatis and, the latter, the Non-Criminal Tribes, are those groups of families bearing a common name, generally claiming common descent from mythical or historical ancestors. However, the Non-Criminal Tribes do not profess criminal means for their livelihood and are again divided into different types, such as aboriginals, hills or plains tribes, which categories constitute the present Scheduled Tribes,3 who enjoy special privileges under the Indian Constitution. However, then, tribes did not enjoy the facilities as per the 1935 Act, which were available to the Scheduled Castes at that time. Only in the 1950 constitution they started enjoying special facilities like the Scheduled Castes. That is the reason why the Criminal Tribes like Yerukulas, Yanadis Sugalis of Andhra managed to include in that list of Scheduled Tribes of India to enjoy those benefits.

1.3

Defining the Problem

This study is primarily concerned with the circumstances under which certain tribes in Andhra Pradesh are placed to keep on living through criminal activities, many of whom are at the outset socially and economically backward. Further, this study also attempts to explain why particular tribes became crime-prone and why and how they have been branded and identified as Criminal Tribes. Specifically, the focus of the study is on the sociological and anthropological circumstances under which the Criminal Tribes became criminals and continued to be called as criminals in spite of the fact that most of them have since stopped criminal activity. It also deals with the structure of the village Criminal Tribe Settlements where they have been living as Criminal Tribes. It is noticeable that Criminal Tribes are distributed throughout India as “thugs” and decoits,4 the word “Thug” deriving from the Hindustani

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word ‘Thug-lana’ (“to deceive”5 ), while dacoity is an “armed robbery by gangs, which continued for many years with sons replacing their fathers who might be imprisoned and/or dead”. So, crime as an avocation continued from generation to generation, as it is still rampant in many parts of the country today in various forms, such as burglaries and stealing of private property. Any form of crimes in any country should not be allowed. Thus, crime as a social problem is everybody’s concern particularly, when a section of the populace completely lives by illegal means. Towards a just solution of the problem of crime, it is hoped that an anthropological study of Criminal Tribes of India is considered most appropriate for a fruitful analysis. Further, whether or not the Criminal Tribes are tribes or backward Hindus is also examined since the very word “Tribe” is foreign to the Indian social ethos. 1.3.1

Importance of the Study

So far, Criminal Tribes of India have not received proper attention of sociologists and anthropologists. Even the few studies are mostly anthropological in nature. For instance, Gillin6 dealt with Criminal Tribes in a cursory manner about their activities and such of those enactments that were made to control those groups based on jail reports, police reports, and accounts of various members in different parts of the country. However, it cannot be regarded as a sociological approach. Also, Bruce7 describes the organization of bands or brigades called ‘thugs’ and dacoits and how they were overthrown in British India. Cavan and Cavan8 attempted to deal with the socialization aspect of the Criminal Tribes. Moreover, Indians such as Biswas,9 Sher Singh,10 Kapadia11 and others studied these people, but all those were anthropological in approach. In this context, it is relevant to say that the author12 earlier undertook a study on Criminal Tribes of an Indian village (1971) and submitted a doctoral thesis to the Case Western Reserve University in the USA, for which a Doctorate was awarded (1972) and later, in a book form it was published by the National Publishing House, Darya Ganj, New Delhi (1979). This book portrays only the changes that took place in one tribal group for a limited period. Also, the author made a cursory attempt through ‘Denotified Tribes: A Sociological Analysis’, which was also published (1991) by the Classical Publishing Company, New Delhi.

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In good faith, it can be said that the aforementioned studies are not adequate to explain about the criminality of the much-maligned Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh.13 Though these criminal groups tend to continue committing criminal acts throughout the length and breadth of State of Andhra Pradesh (Undivided State of Andhra Pradesh), there needs a scientific study to gather detailed empirical data to ascertain the criminal content so that some theoretical formulations may be derived to throw light on the foundations of criminal behaviour which in a way might be useful to the policy-makers to frame out such enactments that help prevent recurrence of indiscriminate group criminality. Further, it is necessary to examine whether or not the Criminal Tribes were tribals, or backward Hindus, as Ghurye mentioned, because they do not seem to stand the test of tribals as Criminal Tribes (like Yerukulas of Andhra Pradesh), and they do not profess to have a profession along with other backward Hindus like Chakalis, Mangalis etc. 1.3.2

Frame of Reference

The frame of reference being Criminal Tribes, tribe is treated as a community14 which may be defined as a “social system encompassing a territorial unit within which members carry on most of their day-to-day activities necessary in meeting common needs”.15 However, speaking about territoriality, Mineru16 holds that it is not necessary that the territoriality is necessary to call it a community. For that, he gives the example of the Catholic community. That community does not have a geographical boundary. Further, a community means that “one’s life may be lived wholly within it, that all of one’s social relationships may be found within it…”. However, Nardini17 explains that community is “…. a place where individuals interact with other individuals through actual physical conduct, and through the use of language”. While quoting Fairchild18 Nardini further states: “the community is sometimes seen as a sub-group having many of the characteristics of a society, but on a much smaller scale, and with the presence of less extensive and coordinated common interests”. Within a community, closer associations and deeper sympathies exist than are to be found in the much larger society. And in many instances, a community may possess some special bond of unity, such as race, national origin or religious affiliation. Finally, it may be said that the community possesses a totality of feeling and attitudes that binds individuals into it.

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In the same way, a Criminal Tribe too is a community which possesses a great deal of interpersonal acquaintances and contacts among those who are criminals and, like other communities, possesses a totality of feelings and attitudes that bind the individuals together within. Here it is assumed that the tribal community “functions as a social unit, which results from interaction between its economic and social base”.19 In view of the aforesaid characteristics of the tribe, the tribal community as a suitable group is taken as the background as far as it helps to explain the criminality among these persons. With the tribal community as the frame of reference, this study proposes to approach the problem of tribal criminality from a sociologically structural perspective as the structural approach endeavours to explain “the existence of some element of social behavior”, with “its relations to other elements and the relations of these elements to one another in some configuration of social structure of the social system”.20 Hunter,21 Mills,22 Lynds23 and other sociologists made use of this approach, which requires the full use of historical method by an extensive utilization of historical materials.24 Hence, abundant historical data were used wherever relevant. 1.3.3

Aim and Objective of the Study

The main aim is to study the criminal behaviour that could be related to social situation that prevail in the two ex-Criminal Tribe villages in Andhra Pradesh and also to examine the structure, organization of these groups, as well as changes that have been taking place as far as their criminal activities are concerned. It is also proposed to examine the social conditions of Criminal Tribes before and after Indian Independence and also to see whether they are tribal or backward Hindus. 1.3.4

The Plan of the Study, Field Research and Methodology

In this study, two villages (two ex-Criminal Tribe Settlements) of Andhra Pradesh are included for purpose of examining the criminal behaviour and the changes that took place among them, thereby collecting valid and reliable information to delineate the social reality of the tribal crime problem.

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9

Research Setting

For this study, two villages were chosen for analysis where Criminal Tribes have been living for quite some time, i.e., from 1914. However, some members of those Criminal Tribes have also been living in cities because they acquired education and have consequently been employed in cities. As such, for the purpose of this research cities are excluded as they can be studied separately by following a different methodology. For this study, two villages were chosen, one in Guntur District and the other in Nellore District, both in the State of Andhra Pradesh, as these are the only districts where Criminal Tribes have been living in a concentrated manner. It is relevant to notice that in these districts, the then Government of British India established these settlements in 1914 by bringing in most of the Criminal Tribes from different places and got them settled in these two particular places abruptly. One such settlement is in Guntur, near the River Krishna and the other is near Bitragunta in Nellore District in the State of Andhra Pradesh. 1.3.6

Establishing Contact Points and Rapport—A Key Component in Criminological Analysis

The following section narrates the process of conducting primary collection in Criminal villages/Settlements based on a participatory approach as undertaken by the author. It explains the process, protocols to be followed and the risks and difficulties one faces in such difficult exercise of primary data collection in a Criminal Settlement. Since contact points for approaching the informants shall be very essential in such cohesive areas where the relationships are tied in Gemeinschaft conditions and since all the informant villagers shall have cohesive community feelings because they are found in closely knit groups, it goes without saying that they usually do not allow non-group outsiders onto their midst. In such circumstances, the field researcher needs to acquire some basic contact points to penetrate into the inner ring of the research group, even before endeavouring to establish rapport. The author was familiar with such a methodology which was applied in an earlier anthropological research work conducted in a Criminal Tribe village.25 The research study presented in this book is a continuation of criminological study of that village. The author has developed a good relationship with the villagers, which was maintained even afterwards as

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notional contacts. That familiarity and closeness was proved to be useful for the present research work. Further, a youth from that settlement, later, an Assistant Professor (lecturer) of a prominent University in the State of Andhra Pradesh, was available for the author as a contact point and his services were useful in further enhancing the rapport. In criminology research, the field work is a challenge and involves serious risks and occupational hazards. Therefore, having a reliable contact point and developing rapport with the community members and winning their confidence holds the key to the successful completion of data/information collection. The process of confidence winning adopted by the author is explained in the following paragraphs, which brings out all important strategic elements that are most essential for such an exercise. The settlement studied earlier by the author was Dharmapur26 which was inhabited by ex-criminal (Denotified) tribes, i.e., Yerukulas. The author visited this village for the first time in 1971, where he lived for 4 months consistently and spent a total period of more than 6 months. Since then many changes were visible in the demographic characteristics. Some people were still present there some migrated elsewhere and some became aged. New religious institutions, which were started at that time, now became prominent. As the author and his academic associate belonging to that village went to the village, people began to come and greet them in their local language, muttering among themselves—“our CID has come back now” and the like (CID meaning Crime Investigation Department officer was the nickname given by them to the author during his earlier filed visit). All of them began accustoming with smiling faces. Some because of the old age could not recognize though; but some others could recollect gradually after a brief talk. The teacher who hosted the author during the earlier study had, along with his wife received the author with much warmth and affection treating him like their brother who returned to his place after a long time. The teacher, along with his relatives, took them around the village, during which time the villagers explained about the changes that had come about in the houses, streets as well as the people. A new caste called Madigas, ex-untouchables, were brought in and settled adjacent to their colony, and their houses were constructed with the Government’s aid. Madigas are (ex-untouchable caste) not criminals though occasionally they might commit petty offences like others in the society as a new inter-relationship sprang between the two groups of tribals and Madigas.

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Sometime later, the author was given a sumptuous lunch along with the Assistant Professor who was accompanying him and being the son of a Head Master of an Elementary School in that village. Thus, as a first step, the author re-established the old rapport with the villagers, which was used as a basis for choosing another completely different village for study and the present village “Dharmapur”, having sustaining links with the other village, which the author wanted to study. Tribe-wise, all are Yerukulas in Dharmapur, as also the same Yerukulas live in the other two villages, which were chosen for this study: one (Irwin village) in Nellore District and the other (Venkumamba village) in Guntur District of the undivided State of Andhra Pradesh. Similar to Dharmapur, these villages were also settlements as the settlers were brought in from outside. Irwinpeta27 in Nellore District is also new to the Assistant Professor who was accompanying the author, as he knows only some people vaguely by name and not by person. Accordingly, the author attempted to establish contact through those names and by clan familiarity. On their journey to the villages, the author and his associate were cautioned by the fellow passengers about the criminal nature and dangers of visiting the tribal village. They warned both of them not to go to the targeted Irwin village. In spite of all this, the author pressed on for going to the village as scheduled. Upon arriving at the village the author and his associate started walking slowly and enquiring about a person whom they knew. In their efforts to establish a link the author and his associate have encountered a lady who is known to the mother of the author’s associate. With that a link to the villagers was established. Later she introduced the author to a lady teacher who has been teaching there since a long time. This teacher happened to be a good resource person for the author facilitating them to know about the history and activities of that village giving important insights into the situation of the villagers, including the various influential among them. The newly established acquaintance took the author around the entire village from house to house. She has identified the criminals and criminal families as well as who is who, house-wise. Filed note was taken on various aspects of the villagers: their history, culture, habits (criminal and non-criminal) and other relevant points. The process of consultation in the village took the author to a person, who is knowledgeable, position-wise and age-wise, who was to be consulted to begin with in the village but could not be located. The prime contact point in Dharmapur village who was related to the associate of the author and whose daughter was given in marriage to a person in

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Irwin village, wanted to accompany the author for introducing his relatives and through them to the other villagers. However, as he could not do so due to unforeseen circumstances he sent a word about the author and his associate’s visit to his daughter in Irwin village. The author and the associate could make contact with the Dharmapur person’s daughter who happened to be daughter-in-law of the Vice-President of that village. This made it easy for the author to know more about the village and the people. In this way, contact was made and trust was built with the villagers in Irwin village. As the author moved to the district headquarters, Nellore after establishing the contact points in the study village it was realized that the Assistant Director of Fisheries, Nellore (State Government Official) is related to the field research associate who has been actually doing amelioratory social work in that village area. That has established another important contact point for entry into the village. This contact point acted as a good resource person for obtaining data for this study. A similar approach was adopted with the other village, Venkumamba village28 by name, to establish the contact points. This is a village where a group of ex-Criminal Tribes were settled. This village is officially situated in Guntur District, and lies in the bank of River Krishna, one of the two great rivers of Andhra Pradesh (the other being the River Godavari). The author’s associate knows about some people in that settlement as he belonged to that tribe. Also, one of the villagers was a student of Andhra University who is known to the author and he provided some guidelines as to how best one can reach that village, as well as whom to contact there among the villagers. Upon reaching the village the student’s family showed cordial behaviour with the author and his associate. Later, an old man, who is known to the father of the author’s associate was introduced and proved to be a very good contact point for the research work presented in this book. The village elder had a meeting day after the author’s visit to the village and the authors took the advantage of that meeting to get them acquainted with the gathering and establish intimate links with the villagers of Venkumamba village. In this process the author could establish useful preliminary contact points among the villagers of Irwin village and Venkumamba village. This is the most important and crucial step in criminology research.

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1.3.6.1 Establishing Rapport In order to obtain valid and reliable information, the authors commenced establishing confiding contacts in the minds of the villagers and through them with the study group criminals. For instance, in Venkumamba village a student of Andhra University was engaged in research and through him, the author got not only the contact points but also it helped in establishing rapport with the villagers and among them, the criminals. The author later directly went to the student’s house and stayed there overnight, conversing with the family members and through them with other people, so as to develop intimate contacts with them. The author also met the School Head Master of that village to obtain close links with the villagers. Participated in the Christian Missionary meetings of the Tribals, which further helped the author in establishing good rapport with all. Similarly, in the Irwin village also, the author took some of his friends who have relatives in the village, which helped him in establishing good rapport with influential people. The author also participated in the Sunday Church prayers where he met many elders as well as many religious and caste leaders. For instance, in that village, there are two major castes: (1) Yerukulas and (2) Katheras. To get into the inner circle of both the groups, the author tackled the two different groups separately. Full interaction was established with the Yerukulas because of previous research contacts. For Katheras, the contact was through the author’s relative, a Director of Fisheries in that region who gives loans to Katheras who flourished in fishing occupation, besides criminal activity. The author approached the Kathera leader and through him confidence-building measures were undertaken with Katheras of Irwinpeta.

1.4

Data Collection

After establishing contacts with several villagers, through whom rapport was established with the ex-Criminal Tribes, information collection in the field work took shape through the following methods: a. Library Research; b. Interview Schedule; c. Participatory Observation; d. Field Notes; and e. Verification of available Records.

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1.4.1

Library Research

The first phase of this research and data collection was started by the author during his first research programme, which was conducted in the USA between 1968 and 1971 through library work in Delhi, Bombay, Hyderabad and other places. The author has also used the Andhra University Library and data were collected from both historical and sociological points of view from the libraries. Data was also collected from the National Library in Delhi and the National Archives in Delhi, where a number of historical accounts about those groups were made. 1.4.2

Administering the Interview Schedule

Interview schedules (vide Appendix 6) were administered to the heads of families. This instrument was aimed at obtaining data relating to the families of the two villages. The Interview Schedule as such consists of four pages pertaining to 12 major items of information, among which the first nine items aim at gathering information about the village, head of the family, age of the head of the family, father’s occupation, caste/tribe of the head, nature of the family (whether it is criminal or non-criminal), whether the family originally was criminal or not, if criminal, what type of criminal, one is, whether blue-collar criminal or white-collar criminal, family occupation, main and secondary occupation, family incomes, etc. Then, item 10 is aimed at collecting information on the entire family members. There are 18 items of information consisting of the names of the members of the family, their respective relationship with the head, caste or tribe, age, sex, marital status, married to which caste, joint family/ nuclear family, educational qualification, occupation, whether they are maritally engaged, how long they have been conducting their criminal activity, how long since they have been doing so, and the nature of the criminal activity. This information, it is hoped, would bring out the entire familial background of the villagers. In addition, a separate Interview Schedule was used for the known criminals in the village, who were available. This schedule consists of 29 items with reference to the criminal activities of the criminals in the village. The schedules were administered to the criminals and data were obtained about their background activities (criminal as well as noncriminal), their views and general thinking and other matters relating to criminal activities.

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These data pertain to the two villages, viz., Venkumamba village and Irwin village. 1.4.2.1 Venkumamba Village This is a settlement in the Guntur District, but adjacent to Vijayawada city which happens to be one of the important cities of Andhra Pradesh. This village population is 331 persons, distributed in 78 families. There are 191 males and 140 females. This was a settlement started in the District of Guntur in 1914 (more details are given in the ensuing chapters). This settlement was originally planned to start functioning in the city of Vijayawada (Bezwada) itself, near Mariamma place on the top of the hill. But the then authorities having thought that the place around will not be sufficient for holding a big number of settlers, they shifted that place to Venkumamba village, near river Krishna. 1.4.2.2 Irwin Village This is also a settlement, which lies in the Nellore District. Nellore is a town and also the district headquarters. The population of this village is 877 persons, distributed in 203 families. This was also started in the year 1914 along with other settlements in the State (More data are given in the following chapters). Among the criminals, at that period there were some tough and turbulent people and the police were unable to control them. Such people were brought into this village, where they were controlled by enclosing barbed wires. In this settlement, the area was surrounded by a big barbed wire so that they could not escape. Because it was surrounded by barbed wire, it was also known as “wire settlement”. 1.4.3

Participatory Observations

The author could develop some contact points and that served the purpose of establishing rapport. In the next trip, the author stayed in the villages and participated in the daily lives of the villagers. One of the persons involved in data collection is the son of an Criminal Tribe, studying M.S. at Andhra University. The author lived in his house as a guest and by staying in his house he could get close to the villagers. The villagers are one way or the other either mutually related by blood

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ties or closely connected with intimate caste relation. The author participated more or less in the daily activities of the villagers and collected data regularly. In Irwin village, the author stayed in a railway guest-house in a nearby village, but the author and his associate were staying in the village almost from 6:00 a.m. to 12 p.m. in the village talking to the villagers. Irwin village is in a small town where there is a railway station. The basic demographic data were collected by the two tribal boys who were educated at the University and who were assisted by the research assistants under the supervision of the author. The rapport established was so good that the villagers started visiting the author in the guest-house and the author was also going to their houses, staying there and participating along with them, in their group activities. The author has recorded the observation and the needed information under such circumstances. 1.4.4

Field Notes

Besides the Interview Schedule, taking field notes was also used as the method of collecting data. The author was always thinking and taking notes, while participating with the informants. But, whenever found time, he used to note down all the observed facts in a notebook. Sometimes slowly, while talking with the interviewees, the author used to write some points and meaningful signs in the notebook. Every day, at nighttime before retiring to bed, the author used to record all the facts. In this way, he collected a lot of qualitative data, which were used in different contexts. 1.4.5

Verification of Available Records

The author used to visit police stations and collect data on criminals, whose names were displayed in the police records. The police also were well aware of all the activities of all the criminals, which the author got to know through them. The police records and records kept by religious institutions were finally counter-checked by the author to ascertain the data for further examination and analysis.

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Validity and Reliability of the Information

As the field information collected must be valid and reliable, the author took great care in verifying the data for validity and reliability. The data collected by the investigators employed by the author were thoroughly cross-checked with the information available in the police records, religious institutions and court documents. There was also a cross-check with village heads, religious priests and different people. If a villager reveals some information, the same was cross-checked by asking others whether or not that particular information was correct or not likewise, when the demographic data were collected by the research assistants, the entire data were rechecked in the presence of the author. When police gave some information, it was again rechecked with the villagers or with other police. Thus, proper scrutiny was made by me for getting and recording valid and reliable information. 1.4.7

Group Activity

As the author wanted to administer the Interview Schedule and accordingly conducted the interviews, most of the time, during the interview, many people used to be present and it was rarely possible to get privacy for interviewing. The interviews were done in the midst of many people and in full public glare. Further, the village demographic data on the criminals and noncriminals were collected through a group of people by checking and cross-checking with many villagers through discussions so that erroneous entries could be eliminated. However, in cases pertaining to some people when there was fear of police to them, the author used to take them outside the village and make them sit lonely and collect data there. There were also some pressing difficulties in group interviewing, especially with criminals. Once the author started taking interview with a criminal in a group, he was providing evasive answers, particularly when known people were present there. In such situations, the author used to take him out of the village and sit in a small hut-type hotel where coffee and snacks are served. After eating snacks and over a cup of coffee, the informant used to narrate in a relaxed manner about all the activities he undertook previously in certain hazardous circumstances.

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1.4.8

Time and Language

Data collection and analysis of the present work took one year. However, the present work cannot be taken as just one year period only. In fact, the research for this topic got a head start when the author chose to write a term paper for a graduate course in Sociology in Indiana State University, USA, and later on it continued to Master’s Degree in the same University, when he wrote a thesis on “Ex-criminal Tribes: Differential Association” in 1970. Subsequently, when he moved to Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA, he also selected the same topic for his PhD thesis in 1971, based on empirical research and which took later the form of a thesis entitled, “Ex-criminal Tribes: A Community Study”, which was published in 1979. It felt desirable to continue the research in the same filed for a better understanding of the subject and then the present research was carried out with the help of Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi. In other words, the time taken for the entire research happened to be not just one year, but from the time the topic was chosen for a graduate course in the USA, in 1969, it was obviously a long planned and executed research of criminology. 1.4.8.1 Language The Yerukulas speak two languages, Telugu and Yerukula. Therefore, the communication has to be done in those two languages. The interview schedule was issued in English, but at the time of administering interview, the questions were asked in Telugu language. But whenever there were English-knowing people, the Interview Schedule was administered in English also.

1.5

Problems of Field Work

In filed research, there will be innumerable problems which crop up before it takes a formal shape and also during the course of the field work. It is much more complicated in social science and anthropological research, while problems will not be graver in criminological research. When the author wanted to commence field work and looked for contact points, as already mentioned, among the ex-criminal people through whom the author wanted to cull out empirical data, it was no doubt a tough job. Nonetheless, a redeeming feature was, there were some students belonging to the category of people in the University itself,

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where the author was working as a Professor. When contacted, some of the students thought that if facts were divulged, they might lose the special benefits they have been enjoying throughout on the ground that Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes enjoy special rights under the Indian Constitution. With this presupposition, some of them, the students, even planned to approach the Courts for obtaining an injunction against the author preventing him to conduct any probing work in their tribal village. But when they came to know that the author himself belongs to one of those scheduled categories, they withdrew their plans. The person whom the author knows intimately well also got convinced about the scope of this research and thence stopped going for litigation in a court. In fact, later, it turned out to be that the students themselves helped in the progress of investigation in the field work. Incidentally, it can be indicated, that the demographic data were collected through available non-tribal investigators. It is also worth-mentioning here about an incident that took place when the author had been conducting research in Dharmapur village during 1971–1972, where the villagers along with the criminals were playing a game in which the author also participated with a view to establish rapport with the criminals in particular and the villagers in general. While playing the game, one of the villagers asked the author to take a picture of the game with my camera. Accordingly, while the author was preparing to take a picture of the game being played, in fact, in the game, one of the criminal gang leader was also playing. The author thought that nothing untoward would happen, and tried to take a picture. At that time, suddenly, the criminal gang leader came out of the game-play began using abusive language and almost manhandled the author saying that he would kill him. Though the author was perturbed internally, managed to show out a brave face and kept silent. It so happened that the entire play was abruptly stopped and in no time it became flash news in the entire village. Within an hour, a village school teacher, a non-Yerukula, in whose house the author stayed in the beginning came out and asked the author to go and stay in his house for fear that the criminal leader would kill him that night. But, the author did not go with him as he knew that once he got out from there he wouldn’t be able to establish rapport and complete the research. Instead of going with the teacher, he directly went to the mother of that gang leader and narrated to her about the whole event. Then, she assured the author that she would talk to her son (gang leader) not to do any harm. Accordingly, she talked to her son

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and pacified him (Filed notes, 1971–1972). As a result, the author has stopped using camera and taking photos for the research though it may help in anthropological research. Similar difficult situations were experienced in Dharmapur village as well. However, such incidents led to the establishment of good interactive relations, as well as confidence-building exercise for the author among the tribals, a type of resource base to establish professional etiquette in conducting criminological research as the balanced approach helped in collecting field data in a big way later. A similar difficult incident took place in Dharmapur village also. The author entered into a non-Yerukula family household in the same village where the head of the family was a teacher in the Salvation Army School. Later on through him, he entered another teacher’s house and began staying and eating with them and participating in the daily activities of the settlers. After a few days, the family members of the teacher came to know that he was involved in conducting a research on criminal activities. As they sat with me for food at lunch time, the hosting couple asked me to go out of the house and stay in some other place else where nearby, so that he could come here (research village) from Chirala every day for data collection. Had the author gone away at their behest, he knew that he could not get into intimate relationships forever among the settlers and as such he shall be deprived of the facility to obtain research insights. Hence, he requested them to agree for his stay for a week on condition that he would look for another place in the meantime. During that week, the teacher and his family realized that he was not inimical to their interests, but seriously committed to academic work. With a welcome change of heart, they allowed him to stay there. During that time the author came in contact with another family, who were all criminals and whose (one) son was a graduate student and all others were criminals and the author moved into their house. There was no proper food, but still he stayed there until the completion of the field work. The author used to stay in the house and accordingly he could get into their confidence because of whose help he could find about most of the criminals in the settlement. Such rapport-building incidents came in the way not only in Dharmapur village, but also in Venkumamba village and Irwin village. This is a good demonstration of rapport building which is the key for field research in Criminology.

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Data Analysis

The data obtained from questionnaires were expressed through tables and were later analysed, while field notes were used for qualitative elucidation. Following are the chapters in which the matter is arranged in the book: 1. Introduction. 2. Review of literature. 3. Social Profile of Andhra Pradesh. 4. Background of the Regions under Study. 5. Organization and Structure of Yerukulas. 6. Two Settlements under Study: A Socio-historical Account 7. Venkumamba village: An Analysis. 8. Irwin village: An Analysis. 9. Toward a Theory of Criminal Tribes. 10. Summary and Conclusions. In this chapter, the problem is explained, methodology indicated and difficulties involved narrated, as well as the reliability of the material established to formulate a thesis, while the following Chapter 2 gives the review of literature on the subject proper, so that it will be useful as a lead for further exploration. Chapter 3 deals with the profile of the State of Andhra Pradesh as the work deals with the Yerukulas, a Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh, while Chapter 4 gives an account of the regions under study. Chapter 5 delineates the organization and structure of the Yerukula social group, as Chapter 6 brings out the social content of the two settlements, Chapter 7 focuses on Venkumamba village, while Chapter 8 portrays Irwin village, Chapter 9 culls out a theory of Criminal Tribes and Chapter 10 culminating with summary and conclusions. Notes and References 1. Max Weber also concurs with view that there have been no specific traditional occupations as such in tribes as in the case of castes. See his book: Religion of India (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1958), pp. 30–33. 2. According to the sacred texts collectively known as Avesta, the Earth was divided into seven regions, in the centre of which was Aruyans Varja, the seed or seat of the Aryans. In the Vendidad,

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an Avestan text, it is stated that Gaya Mertetan, the first man, was born in Aruyana Varja, and it is from him that the ancient Iranians claim their descent. The word “Iran” derives from the Avestan, Aruyana, Sanskrit Arya-yan, the path of way of the Aryans. Hence, Iraya-an, abbreviated to Iran. In P.P. Balsara, Highlights of Parsi History, Bombay, 1969, p. 1, cited in Piloo Nanavuthy, The Parsis, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1977, p. 1. 3. The Scheduled Tribes number 5.6 per cent of the total population in India, according to the 1951 census. In 1981 census, they number 461,907. The Denotified Tribes have their separate identity. However, some tribes like Yerukulas and Yanadis are included in the Scheduled Tribes list in Andhra Pradesh in the Post-republican period by political manipulation. 4. Sir Herbert Risely, The People of India (Calcutta, India: Thecker, Sprink and Co., 1908), p. 61. 5. Ruth Shonle Cavan and Jordan T. Cavan, Delinquency and Crime: Cross-cultural Perspectives (New York: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1968), p. 76. 6. George Bruce, The Stranglers: The Cult of Thugges and Its Overthrow in British India (New York: Haracourt, Bruce and World Co., 1969), p. 11. 7. John L. Gillin, Taming the Criminal (New York: The MacMillian Co., 1931), p. 106. 8. Bruce, op. cit. 9. Cavan and Cavan, op. cit. 10. P.C. Biswas, The Ex-criminal Tribes of Delhi State (Delhi: University of Delhi, 1960). 11. Sher Singh, The Sansis of Punjab (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, Oriental Publishers and Book Sellers, 1965), p. 6. 12. The use of the word “author” in this book referes to the first author as the entire study was undertaken solely by him and also the preparation of this manuscript. 13. The first author has studied the tribal village in the erstwhile united State of Andhra Pradesh from the year 1970. The criminological data reported in this book was collected primarily by a participatory approach and questionnaire survey over a long span of time. As the work presented in this book spans over a long period there have been a few major changes in the study area and that include the bifurcation of the State of Andhra Pradesh. However, the villages

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included in the study continue to be in one of the States formed in the bifurcation, Andhra Pradesh. As the cases studies were carried out with reference to the undivided State of Andhra Pradesh, the same continued to be the reference plane in the analysis. Hence, “Andhra Pradesh” in this book refers to the undivided State of Andhra Pradesh. 14. K.M. Kapadia, “The Criminal Tribes of India”, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 2, March 1952, pp. 82–125. 15. Paulin V. Yong, Scientific Social Survey and Research (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1966), p. 514. 16. Charles P. Looms and J. Allen Beegle, Rural Sociology: The Strategy of Change (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prantice Hall, Inc., 1957), p. 22. 17. David W. Miner, The Concept of Community (Chicago: Scott S. Green Co., 1969), p. 31. 18. William Nardini: ‘Informal Grouping in the Prison Community’ (unpublished Master’s Thesis of Iowa, 1957), p. 1. 19. H.P. Fairchild, Dictionary of Sociology (Ames, Lowa: Littlefield Adams and Col. 1955), p. 52, cited by Nardini, op. cit. 20. William H. Fohu and Delbert C. Miller, Industry, Labour and Community (New York: Harper and Bros., 1960), p. 536. 21. G.C. Homans, “Contemporary Theory in Sociology”, Handbook of Modern Sociology, (ed) Series (Chicago: Rand McNally & Co., 1966), p. 61. 22. F. Hunter, Community Power Structure (North Carolina: Chapel Hill, North Carolina Press, 1953), He studied power relations in the community. 23. C.W. Mills, Power Elite (New Jersey: Oxford University Press, 1959). 24. R.S. Lynd and H.M. Lynds, Middle Town in Transition (New York: Brace and World, Inc., 1937). 25. C.W. Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Grove Press, 1961), p. 195. 26. Simhadri, Yedla, Ex-criminal Tribes of India (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1979). 27. Pseudonym (‘Peta’ means ‘village’. Irwin village or Irwinpeta, both ways it is used in the text). The name “Irwin” is the name of Professor Irwin Deutscher, the former Ph.D. advisor and mentor

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of the first author, at the Case Western Reserve University, Department of Sociology, Cleveland, Ohio, USA during 1971–1973 (Prof. Irwin Deutscher’s name was given to the village). 28. Pseudonym.

CHAPTER 2

Characterization and Making of Denotified Tribes—A Review

2.1

Introduction

This chapter purports to review the literature on various aspects of the subject like tribes, Criminal Tribes, village, caste, religion, crimes and crimes of the Criminal Tribes (Denotified Tribes). In particular, we have to know what was written on the tribals and also on ex-Criminal Tribes in India. It is seen that India tribals groups like the Todas, Chenchus, Santals, Nagas, Bhils, Gonds, Oraons, Mundas and other tribes inspired to a large extent the early anthropologists and sociologists. In the United Kingdom and the USA, there were many studies on tribals. Similarly, as Dumont and Pocock put it, up to 1950, most of the ethnologists in India were mainly concerned with tribes (1957–1958). Since Independence, with the works of M.N. Srinivas and S.C. Dube, the major interest shifted towards other topics like caste and village. Of course, joint family has become another pet topic for sociologists and anthropologists. The tribes, until then at the frontline of the anthropological and sociological investigation, did not receive primary attention in the efforts to discover new areas of knowledge. If some monographs pertained to the tribals, all of them proceeded on the old tradition and were repetitive. Most of the analysis was little concerned with the hill people, while great achievements were registered within the Hindu social world, so much so,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_2

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knowledge about tribals became stagnant when looked at from the contributions of Srinivas, Dumont and Pocock, all of which gave new impetus to the studies on Indian tribals. There were many works on tribal India, especially during the British period, mostly because the British administrators needed information about the natives about whom they were supposed to intervene in social matters. So much so, they have started collecting information about all social groups, including the tribes. It looks as though the same sets of assumptions made by the under-informed and half-biased ideas of the nineteenth-century British administrators have been continuing unabashedly down to this day and still predominate in many monographs. For instance, platitudes about the origin of the Bhils are commonplace knowledge: “The earliest settlers from all evidence available appear to be the Bhils” or “there is no doubt that the Bhils are among the oldest settles in the country”. Even the Yerukulas of Andhra Pradesh are said to be aboriginals of the country. This kind of intellectual poverty goes along with the unsound theoretical bias. Apart from a few well-known exceptions such as Koppers, the Bhils have inspired hardly more than a long descriptive catalogue of earlier epithets fervently filled in the earlier official reporters, illuminating on nothing substantial. If some monographs, as those of Y.S. Nath and Jakka Pardhasaradhi (1988) are useful guides, many others are not up to the mark. In fact, there was an abundance of references, which alone cannot make up for lack of precision and inadequacy of the collection of data, let alone any theoretical foundation. Much care is therefore necessary in the use of such material because most of the data were not obtained with an objective and scientific temper, while some are only impressionistic. It is noticeable that for various political reasons, the Tribals are called Hindus by many while historians like Rapson (1987), Kosambi (1956) and Wolpert (1989) opine that the tribals were the original inhabitants of this country and that later on, Aryans and Dravidians arrived into the subcontinent and caste system emerged through them. Hinduism, consequently, turned out to be a dominating influence among people. As a result, the tribals were Hinduized in view of the overpowering influence of exclusivity of the caste system, which happens to be the domineering characteristic of Hinduism in India. N.S. Reddy (1973) concludes concerning Hinduization of the tribals the caste system in view:

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The caste system of this type is purely indigenous and it would evolve at any place given the necessary conditions. (1973: 165)

The necessary conditions are the village situation and the exclusive character of all social groups. When all groups around the tribe follow caste norms, the tribal groups automatically became caste groups (Simhadri, 1991). Sarvepalli Gopal is of the view that the word ‘Hindu’ came into vogue only when the Muslims came to India who started calling the people of the other side of the Sindhu river ‘Sindhuians’, a corrupt from being Hindus. In fact, earlier, there were no Hindus, called as such, in India except Castes and Jatis or Races. We now understand that the problems of denotified tribal ethnography are mainly focused by preconceptions of the earlier anthropologists, following whom the later day research blossomed. This academic compulsion largely reflects the problems facing the study of tribal India today. It can be gainsaid that the immensely available material is more of a burden than an advantage. Many a time, trivial problems came to the forefront, while basic questions remained unposited. So much so, one should be judicious enough to sieve the extant literary material for utilizing the same in one’s study. Though social anthropologists and sociologists are little concerned with the data coming from physical anthropological studies, there are several of them who took up work on physical aspects of Denotified Tribes and even arbitrary conclusions drawn from such data. By confusing social units with racial parameters, many authors have tried to seek to establish the antiquity of the Bhils and other tribals on the basis of their blood groupings and cephalic indices. For instance, Risely (1908) suggested that “a man’s social status would be found to vary in inverse ratio at the mean relative width of this nose” (see Enthoven, 1975: xv). In that manner, scholars have been arguing about the racial characteristics of the Bhils and other tribals, while some applied tests of intelligence to them. In an analysis by R.K. Gulati and S. Srinivasan, it is summarized as follows: It is not possible to arrive at any definite conclusion on the basis of this present study, to say anything conclusively about the racial composition of the Bhils of Maharashtra. (1973: 81)

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This statement indicates the state of the physical anthropological research on Bhils and other Criminal Tribes. However, D.N. Majumdar was not more positive when he wrote in 1944: They do not differ in their appearance from the various agricultural castes of Northern India. (1944: 179)

This statement adds little to the previous proposition about the composite character of the tribes of the country, let alone the Bhils.

2.2

The Concept of Village

Many sociologists and anthropologists, like M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube and Andre Meteille, have contributed for understanding the Indian Village and its organization. The concept is explained in the context of Andhra (Simhadri, 1979) and the criminal behaviour in a village situation. If the housing pattern of a Hindu village may reflect its social organization in the way space is allotted according to caste and occupation (Gough, 1960: 18), the Andhra village reflects a segmentary social system with its dispersed units. There are gangs as units in the village. The universality of the caste hierarchy has led Dumont and Pocock (1957: 25–32) to conclude that the Hindu village has no real sociological significance, as it is unable over a period of time to act as a corporate unit. Dumont has even stressed on the illusory aspect of the so-called village solidarity. Many authors have strongly reacted against that view (for example, Mayer 1960: 132). But one may agree with Dumont and Pocock (1959–1961) to at least state that the village solidarity is rather weak, compared to the strength of the caste divisiveness. Simhadri (1972) also holds a similar view. Though the village has its own culture and mind, the caste system plays an important role. However, one cannot deny the fact that the village acts as one organization and structure, when it comes to encounter the people of other villages. Nonetheless, the bonds of relationships between the same castes are stronger than the village corporate bonds. In a society where there are no such divisions, one might accept that the concept of village would hold more significance than in a strongly stratified society. This seems to be true with Yerukulas, although their concept of village is by no means simple. The main and universal nature of the Yerukula village is the absence of nucleated housing as well as the dispersed pattern as it is only a settlement.

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But, when we examine a Bhil village, the houses are built on the slopes of hills just beside their fields (Dave, 1960: 18); and there is no proper “Village site” and, ideally, a homestead is located within hailing distance of the nearest neighbour so that if a man shouts, he can be heard (Nath, 1960: 162). Clusters of 2 to 3 houses are quite common as a married son established his own house next to his father’s and a few such clusters form a hamlet, while four or five such hamlets constitute a village (Save, 1945: 33); and there is no essential difference between a hamlet and a village. A hamlet is of the same nature as a village and, if big enough, can act independently and become the real unit (J.K. Doshi, 1969: 12). There is no basic difference between different hamlets of a village although they may correspond to the lineage territory within the village. The Bhil village of Bamanta is, for example, divided into four hamlets: one of those four, the Patel Phaliya is the hamlet of the Priest’s extended family, though it contains a few other families as well. The other two hamlets are composed of diverse lineages (Autora, 1972: 113). If, ideally, the hamlet could be the territory of a single clan, the practice is not so rigid and the hamlet is often composed of members of more than one clan. But if we examine the Andhra settlement villages, we see the villages on plain land. The Bhils as well as Yerukulas were shifting cultivators on contemporary society. The British Government put an end to the slash-and-burn cultivation in the nineteenth century, but until then an economic characteristics of tribal people was their contempt for the plough. Some fifty years ago, the Bhils of Ratanmal still practiced shifting cultivation (Nath, 1960: 96, T.B. Naik, 1956: 84). It was, however, a general phenomenon in the last century. Forsyth (1889: 101–105) has given a full description of it: Ash cultivation did not require any implement or cattle. A hill-side was selected where there was a plentiful growth of grass, timber and bamboos. Every stick that stood was out in the early season and left to dry in the sun. By the end of May, fire was set to it and 3 to 4 acres were reduced to ashes. Grains were sown into the ashes. The next year, the dead trees and half burnt branches were again set on fire along with some fresh wood brought from the jungle and the process was repeated. In the third year, the clearing was usually abandoned for a fresh one. It can be seen that the process of shifting cultivation involves a lot of displacement. The settlements of the Bhils were never very stable, and the people tended to live in small groups of a few families. Actually, this type of agriculture requires a large amount of available land and therefore the

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population density is rather small; a census of the Bhils in the last century showed a density of no more than 6 per square mile. Moreover, shifting cultivation had a centrifugal effect on the distribution of settlements, as the Bhils seem to have remained faithful to their old pattern. In such circumstances, the village cannot be a very rigid structure. Every third or fourth year, a Bhil family used to desert its plot and seek some other spot. It is therefore possible that the concept of a village was made identical with the settlement of the tribes. However, the settlement pattern of the Bhils seems to be connected with their practice of slash-and-burn cultivations, which manifests a decentralized social structure. Indeed, the Bhils seem to be averse to any form of centralization, as the land around is divided soon after the wedding of a son, and the young couple’s first concern being to establish their own household. Thus, the whole Bhil economy is based on small units and indeed the whole social structure gets reflected in their housing pattern. In the case of Yerukulas, the settlement is stable, the cultivation is also stable though some of the Yerukulas in Dharmapur always involve in criminal activities. Further, the village received some sociological significance as a social entity. As each village has its own status, good or bad, consequently, the individual gets the name of the village as part of his identity. A stranger, for instance, is first known by the name of his village. One can say straightway whether it is good or ‘bad’ village (T.B. Naik, 1956: 46). No individual is identified without a reference to the village of which he is a member: “The status of the village is eventually the status of the individual” (S.L/ Doshi, 1971: 53). An official guest is considered so much so as the guest of the whole village. If a theft is committed in a village, the offended village may attack the village of the guilty person (Raval, 1964: 206). Moreover, there are even some collective village activities as fishing or net-hunting. Ritually, the village has its importance as well. Gauri festival is a village matter, undertaken every third or fourth year. A village organizes a drama to be performed in the neighbouring villages. Generally, villagers visit three types of villages (Chauhan, 1963: 30–33): a. where their own kinsmen are residing; b. where daughters have been married into; and c. where they have permanent business relations.

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Further, there are certain normative observances among villagers, for instance, host villagers have to provide food and gifts for the visiting party, when after their return to their village, they too perform a Gauri, while these villagers have to provide the same facilities to them as a ritual exchange. The villagers are thus said to be linked in Dhari-hanti relations (partners in loans). In a way, the Gauri festival and its circle of exchanges seem to define a certain area of endogamy within which gifts circulate with women. The festival actually unites more than twenty villages tied in a network of matrimonial alliances. In Dharmapur village, villagers celebrate Christmas as they were converted into Christianity through the persuasive Salvation Army (Simhadri, 1979). Dharmapur village is an exogamous village in South India (Simhadri, 1979). The Bhil village is also exogamous, as is generally the case in North India. One must notice that it is not a de jure situation but it is largely dictated by the difficulty in finding an appropriate bride within the village (Naik, 1956: 127; Parry, 1970: 18). All members of the same village are defined as brothers and sisters, which fact seems to be in consonance with the “rule of the four Gotras” demonstrating against the repetition of alliances (Chambard, 1975: 117). Although it is composed of different clans, the Bhil village claims an ancestral unity. The ancestor grove is common to the whole village; and a clan does not assemble for an ancestral ritual as and when a villager dies. Ancestors are regarded as above clan and lineage differences (Nath, 1954: 115). In death and marriage ceremonies, the whole village acts together, with the headman always taking an important part in them. Similarly, in ritual concerns, the outskirts of a village are always important: it is here, the groom’s party stops when it comes to the marriage ceremony and its members are also accompanied by the bride’s people to the village outskirts (Nath, 1954: 132) and most other rituals are village matters which take place in the village’s sacred grove. Finally, memorial stones to the dead are erected at the frontier of the village. In Dharmapur village, marriage practices are mixed up with the association of the Christian influence. Some practices are oriental, while some are Western-Christian-oriented. The village economy, though not very much developed, also takes place within the village in the form of exchange of labour (see Dave, 1960: 130– 131; Carstaris, 1954: 177). Barter system exists. Like family, the village is also important in socialization of the children who graze the cattle on the village pastures. Sooth-saying, fortune-telling, games, dancing, singing, sporting and story-telling are also typical village activities. In

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brief, the village has a real unity even if it is not that strong and cohesive. In the Dharmapur village, the socialization takes place in two different directions; one: criminalization, and two: indoctrination of tribal values. A typical Bhil village is composed of several clans. One of them is the principal clan; it is considered to be the founder of the village and the village headman is recruited from that clan. The lineage of the headman is called BHAIBETA, only because his ancestor was the first to settle on the village spot. In other words, another lineage of the same clan will be harhan in the next village, founded by members of another clan. T.B. Naik gives a list of 15 surveyed villages of Madhya Pradesh, giving the name of their first clan as well as that of the secondary clans (T.B. Naik, 1969: 220). In an article, T.B. Nail (1968) has attempted to review the concept of tribe and suggested some “criteria” for a tribe, like, least functional interdependence, economic backwardness, geographic isolation, common dialect independent political organization, absence of desire to change and customary laws. These empirical features form a necessary condition: ‘A community to be a tribe must have all these attributes’ (Naik, 1968: 86). The problem is that very few people in the world would be qualified as “tribals”, if these concepts are strictly applied. Moreover, economic backwardness, dialect, geographic isolation, obstacle to change, customary laws and political organization do not differentiate a tribe from a caste. As such, the Yerukulas cannot be included in tribes category. T.B. Naik (1968) gives a review of several different theories and one of his merits to show that the discussion on “tribes” in India is not mainly scientific but rather political, since it is the inclusion of such and such people in the “Scheduled tribes list” which is at stake. For example, Naik quotes an administrator who says: I am not in favour of any definitions based on ethnographic or anthropological considerations except in so far as such considerations are unavoidable in defining “aboriginal” itself. (1968: 96)

The attempt of T.B. Nai is unsuccessful in that it merely takes a few empirical features without grasping the nature of a system. It also neglects the diachronic perspective and therefore loses a good part of its utility. Peoples who were completely isolated in the last century are very likely to live in a mixed population today. Majumdar’s definition (see D.N. Majumdar & T.N. Madan, 1970) largely suffers from the same defects.

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The same criticism about the futility of Naik’s approach lies at the basis of Nag’s contribution. With that very purpose of distinguishing the tribal system from the caste system, Moni Nag (1967) proposed to identify one single characteristic. Having analysed a few already existing theories, he suggests taking ‘mode of subsistence’ as the variable: It has been observed that an ethnic group has been generally labeled as tribe mainly on the basis of ‘primitiveness’ of its technology. (1967: 193)

The groups practising non-intensive cultivation have significantly less subsects to social stratification than those practising intensive cultivation. The view is rather narrow. Having discussed Bailey’s and Sinha’s continuum, Nag seems to ignore them and accordingly he must classify most of Indian “tribes” as proto-peasants, since they no longer practise shifting cultivation. Nag is not always coherent as he reproaches Bailey for considering only one field of activity but then he himself uses a criterion still narrower. Furthermore, the concept of tribe denotes an overall social organization rather than just an organization of economic production. Nag’s approach naturally leads us to the question of diachrony since his very criterion compels us to give the concept of a tribe a diachronic dimension.

2.3

Tribe, Caste, Religion and Village

Bailey studied the economic relations in an Orissa village (1957) and later published a monograph on a tribal village of Orissa (1960). Again, he synthesized his views on tribe and caste in another article (1961), where he examines the two concepts in an elaborate way. Moreover, first of all, we have to rid ourselves of the postulate that a tribe is in every respect different from a caste (1961: 11). The Konds share a lot of similarities with the Oriya people. Bailey establishes a difference between model and practice and states that he contrast between “caste” and “tribe” can be sharply marked only at the level of the model. There is no which in reality conforms to the purity of the model. A “tribe” is always a fiction, it is an ideal type and one has to postulate it: The only solution to this problem is to postulate a continuum, at one end of which is a society whose political system is entirely of the segmentary egalitarian type, and which contains no dependents whatsoever; and at the

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other end of which is a society in which segmentary political relations exist only between a very small proportion of the total society, and most people act in the role of dependents. (1960: 264)

In that view “tribe” and “caste” are not dichotomous but lie at different points of a continuum on which particular societies are to be placed (1961: 18). So far, however, it has not been possible to determine just at what point on the continuum “tribe” ceases and “caste” begins. Next comes a criterion which helps us to find out whether a group is a tribe or a caste: If they have direct command over resources and their access to the products of the economy are not derived immediately through a dependent status on others, then they are to be counted as a tribe, providing they fulfill a further condition: that they are a relatively large proportion of the total population in the area [1960: 265]. The larger the proportion of a given society which has direct access to the land is, the closer is that society to the tribal end of the continuum. Conversely, the larger is the proportion of people whose right to land is achieved through a dependent relationship, the nearer does the society come to the pole. (1961: 14)

The definition of the tribe as a segmentary political system is not an all-purpose definition. It is only designed, says Bailey, to help us in understanding political and economic change (1961: 19). This limitation, put to his definition, seems to be somewhat inherent to the concept of tribe itself; for example, the concept of tribe would not be of such great use in the study of religion. It is first of all concerns social organizations and one could say that it is of secondary interest in a so-called “sociology of values”. Besides, the great merit of Bailey is to reintroduce the diachrony into the discussion. The concept of tribe is also a tool to grasp a process of transformation and social change. One of the most distinguished Indian sociologists, Surajit Sinha (1965), has extended, though critically, Bailey’s scheme of tribe/caste continuum. Sinha applauds Bailey’s effort to give a systematic conceptualization of an ideal tribe as the base-line of transformation. Bailey’s merit is to clear the ground for systematic investigation. Sinha’s criticism is two-fold. First, he reproaches Bailey for ignoring the fact that one of the major features of an ideal tribe is the lack of interaction with other social systems. For the Kharia and Pahira, hunting groups of Bihar, Bailey’s definition does not work too well; these groups

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hold their hunting rights from other caste and yet they have rather weak articulation with the rest of the Hindu society in the area. But this does not affect Bailey’s approach, which is deductive. If it is so, the Kharia and Pahira should not be considered as tribes. Sinha’s view-point seems to be contradictory, as he assumes that the Kharia and Pahira are tribes and therefore a definition of the tribe should include them. The second aspect of the criticism is more general and concerns the limitation of Bailey’s definition: Unlike Bailey, I am interested in viewing the tribe as a system of social relations as well as a state of mind and cultural tradition, both characterized basically by isolation and lack of stratification. (1965: 61)

One should point out here that Bailey’s definition includes the lack of stratification, as a “segmentary political system” is precisely “decentralized and egalitarian” (Sahlins, 1968: 50). The idea of isolation could indeed be added to Bailey’s approach without damaging the whole foundation. But Sinha goes much further in seeing the tribe as a whole, for he gives us the criteria like demographic, structural and cultural parameters, which distinguish the tribe from the caste. As he enumerates many of them, it would be tedious to list all of them (Sinha, 1965: 61–62). The approach reminds us of T.B. Naik’s (1956) definition, which was a sum of cultural traits. As Bailey rightly pointed out, it involves a tribe being different from a caste in every point. Most of the features listed by Sinha are found in many tribes but they do not form the definition of the concept of tribe because their absence in a particular people is not sufficient to deny its tribal character. Sinha thereafter gives us an interesting discussion of two groups: the Hill Maria Gonds, a group near the tribal pole, and the Bhumij, who are at the threshold of the caste society. One may think that Baliey would largely agree with Sinha’s description and classify these two groups accordingly: the Bhumij, by participating in the caste system, restrict the rights to land to some people. For the rest, there is no basic contradiction. But Sinha’s effort to extend the notion of tribe at all levels may make it lose its very significance—grasp all, lost all. It might seem surprising to find Louis Dumong among the contributors on the problem of tribe since tribal India covers little space in his writings and is almost foreign to it. However, given the controversy with F. Baliey, Dumont and Pocock were compelled to give their view on the

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matter. In any case, because Dumont’s writing is of much importance to Indian sociology, it is always fruitful to locate a problem vis-à-vis his theory. We have already seen that Dumont and Pocock’s (1961) premises prevent them from considering the tribal problem as such. Both their interests and postulates keep them away from the Hill tribes: We learn in the first place never to forget that India is one. The very existence and influence of the traditional, higher, Sanskritic civilization demonstrates without question the unity of India. (1961: 9)

And a bit further: Our primary object is a system of ideas. It is a matter then, broadly speaking, of a sociology of values. (ibid.: 11)

We then see that the unity is found at a high level of abstraction since it is mainly apparent in a system of ideas and not at all in, for example, directly observable behaviour. The question of “tribe” is avoided by vaguely stating that tribals have merely “lost contact”. Dumont and Pocock’s (1961) view on tribal India is to be found in the third issue of the Contributions (1959), where the authors give a review of Verrier Elwin’s classic “THE RELIGION OF AN INDIAN TRIBE”. They start by saying: The claim has been made in these pages that the tribesmen have not escaped the influence of Indian civilization. (1959: 60)

It must be said that such a view has not merely to be “defended”, it is to be taken for granted. Still, their main criticism is that no systematic attempt is made in Elwin’s book to relate religion to social organization. They rightly point out that Saora religion is not adequately described by means of a catalogue of everything found within the area. If Elwin had a structural perspective, he would have noticed that the religion of the Saoras does not seem so different from Hinduism as it actually exists in the villages of India:

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One does not see how this tribal religion could possibly be considered apart as an “animism” opposed to “Hinduism”. (1959: 74)

Yet, they go on; the Saoras maintain their autonomy, and one does not find in their ideology a submission to the impure/pure dichotomy: If a certain system of ideas and actions…..defined as the Hindu opposition of pure and impure is fundamental to Hinduism, then, the Saoras are not Hindu, for their ideas in the matter are very sketchy. (ibid.: 60)

In other words, these tribals do not submit directly to the scheme of Hindu values in spite of their close dependence upon Hindu belief. Dumont and Pocock emphasize the problem of tribal religion, which is so much influenced by Hinduism. Thus, is there a tribal religion? Does it form a system? One is tempted to answer “no”, and along with Dumont and Pocock, assume that at this level, it is difficult to see the coherence or the systematic character of the tribal institutions which are sometimes inconsistent. The editors of the “CONTRIBUTIONS TO INDIAN SOCIOLOGY”, however, feel that this position is insufficient since they recall the peculiarity of the Saoras who, by repeated riots, showed that they asserted themselves against the outside world. They conclude: Such people can be called autonomous (1959: 61), realizing here that the nature of a tribe is definitely only at the socio-political level. Dumon (1961) rightly points out that Bailey’s continuum is not symmetrical. He comments that, on the one hand, we have a society (the tribe), while, on the other, there is only a part of society (caste). Bailey in fact does not compare one tribe with one caste, primarily because the unity of a tribe, the tribe as a society, is largely “ideal”, and as such, only postulated. In reality, we only find “sections” of tribes, which have more or less split from the main body and are transforming themselves into a “part of another society”. Sinha’s objection had already been taken up by Dumont who feels that instead of a line, the continuum could as well figure as a surface, a volume or a multidimensional link between the two extremes. But again, the concept of tribe may lose its validity and usefulness, if it is given too many aspects. Dumont seizes the opportunity to show a contradictory aspect of Bailey’s contribution. He tells us that if a continuum was introduced in view of the study of change, it is remarkable that discontinuity is reintroduced since tribe and caste finally appear as alternative ways of

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acting. The defect is, however, more apparent than real, since Bailey has clearly stated that the change was progressive and not radical. There is no incompatibility between the existence of a “freezing point” and the transformation of water into ice. However, Dumont is right to argue that a “tribe” does not become a “caste” in one day or in one year. The process is more complicated and the turning point is not necessarily perceptible. As usual, Dumont can be more positive and give his own contribution. According to him the passage of a segmentary society to an organic one introduces the apparition of hierarchy, a feature, which cannot be confined to the politico-economic sphere: A tribe may or may not retain a clause link with a territory in becoming a caste; …. It becomes a caste when it acknowledges the value of the caste system. Caste is here the dominant element, even though it is tolerant to certain tribal features. (1962: 122)

We thus return to the very premises of Bailey, the difference between the two “kinds of society” being seen ultimately as a question of values. What is essential is the fact that the concerned group either does or does not “acknowledge” the “values” of the caste system, i.e., the principles of hierarchy. In the last analysis, it is an ideology, which differentiates both systems. We are here again facing a basic ambiguity characteristic of Dumont’s writings. His concepts are loose and it is difficult to see at which level he exactly places himself (Delfendahl, 1973: 83). The real problem about HOMOHIERARCHICUS is to determine the status, the level of the analysis; for the pages about ideology are significant, having assumed that what the people themselves think is the touchstone of social anthropology. He goes on: But ideology is not everything. Any concrete, localized whole, when actually observed, is found to be decisively oriented by its ideology, and also to extend far beyond it. (1972: 74)

Then after defining the fundamental opposition, he goes on: I do not claim that the opposition between pure and impure is the “foundation” of society except in the intellectual sense of the term. It is by implicit reference to this opposition that the society of castes appears

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consistent and rational to those who live in it. In my opinion, the fact is central, nothing more. (ibid.: 82)

Thus, “the basic ideology” of a society is Dumont’s substance; it is the set of common representations, which are shared by all the people, all the classes, a part of the national patrimony and of the common heritage, and consists of the values commonly accepted which transcend the social and geographical differences (see 1972: 311). The difficulty is to re-evaluate the importance of ideology, which is “central” in social life. The problem I, moreover, complicated by Dumont’s approach to the tribal problem. Because, the change of representation of ideology, in some way, provokes the change of society. The problem is biased by the fact that the process of transformation of tribes into castes is not sui generis, as the change is provoked by an exterior force, i.e., the already existing caste system. Therefore, the “conceptions” and values can indeed be modified before there is a significant change in the social relations. The ideology of “pollution” can, for example, precede the division of tribal groups into caste-like segments. While Bailey is concerned with “social relations” and their transformations, Dumont only deals with ideological transformations that he conceives as fundamental. What Dumont is giving us is a sort of indicator, an ideological indicator, of the actual change, which takes place in social system. A good part of our discussion will be to demonstrate that the acceptance of a caste ideology becomes really significant where there is a parallel change in the social structure. A social group may have some conception of pollution but it comes operative and central only when it is accompanied by a change in their social relations. Form a tribal group becomes a caste not only when it acknowledges the pure/impure dichotomy, but when it has split off from the main body of the tribe and forms a separate unit. The merit of Dumont is to show that it is difficult to dissociate caste from its ideology. By becoming a caste, a group must accept or has accepted the caste ideology.

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2.4

Notion of Tribe and Its Utility

Before analysing the main characteristics of tribal groups and their transformation, it is now necessary to synthesize a few problems about the notion of tribe and its utility. M. Godelier (1973) has argued that the concept of tribe was almost an empty category or had too many heterogeneous features to be useful. All it can do is to give us a few empirical features without “structural causality”. The “tribe” is an “empirical concept” as opposed to a “scientific” one, which has an explanatory value. But we have stressed the fact that the concept of tribe in India would be defined beyond the level of the catalogue. Godelier’s fears were expressed by Leach in the following terms: It may be that to create a class labeled MATRILINEAL SOCIETIES is an irrelevant for our understanding of social structure as the creation of a class BLUE BUTTERFLIES is irrelevant for the understanding of the anatomical structure of lepidoptora. (1961: 4)

One could replace the notion of matrilineal society by that of tribe and see what is at stake here. We think that, in India at least, the concept of tribe may be of some help for our understanding of social change and of the integration of social units into the caste system. By reading the above quotation, one could suspect that Leach also went to war against concepts like that of tribe. In his monograph on the Kachins, he indeed wrote: The ordinary ethnographic convention as to what constitutes a culture or a tribe are hopelessly inappropriate. (Leach, 1977: 281)

What Leach is asserting is the “lack of coincidence” between the “boundaries” of cultural and structural phenomena. The use of conventional social units only serves to obscure the analysis. So much so, the anthropologist should be concerned with structural phenomena and not with cultural ones, which are not sociologically significant. While “caste” is a structural phenomenon (Leach, 1960), “tribe” is only a cultural one. The category of tribe, or say the “Bhils”, as a cultural unit, offers major advantages in a diachronic perspective. It allows us to diachronically connect the sections of the Hills with the sections of the Plains and therefore to grasp a process of transformation.

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Leach has stressed the negative connotation of the concept of tribe: a Kachin is above all a “non-Shan”, just as a Bhil is a “non-Hindi”. We can see that the tribals of Western India can similarly be identified as living outside the caste system and having escaped the mainstream of Hindu civilization. Their identity is often negative. The implication of what Leach is saying is, in the last analysis, that there is nothing like Bhil social structure. The Bhils as a tribal group are divided between sections some of whom are integrated into the caste system, while others, isolated in the hills, have something like a “segmentary political organization”. Morton Fried (1967: 17) has defended the view that the “tribal stage” does not mean anything and diverts attention from more important questions: How does ranking begin? How does stratification get its start? In India, it is only by accepting the notion of tribe that one can best answer such a question. G. Fussman (1977) in an article takes such a position and shows that the study of tribal people can throw a new light on the foundations of the caste system. Sanskrit texts, he says, only come from Brahmanic and priestly circles and therefore give a partial view of Indian religions. The Kafirs from Hindu Kush occupy a privileged place in the study of South Asia since they are so-called “Aryan invaders” who never penetrated Punjab and therefore escaped Vedic religion. Fussman reports that the Kafirs have, for example, a system close to the varna system. Notions of purity are, however, foreign to the Kafirs and, if it is so, it means that the pure/impure opposition is not the origin of the caste system but only an ideology, which was later grafted on it (Fussman, 1977: 65). Here, one must point out that Fussman tends to agree with the position that the change of ideology becomes significant when it is accompanying by a change in the social relations. Evans-Pritchand (1962) has shown in THE NUER (1974: 49) that there is nothing arbitrary in the definition of a tribe: the opposition between segments of the tribe seems to be of the same character as the opposition between the tribe and its Dinka neighbours. Therefore, a political system is always an equilibrium between opposed tendencies towards fission and fusion, the tendency towards segmentation being the fundamental principle of their social structure. In Western India also, we must note that there is a process of fission, which is mainly caused by contacts with the caste system. There is a constant shift towards smaller units. We may accept Sahlin’s definition (1968) of the tribe as a segmentary political system. It is true that such a broad definition includes many

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heterogeneous societies (Dolo, 1967: 90). But, at least in the Indian context, it is an empirical concept which can be very helpful principally in the study of diachrony. We may use Bailey’s criterion as the means to distinguish tribe from caste. We tend to agree with Dumont that once a group thinks of itself as a caste, i.e., when it acknowledges its ideology, it is very likely that it has actually become a caste if there has been a change in its institutions. Caste ideology appears to be the driving force of the change. The concept of tribe in India implies a certain form of quality. The most significant change affecting tribal societies is their integration into a hierarchical order. The whole transition from tribe to caste is indeed a process of increasing inequality.

2.5

Crimes Among the Tribes

Our knowledge of violent crime in aboriginal India is still elementary. Historically, the most sensational conflict between a tribe and aboriginals and the then British Government was over the Meriah sacrifices offered by the Kond up to the middle of the last century. An admirable summary of the ideas underlying the sacrifices and the rites accompanying them is given by Frazer (who bases his story on the records of Campbell and Macpherson) in THE GOLDEN BOUGH.1 The sacrifices were offered to the earth goddess, and were believed to ensure good crops, and immunity from all diseases and accidents. In particular, they were considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the Konds arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep red colour without the shedding of blood. Infanticide was at one time fairly common among certain aboriginals and has been recorded for, among others, the Irula of the Nilgiri Mountains, the Toda, the Kond and the Kallan. The practices of this last tribe have been described by Thurston: It is stated by Orme, on the authority of the Jesuit Martin, that the fury of revenge operates so strongly among the ‘Coleries’ (Kallan) that a man, for a slight affront, has been known to murder his wife and all his children, merely to have the atrocities satisfaction of compelling his adversary to commit like murders on his own family. The former practice of infanticide by the Kallans is dealt with at great length in the Manual of the Madura District, where it is stated, one, the authority of the survey, account, that ‘a horrible’ custom exists among the females of the colleries. When a quarrel

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of dissension arise between them, the insulated woman brings her child to the house of the aggressor, and kills at her door to avenge herself although her vengeance is attended with the most cruel barbarity. She immediately thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all her goods. In this attempt, she is opposed by her neighbours, which gives rise to clamour and outrage. The complaint is then carried to the head Ambalacaur, who lays it before the elders of the village, and solicits their interference to terminate the quarrel. In the course of this investigation, if the husband finds that sufficient evidence has been brought against his wife that she had given cause for provocation and aggression, he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his house, and brings one of his children, and in the presence of witnesses, kills his child at the door of the woman, who had first killed her child at his. By this mode of proceeding, he considers that he has saved himself much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have developed on him. This circumstance is soon brought to the notice of the tribunal, who proclaim that the offence committed is sufficiently avenged. But, should this voluntary retribution of revenge not be executed by the convicted person, the tribunal is prolonged to a limited period, generally fifteen days. Before the expiration of that period, one of the children of the convicted person must be killed. At the same time, he is to bear all expenses for providing food for the assembly during these days’.2

The Wynad Paniyan, at one time, had a bad reputation and it was not unusual for people to come long distances to engage them in the task of carrying out some more than usually desperate robbery or murder. ‘Their mode of procedure, when engaged in an enterprise of this sort, is evidenced by two cases which had in them a strong element of savagery. On both these occasions, the thatched homesteads were surrounded at the dead of night by gangs of Paniyans carrying large bundles of ricestraw. After carefully piling up the straw on all sides of the building marked for destruction, torches were, at a given signal, applied, and those of the wretched inmates who attempted to escape were knocked on the head with clubs, and thrust into the fiery furnace’.3 The Bhanutu were equally savage in their methods. If resistance was shown, they were merciless; indeed, one particular gang send to Port Blair had committed over fifty murders in one series of outrages. As they were working against time, cruel and violent methods were often adopted to compel the victims to reveal the hiding-places of their treasure, such as forcing women to sit on burning charcoal. Rape was common. The traditional weapon of attack was a short hard stick,

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thrown with tremendous force, while the lathi was used for defense. In more recent years, however, guns have been adopted and Khaki worn. Having secured their plunder, they buried it immediately in the vicinity to avoid any incriminating evidence and dispersed. In the event of a murder being committed, no serious action is taken, though it is regarded as PAP or sin, and if a stranger has been murdered, the murderer distributes gur among the neighbourhood. This costs Rs. 1040. Should one of the tribe, however, be murdered, the murderer must give a feast costing Rs. 101.4

The outlook of the Criminal Tribes on crime is, however, entirely different from that of the ordinary aboriginal. Ananthakrishna Iyer describes the attitude of the Korava, a Criminal Tribe of Mysore. ‘On a careful examination of the ethics of the Korava and allied tribes, it will be found that theft is a sporting method of making a living, and not a crime as understood u the rest of the society. To them, it is a love of adventure. If Korava has bad luck and goes to jail, it is a part of his life which must be endured, but he hopes for good luck in his attempts to escape. He believes it is right to steal. When a Korava had committed a theft, he sometimes volunteers to help the police in hunting down the culprit and knowing all the facts, puts them off the scent, and crime goes unpunished’.5 This could not be given as a description of, for example, the Bison-horn Maria. These Criminal Tribes are distributed throughout India and many of them have been carefully studied by police officers.6 The Thug stranglers were made the subject of a sensational book by Meadows Taylor. But most of these Criminal Tribes are not really aboriginals, but offshoots of the lower Hindu castes. One of the few real aboriginal Criminal Tribes was the Pardhan. But their main interest lay in cheating and theft, and today the great majority of them have settled down to a peaceful and law-abiding life. In Assam, Naga head-hunters have advanced to modern Europe without the help of either education or parliamentary institutions. The Bhil at one time were greatly feared for their ferocity, and there were some famous Bhil dacoits. It is said ‘in former times, when the Bhil seized a whole herd, they sometimes offered a human sacrifice to the Mata of the thieves. They then killed the shepherd near the Mata a sacrifice. The sacrifice was also conducted in another way. The shepherd was taken to the top of a steep hillock. His legs and arms were tied and he was rolled down the hill. These practices have been abandoned. A common vow taken in honour of the Mata is to burn seven hills or to burn seven

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houses. When the grass on the jungle is dry, they set fire to it in seven different places so as to destroy as much as possible. These acts are done presumably to obtain help of the Mata or to thank her for the success of a plundering expedition’.7 Such behaviour was probably due rather to a reaction against the cruel and savage treatment the Bhil suffered at the hands of Maratha than to any inborn viciousness in the race. So too the rebellions of the Santal, Munda, Maria and other tribes are evidence not so much of their own lawlessness as of the lawlessness of those who oppressed them and drove them to despair. For, in India, generally, the aboriginals have had a high reputation for their pacific and kindly character. Hutton speaks of ‘the natural truthfulness and honesty of the tribesmen’. Forsyth declares that ‘the aborigine is the most truthful of beings and rarely denies either a money obligation or a crime really chargeable against him’.8 Majumdar quotes Major Roughsedge as being so pleased with the independent bearing of the Ho that he declared them to be as much superior to their brethren of Chota Nagpur as ‘wild buffaloes to the village herd’. Colonel Tickell also was so much impressed with ‘their love for truth, their honesty, their obliging willingness and their happy ingenious disposition, that he would rather see them remain lawless than be brought under British courts of justice which might end in destroying their virtues’.9 Of the Kachari, the missionary Endle speaks very highly. Apart from their love of rice-beer, he observes: It is pleasing to be able to say that among them are to be found many simple virtues of great price, honesty, truthfulness, straightforwardness and a general trust-worthiness deserving of all honour. In illustration of their simple truthfulness, even when involving serious consequences to themselves, the writer recalls a story that was told him some years ago by an officer0in-charge of the subdivision of Mangaldai, the late A.J. Primrose, I.C.S. a Kachari of Sekhar Mauza was brought before this magistrate on a charge (manslaughter) involving a very heavy penalty, when he without hesitation admitted his guilt, though the evidence against him was of the slightest, or at least utterly insufficient to secure a conviction. The relations of the sexes too are on the whole of a very sound and wholesome character, far more so probably than in many countries boasting of a higher civilization.10

Colonel Ward described the Baiga in 1870 as ‘wild as the forests they live in … they are independent, high spirited… very well-behaved, ready

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to oblige, and deserving every consideration for their orderly manner of life’.11 Regarding the Dhombs, says R.H. Campbell, ‘the agency hillmen are the most honest and law-abiding people that I have ever had to deal with, and are singularly truthful. In the Gudeme Hills, there are practically no police stations. Thefts and robberies are unknown, and the only crime ever committed is an occasional murder induced by jealousy’.12 Unhappily, these virtues disappear at the first touch of ‘improvement’ and civilization. ‘The Bhils’, says C.S. Venkatachar, ‘are truthful unless spoiled by being ‘Civilized’’.13 P.O. Bodding says that the Santals are truthful and honest so long as they speak their own tongue but they ‘are especially lying when they use not their own, but the Bengali or Hindi languages which they are taught at school’.14 K. Gavinda Menon has a sombre picture of the Kadar of Cochin: If the physical health of the Kadar has been undermined and ruined almost permanently as a result of their contact with the people of the low country, their moral health has been deeply tainted by the same influence. When the dark avenues of the primeval forests echoed under the treat of the greedy contractor and his assistants and the screech of the steam engine of the Forest Tramway first reverberated through the hills and vales, they proclaimed that Civilized Man, the Destroyer, had set his foot within the fair precincts of the Kadar’s domains. It was observed that the lust of the people from the plains did not leave Kadar women alone. Promiscuous intercourse for years between the new arrivals and these women has infected the whole tribe with syphilis, the first fruit of civilization. The primitive purity of the Kadar women was tainted for ever and their ideals of chastity have been brought into adjustment with those of the low class people of the plains with whom they were brought into touch. Moral and physical deterioration has followed and the rising generations show mixed and tainted blood. The employment of Kadar labour in the coffee estate of the Nelliampathi Hill has very much aggravated the evil. In these estates, the Kadar come into contact with Tamil labourers of the lowest classes. The surroundings, food, and other influences in this new sphere are entirely different from those the Kadar are generally accustomed to. There is free scope to indulge in arrack and opium in the estates, and the Kadar try to ape the filthy ways of the dissolute Tamil labourers. The Kadar children born in the estate are all tainted and cannot be distinguished from the puny and sickly progeny of the Tamil labourer.15

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C. Von Furer-Haimendorf gives an interesting account of the effect of official interference of the incidence of violence among the Chenchu: Within the last few years, numerous cases of murder and manslaughter committed by the Chenchu of Kurnool have come into court and the majority were crimes passionels, both victims and accused being Chenchu. Rape and attempted rape are by no means are occurrences and are summarily dealt with by the Foresters in charge of the settlements. Cases of incendiarism out of revenge of personal hate are fairly frequent but they seldom steal from each other. It would appear that economic motives play little part in the cases of murder and incendiarism, and we may therefore question how it is that the Chenchu, who in the jungles of Hyderabad are quite capable of settling their quarrels peacefully, should have so many murderers within their ranks in Kurnool. They only answer which presents itself to this disturbing question is that the process of gathering into large settlements has undermined their own social organization and no new system has yet been evolved to replace the old order. In their pristine state, they are individualists and any man in disagreement with the other members of his group separates from them and joins another group. Thus, friction is avoided and the expedient of flight saves many the bitterness of a long drawn out quarrel, absence of blunting hate and personal jealousies. But in Kurnool, the Chenchus are unable and indeed forbidden to leave their villages and settle elsewhere while their traditional customs, which were sufficient to check outbreaks of violence on the case of small groups of closely related families, prove inadequate to govern the relations between the members of large communities. In the old times, for instance, interference with married women was limited by the fact that the women of a man’s local group were usually either his clan-sisters or the wives of his brothers of first cousins and that distance rendered intrigues with other women comparatively different. Now-a-days, however, the inhabitants of a settlement consist of members of many clans between whom there appears to exist little of the cohesion and mutual loyalty necessary for a healthy community life.16

The Committee for the study of Suicide, established in New York in 1963, included in its aims Ethnological Studies, or ‘comprehensive investigation of suicide among primitive races; for, this is a rather frequent occurrence among many primitive races still extant and when studies many throw some light on suicide as a psycho-biological phenomenon’.17 At about the same time, Laubscher in South Africa was also urging

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the importance of such studies: ‘It is generally believed that the rate of suicide increases with civilization. For this reason, I consider that whatever evidence can be produced about suicide in a preliterate culture is of great importance to psychiatry’.18 In aboriginal India, however, this subject has been almost entirely neglected. The attention of scholars has been diverted by the better documented and sensational examples of ceremonial or religious suicide. Thus, there is ample literature on Sati, the custom, whereby a widow committed herself to die on her husband’s pyre19 ; on the ceremony of Traga, a form of suicide in defence of property or principle20 ; on the process of Dharna, sometimes practiced by a creditor to extort his dues from a recalcitrant debtor21 ; on the ‘awfully austere rite of Johur’, whereby thousands of Rajput women annihilated themselves rather than face captivity; on the ceremonial suicides beneath the wheels of the car of Jagannatha at puri22 ; A place of significance for suicides was the Daitya ka Har, or Devil’s defeat; hence those desiring children hurled themselves down and occasionally escaped.23 Another such place was behind the peak of Kedar, where the Pandavas nullified themselves.24 But of suicide as the fruit of ordinary despair or domestic tragedy, we have few records from India, least of all from among her tribal people. The great volumes of the Ethnographic Survey are practically silent on this and there is not a single word about the subject in the works of Sarat Chandra Roy. About the tribes of peninsular India, we have no detailed studies at all, but there is hardly any hint as regard their suicide situation. For the tribes of India’s borders, we have a trickle of more information. Man declared that suicide was unknown among the Andaman Islanders, until after had come into contact with ‘the alien population’.25 Among the Vedda, the Sligmans tell us, suicide is rare; however, they record one case where a wife openly insulted her husband over his intrigue with another woman, when the husband felt so disgraced by the publicity that he shot himself to death with a gun.26 Among the Lepeha, however, suicide is said to be ‘fairly frequent’. Each one of the six cases recorded by Gorer occurred ‘immediately subsequent to a public reproof, where five of the six were relatively young men, the sixth being a young girl who drowned herself after being reproved for laziness and promiscuity’. Gorer heard of one case of suicide from grief. Women kill themselves by drowning, while men generally do so with the aconite poison they use on their arrows.27

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In Assam, suicide is common only among the Lhota Naga. Mills speaks of ‘the extraordinary readiness’ and the extremely trivial grounds of the suicides in this tribe. ‘I have known a man hanged himself because the elders of his village fined him fifteen rupees, a sum he could well afford to pay. Usually however, love affairs are the causes, and cases of lovers, who for some reason or other cannot marry, take poison together and die. Little though he knows or cares of the details of the life hereafter, the Lhota never doubts that there is such a life, and lovers die professing their sure faith that they will be reunited beyond the grave’.28 The method of suicide is to take poison made from the root of a common flowering plant called rhisa.29 It is taken as liquor, and death follows intoxication.30 Among certain other Naga tribes, suicide is said to be rare, as it is an apodictic death, accursed and contagious, in that the body must be buried at the back of the house or in a broken ground where men do not walk about.31 Hutton only knew if three such deaths among the Angami Naga. One of them was that of a man heavily indebted.32 To the Rengma Naga, in their natural state, ‘suicide seems to be absolutely unknown’. Mills knew of only one case, that a Rengma, who had become a Baptist Christian.33 Among the Lakher also, suicide is very rare. After an experience of many years, Parry could recollect one case only.34 Suicide for erotic causes has been reported for the Badaga girls of the Nilgiri Hills who sometimes poison themselves when betrothed against their will: ‘very little provocation is needed to induce a Badaga woman to destroy herself’35 ; and in old Tamil love-poems, there are allusions to an ancient practice of a disappointed lover proclaiming his love in public before committing suicide.36 And Dalton writes: The extreme sensitiveness of the both men and women is sometimes very painfully exhibited in the analysis of the numerous cases of suicide that every year occur. A harsh word to a woman never provides a report but it causes in the person offensive addressed, a sudden depression of spirits or vehement outbreak of grief, which few persons would a second time care to provoke. If a girl appears mortified by anything that has been said, it is not safe to let her go away till she is soothed. A reflection on a man’s honesty or veracity may be sufficient to send him to self-destruction. In a recent case, a young woman attempted to prison herself, because her uncle would not partake of the food she had cooked for him. The police returns of Singhbhum show that in the nine years, from 1860 to 1869, 186 men and women committed suicide in that district.37

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2.6

Crimes Among Criminal Tribes

Tribals are different from Criminal Tribes. As mentioned earlier, there are nearly four million tribals said to be living through the means of criminal activities. But in fact, all the criminals are not living by criminal means alone. But the kith and kin belonging to the criminals under C.T. Act, 1871, are said to be Criminal Tribes. They are professional criminals and continue the same profession for generations. It is difficult to know about the early history of Criminal Tribes. Some historians like Risely (1908)38 sociologists like Ghurye (1949)39 and others say that they were the original inhabitants of India. Bhowmick (1963), Simhadri (1979), Varrier Elwin (1950) and a host of others opined the same. Simhadri calls them Bhumiputras (Son of the soil) of India. Bhumiputras include Scheduled Castes (former untouchable groups), Scheduled Tribes and Denotified Tribes. To sum up, this chapter is devoted to review the literature on tribes and on criminal behaviour of Criminal Tribes to throw some light on the subject. Since we are dealing with Andhra Pradesh, it is felt necessary to narrate the social profile of the region under study, which gives us the background in which the Denotified Tribes are placed. Notes and References 1. See Sir, J.G. Frazer, The Golden Bough (2nd edition), Vol. II, pp. 241f; J. Cambell, A Personal Narrative of Thirteen Years’ Service Amongst the Wild Tribes of Khondistan (London, 1864); S.C. Macpherson, Memories of Service in India (London, 1865); S.C. Roy, “Ethnography in Old Official Records”, Man in India, Vol. II (1922), pp. 78ff and other works. 2. Thurston, Ethnographic: Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1907), pp. 503ff. 3. E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), Vol. VI, p. 60f. 4. C.J. Bonington, Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part III-B, p. 37. 5. L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer, The Mysore Tribes and Castes (Mysore, 1930), Vol. III, p. 612ff. 6. A useful brief account is given in B.S. Haikerwal, Economic and Social Aspects of Crime in India (London, 1934). 7. C.S. Venkatachar in Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part III-B, p. 56.

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8. J. Forsyth, The Highlands of Central India (London, 1871), p. 164. 9. D.N. Majumdar, A Tribe in Transition (London, 1937), p. 37. 10. Sidney Endle, The Kacharis (London, 1911), pp. 2ff. 11. H.C.E. Ward, Report on the Land Revenue Settlement of the Mundlah District (Bombay, 1870), p. 36. 12. R.H. Campbell, “The Wild Tribes of the Vizagapatnam Hills”, Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society (Bangalore, 1917), Vol. III, p. 3ff. 13. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part III-B, p. 56. 14. Ibid., p. 105. 15. K.G. Menon in Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part III-B, p. 215ff. 16. C. Von Furer-Haimendarf, “The Fortunes of a Primitive Tribe”, The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. III (1943), p. 402ff. 17. Medical Review of Reviews (New York, April 1936), p. 169ff. 18. Laubscher, op. cit., p. 290. 19. A full account of the literature will be found in N.M. Penzer, The Ocean of Story (London, 1925), Vol. IV, p. 255ff. 20. R.V. Russell and Hiralal, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India (London, 1916), Vol. II, p. 259ff. 21. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 265ff. 22. Sir W.W. Hunter, Orissa (London, 1872), Vol. I, p. 305ff. Hunter rightly contests the Cruickshank0illustrated exaggerations of Thackeray, who describes ‘the hideous moving palace, the horrible body-crusher, under which unhappy millions were crushed to death’ with the ‘insignificant’ number of actual cases ‘registered by the dispassionate candour of English officials’. Another write who exploited this these was Charlotte Bronte, who speaks of ‘the prostrate votary’ before the ‘anhilating craunch’. 23. J. Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (London, 1829032), Vol. II, p. 681, who also gives several accounts of the Johur. 24. W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India (Westminister, 1896), Vol. I, p. 256; G.W. Traill and J.H. Batten, Statistical Sketch of Kumaun (Agra, 1851), p. 58; E.T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Districts (Allahabad, 1882), Vol. II, p. 773ff. 25. E.H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, J.A.L., Vol. XII, p. 111. 26. V.G. and B.Z. Seligman, The Veddas (Cambridge, 1911), p. 88. 27. G. Gorer, Himalayan Village (London, 1938), p. 269ff.

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28. J.P. Mills, The Lhota Nagas (London, 1922), p. 20ff. 29. Ibid., p. 82. 30. J.H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas (London, 1921), p. 229. 31. J.H. Hutton, The Sema Nagas (London, 1921), p. 262. 32. The Angami Nagas, p. 229. 33. J.P. Mills, The Rengma Nagas (London, 1937), p. 221. 34. N.E. Parry, The Lakhers (London, 1932), p. 265. 35. J.F. Metz, The Tribes Inhalating the Neilgherry Hills (Mangalore, 1864), p. 75. 36. Kanakasabhai Pillai, The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago (Madras, 1984), p. 123. 37. E.T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1871), p. 206. 38. Risely, Sir Herbert, The People of India, Thacker, Sprink and Company, Calcutta, 1908. 39. Ghurye, G.J. The Aboriginals: So-called and Their Future, Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1949.

CHAPTER 3

Social and Historical Profile of the Larger Study Area—The State of Andhra Pradesh

3.1

Social Profiling

This chapter presents an account of the social profile of the State of Andhra Pradesh1 in India, along with the crime situation prevalent in the region. This information works out as background data to know about the Denotified Tribes and the situation prevalent in the State. 3.1.1

Origin and the People

The State was formed on 1 November 1956 under the States Reorganization Act, when the erstwhile Hyderabad state was dismembered into three linguistic areas, the Marathi-speaking area getting merged with Maharashtra, the Kannada-speaking area tagged on to Karnataka, while Telangana, the Telugu-speaking area, was merged into the Andhra State, on 1 October 1953, the new State names as Andhra Pradesh. Subsequently, on 2 June 2014, the State of Andhra Pradesh was bifurcated into two States of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. However, as the material presented in this book has relevance to the erstwhile combined State of Andhra Pradesh this chapter presents the socio-economic conditions of the then State of Andhra Pradesh. 1 The details presented in this chapter pertains to the combined State of Andhra Pradesh as the work carried out was in the context of combined State of Andhra Pradesh

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_3

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3.1.2

Civil Divisions

Andhra Pradesh had 23 districts, which fall into the three regions viz. Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana. There were nine districts in Coastal Andra, i.e., Srikakulam, Vizayanagaram, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Prakasam, and Nellore, while four districts make Rayalaseema region, i.e., Kurnool, Cuddapah, Ananthapur and Chittoor and ten districts relate to Telangana, i.e., Hyderabad, Ranga Reddy, Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar, Khammam, Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Medak and Adilabad. 3.1.3

Demographic Profile

3.1.3.1 People As for the population of the State, according to 1981 census, there were 53,549,673, i.e., 7.82 per cent of the country’s population of 685,184,692. In 1971 census, the State’s population was 43,502,708 as against India’s 548,159,662. The annual growth rate during the study period (1971–1981) was about 2.3 per cent. As per 2011 census the population of Andhra Pradesh has increased to 84,580,777 which forms 6.99 per cent of Indian population. 3.1.3.2 Sex Ratio In Andhra Pradesh, male population (27,108,922) was dominant over females (26,440,751). The ratio was 975 females for every 1000 males (934 in India). Sex ratio has improved to 977 according to 1971 census. By 2011 census the average sex ratio had increased to 993 with male population at 42,442,146 and female population at 42,138,631. 3.1.3.3 Urban and Rural According to 1961 census the rural population of 41,062,097 was 76.5 per cent of the total population and the urban population was 12,487,576 which is 23.25 per cent of the total. In 1971 census, it was 80.89 per cent and 19.31 per cent, respectively. According to 2011 census the rural population has declined to 66.64 per cent indicating significant urbanization.

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55

3.1.3.4 Literacy The literacy rate was 29.44 per cent in 1981 as against 24.57 per cent as per 1971 census. It was 31.23 per cent in India and the rural rate was 23.34 per cent and it was 51.99 per cent in the urban areas. According to the 2011 census the total literacy rate of Andhra Pradesh is 67.02 per cent which is less than average literacy rate, 72.98 per cent, of India. Also the male literacy rate is 74.88 per cent and the female literacy rate is 59.15 per cent. Rural and urban literacy rates have improved to 60.45 per cent and 80.09 per cent, respectively. 3.1.3.5 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Consisting of 59 castes, Scheduled Caste population was 14.87 per cent of whom male population outnumbered females in 1961. Contributing 20.67 per cent of the district’s populations, Nellore District tops the list, and with 9.18 per cent, Srikakulam district was the least. The share of population of these social groups in total population of Andhra Pradesh has increased to 16.41 per cent by 2011 census. With 33 tribes, the Scheduled Tribe population was 5.93 per cent, of whom males were dominant. With 24.55 per cent of the district’s population, Khammam District topped the list and Krishna District with 2.2 per cent stood last. The share of population of these social groups in total population of Andhra Pradesh has increased to 7 per cent by 2011 census.

3.2

Historical Backdrop 3.2.1

Ancient Period

The State of Andhra Pradesh covers a major part of the Deccan. Hence, in tracing the history of the State, the dynasties which rules over a major part of the Deccan require mention. The earliest historical reference to the Deccan, known as the Dakshinapatha in the ancient period, is in Aitareya Brahmans (assigned to 800 BC), which also refers to various tribes of people living there, such as the Andhras, the Pulindas, the Sabaras, etc. Later a greater portion of the Deccan appears to have come under the rule of the Mauryan Kings. Megasthanes, the Greek, who visited the royal court of Chandragupta Maurya (322–297 BC) referred to Andhras as a power with 1000 elephants, 3000 horses and one lakh infantry. The existence of an Andhra kingdom on the banks of the River Godavari is mentioned in

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several Buddhist works of that period. Asoka described Andhras as his subordinates, in his thirteenth rock-edict. 3.2.1.1 Satavahanas Inscriptional and other types of evidence indicate that the Satavahanas, also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis, ruled over a major part of the present State from about the third century B.C. for nearly 400 years. The Matsya Purana lists 29 kings in the dynasty and cities Simuka, as the first king. King Simuka is regarded as having flourished in the third century B.C. (271–248 BC). He seems to have overthrown the yoke of the Mauryas. The next great king in line was Satakarni, the Supreme ruler of Dakshinapatha, who conquered Western Malwa/ the greatest of the Satavahanas was Gautami Putra Satakarni, the 23rd king in the line. He reigned in the first century A.D. (62 AD–86 AD) and was succeeded by his son, Vasisthiputra Sri Pulumavi, while Yagnasri was the last important ruler. Nothing is known about this dynasty after 227 A.D. There are conflicting views about the capital of this dynasty. Their original capital appears to have been Srikakulam in Divi Taluk in Krishna District. Also, Dharanikota in Guntur District, Dharmapuri in Karimnagar District and Paithan in Aurangabad District of Maharashtra State were also capitals in different times. The Satavahan coins bear the picture of a three-masted ship, indicating maritime trade at that time. The discovery of Roman coins relating to this period confirms this. The seeds for short story writing were sown at this time. Hala, the 17th ruler, wrote in Prakrit, a story in 700 poems, called Gathasaptasati. Brihatkatha was a collection of stories, also in Prakrit, authored by Gunadhya, his Minister. The Buddhist savant, Nagarjuna composed many Sanskrit works like the Praja Paramita Sastra, Mulamadhyamika Sastra, Dvadas Nikaya Sastra, Suryasaptathi and Suhrilloka, about the close of the Satavahana era. Numerous caves were excavated in this period and used either as Buddhist temples or residences for Buddhist monks. The Maha Chaitya at Bhattiprolu and Amaravati and the Guntupalle caves are some of them. 3.2.1.2 End of Ancient Period The decay of the Cholas in the thirteenth century took place. The Imperial Cholas, who overran Andhra Desa, left it to their feudatories in lieu of nominal allegiance. The foremost among the feudatories were the Velanki

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57

Cholas of Tsandavolu in Guntur District, who were content to be nominally recognized as superiors. The feudatories frequently fought among themselves. Srinatha, the king of romantic poetry in Telugu, immortalized one such battle, the Palnati Yuddam. The Kakatiyas were originally the feudatories of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyan. The dynasty was founded by Gunduraja at Ekasilanagaram near Warangal, which was their capital. Ganapati Deva (1199–1262 AD), the 9th ruler, brought the whole of Telugu land into one kingdom. His daughter, Rudramamba also called Rudra Maharaja (1262–1289 AD), who succeeded him was the first Telugu woman ruler to rule a Kingdom. She was a great warrior and worsted the Cholas and Yadavas. Her grandson, Prataparudra, who succeeded her in 1289 AD extended the western border of the kingdom to Raichur. Even though the Muslim thrust started in the tenth century A.D., in the North, it got stabilized in the south, including Andhra Pradesh, for a period of six hundred years, ending with the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 A.D. into the Muslim Courts, the Britishers started trickling in with form of traders in the beginning. 3.2.2

British Rule and Impacts

The motivation behind the formation of the British East India Company, which conquered India, was just five shillings. The Dutch, who then controlled the spice trade, increased the price of pepper by five shillings a pound. Piqued by this 24 merchants in London gathered on 24 September 1599 and founded a trading firm with an initial capital of 72,000 pounds, subscribed by 125 share-holders. Profit and not conquest was the motive. But, in less than a century, this company of traders became a sovereign power, intelligently exploiting the squabbles of petty sovereigns and the conditions that existed then. 3.2.2.1 Effects of British Rule The Industrial Revolution in Britain, when machinery and railways were introduced, coinciding with the British occupation of India, and particularly in Andhra Pradesh. The cheap machine-made British goods flooded the “protected” Indian market and ruined all Indian industries. The Muslims of Srikakulam, the chintzes of Machilipatnam, the romals of Nellore, the carpets of Eluru and the coloured blankets of Kurnool

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had a ready market, both foreign and local. They were the chief articles bought by the British East India Company in the seventeenth century for export. The British Company imposed excessive transit duties and Muturpha, an impost on the looms, and consequently hundreds of weavers lost their livelihood and migrated to Sri Lanka, Burma, etc., to work as coolies. 3.2.3

Freedom Movement—Andhra Area

In the nation’s struggle for freedom, Andhra’s participation was second to none. Even earlier than 1885, when the Indian National Congress was born, many associations were formed by the Andhras, for political and other purposes. Madras Mahajana Sabha was formed in May 1884 and it was the most well-known association among them. When the Indian National Congress was formed in 1885 in Bombay, many delegates from Machilipatnam, Cuddapah and Ananthapur attended the session. Prominent among the delegates were P. Rangaiah Naidu, Nyapathi Subba Rao of Rajahmundry, P. Anantacharyulu and P. Parthasarathy Naidu. P. Anantacharyulu presided over the Nagpur session of the Congress in 1891. In the wake of the formation of the Indian National Congress, many district associations were formed. The first in the entire Madras Presidency was the Krishna District Association formed in 1892. At the midnight of 14 August1947 (15th August), India became independent. Lord Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy, became the First Governor-General and Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of free India. 3.2.3.1 Sreeramulu’s Martyrdom There were many travails for Andhra State even before India got Independence. But Andhras could not succeed. But even as the trials continued and when there was no success, Potti Sreeramulu, a champion for the cause of separate Andhra began his fast on 19 October 1952 at Madras to achieve the formation of Andhra State and on the night of 15 December 1952, he attained martyrdom. The whole of Andhra erupted in anger. Nehru announced in the Lok Sabha on 19 December 1952 that a separate Andhra State would be created.

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3.2.4

59

Formation of Andhra Pradesh State

After the formation of Andhra State, the next step was naturally the formation of Visalandhra. It was but fair that Telugus, divided by alien rule, should come together. After the formation of Andhra State, the demand for the formation of other linguistic States also gained momentum. Hence, the Government of India set up a State Reorganization Commission in December 1953 with Saiyid Fazal Ali, as Chairman, which recommended for the formation of Andhra Pradesh on 1 November 1956. There has been a demand for separate statehood for Telangana and in the year 2014, the Government of India divided the State of Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and the Residual State of Andhra Pradesh (Named Andhra Pradesh). Andhra Pradesh State bifurcation into two separate states—Telangana and Andhra Pradesh—was done on 1 June 2014 according to the AP Reorganisation Act, 2014.

3.3

Crime Situation in the Combined State of Andhra Pradesh

The following sections elucidate the crime pattern in the State of Andhra Pradesh. The main focus of the work presented in this book is to analyse Ex-Criminal Tribes and theorize their criminal behaviour. This was done by a primary collection of data at two Criminal Settlements during a particular time period. In order to match with that criminal data in this section was presented only for that period (1982–1986). 3.3.1

Crime Under Indian Penal Code

Even though it is difficult to gauge exactly the crime situation in view of the fact that there are no exact figures available, based on the statistics available in the crime reports maintained by the Government of India in the National Crime Records Bureau, which figures are available only from 1982 to 1986, it is possible to make a rough sketch of it. If we closely look at the percentages of all the types of crimes under Indian Penal Code, there is a constant increase in many of the crimes from 1976 to 1986, though in some crimes the occurrence remained constant. Now let us see about the incidence of murders during the period 1982–1986 in the State of Andhra Pradesh. The murder rate is 1.5 per

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Table 3.1 Percentage distribution of crime under important IPC crime heads during 1982–1986 S. No

Head of crime

1 2

Murder Culpable homicide not amounting to murder Rape Kidnapping and Abduction Dacoity Robbery Burglary Theft Riot Criminal Breach of Trust Cheating Counterfeiting Other IPC offences

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Total

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986

1.5 0.2

1.6 0.2

1.9 0.3

1.9 0.3

1.9 0.3

0.3 1.0 1.1 1.7 12.6 32.2 7.4 1.6 1.4 0.1 38.9 100.0

0.4 1.0 1.1 1.7 12.2 31.5 7.8 1.5 1.3 0.1 39.6 100.0

0.5 1.1 0.9 1.7 10.0 24.3 7.5 1.4 1.4 0.1 48.9 100.0

0.5 1.2 0.8 1.6 9.4 23.9 7.2 1.3 1.5 0.1 50.3 100.0

0.6 1.1 0.7 1.6 9.2 23.0 6.7 1.4 1.6 0.1 51.8 100.0

Source Crime in India, 1986; National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India

cent in 1982, 1.6 per cent in 1983, 1.9 per cent in 1984, 1.9 per cent in 1985 and 1.9 per cent in 1986. Similarly, about culpable homicide not amounting to murder, it was 0.2 per cent in 1982, 0.2 per cent in 1983, 0.3 per cent in 1984, 0.3 per cent in 1985, 0.3 per cent in 1986. In rape, it was 0.3 per cent, 0.4 per cent, 0.5 per cent, 0.5 per cent, 0.6 per cent in 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985 and 1986, respectively. However, regarding dacoity, robberies, burglaries and thefts, there is a visible decline in the occurrence. It would be due to either unreported crime or due to failure of convictions because of non-availability of proper evidence in the court (Table 3.1). In India, the evidence procedure is cumbersome. As such, it is difficult to convict a person in the absence of proper evidence. 3.3.1.1 Crime and Population Table 3.2 reveals the estimated population in mid-year and the rate per one lakh population. Though there is a constant increase in population, the crime situation did not show any increasing trend. For example, the crime incidence is 178.4 per one lakh of population in 1976, 202.5 in

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61

Table 3.2 Incidence of cognizable crime under the Indian Penal Code and population in India from 1976 to 1986 S. No

Year

1 1976 2 1977 3 1978 4 1979 5 1980 6 1981 7 1982 8 1983 9 1984 10 1985 11 1986 Percentage Change in 1986 over 1987

Estimated mid-year population in (Millions)

Total cognizable crime under the IPC

Rate per one lakh of population

613.3 625.8 638.4 651.0 663.6 690.1 705.2 720.4 735.6 750.9 766.1 +24.9

1,093,897 1,267,004 1,344,968 1,336,168 1,368,529 1,385,757 1,353,904 1,349,866 1,358,660 1,384,731 1,405,835 +28.5

178.4 202.5 210.7 205.2 206.2 200.8 192.0 187.4 184.7 184.4 183.5 +2.9

Source Crime in India, 1986; National Crime Records Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India

1977, 210.7 in 1978 and there is a consistent downward trend from 1979 onwards to 1986. During the period from 1976 to 1986, the change in population was 24.9 per cent, whereas cognizable crime rate under Indian Penal Code was 28.5 per cent. By this, one can surmise that the crime trend is visibly increasing in the State. Data are compiled in Table 3.3 to study the major cognizable crimes like murder, dacoity and other offences in the State. The table indicates as if there is a decline in the occurrence of these offences. In 1982, the total offences committed were 25,963 whereas in 1986, these were 20,618, a variation of 5345 offences, less than the offences occurring in 1982. 3.3.1.2 Major Cognizable Crimes When we examine the offences like murder there is an increase. In 1982, there were 1483 murders, whereas in 1986, these were 1597, an increase of 114 murders within five years. This shows a consistent increase in the occurrence of murders. However, in 1983, there were 1401 murders. There was a constant occurrence in case of dacoities though there was a

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Table 3.3 Major cognizable crimes Year

Murder

Dacoity

Robbery

House-breaking

Thefts (Cattle and ordinary)

Total of major crimes

1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

1483 1401 1507 1572 1597

336 434 301 286 334

517 700 543 527 573

6691 6613 5359 5024 6675

16,936 16,815 12,642 12,508 11,439

25,963 25,963 20,352 19,917 20,618

Source Director-General and Inspector-General of Police, Andhra Pradesh

little decline in some years. In robbery, there is an increase, i.e., 517 in 1982, 573 in 1986. In house-breakings, also there is a similar trend. 3.3.1.3 Crime in the Districts On district-wise occurrence of criminality in the State, major cognizable crimes reported totaled 20,618 (Table 3.4), coastal Andhra with 6926, Rayalaseema with 3030 and Telangana with 10,662. In the three regions of Andhra Pradesh the total murders that took place in 1986 were 1597, dacoities 334, robberies 573, house-breakings 6675 and thefts 11,439. The highest crime incidence was theft and next comes house-breakings. Murders seems to be very high. In one year (1986) alone, as many as 1597 murders as already indicated were committed in the State of Andhra Pradesh. 3.3.1.4 Prison Confinement Table 3.5 shows the prisoners’ confinement in the State of Andhra Pradesh in the two years 1986 and 1987. There were 6933 prisoners in 1986 and 7233 in 1987. Out of the 6933 prisoners in 1986, there were 6970 males and 143 females. And in 1987, out of 7233 prisoners, there were 7152 males and 81 females. 3.3.1.5 Monthly Average New Offences Table 3.6 indicates the monthly average of new cases of offences committed in 1986 and 1987. There were 1349 monthly average cases in 1987, of which 1320 are males and 29 females. Out of 1349 cases committed, 428 were offences against person, 514 offences were against property and 407 offences were committed under Special Act.

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Table 3.4 Major cognizable crimes reported district-wise 1986 S.No

District

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Srikakulam Vizayanagaram Visakhapatnam East Godavari West Godavari Krishna Guntur Prakasam Nellore Coastal Andhra Kurnool Ananthapur Cuddapah Chittoor Rayalaseema Rangareddy Hyderabad Nizamabad Medak Mahbubnagar Nalgonda Warangal Khammam Karimnagar Adilabad Telangana Andhra Pradesh

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Murder

Dacoity

Robbery

27 18 43 64 52 81 112 69 61 527 124 108 86 66 384 66 50 99 56 109 63 61 59 63 60 686 1597

1 4 1 1 9 14 19 9 10 68 14 28 16 15 73 26 12 20 11 18 13 20 2 44 27 193 334

2 10 20 8 11 14 69 25 19 178 9 8 8 19 44 56 78 35 29 21 18 36 11 43 24 351 573

HouseThefts breaking (Cattle and ordinary) 76 98 338 122 263 289 374 238 296 2394 182 272 176 364 994 394 1294 266 175 299 164 266 131 185 113 3287 6675

201 236 510 533 377 669 408 455 370 3759 310 318 411 496 1535 374 3133 419 345 417 308 300 340 351 158 6145 11,439

Total

307 366 912 1028 712 1067 982 796 756 6926 639 734 697 960 3.030 916 4567 839 616 864 566 683 543 686 382 10,662 20,618

Source Director-General and Inspector-General of Police, Andhra Pradesh

3.3.2

Social Profiling of Crime Records

Table 3.7 examines the monthly average, age, marital status, employment, education, period of sentence and offences committed. There were no cases reported under 10 years of age. However, there were 275 cases reported between the age-group of 17 to 21 years, 866 in the age-group

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Table 3.5 Number of prisoners confined in the jails on 31 December S. No.

Category of prisoners

No. of prisoners confined 1986

1 2 3 4

Lock-up Lifers Death Detenus Total

1987

Males

Females

Total

Males

Females

Total

5350 1405 18 17 6790

120 22 – 1 143

5470 1427 18 18 6933

5610 1493 30 19 7152

70 11 – – 81

5680 1504 30 19 7233

Source Director-General and Inspector-General of Prisons and Director of Correctional Services, Andhra Pradesh

Table 3.6 Monthly average of new cases of offences committed 1986–1987 S. No.

Category of offence

No. of prisoners confined 1986

1 2 3

Against person Against property Others (Special Act) Total

1987

Males

Females

Total

Males

Females

Total

– – – –

– – – –

– – – –

418 505 397 1320

10 9 10 29

428 514 407 1349

Source Director-General and Inspector-General of Prisons and Director of Correctional Services, Andhra Pradesh

of 21 to 40 years, 199 in the age-group of 40 to 65 and 9 in the agegroup of 65 years and above. Most of the cases were in the age-group of 21 to 40 years (866), followed by the age-group of 40 to 65 years (199). Out of 1349 cases, 815 were married, 534 unmarried, which means that more than half were married. When the employment is examined, situation of the convicts, most of them were unemployed, while 270 were employed. Educationally, many were illiterates (566), 498 with elementary education, 246 with high school education and as many as 39 with collegiate education. In summary, the State of Andhra Pradesh has a unique history possessing various ethnic groups, including the Denotified Tribes, and

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Table 3.7 Monthly average age, marital status, employment, education, period of sentence and offences committed by the admitted prisoners of the year 1987

65

Age

Males

Females

Total

Upto 16 years 17 to 21 years 21 to 40 years 40 to 65 years 65 years and above Total Marital Status Married Unmarried Total Employment Employed Unemployed Total Education Elementary education Secondary education Collegiate education Illiterates Total Period of Sentence Upto 1 month 1 to 6 months 6 months to 1 year 1 to 5 years 5 to 10 years Lifers Death Under-trials Total

– 270 848 193 9 1320

– 5 18 6 – 29

– 275 866 199 9 1349

791 529 1320

24 5 29

815 534 1349

270 1050 1320

– 29 29

270 1079 1349

495 244 39 542 1320

3 2 – 24 29

498 246 39 566 1349

– 580 96 83 19 45 1 496 1320

– 10 – 2 2 2 – 26 29

– 590 96 84 20 46 1 512 1349

Source Director-General of Prisons and Director of Correctional Services, Andhra Pradesh

as examination is made to explain the crime situation in various regions of the study.

CHAPTER 4

Socio-Economic and Criminal Background of the Study Regions

4.1

Guntur District Region 4.1.1

Geo-Political Setting

The district derived its name from Guntur, its headquarters town and is located between the north latitudes of 15°18' and 16°50' and the east longitudes of 79°10' and 80°55' . It is bounded on the north by the Districts of Nalgonda and Krishna, on the east by the Bay of Bengal and the District of Krishna, on the south by the District of Nellore and on the west by the Districts of Nellore, Kurnool and Mahbubnagar. The shape of the district resembles roughly the picture of an open umbrella spread out with the handle pointing out southwards. Various etymological explanations are given for the name of the district. Some believe that the original village was situated on a ‘gunta’ (pond) and hence it was called Guntur. Another explanation is that the village was on a ‘kunta’ (a local unit for measuring land) and it came to be called ‘Kunta or Gunturu’. Yet another version associates the name of the place with the practice of the local kings or chiefs firing a gun to mark midday after which it come to be known as ‘Gundure or Gunturu’. The name ‘Guntur’ is first found mentioned in an inscription relating to the region of Amma I (a Chalukyan ruler during A.D. 92–927), according to which the place formed part of Kanderuvadi Vishaya. Another early inscription to which the name ‘Gunturu’ is prominently mentioned is

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_4

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the one dated s. 1069 (A.D. 1147) on a pillar in the ‘mantapa’ near the Malleswara temple on the hill at Vijayawada (Bezwada).1 According to the Census of 1961, the district ranks first in population2 3,009,900) in the State, while in area (15,032 sq. km.), it takes the ninth place. It consists of the nine taluks of Guntur, Tenali, Bapatla, Repalle, Ongole, Vinukonda, Sattenapalle, Narasaraopet and Palnadu, of which Palnadu is the largest in area, while Guntur is the most populous. On the other hand, Repalle is the smallest in extent, while Vinukonda is the least populous of the taluks. The districts can be broadly divided into three regions: (1) The delta, comprising the taluks of Tenali, Repalle and a major portion of Bapatla and Guntur taluks; (2) The stony uplands and hills, consisting of the southern and western parts of Palnadu taluk, the western portion of Sattenapalle taluk, marking the Kondaveedu (Kondavidu) range and the scattered spurs, the areas occupied by the Chimkurthi (Chimakurthi) hills in Ongole taluk and the extensive low hills in Vinukonda taluk and the open plains covering the rest of the district, abundant in black cotton soils. The district was not a homogenous administrative unit in the past and its various tracts were rules by different dynasties at different periods of time. It continued to be an independent unit till A.D. 1859, when it was divided between the districts of Rajahmundry and Machilipatnam (Masulipatnam), which were renamed Godavari and Krishna, respectively. But various factors contributed to the formation of the new Guntur District3 in 1904, “The construction and extension of the great irrigation system which lead from the Godavari and Krishna rivers, and the increase in work of all kinds which is necessarily the result of improvement in the methods of administration, rendered the task of 1 The spellings in the brackets that are found in the Gazetteer are adopted in the maps prepared by the Survey of India Department. 2 The district occupies 5.45 per cent of the area of the State, while it accounts for 8.37 per cent of its population. 3 The Old Guntur District was formed in A.D. 1794, consequent on the abolition of the Masulipatnam Council due to ‘the corruption and venality of the administration’, and consisted of fourteen taluks, vic. (1) Dachepally (Dachepalle), (2) Timmercottah (Thummuru Kota), (3) Prattepad (Prattipadu), (4) Martoor (Marturu), (5) Mangalagherry (Mangalagiri), (6) Tenally (Tenali), (10) Guntur, (11) Coorapaud (Kurapady), (12) Condaveedu (Kondaveedu), (13) Narasarowper (Narasaraopet) and (14) Inn Condah (Vinukanda).

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efficiently controlling these two wealthy areas more than the Collector could compass. The Godavari District has accordingly now been lightened by the transfer to Kistna of the taluks of Yernagudem, Ellore, Tanuku, Bhimavaram and Narsapur (excluding Nagaram Island), while Kistna has been relieved of the taluks of Tenali, Guntur, Sattenapalle, Palnadu, Bapatla, Narasaraopeta and Vinukonda which, with the Ongole taluk of Nellore, have been formed into the New Guntur District”. 4.1.2

Rivers

The important rivers that traverse the district are the Krishna, the Gundlakamma, the Musi, the Chandravanka and Naguleru. Guntur District may be divided into three distinct regions, physiographically, viz., the mainland, the coastal and delta regions. Factors like the mingling of sweet and saline waters at the confluence of the Krishna with the Bay of Bengal, the wide variations in soil structure ranging from the porous deep infertile sands of the coast and the silty, highly fertile deep moisture-saturated soils of the mainland, the influence of the tides, high and low water-table and the erratic and meagre rainfall have produced different degrees of xerophytism and have resulted in a wide variety of flora seen in the district. 4.1.3

Historical Backdrop

4.1.3.1 Pre-History The district offers some vivid glimpses of the prehistoric past. The Paleolithic age is represented by the paleoliths discovered at Ippaam and Karempudi on the banks of the Naguleru. While the paleoliths at the former place are rude and clumsy, those at the latter are mostly rolled pebble tools. The excavations conducted in the Nagarjunakonda valley also brought to light. Paleolithic tools and a river-bank out into the granitic bedrock. Resting against and partly overlapping, the bank was a pebble-bed covered by talus from an adjacent hills, indicating that the Paleolithic settlement had been established right on the pebble-bed and that the accumulation of the talus was a subsequent event. The Paleolithic tools at this place comprised of hand axe, ovate and cleaver, of which the last outnumbered the rest. Paleolithic tools are reported to have been found at places like Goli, Dharanikota and Chejerla.

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4.1.3.2 The Mauryans The recorded history of the district may, however, be traced to the period when the Mauryans held sway over the region. Chandragupta Maurya, the founder of the Mauryan dynasty, overthrew the Nandas and assumed control over the empire which included a large portion of the Deccan. Asoka, son of successor of Bindusara, who is credited with the conquest of Kalinga, sent missions to various places in and outside India after his conversion to Buddhism. To propagate Asoka’s Dharma, Mahadeva, a Buddhist missionary, worked in Mahishamandala (Mysore) and established a School of Buddhism called Chetyavada at Amaravati, where a fragment of the Asokan edict was discovered. The tradition that Asoka built 84,000 Stupas all over his empire suggests that the Stupa at Amaravati was also one of the Stupas originally set up by him. The world-famous Buddhist Stupa depicts scenes from the life of Buddha and contains various Buddhist emblems and symbols. 4.1.3.3 The Satavahana After the death of Asoka, the vast Mauryan empire disintegrated and the Satavahanas, the Ikshvakus and the Pallavas held away over this district in the south. Of them, the Satavahanas ruled for about four centuries from the second century B.C., till the first quarter of the third century A.D. Their sway over the district can be traced from the time of Gautamiutra Satakarni, the later Satavahana ruler, who is described as the Lord of Dhanakataka (Dharanikota). 4.1.3.4 The Ikshavakus After the fall of the Satavahana dynasty, the Ikshavakus, referred to in the Puranas as Sriparvatiya Andhras, established their sway over this part with Vijayapuri, comprising the entire Nagarjunakonda valley with its numerous monasteries and building, as their capital. The founder of this dynasty, Sri Chantamula, who bore the title Maharaja Vasistiputra Ikshavaku Chantamula dispossessed Pulumay IV, the last Satavahana ruler, of his dominions in coastal Andhra and Telangana with the help of a confederacy of powerful Senapatis. 4.1.3.5 The Kakatiyas Among the early rulers of this dynasty, Rudra, son of Prola II, regarded himself as the political successor of the Western Chalukyan emperors and laid claim to the sovereignty over Vengi and other parts of the coastal

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Andhra. He readily availed of the opportunity provided by the outbreak of a fratricidal was among the Haihaya princes of Palnadu and accepted the invitation of the Haihaya prince Nalagama to help him. He led an army, fought a battle at Dharanikota, defeated and killed Kota Bhima. He then installed Bhima’s son Keta II on his father’s throne. Rudra next turned his attention to the Kondapadamati kingdom and subdued its ruler. In the Andhra Region, Muslims held their sway as Bahminis and also from Golkonda. When Andhra Pradesh was formed, some parts were ceded to Karnataka from the erstwhile Nizam’s Dominions. 4.1.4

Demographic Profile

4.1.4.1 Total Population According to Taluks The population of the district is unevenly distributed in its nine taluks, with men consistently outnumbering women everywhere. The total population of the district, according to the Census of 1961 is 3,009,900, of which males number 1,522,865 and females 1,487,035. It has recorded an increase of 17.57 per cent over its population in 1951 as against 15.65 per cent in the State. Although ninth in area, the district ranks first in population of the entire State, registering a percentage of 8.37. Guntur taluk contains the largest population (579,401), closely followed by Bapatla (487,030), Tenali (401,559), Ongole (388,450), Narasaraopet (321,337), Sattenapalle (244,562), Repalle (235,245), Palnadu (227,744) and Vinukonda (124,572). Population of this district has reached to 2,091,075. 4.1.4.2 Sex Ratio The sex ratio in the district was 980 females to one thousand males in 1901; in 1911, it was 981; in 1931, it decreased to 978 and 970, respectively, in the whole of the district. In 1951 and 1961, it increased to 974 and 976, respectively. By the year 2011 it has reached a level of 1003. The ratio in 1961 varied from taluk to taluk, the lowest being 972 in Narsaraopeta, Guntur and Ongole and the highest 988 in Palnadu. The ratio is smaller in villages, being 976 as compared with that in the towns, which is 978. 4.1.4.3 Density of Population The population figures of 1961 snow that the density per square mile in the district is 521 and that of the State is 239. The rural density is 424

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with variations in different taluks. At the time of 1951 Census, the density was 440 persons per square mile. The density is the greatest in Tenali taluk, where it is 1230 persons per square mile and least in Vinukonda, where there are only 193 persons per square mile.4 The density of this district in 2011 was 2200 persons per square mile. 4.1.4.4 Growth of Population Prior to the construction of Krishna anicut in the fifties of the last century, the old Krishna District, of which the present Guntur formed part, was, as observed elsewhere in this volume, one of the areas subject to the ravages of recurring famines. Some of the tracts in particular suffered so badly from the effects of such famines that large masses of people either died or migrated to other parts, leading to a shrinkage in the population of the district. Since the turn of this century, however, its population has risen in the course of sixty years (1901–1961) by over cent per cent (101–104), surpassing in this respect both the State and the country. 4.1.4.5 Language According to the Census of India 1961, the principal language spoken in the district is Telugu. It is spoken by 2,726,914 persons or nine-tenths of the total populations of the district. Urdu is spoken by 233,285 persons. The other Indian languages spoken in the district are Tamil by 9.985, Hindi by 2980, Malayalam by 1563, Oriya by 1122, Marathi by 794, Kannada by 765, Gujarati by 263, Bengali by 54, Punjabi by 48, Sindhi by 27, Kashmiri by 3 and Assamese by 2. 4.1.4.6 Religion The available data gives the distribution in the rural and urban areas of each of the religious groups into which the population of this district is primarily classified, according to the Census of 1961. Of the total population of the district, Hindus form the majority, Christians are the next largest community, while the Muslims come next in order. Hindus constitute 78 per cent or exceed three-fourths of the population of the district Christians form 13 per cent of the population. The respective proportion of these communities, however, differs considerably from the urban to

4 Tenali is followed by the taluk of Guntur (1025), Repalle (771), Bapatla (727), Ongole (474), Narasaraopet (449), Sattenapalle (352) and Palnadu (219).

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the rural areas.5 The Muslims constitute nine per cent, the Jains 0.01 per cent and the Sikhs 0.001 per cent of the total population of this district. According to the Census of 1961, the above figures represent an increase of 18 per cent over the population of 1951 in respect of the Christians. The Muslim population as already observed also recorded an appreciable increase (24 per cent) during the decade 1951–1961. The percentage increase in the population of the Jains during the last decades was 15 and that of the Sikhs 74. 4.1.5

Principal Communities: General Structure

It is generally taken for granted that the caste system is peculiar to the Hindus and that they have many castes and sub-castes among them. The Censuses of 1941, 1951 and 1961, however, neither specify these divisions nor give the number of persons belonging to them. The four principal varnas are the Brahmin, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya and the Sudra, each being subdivided into a number of castes and sub-castes. The Brahmins of the district consist of Smarthas, Srivaishnavas and Madhvas. Within the caste structure itself, all sections contend with one another to have higher statuses. However, the place of a Brahmin at the ritual apex of the society is recognized throughout. The Brahmins are still orthodox in matters of food. Many of them are landholders are village accountants; some follow the priestly vocation and those who are educated from an appreciable proportion of the learned professionals and services. The Kshatriyas are usually called caste-Rajus, who are found concentrated in Bapatla and Repalle taluks. Their occupation is agriculture. Traditionally, they are supposed to have constituted the old ruling and military ranks. Vaisyas are found in every part of the district and these are mostly engaged in business in urban areas and in cultivation and business in villages. Some of them deal with money-lending business. More or less, the entire caste belongs to the division of ‘Gowra Vaisyas’. In this district, the Sudras, among whom there are umpteen number of caste, comprise of both the advanced and the backward classes, along with 5 In the urban areas, the percentage of Hindus and Christians to the total population of the district are 75 and 11, respectively, while in the rural areas they are 79 and 11, respectively.

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the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Important segments among them are Reddis, Telagas, Kammas, Lingayats, Bondilis, Madigas, Malas, Lambadis, Yerukulas, Yanadis, Chenchus and Rellies. The Reddis, Telagas and Kammas are found in every part of the district and are numerically preponderant, as also being the land-owning and cultivating classes in the district. Some among the Reddis and Kammas occupy places of distinction in public life. Lingayats, as staunch Saivites, acknowledge the oneness of the Divine (Mahesvara) and wear the Sivalinga, subsisting both on cultivation and petty trade. The Bondilis, who call themselves Singhs, appear to have descended from the Rajputs, having taken to cultivation and also getting employed in services. Their women observe seclusion. Madigas and Malas are generally employed as labourers, both agriculture and non-agriculture, and many hold land as tenants. Tanning and shoe-making are the principal occupation of the former, while gravedigging and weaving of course white cotton cloth happens to be the traditional occupation of the latter. A substantial portion of these two castes have become Christian converts, and at one time, these were untouchables. Lambadis, Yerukulas, Yanadis and Chenchus happen to be more or less wandering tribes, most of them living in their own settlements in close proximity to forests. All of them have their own dialects to communicate mutually and they are included in the list of Scheduled Tribes. The Yerukulas, however, live in huts pitched near villages and they tend pigs, cattle and donkeys. Lambadis generally own cattle, collect wooden fuel and jungle produce. Yanadis, who are found concentrated in Bapatla taluk, engage themselves as sweepers and watchmen, and traditionally sing, dance and enact dramas. Chenchus inhabits the Nallamalai offshoots in the upland taluks and live on roots, honey, wild fruits and game and the small crops they raise. Rellies are vegetable and seasonal fruit-traders and also as sweepers and scavengers serve the municipalities and other local bodies and speak their own dialect. Among the other sudras are: Velamas, Yadavas, Padmasalis, Bestas, Visvabrahmins, Gowdas and Mutrachas. Of these, the Velamas were a class of warriors in the medieval period and are usually referred to as ‘Doralu’, now having settled down to agriculture. Yadavas are primarily graziers and cowherds and rank among the chief caste, which are engaged in cultivation. Padmasalis are the chief weaver caste in the district, while the Bestas are fishermen. Visvabrahmins or Kamsalas comprise the five artisan classes, viz., the goldsmith, the blacksmith, the copper and brass-smith,

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the carpenter and the stone mason. Gowdas were at one time a toddydrawing and arrack-selling caste and with the introduction of prohibition, they have taken mostly to agriculture and sale of neera. Mutrachas or Mudirajulu were petty chieftains or palegars and over a period of time took to employment as watchmen and fishermen. There are also certain castes which are engaged in particular trades and calling by custom, among which mention may be made of the Oddes, Medaras, Chakalis, Mangalas and Kummaras. Other groups such as Satanis, Dasars, Jangamas and others, have adopted religious services as profession, although some have landed property. Of the groups, which have constituted themselves into separate castes and live generally by begging are the Dommaras, Pamulas, Bandas and others. 4.1.5.1 The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes According to the Census of 1961, the Scheduled Castes number 157,850 in the district, out of which 81,442 are males and 76,408 are females. The Scheduled Tribes account for 95,457, of whom 48,704 are males and 46,753 are females. The Scheduled Castes include the Malas (104,196), Madigas (38,963), Adi Andhras (5737), Maladasas (5584) and Rellis (1029). The Scheduled Tribes comprise chiefly of Yerukulas (38,406), Yanadis (35,270), Lambadis (17,271), Chenchus (3,213), Koyas (212) and Savaras (130). All these get classified as Hindu. 4.1.5.2 Muslims The Muslims of the district are mostly Sunnis, following the Hanafi School of theology and ritual. However, a couple of Shia families are found in Tenali taluk. The greater part of the Muslim population is said to have descended from Hindu converts. Generally speaking, there is no one occupation which is followed by Muslims and they are to be found in all walks of life. The principal divisions in this district are Shaik, Syed, Mughal and Pathan, of whom the Shaiks are reported to be numerous. As in Rayalaseems, Dudekulas are also numerous here. They are either converts to Islam or are the progeny of unions between the Muslims and the Hindus. They generally speak Telugu but some of them speak Urdu also and dress themselves more like Hindus than Muslims. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Muslims and the Hindus.

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4.1.5.3 Christians The district accounts for the largest proportion of Christians among all the other districts of the State and all Christians are practically converts of one or the other Missions that were established in this district during the British rule. The first was the Carnatic Mission, which selected Bukkapuram on the borders of this district by A.D. 1733. At Ravipadu and Guntur, Churches were erected (A.D. 1770) and, at Oleru, a few Brahmins and Kammas became converts. By A.D. 1816, a Roman Catholic Missionary resided at Phirangipuram. After the great famine of A.D. 1832, Christian cultivators moved to places like Patibandla in Settenapalle taluk. The Vicar Apostolic at Pondicherry sent some Italian priests to Phirangipuram. The district was under an Irish priest till A.D. 1874. The number of Catholics rose from 5700 in A.D. 1872 to 10,693 in A.D. 1879. In 1928, the district was transferred from the Archdiocese of Madras to the charge of Nellore Diocese. A separate Diocese with Guntur as its headquarters was created in 1940. At present, the Roman Catholics number about 50,000. A majority of the inhabitants of village such as Rentachintala and Atmakur in Palnadu, Ravipadu in Narasaraopeta taluk, Phirangipuram, Siripuram and Patibandla in Sattenapalle talus, Mutlut in Guntur taluk and Reddipalem in Tenali taluk are Christians. The principal Protestant Missions that worked in this district included the American Lutheran Mission, the Baptist Mission, the Salvation Army and the Bible Mission. The American Lutheran Mission began its work in A.D. 1842, when its pioneer Rev. C.F. Heyer secured a few conversations in Guntur town and worked in Palnadu taluk also till A.D. 1853. By A.D. 1880, there were more than 5000 adherents in 135 villages. A few lady missionaries also visited this district who extended activities to new stations like Rentichintala (A.D. 1895), Sattenapalle (1902) and Chirala (1904). The Guntur Synod was founded in 1906 with ordained men and congregational delegates. In 1915, the number of adherents rose to 55,000. During 1916, Bapatla taluk alone had 7000 Christians with an Indian Pastor. In 1927, the Andhra Evangelical Lutheran Church was founded. The congregations grew rapidly in number. Further, the Baptist Mission commenced its work in A.D. 1866 at Ongole, when its pioneer J.G. Clough built a chapel there. A good number of Madigas became its converts. The Salvation Army and the Bible Mission confined themselves to certain places in the district. While the former was active in places like Bapatla and Tenali, the latter, in addition to these places, extended its activities to Guntur, Chirala and Ongole. There are also other Christians

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belonging to the Church of South India, the Church Missionary Society, Bhakta Singh Group and Fox Group in this district. 4.1.5.4 Inter-Caste Relations Inter-caste and inter-sub-caste relations were at one time very rigid in this district as elsewhere. The members of different castes and sub-castes lived in isolation. Inter-dining was looked upon with horror by the upper caste Hindus. Some lower castes were not permitted to worship in temples. But this state of affairs had undergone profound change in recent times and inter-caste barriers have practically vanished. The work of the Indian National Congress for the removal of untouchability, the growth of English education and the consequent spread of liberal ideas and above all the temple entry proclamations are factors which helped to bring about this change. Inter-dining relations have on the whole registered improvement. However, the number of inter-caste marriages in the district are very few. 4.1.5.5 Prostitution, Traffic in Women, Drinking and Gambling There are some pockets in the district where prostitution is life. The number of convictions under the Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act of 1956 was 1023 for the period between 1961 and 1965. Considering how difficult it is to sustain successful prosecutions under the provisions of the Act, it must be inferred that the incidence of prostitution is rather high. Guntur is one of the districts where prohibition was in force. Drunkenness is prevalent among some communities and all sorts of crimes are committed under its influence. A few individuals are, however, convicted for drunkenness as is evident from the following statement: Year

Number convicted

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965

570 880 1138 991 930

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Gambling is another social vice occasionally leading to petty quarrels. Following are the number of cases convicted under the Andhra Pradesh (Andhra area) Gaming Act of 1930, which prohibits gambling: Year

Number convicted

1961 1962 1963 1964 1965

6952 6225 7006 6344 4674

4.1.6

Types and Patterns of Criminal Behaviour

4.1.6.1 Incidence of Crime An analysis of the statistics of grave crime, reported to the police since 1905, indicates that, while dacoits and robberies have almost disappeared, murders and thefts are on the increase. A disturbing trend noticed of late is increase in the committal of riots and murders, which was more or less confined to the upland areas of the district, and nonetheless has been spreading to the coastal taluks as well. 4.1.6.2 Murders The increase in the number of murders, especially from the twenties of this century, is rather disquieting. Among the numerous motivating factors, those often mentioned are sexual jealousy, family feuds and ageold factional schisms. Even the urge for enjoying priorities in drawing water for irrigation, arising from a sense of feudal prestige, develops into deep-rooted cleavages culminating in murders. Factional encounters reported to arise out of local elections and the existence of traditional and caste-oriented hostilities among groups led by ‘people of influence’, are also found to result in riots leading even to murders. The murders of Panchayat presidents on the road to Nandivelugu and at Chandole in broad daylight in 1963 and 1965, respectively, due to ill-feelings born out of local Panchayat elections, the rioting and murder in Harischandrapuram and Gandluru in 1965 due to factional fights, the clash in 1945 between the Telagas and Kammas of Pusulur and in 1959 between the Yadavas and the Kammas of Pamidipadu and a couple of deaths in 1963

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as a result of a family dispute between a husband and his wife of Pedakurapadu are all instances in point. Cases are also not wanting of sexual jealousy, impelling men to commit murders like the one in Chilakaluripet in 1963, when a husband poisons his wife and her paramour. One often finds that in the frenzy of the moment even the concept of human relations gets vitiated. A father killing his son, the daughter her father and the brother his sister were some of the shocking sights that this district witnessed in the decades gone by. Sometimes even trivial instances erupt into major strafes involving the loss of human life as the one in 1964, when the straying of cattle into an adjacent field was sufficient to provoke the bitterest animosity between two groups taking a toll of eight lives. 4.1.6.3 Dacoities and Robberies The district was in the historic past the victim of periodical depredations by the Pindaris and the Lambadies, the latter often retreating into the erstwhile Nizar’s Dominions and the neighbouring Kurnool District, after committing torchlight dacoities in the taluks of Palnadu, Sattenapalle and Vinukonda. The last of the raids of the Pindaris was in A.D. 1816, when they overran Narasaraopet and Vinukonda taluks on their way to Cumbum in Kurnool District. More or less, as of now, organized dacoity is a thing of the past and one hears of nothing sensational excepting some stray lifting of cattles. 4.1.6.4 House-Breaking and Thefts House-breaking and theft, of which the latter are reported to be consistently on the rise, are attributed by the local police authorities to the so-called Criminal Tribes. Even now, the more daring of the housebreakings and thefts, particularly in Chirala and Bapatla towns, are generally traced to some of the individuals belonging to these tribes. 4.1.6.5 Communal and Other Tensions Communal disorders are conspicuous by their virtual absence, yielding place to a progressively increasing note of religious and social harmony. Disturbances like the one which took place before a mosque at Guntur in 1934 and some others during the great division of the country in 1947 sound too anachronistic even to bear casual mention. The district, however, is often liable to labour troubles, arising chiefly from a multiplicity of industrial units and the concentration of labour in towns like

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Guntur, Bapatla, Chirala and Ongole, often necessitating police interventions, political, agrarian and student agitations are also not common. 4.1.7

Criminal Tribes

The so-called Criminal Tribes in the district, recognized as such, before the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act in 1948, included the Dommaras, Yanadis, Oddes, Yerukulas, Lambadis, and Pamulas. Some of them are reported to have committed a series of dacoities in the past in the neighbouring States of Madras and Mysore. The question of their rehabilitation engaged the attention of both the State and the missionaries from the early years of this century. These efforts led to the establishment of settlements at Sitanagaram (Venkumamba village) and Stuartpuram (Dharmapur) in 1913 and 1914, respectively, by the Salvation Army. Sitanagaram, located within the limits of Tadepalle (Guntur taluk), was taken over by the Government in 1932 and was administered by the Police Department till 1956, when it was transferred to the control of the Social Welfare Department. An extent of about 156 acres was allotted to the settlers in plots ranging from one to four acres of land for cultivation. Some of the settlers are reported to have constructed houses with the help of the housing grants made by the Social Welfare Department. The other facilities extended include the establishment of a higher elementary school, a medical dispensary and a women welfare centre. However, the Stuarpuram settlement (Dharmapur), extending over an area of about 2027 acres in the villages of Murukondapadu, Vada, Ipurupalem and Perala continues to be managed by the Salvation Army. The settlers have mostly taken to agriculture although some of them, particularly women, have sought employment in the Indian Leaf Tobacco Development Company at Chirala. This settlement also contains a Higher Elementary School, a Dispensary and a Women’s Welfare Centre. Most of these tribes are now free from the stigma attached to them earlier and have settled down to peaceful and productive pursuits. With the advent of Independence, the old Act governing these tribes were replaced periodically and more progressive measures introduced. As a consequence of these reforms, the Andhra Pradesh Habitual Offenders Act of 1962 was passed with a view to regulate the conduct of these tribes. The Criminal Investigation Department of the Madras Police was constituted in 1906 and a separate unit called “X” branch was formed

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in this Department in 1946 to deal with cases of black-marketing and corruption. Sometime after the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, the Anti-Corruption Department of the erstwhile Hyderabad State, which was directly under the Government, was transferred to the control of the Police Department and was merged with the “X” branch. But early in 1961, with a view to ensure direct responsibility to the Government, the Anti-Corruption Bureau was brought directly under the Government. The District Jail at Guntur was set up around A.D. 1816. Although it was reputed to have been by far the most healthy in the country and was also claimed to be the only one to the north of Madras which was capable of extension for the purpose of a Central Jail, it enjoyed hardly any security for want of sufficient enclosure to the cooking sheds and grounds used for the privy. Numerous escapes, particularly during night, were often reported to have occurred. The jail was closed in A.D. 1893, reopened in A.D. 1989 and finally wound up in 1900.

4.2

Nellore District Region 4.2.1

Geo-Political Setting

The district derived its name from Nellore, its headquarters city. One of the etymological explanations offered is that it’s name was derived from the extensive paddy cultivation in and around the neighbouring areas of the place (“Nellu” means paddy and ‘ur’ means town). Nellore District is one of the southern districts of Andhra Pradesh and lies between the north latitude of 13°30' and 16° and the east longitudes of 70°5' and 80°15' . It is bounded on the north by Guntur District, on the east by the Bay of Bengal, on the south by Chittoor District and Chingleput District of Tamil Nadu State and on the west by Veligonda hills which separate it from Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts. According to the Census of 1961, the district ranks seventh among the districts of Andhra Pradesh with a population of 2,033,679 which accounts for 5.65 per cent of the total population of the State, while, in respect of the area, it occupies the second place with an extent of 20,615.9 square kilometres, accounting for 7.50 per cent of the total area of the State. At present, the district consists of thirteen taluks, namely: (1) Nellore, (2) Gudur, (3) Sullurpet (Sulurpet), (4) Venkatagiri, (5) Rapur, (6) Atmakur, (7) Udayagiri, (8) Kanigiri, (9) Podili (Podile), (10) Darsi, (11) Kandukur, (12) Kavali and (13) Kovur. Of these, the taluk of Kanigiri is the largest in area, while

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Kovur is the smallest. With regard to population, Nellore taluk is the most populous, while the taluk of Venkatagiri is the least peopled. 4.2.1.1 River System The principal rivers in the district are the Pennar, Kandleru, Swarnamukhi, Paleru, Manneru, Gundlamma and Musi. Of these, the Pennar is the most important river. It rises in the Chennakesava hills in Karnataka State and after a course of 456 km, in Anantapur and Cuddapah Districts, enters the District of Nellore through a fine gorge in the Veligondas at Somasila. It flows in a broad and sandy bed for about 112 km, in the eastern direction, through the taluks of Atmakur and Nellore and falls into the Bay of Bengal through several openings at a distance of 29 kilometres from Nellore. The important tributaries of this river are the Jayamangali, Chitravati, Kunderu, Papagni, Sagileru and Cheyyeru. Two anicuts were built across this river at Nellore and Sangam and they supply water to numerous irrigation channels. The Kandleru, which rises in the Veligonda, flows past Gudur and empties itself into the Bay of Bengal near Krishnapatnam. 4.2.2

Historical Backdrop

4.2.2.1 Pre-History The district of Nellore abounds in several prehistoric sites. The surface finds discovered at these sites are assigned to special stages in the progress of civilization. The Paleolithic age, in which man fashioned his tools and weapons by chipping hard stones of convenient size and shape, is represented by the Paleolithic discoveries in the upper and middle parts of the Manneru valley and on high ground to the east of Kandukur. The palaeoliths include a few worked flakes, a sharp axe with a pointed butt, a scraper and pointed shapely spearhead with a pebble butt. Remains of the Neolithic age have so far not been unearthed. The existence of a megalithic culture was revealed by the discovery of innumerable burials, known as the dolmens at Mangalakunta (Mangalagunta), Vagemadugu (Vagimadugu) and Tarlapadu (Tharlapadu) in Podili taluk. On the northern bank of the ponnar, opposite to Nellore, many urns were unearthed. Several coffins, made apparently of burnt clay, were also found here. Some of the coffins contained more than one body and, when they were opened, the bodies were in a perfect state of preservation and on

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exposure to the air, they quickly crumbled to dust. Some spearheads and other implements were also found in the coffins. Between the prehistoric and the earliest historic periods, there is a wide gap. According to R.G. Bhandarkur, the Aryans had no knowledge of the south prior to the seventh century B.C., except coastal Andhra, where they had gone by the eastern sea route. They penetrated the south, and by 350 B.C., they had become familiar with the whole land down to Tanjore and Madura. In the centuries immediately before and after Christ, this district was inhabited by a tribe called the Aruvur or the Aruvalur, also referred to as the Aruvarnoi by Ptolemy. This indicates that Nellore District formed an integral part of the Aruvu country, which also included North and South Arcot and Chingleput Districts of Tamil Nadu. These Aruvars, who spoke a kind of corrupt Tamil, are believed to have belonged to Naga Tribe. 4.2.2.2 The Reddis of Addanki and Kondavidu The territory constituting Nellore District appears to have passed under the sway of the Reddis, who ruled from Addanki (Guntur District) as their capital. The Reddis regarded themselves as the masters of the southeastern portion of the Kaktiya domination extending from Srisailam in Kurnool District to the East Coast. 4.2.2.3 The Reddis of Kandukur About this period, a branch of the Reddis of Kondavidu, known as the Reddis of Kandukur, was holding sway over a portion of this district. The earliest ruler of this dynasty was Malla Reddi. He was the youngest brother of Prolaya Vema Reddi, the founder of Reddi kingdom. He was placed in charge of the southern province of Kandukur by his brother Prolaya Vema Reddi. In A.D. 1748, Nizam-ul-Mulk died and the succession to the throne was disputed by his son Nasir Jung and his grandson Muzaffar Jung. Nasir Jung proclaimed himself Subedar of the Deccan and proceeded to the Karnatak to settle the dispute of succession to the Nawabship of Arcot. The French and the English took opposite sides. The dispute, however, ended in the assassination of Nasir Jung and the elevation of Muzaffar Jung as the Subedar of the Deccan. In return for the services rendered, Muzaffar Jung proclaimed Duplex as the sole ruler of the territory extending from the Krishna in the north to the Cape Comorin in the south and recognized Chanda Sahib as the Nawab of Arcot.

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4.2.2.4 The Freedom Struggle Nellore District figures quite prominently in the contribution it made to the liberation of the country from the British imperialist rule. Delegates from Nellore went to Bombay and attended the first session of the Indian National Congress in A.D. 1885. District conferences were held under the auspices of the district association, keeping the annual session of the National Congress as the model. Besides conferences of this sort, meetings were also held in Nellore from time to time, as the occasion demanded, to pass resolutions on various current questions and communicate them to the authorities in India and England. During the first decade of the present century, the district association of Nellore, devoted to national activity was started. In 1933, Gandhiji visited the district, again as part of his tour of the whole country in the cause of Harijan uplift. Under the Government of India Act of 1935, the district returned five Congress candidates out of six to the Provincial Legislative Assembly and thus displayed its solid patriotism. Again, the district played a notable part in the Quit-India Movement launched by Gandhiji in 1942. 4.2.3

Demographic Profile

4.2.3.1 Population According to the Census of 1961, the total population of the district was 2,033,679. It can be seen that the demographic growth has been phenomenal over the sixty years from 1901, considering that in 1901, the total population was only 1,280,841. Since then the population figures have been regularly and relentlessly exploding. In the ten years between 1951 and 1961, the percentage variation in the district was 13.33, as against the State percentage variation of 15.65 for the corresponding period. An interesting sidelight of this demographic pattern is that throughout the sixty years from 1901, men have maintained their numerical superiority over women in the district as a whole. However, the taluks of Udayagiri, Kanigiri and Kavali have recorded more number of women than men in all the decades. The figures on the population indicate that the general increase in population has been reflected in all the taluks. The ratio of females for every 1000 males from 1901 to 1961 can be seen from the Census of 1981. The figure of 987 females in 1901and 1921 to 1000 males appears to be the all-time low. The distribution of population among the various taluks has been consistently uneven

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throughout from 1901 to 1961, as can be judged from the wide spectrum of figures between Nellore at one end and Venkatagiri taluk at the other. In 1961, Nellore led the other taluks with a total population of 303,745, whereas Venkatagiri carried the rear with 94,562. The density of population in the district per square mile is 225, as against 339 of the State. Even here, the taluks present a wide diversity with Nellore recording the congested figure of 603 per square mile and Udayagiri having only 144. Another important aspect of the population pattern of the district is its distribution among the various religious groups. The Hindus who number 1,778,057 constitute the bulk of the population, with the Muslims (154,003) and the Christians (101,417), coming as a distant second and third. The Hindus, Muslims and Christians are all largely based in the rural areas. The other aspect of interest is the vicissitudes over the last sixty years attending the growth in numbers of the three religious groups, namely, the Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. The data indicates that curiously enough, the Hindus recorded in their number by 1961, when compared to 1901 for every 10,000 of the population. Particularly impressive is the growth of Christians, who have increased from 284 in 1901 to 499 in 1961 for every 10,000 of population. Less spectacular but nonetheless notable is the corresponding prorate increase of Muslims from 587 in 1901 to 757 in 1961. During the corresponding period, the proportion of Hindus has shrunk from 9098 to 8743. 4.2.4

Principal Communities

4.2.4.1 Hindus The principal religious group in the district, as already mentioned are numerically speaking, the Hindus, Muslims and Christians. The Hindus consist of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras, the four varnas under the traditional Varnasramadharma, besides Harijans. They are again subdivided into castes and a number of sub-castes. There are also the Scheduled Tribes who cannot be categorized with these castes but are nevertheless an integral part of the community. The traditional distribution of occupations which constituted the raison d’etre for the four principal varnacastes must be to have been greatly altered. In this respect, it may be stated that the Varnasramadharma has yielded place to the Yugadharma. The Brahmin has no more

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a monopoly of learning and priesthood than the Vaisya of trade, the Kshatriya of governance or the Sudra of tilling the soil. The process of what the Indian Sociologist, Dr. M.N. Srinivas has called “Sanskritization and Secularization” can be seen among the Hindus of this district also, leading to a blurring of the rigid frontiers between one caste and the other. Nevertheless, we can even now broadly identify certain castes or groups with specific occupations. The Vaisyas of the district are, for example, largely engaged in trade and agriculture and some in money lending. The Reddis (also known as Kapus), Balijas, Kammas, Velamas, and Brahmins, are distributed all over the district and are largely landowning and cultivating. The Kapus are a widely diffused cultivating caste, a majority of whom are ordinary cultivators. The Nalijas are cultivators and hold all sorts of land tenures. Some of them are engaged in trade. Kammas constitute another cultivating caste. The Madigas (67,419) and Lamas (167,187), who form the two principal sub-castes under Harijans are largely labourers, both agricultural and non-agricultural. Some of them also hold land as tenants. Tanning and shoe-making are also pursued by many of the Harijans. More recently, some have taken to pulling of cycle rickshaws in the urban areas. These classes also perform services pertaining to the public needs of the village as a whole. There are also some other groups associated with distinct professions or trades. For instance, the Yadavas, who seriously object to being called Gollas, are primarily a caste of grazers and have a distinctly agricultural background. Dwelling generally on the plains, they move during the dry season to the forest-clad hills which yield abundant pasture for their flocks and herds. Many have taken, of late, to cultivation and trade. Gamallas, the toddy-tapping caste, had been rehabilitated as agricultural workers after the introduction of prohibition into the district. The recent lifting of prohibition of toddy-tapping by the Government of A.P. has revived for these people their age-old professional opportunities. The Devangas, Salis and Togatas are the chief weaver castes. The Kamsalis (Smiths), also called Vishwabrahmins, constitute primarily a community of goldsmiths, blacksmiths, coppersmiths and brass-smiths, as also Vadrangis (Carpenters). The Pattapus (Tamils) and Palli, the Kapu and Karayar (all Telugus) are largely the seawater and backwater fishermen. The freshwater fishermen, besides some others, are the Bestas and Muthrachas. The Boyas (Valmikis), who were originally palanquin-bearers, are usually engaged as domestic servants. They also resort to fishing in their spare time. There are also the functional groups of Chakalis or Rajakas (washermen),

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Mangalas (barbers), Kummaras (potters) and Wadderas (earth diggers and stone cutters). 4.2.4.2 Tribes In this district, Yanadis constitute by far the largest tribe. The origin of this tribe is shrouded in mystery and the name Yanadi or Anadi, simply means, without a beginning. Therefore, it is presumed that the Yanadis are one of the earliest races of the Indian peninsula. There are two types of Yanadis, namely, Telugu and Tamil. The chief place of their residence is Sriharikota. The Yanadis living in the interior parts of the district are gentle in disposition. Their possessions are nothing more than a few fowls and pots. They earn their livelihood by engaging themselves as watchmen, agricultural labourers and domestic servants. They also make their living by weaving mats, cutting firewood in the forest and selling them in the nearby villages and towns and also later by pulling cycle rickshaws. Marriage tie is very loose. The marriage ceremony has undergone some change, and what used to be simple and unsophisticated became in course of time a costly ceremonial, the details of which have been copied from the marriage rites of the so-called higher castes. Marriage by elopement or by capture is also prevalent. Marriage between people with the same surname is, however, forbidden. The maternal uncle of the bride plays an important role in all auspicious functions in a Yanadi house. The Yanadis mostly copied the Telugu social customs and manners and adapted their faith, worship and beliefs accordingly. They speak the same language and, in many respects, pursue the same norms. Polygamy is not uncommon. The Yanadi funeral is as elaborate as the marriage. The same ‘hilarity’, though it is make-believe in the case of a funeral, marks both the events. They generally bury their dead. The Yerukulas, a nomadic tribe, wander from place to place as they find it easy that way to gain a living, pitching their huts generally in open places near villages. Their property consists principally of cattle, donkeys and pigs. They cut firewood in the jungles and sell it in the towns. They also gather and sell Karivepaku (Spinach). They eat game flesh of all sorts and jungle roots. Their women pretend to tell fortune. These people, like all the wandering tribes of the district, are basket-makers. In some cases, wealthy Yerukulas settle down, speak Yerukalabhasha, a polyglot dialect, which is unintelligible to the Telugu people. The dialect has an admixture of Telugu and Kannada words, though in structure it is a Tamil dialect. Polygamy is not

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uncommon but polyandry has not been recognized among the Yerukulas. Adult marriages are in vogue in this tribe and the price for the bride is usually paid in kind. The Scheduled Castes, however, number 335,326 of whom, 168,840 are males and 166,486 females. 4.2.4.3 Muslims The Muslims, who are numerically next to Hindus in this district, belong mostly to the Sunni sect though there are some Shias also. Generally speaking, the Muslims are found in almost all walks of life not confined to any particular profession. The important groups among them are Shaik, Syed, Mughal, Pathan and Labbais. The Shaiks outnumber the others. The Dudekulas, the cotton cleaning group, can hardly be distinguished from the Hindus in a professional sense. 4.2.4.4 Christians Almost all the Indian Christians are converts from the Hindu fold. There are both Catholics and Protestants. The Catholics belong to the Roman Catholic Church, placed under the Bishop of Nellore Diocese. The Protestants, however, belong to several denominations like the Baptists, Lutherans, the Church of South India, Salvation Army and those of the Church of England. The Christians of this district have taken to a variety of professions, though a large number is engaged in teaching, nursing and evangelical professions. Even though Christianity does not recognize any caste system, nevertheless, the influence of the castes to which they belonged before conversion from Hinduism does operate in their general social life and particularly in the matter of matrimonial alliances. Converts from the same caste tend to group together in such endogamous practices. 4.2.4.5 Inter-Caste Relations In the years after independence, a marked change has been brought about forsaking the rigidity of castes so far as public life is concerned. In hotels, restaurants, temples and other places of public interest, one hardly notices any of the old-time exhibition of caste discrimination. On festive occasions as well as in social functions, there is free mixing of all castes, including inter-dining, which some years ago was not universal. In both the urban and rural areas, inter-caste relations have registered a remarkable degree of urbane improvement. Such inter-caste cordiality, far from being restricted

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to public life, is happily spreading, though slowly, in the sphere of private and personal life also. 4.2.4.6 Immoral Traffic Prostitution appears to be more rife in this district than some other districts as there have been many convictions for the offences of practising prostitution. The number of convictions under the Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act of 1956 for the period from 1961 to 1969 was 199. It may, therefore, be argued that the incidence of prostitution is fairly high. For other offences like drunkenness and gambling, the number of convictions for the corresponding period was 11,365, of which drunkenness accounted for 4924 and gambling 6471. 4.2.5

Incidence of Crime

As for the incidence of grave crime reported to the police since the reconstitution of the district during 1904–1905 reveals that crime is on the decrease. Robberies and dacoities have almost become features of the past and what is more significant is that even the number of burglaries committed in the district is showing a downward trend, in spite of increasing urbanization of many parts of the district. The average annual number of thefts has remained more or less stationery during the fifties and sixties. Viewed in the context of the huge increase in the population of the district (over a 100 per cent since 1931), the decrease in the incidence of all grave crimes out together is particularly noticeable. The record of the district in respect of murders, however, is none too good. An annual average of 28 murders in the 1930s was cited by the Old Nellore District Gazetteer, indicating thereby that the district did not have a heavy record of crime. This average is now creeping up to 40, quite in keeping with the trend elsewhere in the State or in the country. The record of the district in regard to communal disorders is also not impeccable. Communal clashes were being reported rather frequently till the forties and even now the district police authorities are obliged to keep a vigilant eye on many pockets of potential trouble, particularly when festivals of both the Hindu and Muslim communities coincide. Political agitations and student unrest necessitating police intervention are as common in this district as elsewhere in the State and do not call for any specific comment.

CHAPTER 5

Yerukulas—Organization and Structure of a Dominant Denotified Tribe in Andhra Pradesh, India

5.1

Yerukulas---An Introduction

In an endeavour to explain about the organization and structure of the Yerukulas of Andhra Pradesh, data are gathered from the three study villages as also through library work and discussions with different people throughout Andhra Pradesh from time to time since 1971 in Stuartpuram. The Yerukulas, being one of the Denotified Tribes of Andhra Pradesh, are referred to in different areas with different names (Simhadri, 1979). The synonymity of Yerukulas, Koracha and Korava of Andhra region with Kaikadi of Telangana region is carefully established. Yerukulas are classified as a Scheduled Tribe in Andhra area of Andhra Pradesh. Korachas (or Koravas or Yerukulas) in Andhra area, Kaikadis (or Korachas or Koreava or Yerukulas) in Telangana are classified as Denotified Tribes (Census of India, 1931, Ethnographic note). In some areas, these Denotified Tribes are called as Donga Korachas or Monde Koravas or Nawabper Korachas or Urkorachas. They are also called Jakkalas, Periki-Muggulas and Peddinti Gollas. Even though they have been classified into two lists with different names, these two are ethnically one and the same. The reason for the numerous names of the same tribe can be attributed to the spatial variation as also different languages they speak. Parthasaradhi’s (1988) ethnographic study is interesting and useful in this regard.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_5

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The commonness of the customs and manners of the above-mentioned groups tend to support the view that they are one and the same, though they are called by different names in different areas. Their nomadic way of life, commonality and inter-marriage have been carefully gone into before arriving at such a conclusion. E. Thurston writes: They are known as Korava from the extreme South to the North of the North Arcot district, where they are called Koracha or Korcha, and in the Ceded Districts, they become Yerukula or Yerakala. (Thurston, Vol. III, 1909)

Field data reveal that the name Yerukula has been given to this tribe basing on the profession of “Fortune telling”. This is also supported by Thurston’s observations, like: It is in the north of the Cuddapah district that the Yerukulas first appear in co-existence with the Koracha. The Koracha, being admitted on all sides to be the same as the Korava, our doubt regarding the identity of the Korava with the Yerukula will be disposed of if we can establish the fact that the Koracha and the Yerukula are the same. The Rev. J. Cain, writing about the Yerukulas of the Godavari District, states that ‘among themselves, they call each other Kuluvaru’ but the Telugu people call the Erakavaru of Erakalavaru, and this name has been derived from the Telugu word ERUKA, which means knowledge or acquaintance, as they are great fortune-tellers. (Thurston, 1909)

However, it was reported by a villager that: In Anantapur district, the tribe which is known as Koracha in the neighbourhood claims itself to be Yerukulas because they are under the impression that Koracha is a mean and derogatory term. Somehow Koracha is used as derogatory in the social inter-relationships. They think ‘Yerukula’ is a more refined work than Korachas (Field Notes, 1991)

The villagers also expressed that Yerukula and Koracha are one and the same tribe, but known differently in different regions and in certain areas, both the names being in common use. An informant explained in the following words:

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Yerukula of a village in Guntur district, where a case study is conducted, expressed their ignorance regarding the existence of community by name ‘Koracha’. This may be due to their long settled life in those parts whose ancestors never told them about their region. As told by the informants in other districts, this community is known by Telugu-speaking people as Yerukula and is referred by Tamil-speaking people as “Koracha” in the districts near about Madras, via Chittoor and Nellore. And also, it is known that the Yerukulas of Chittoor and Nellore districts have relationships with Korachas of Madras State. (Field Notes, 1991)

However, Thurston records the following to bring out the fact that the Yarukula or Koracha are one and the same: One Inspector extracted from his notes the information that, in that in 1895, marriages took place between the southern Koravas of a gang from the Madura district and the yarukulas of the chuddapah district; and further, that the son of one of a gang of yarukulas in the ananrtapur district married a girl from a gang belongs to the Mysore state. The consensus of opinion also goes to prove that they will eat together. (Thurston 1909)

In other words, it would appear that Yerukulas and Korachas have been one and the same since a long time, and inter-marriages were in existence. In contemporary period, when they meet each other, they see the similar identity and feel the oneness. The Census Report of 1931 gives the following information: In the volume of R.E. Enthoven, there is some account of Koravas which has been furnished below. Koravas are also known as Korar, Korgar, Kormar, hunters, fortune-tellers, cattle-breeders, carriers, musicians, basket-makers and thieves. They might have been the immigrants from Mysore, and the Tamil-speaking districts of Salem, South Arcot and Coimbatore in Madras, where they are generally known by the name of Kuravan. Enthoven also indirectly hints that their places of origin might be Andhra, Madras and Mysorebecause of their language, which is a mixture of Telugu, Tamil and Kannada. (Census of India, 1931)

The Census report further notes:

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The following information on the origin of Koravas is given by Buchanan, The Koravas, according to him, once rules South Canara under the chieftainship of Hubashika. He describes them in 1800 as wearing a bunch of grass, taking beef and offal, and worshiping a stone called Buta.

Enthoven records: Abbe Dobois describes them as carriers and basket-makers who were perpetually wandering about, and showed much affinity with the Gypsies of Europe, especially in telling fortunes. The women, according to him, were skilfull as tattooers; but the tribe in his time had an evil reputation for thieving and house-breaking (Census report 1961, pp. 1–34)

Scholars like Hassan and Aiyappan support the view that Korava, Koracha and Yerukula are one and the same. Even the villagers of Venkumamba and Irwin villages also concur with the view. A Census Report of 1961 reports: Their variation in name is purely an outcome of regional distance of the areas where they settled. It is mentioned in Aiyappan’s report that Korava finds place under the Criminal Tribes Act, quite early. All the severest provisions of the Act, were imposed on them. They were removed in thousands from their home-lands in Rayalaseema and interned in the settlements in Nellore and Guntur districts. Aiyappan also records the existence of an Yerukula Sangham and its edited a paper entitled ‘Yerukula’. (1961 Census Report, pp. 1–34)

The data indicate that these people were original inhabitants of the land. Also, there is another group of people called Kathera in the Irwin village of Nellore District who claim to be Yerukulas of the same village. On a careful study, we see that they are separate groups though they intermingle and interact with each other, inter-marry also. Inter-marriages are not frequent though they do. However, these two groups involve in stealing activity and live as one unit of village as it is a settlement brought there by the Britishers to keep watch and to reform and punish under the Criminal Tribes Settlement Act.

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5.2

95

Main Divisions

There are two exogamous divisions, each of which is subdivided into two. These sub-divisions are also of exogamous nature as inter-marriages are prohibited between them, and they are treated as gotralu. They are: A Sathpadi Manupadi

B Nallabotulu Madraguthi

Persons belonging to the two groups under ‘A’ category do not marry among themselves, whereas they marry in the other two sections from ‘B’. Similarly, the two groups under ‘B’ do not inter-marry but marry from the first two groups. The data reveal that the above-mentioned subdivisions of this community had emerged from different duties shared by the four groups on worshipping Lord Siva. Those who cleaned the idol of Siva are called Sathpadis, while the carriers of his chariot are known as Nallabotulas. Now-a-days, these duties are not adhered to by the people belonging to the respective sub-divisions. Each GOTRA is divided into a number of intiperlu (surnames). The following are the occupational sub-divisions among the Yerukulas: 5.2.1

Dabba Yerukula

The occupation of this group is weaving of mats, thatties and basketmaking and they are mostly nomadic. But, some of them are settled in certain villages where they depend on the above occupations. The nomadic among this group move from place to place during the period from October to May, every year. 5.2.1.1 Kunchaparu Yerukula Though this group is also nomadic in nature, some of them are found to have settled in some villages permanently. One family of this group was found at Anantapur whose main occupation was pig-rearing and preparation of KUNCHELU (about 4 feet long big brushes used by weavers for preparing the warp) and sell them. This group is otherwise known as Gadde Yerukula as they are engaged in GADDE or SODI, i.e., fortune-telling. This is a money-fetching occupation and hence the people go about crying “YERUKO! AMMA! YERUKA! (prophecies, please, prophecies).

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5.2.1.2 Jakkala or Pariki Muggula Women of this division are proficient in tattooing and they will be usually moving from place to place and earn money, while men rear pigs and sell pigs as also pig manure. 5.2.1.3 Peddintigolla This division is also nomadic by nature and catches snakes and is known as Pamula Yerukulas in some parts. These people are in the habit of performing magic activities locally known as MODI. 5.2.1.4 Ura Korachas Korachas, who settle down in a particular place discarding their nomadic life, are known as Ura Korachas and are however synonymous with Yerukulas. Among Yerukulas, there exists a group known as Donga Yerukula who are supposed to be criminal in nature, ‘DONGA’ means “thief”. But this is not a separately recognized sect by itself. The present study is based on these Ex-Criminal Tribes who are practically Yerukulas whose traditional profession is known to be thieving. During field study, the following sub-divisions were found to exist among the Korava or Yerukula community, out of the numerous subdivisions found in the extract from the Caste Index of Census of India, 1891 (Volume XV).

5.3 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

BIDARU CHUVALA DABBE DEVARAKONDA GADDE GAMPA YERUKULA 7. GUJJALAVARU 8. JAKKALA

Sub-Divisions

9. KAIKATTI 10. KAVADI 11. KORACHA 12. KUNCHA 13. MANIPPADI 14. MENDAGUTTIRU 15. PACCHE 16. PAMULA

The information of the Venkumamba village also more or less confirmed the same sub-divisions.

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Distribution and Population Trend

It is difficult to furnish exact population figures of the Yerukulas in Andhra Pradesh. However, in the statement I, information on Yerukulas is traced from the available old Census Reports of Hyderabad and Madras State and the statistics of 1961 Census of Andhra Pradesh. In some years, the population is tabulated giving sex-wise division, while in others it was just given the total figure without the sex-wise break-up. In the Census figures of Hyderabad State 1881, 1921 and 1931, Kaikadis and Yerukulas were enumerated separately. In 1901, no one was classified under these two castes and the population figures of only Yerukulas was given in 1911, where an abnormal decrease in the population of Yerukulas is noticeable. In the Census report, the reason given for the decrease in the strict accuracy followed in enumeration (Census of India, 1921, Vol. XXI, Hyderabad State, Part I, Report, p. 231). An abnormal increase among Yerukulas in 1931 Census of the same state is noticed for which the reason is not known. With regard to the Madras Census reports, we find normal rate of increase from 1901 to 1921 and a steep decline in 1931. Only 832 persons were recorded in 1931 as against 88,631 persons of 1921 Census. According to 1981 Census, Yerukulas who were enumerated as a Scheduled Tribe, only in the 11 Andhra districts where these form 0.36 per cent of the total population of Andhra Pradesh and 9.67 per cent (males 9.7 per cent and female 9.64 per cent) of the total Scheduled Tribes population of the state. It is found that 86.72 per cent of the Yerukula population inhabit rural areas, while only 13.28 per cent live in urban areas. Their population comprises of 50.78 per cent males and 49.22 per cent females. District-wise distribution of Yerukulas is also given in the Census. Yerukulas are predominantly found in Guntur District, where 30 per cent of the total population reside, while the next 4 places are taken by Krishna, Anantapur, Nellore and Kurnool Districts, where the respective percentages of concentration are 11.13, 10.99, 10.19 and 9.18, respectively. In the Districts of Chittoor, Cuddapah, East Godavari and West Godavari, the percentage ranges from 5.51 to 6.65. the percentage is quite low in Srikakulam and Visakhapatnam Districts with 2.05 and 1.77, respectively. The urban population of Yerukulas is respective, 18.33 per cent, 17.54 per cent and 16.66 per cent to their total population in the Districts of Kurnool, West Godavari and Guntur. It is

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8.13 per cent, 7.26 per cent and 6.37 per cent in the Districts of Anantapur, Srikakulam, Nellore and Cuddapah respectively. The percentage of urban population in the other districts is comparatively low (Table 5.1). The sex ratio among Yerukulas is 869 females for 1000 males, while for the state, it is 981 females for 1000 males. Males outnumber the females in all the districts except in West Godavari and Guntur Districts. Moreover, the Yerukulas and Kaikadis were separately treated in the records of the Nizam’s Dominions during the decades from 1881 to 1931 and also there are no population figures available for 1891, and 1901 in the case of Yerukulas, while for Kaikadis, there are no figures in 1891, 1901 and 1911. The percentage of net increase in population Table 5.1 Population of Yerukulas Year

Details (1)

1891

Hyderabad

1901 1911 1911 1921 1921

Madras Madras Madras Madras Hyderabad

1931

Hyderabad

1931

Madras Gunjam plains, except Chicacole, Parlakimidi and Tekkali Chicacole Paralakimidi Tekkali Ganjam Agency Salur, Srungavarapu-kota, Viravilli, Palakonda, Gudem and Golgonda taluks Visakhapatnam Agency Census Andhra Pradesh Urban Rural Grand Total

1961

Persons (2)

Males (3)

Females (4)

E K – – – – Y K E K

9867 7040 65,514 88,241 201 88,631 30,385 24,794 59,172 9,986

– – – – – 45,785 14,937 – 32,002 –

– – – – – 42,846 15,448 – 27,170 –

Total – – – – – – –

832 266 348 113 84 10 11 –

424 145 152 62 56 4 5 –

408 121 196 51 28 6 6 –

– – –

1,11,021 17.003 1,28,024

56,526 8485 65,011

54,495 8518 63,013

Source Census of India 1961, Vol. II, Part V-B (b) Ethnographic Notes of Andhra Pradesh on Yerukulas, pp. 1–34

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from 1881 to 1931 is 49.7 and 41.8 in the case of Yerukulas and Kaikadis, respectively. It is seen that during 1891 Census of Madras, both Yerukulas and Kuravans were clubbed, while they were separately tabulated during the Census decades of 1901, 1911 and 1921 and reported with a net increase of 22.7 per cent on the population of Yerukulas and Kuravans put together from 1891 to 1901, while there was an increase of 34.7 per cent and 0.4 per cent among Yerukulas during 1901–1911 and 1911–1921, respectively, while among Kuruvans there is an increase of 9.3 per cent during 1901–1911 and a decrease of 14.7 per cent during 1911–1921.

5.4

Family Life

The family system of Yerukulas is patriarchal; nonetheless, women occupy a very important place in this tribe, not only as mothers but also as guardians of all properties. Yerukulas lead a life separated from all others, and are rigid and tenacious in following their own customs and rules governing their plan. Particularly, they are very much concerned about the reputation of their women and consider it a serious matter if any women returns home after dusk without an escort. Among Yerukulas, joint family system used to prevail in the past, however, during the father’s life-time, the son could live apart from the joint family, and no share could be claimed by him from his paternal property, so long as his father was alive, and might claim his share only after the death. If a father dies leaving behind a number of children, father’s brothers would come to the rescue of the minor children and bring them up. In reciprocation, children so reared would support their uncles during their old age as a mark of gratitude. Presently, the nuclear family system has come into vogue. Among Yerukulas, there are various Gotras or clans or major divisions found in considerable number, in accordance with their gradation, which are Sathepati, Kavadi, Manapati and Mendragutti and are all distorted Tamil words as reported by the elders of the two villages. For examples: 1. Sathepati is a changed version of Sathupadi, which means adorning a Hindu deity with flowers and jewels and vestments.

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2. Kavadi, shortly pronounced as Kavdi, means a pole carried on the shoulders, with two basket pendants hanging from both its ends in which are kept the offerings for a deity or temple. 3. Menapati is a variation from Manpadi, which means signing in praise of God as and when worshipped in a temple. 4. Mendragutti has its roots in Menrikutti, which means stitching a pair of shoes and presenting it to the temple, a custom still prevalent at Tirupati in Sri Venkateshwara Shrine and others (Field notes, 1991). Of these four major divisions, the first two are, considered superior to the other two, a Kavadi man being styled Pothuvadu (male) and a Sathepati woman, Pente (female), meaning thereby that they are endogamous with a preference of Kavadi men, who are more entitled to marry Sathepati women than Sathepati men. But this custom gradually died as can be known through conversations with them about these things. Yerukulas have innumerable family or house names, such as Wuyyalu, Bandi, Ambojala, Avula, Mekala, Marameai, Devara, Bochu, Malle, Kampa, Gajjala, Pula, Samudrala and so on, consequent on some peculiar incidents in their respective families. According to their ostensible professions and apparent means of livelihood, they are again grouped in certain sub-divisions in different provinces, which are: 1. Kabadi, Uppu or Bidar Yerukulas; 2. Kariveipaku or Karepaku Yerukulas; 3. Thabbai Yerukulas; 4. Kood Katti, Gampa or Bottee Yerukulas; 5. Kavalkar Yerukulas; 6. Pachakutti or Gadde or Piriki Yerukulas; 7. Kooncha, Koochi or Oochala Yerukulas; 8. Kallu Koravas or Wadde Yerukulas; 9. Gadepalli Kaikaries; 10. Koot or Agadee Kaikaries; 11. Paun Kaikaries; 12. Bhajantri Yerukulas Though these Gotras or house names are found in every one of them, some of these sub-divisions are exogamous; but in their common

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pursuit or robbery, they are indistinguishable. A gang of Korawans in Southern India embraced Islam and thereafter they are being called Mohammad Korwans. Some Yerukulas, who have become educated and respectable members of society, call themselves as Balijas or Naidus to get a respectable place. Two sub-divisions of Yerukulas, Kavadi and Wooyaloo Erukulas, do not inter-dine or inter-marry among themselves. As has been learnt from the interviews, they claim their origin from some important incidents in their family. Captain Harvey mentioned about five classes of the Kaikaries, viz. Gam Kaikaries, Koonchee Kaikaries, Koot Kaikaries, Sursal Kaikaries and Ran Kaikaries (1961 Census: Ethnographic Notes on Yerukulas). The Denotified Tribes or ex-Criminal Tribes who are Yerukulas are supposed to be living through criminal ways and means; however, it is not factual in all cases. The data in the three villages reveal that some families completely depend on criminal activities as professional criminals, while some do not commit any kind of criminal activity while some live both ways.

5.5

Economic Status

Traditionally Yerukulas or Koracha is a wandering tribe connected with such occupations as thieving, begging, fortune-telling and basket-making, and they do not stick to a single traditional occupation. As found from the field investigation, majority of them live by rope-making and basketmaking, while women earn by fortune-telling. Women of this community go about in villages carrying a basket made of palmyrah leaves and attracting the children by the types prepared out of the palmyrah leaves. The very same women move about in the streets crying Yeruko amma Yeruka (Prophesies, please, prophesies) and profess to tell one’s future. This kind of activity, locally known as gadde or sode, provides them with small amounts, which can be used for their daily expenses. Incidentally, the ‘sode women’ often turn out to be an interesting subject for adoption at many a fancy-dress competition in school and colleges, etc. While mentioning about the occupation of the Yerukulas, Ramesan writes: Before the advent of British in India, these tribes were also used by the Transport Department of the then Governments to supply cattle to the

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regiments in the frequent disturbances that occurred in the country. A sub-division in this tribe, viz., “Kabedi” or “Ippu” or “Bidar Korawar”, owned hundreds of assess, bullocks and barren cows, and utilized them in the transport of salt, grain etc. the introduction of the railways proved a curse to them since their traditional job, namely, transport, was taken away by the railways, and hence they had to sell away their animals and reduce themselves to adjacent poverty. For generations, they were not accustomed to heavy manual labour, and hence many of them took to crime, as an easy method of earning money. (Ramesan’s article entitled “A Trine in Andhra”, in daily news paper “The Hindu” dated 31-01-1960).

The information in the study village reported that a sub-division of this community known as Didari Yerukulas were living in olden days by selling salt, carried over asses and cows. This practice has now however faded away with as other modes of transport came into vogue and hence these people were obliged to take up alternative occupations. Some Yerukulas have given up their nomadic life and are found settled in villages. Even though they have settled life in some parts, a few do not seem to have given up the instinct to steal others’ property and hence are being looked down upon even now. In the Denotified Settlements, there exists a criminal culture, which is passed on to the next generation through the process of transmission. It seems that a good majority of them depend on rural labour for their livelihood. Of course, a few of them own dry land of small extents and product Jawar, Maize, Sajja (black millet), Ulavalu (horse gram) and Groundnut. The cultivation mainly depends on rainfall which often fails and disappoints them. Hence, the income from agriculture becomes meagre. They are also found to live by rope-making, wattle making, goat and pig-rearing, snake-charming, fortune-telling and begging. A few of them have taken up Government jobs. Also, some women of this community are experts in tattooing and earn their livelihood through this activity. Most of the Yerukulas keep pigs and engage a member of the family for pig-rearing. They collect the pig manure and sell it in bags.

5.6

Life Cycle: Social Customs

Birth: Among Yerukulas, there are no ceremonies attached to pregnancy. Not much importance is given by Yerukulas to the place of confinement. The confinement takes place usually at the husbands’ house, while a few

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of them send their wives to their parents’ home for delivery either in the 5th or 7th month. The first confinement is usually given much care, while much interest is not evinced in the subsequent ones. Well-to-do people among this community observe sreemantham during the seventh month of pregnancy. It is a celebration at which women folk of the community are invited and offered betel leaves and coconuts. All women bless the expectant mother for happy children; and they hardly go to hospital for the purpose of delivery. An information narrated the following: There is no special arrangement for the segregation of the expectant mother. A convenient arrangement is however made in a corner of the house. In the case of Rayalaseema and Telangana regions, an old woman of the caste, locally known as ‘dai’ attends to the delivery for which she is paid in cash or kind, depending on the economic position of the individual. But, in some places, they engage ‘Yanadi aya’ to attend on delivery cases for which the remuneration will be paid, and it differs depending upon the sex of the child. Rs. 3, in the case of a female child, and Rs. 4 in the case of male child is paid in addition to one seer of rice, some tamarind and a measure of pesalu (green gram). Usually, the reason ascribed for a hard delivery is an unfulfilled desire like not eating a cherished dish during her advanced stage of pregnancy. There are some variations in respect of period of pollution after the delivery, from region to region in Andhra Pradesh. In Rayalaseema districts, Yerukulas observe pollution for five days, while whose in Coastal and Telangana districts observe the same for nine and twenty one days, respectively. The period of pollution after child-birth is 21 days in the Picket area of Secunderabad, which might be due to the influence of other castes in the surroundings. Soon after the period of pollution is over, the mother attends to ordinary duties like cleansing the house, etc., but she resumes normal activities only one month after the pollution period. Usually, this community does not observe any taboo during pre-natal period. But, of course, during the post-natal period, the mother indispensably takes well-boiled rice with garlic. She is also forbidden to take stuffs which are hard to digest. (Field notes, 1991)

In other words, the Yerukulas follow certain practices at the time of child-birth, both pre-natal and post-natal.

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5.6.1

Custom of Couvade

Each Social group follows its own customs and practices. Yerukulas also follow a particular custom. The “cauvade” practice is peculiar to this group. This custom seems to be in existence among Yerukulas in the historical past as it is recorded by Thurston (Vol. III, pp. 491–495). According to this custom, when a child is born, much care is bestowed on the father of the child rather than on the mother. Not the mother, but the father is given all the necessary medicines and it is prohibited from taking hard stuff during the period of pollution. Even though this particular custom is not prevalent today, it is still practised rarely by poor Yerukulas who are also illiterates. As observed at the Field (1991) and also as mentioned by Thurston, the birth of a child with the umbilical cord twisted around the neck forecasts the death of the father or maternal uncle (E. Thurston, Vol. III, p. 492). This unpleasant effect can be prevented by killing a fowl by the father or uncle, and wearing its entrails around his neck, and then burying them along with the umbilical cord. 5.6.2

Naming Ceremony

The next important occasion after child-birth is the naming ceremony which is performed on the 4th or 6th day after birth in case of Yerukulas of Rayalaseema, on the 10th and 22nd day after birth in case of Coastal and Telangana areas, respectively. Though this occasion is not celebrated with great pomp, they invite friends and relatives for mean on that day. They consult the elderly men of the caste, father-in-law and mother-in-law of the household head, for selecting the name of the child. 5.6.3

Tonsure

In the past, Yerukulas used to perform the tonsure ceremony for each and every child within a year or during the third year of the child, for which the barber used to attend. Now-a-days, majority of this community do not observe this due to poverty. In some cases, this ceremony is observed for the first child, if only they have got a vow to fulfil to their family god. They consult the elderly members of this community for an auspicious day, and invited the barber for cutting the hair and pay him some money and one Kilogram of rice towards remuneration. In the same way, they

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do not observe the ceremonies regarding the first feeding of the child and initiating the child to learning. 5.6.4

Puberty

Generally, girls attain puberty at the age of 13–14 years. When a girl attains puberty, she is made to sit in a corner of the house and she is not allowed to participate in the normal domestic activities during the period of pollution. The period of pollution varies from region to region. In Rayalaseema region, Yerukulas observe pollution for 3 days, while in Telangana and Coastal areas, they observe pollution for 7 and 9 days, respectively. This shows that Yerukulas in Coastal and Telangana areas attach importance to the period of pollution and are conscious of its importance perhaps after having come into close contact with other castes in these parts; and Bath is given to the girl on 4th, 8th and 10th days in the case of the three respective regions mentioned above. Yerukulas of Rayalaseema do not seem to attach any importance to the ceremony. But, as reported by the informants in Hyderabad District and in Guntur District, they celebrate a ceremony known as “Perantam” (inviting the neighboring women) in the evening of the day on which the final Bath is given. A Woman informant stated: The women sing songs and apply turmeric paste to the feet of the girl and vermilleion to the forehead. In turn, all the invitees are served with betel leaves and nuts, and some sweets. Some well-t-do people cut a fowl and arrange a feast on the day of final bath and enjoy the occasion. During the period of pollution, the girl is served with “PULAGAM” (rice and greengram dal, mixed and cooked and some salt added to it). (Field notes, 1991)

But, in some areas like Hyderabad, a mixture of rice, coconut, ghee and jaggery is served daily to the girl. On the final day, they give rice to the washer man for cleaning the surroundings. This community in general does not observe pollution for subsequent menses.

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5.6.5

Marriage

It is an important occasion for them to celebrate with all pomp and splendour. Marriage by negotiation is the only type of marriage in practice among Yerukulas. The usual age of marriage for girls is between 12 and 16 years, while for the boy it is between 16 and 20 years. A Yerukulas elder expressed: The father of the youth, with some of the elders of his community, proceeds in quest of the suitable bride. Normally, alliances are favoured with near relatives like paternal aunt’s daughter, maternal uncles’ daughter and sister’s daughter. Marriages among members belonging to the same surname or clan are not allowed.

As already stated earlier, there are two divisions of four exogamous units among Yerukulas, viz. (I) (a) Sathpadi, and (b) Manupadi; and (II) (a) Nallabothula, (b) Mandraguthi. Persons belonging to the first division can marry from the second and vice versa, while marriages cannot be contracted in the same division. The custom of levirate by which a man is bound to marry his brother’s widow is not found during the Field work; but its prevalence was recorded by Thurston (E. Thurston, Vol. III, p. 485). Regarding procedure of marriage ceremony, Thurston states: The father of the would be husband of a girl goes with ten rupees, called sullponnu, to her home, and pays the money to one of several elders who are brought together. Towards evening, the ground in front of the girl’s hut is swept, and a wooden plank and stone are set side by side. The bridegroom sits on the former, and the bride on the latter. Two pots of water are placed before them, and connected together by a thread tied round their necks. The pots are lifted up and water is poured over them. Contrary to the custom prevailing among many castes, new cloths are not given to them after this bath (E. Thurston, Vol. III, 1909, pp. 484–485).

This practice is not in vogue in the villages under study. Presently, new clothes are given to the bridal pair at the time of marriage. The bride price, locally known as VOLI, varies from region to region. Yerukulas of Rayalaseema Districts used to pay VOLI ranging from Rs.

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150 to Rs. 250, while of Guntur District Rs. 200 and in the case of Telangana area Rs. 95. Now-a-days, the VOLI has gone down considerably and it depends on the economic position of the household. According to the information gathered during the Field Study, the marriage is celebrated usually for 3 days at the bridegroom’s house. The first day is known as Devuni Ootam (a feast in God’s name). The bride and the groom are prepared for marriage. The ceremony connected with the preparation of bride is known as wearing bangles and it takes place on the first day only. The “Kankanams” are tied to the wrists (right wrist for the groom and left wrist for the bride) of couple. On the second day, the couple are given oil bath, and are dressed in new clothes. They are taken to the marriage pendal, erected specially for the occasion, and amidst the invitees, the bridegroom ties the sacred thread, MANGALASUTRAM, around the neck of the bride. It is a solemn occasion and all the relatives and friends gather there to bless the couple wishing them a long and happy married life. TALMBRALU ceremony follows, when the couple pour rice grains on each other’s heads. A feast, consisting of nonvegetarian dishes, is arranged for all those who attended the function, and liquor is freely served. The marriage procession takes place in the night. Musical instruments are engaged and the couple go to the temple to prostrate before the God or deity to have His or Her blessings. Consummation ceremony takes place on the same night, of the bride has attained puberty. Otherwise, it will be postponed till she attains puberty. On the morning of the third day, after KANKANA VISARJANA (removal of the sacred thread tied around the wrists), the bridal pair go to the bride’s house. The total expenditure on marriage ranges between Rs. 1000 and Rs. 2000. It was observed during the Field Survey that Yerukulas do not invite a Brahmin to officiate at the ceremony but consult him for fixing up an auspicious day for the celebration of marriage, as an old experienced man of the community officiates as priest. The marriage takes place in open fields or jungles where a marriage pendal is erected for the occasion or it takes place under an auspicious tree, amidst gathering of friends and relatives. As informant of 65 years of age stated: The Yerukulas of Guntur village reported that the son-in-law is presented with a gold ring and new clothes. No other ornaments are given to the

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bride except the toe-rings, marriage locket consisting of black beads, earrings, nose-ring and bangles. Presentation in cash and kind are made by the invitees to the couple. The bride and groom are taken in procession and economically well-t-do people engage orchestra and arrange a megaphone and play cinema records during marriage occasion. (Field notes, 1991)

The Kaikadis of Telangana area celebrate the marriage at the bride’s house: Elderly people of the community itself perform the ceremony and they usually spend about Rs. 1000–2000 for the marriage ceremony. Both child and adult marriages are in vogue in the community. Premarital sex relationship is tolerated. One special feature noticed in this community is lending one’s wife, being practised by those who cannot afford to repay the debts incurred by them. At times, there are occasions that they sell their wives too. In some of the families, it is reported that there is a practice of sending the girl to her husband’s house, even before she attains puberty. Polyandry is not in vogue. Polygamy is practised, and a man can have as many wives as he can afford to maintain. Inter-caste marriages are not accepted, though they occasionally take place. Thirston stated: If the marriage is arranged, a pot of water is placed before the couple, and a blade of grass (Cynodon dactylon) put into the water. This is equal to bring oath between them. Of this grass, it is said in the Atharwana Veda: “May this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years”. (Thurston, 1909)

The feature of widow remarriage, known as CHEERA KATTIMPU, is in vogue, subject to the approval of the Tribal Panchayat, the only condition being that some fixed amount has to be paid towards bride price to the former father-in-law of the widow. If the widow has any children, they are left to the care of their former husbands’ relatives. So also, divorce is granted by the Tribal Panchayat on reasonable grounds like wife’s unfaithfulness or husband’s incapacity to protect her, his impotency or afflicted with some incurable diseases, etc., so divorced wife or husband can remarry. If a girl is abducted, the young man who carries her away is forced to marry her. If the male refuses to marry her, a fine as deemed fit is levied by the Tribal Panchayat. Thurston’s observations in regard to abduction hold good even today. He says that in the case of abduction, the elders of the caste meet and

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decide that a man who carried away a woman, must marry that woman and the marriage will be performed on the lines of a widow remarriage. If the man refuses to marry her, he is fined (E. Thurston, 1909, Vol. III, p. 490). Another practice which is rarely found among other Scheduled Tribes is that a woman among Yerukulas is allowed to select some partner, who would act as her husband, during a contingency like the period of her husband’s incarceration and, on his release, the husband has to admit the wife along with the children born during the intervening period. 5.6.6

Death

Among the Yerukulas, the dead are generally buried. Neither bath is given to the corpse, not any decorations made. However, in places like Guntur District, the corpse is given bath and is decorated with a bottu on the forehead. A new corpse cloth is wrapped around the dead body and it is carried on a bier by four people to the burial ground. The corpse is kept down on the ground twice before reaching the burial ground with an esoteric hope that the departed might get back to life. Clothes of the dead body, except the corpse cloth in which the corpse is wrapped, are removed at a place known as DIMPUDU KALLAM and they are given away to the Byagara who digs the pit. People dying during pregnancy and of diseases like leprosy, etc., are cremated. When buried, the body is kept in a lysing posture with the head to the south in the pit and is then covered with earth. The practice of burning the dead body in a state of nudity, as recorded by Thurston, which, according to him, prevailed at Visakhapatnam is not found among the Yerukulas surveyed, (E. Thurston, Vol. III, pp. 498– 500). Thurston also records the practices of Yerukulas in Nellore District. According to him, the elders of the community are cremated, while all others are buried. Married people are taken to the grave on a bier, whereas the unmarried are wrapped in a mat. Mourning is observed for 5 to 12 days by all the members of the family. Obsequies are performed on 3rd or 5th or 10th or 12th day. Performance on the 3rd or 5th day is known as CHINA DIVASAM (initial obsequies) and that on the 10th day is known as PEDDA DIVASAM (final obsequies). A non-vegetarian feast is arranged for the invitees, while intoxicants are also served. The Yerukulas of Guntur District reported that Jangam, who officiates as priest during such occasions for some caste

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Hindus, is invited by them also to conduct the rituals, though he does not dine at their house. He is paid Rs. 20 and 2 kilograms of rice as DAKSHINA (towards his fee). Persons belonging to other exogamous groups (they should not possess the deceased man’s surname) offer liquor to all the people connected with the deceased on the day of burial. People, who wish to erect tombs, may do it; but it is not compulsory. As a mark of reverence, every year or once in three years, a feast is arranged by the family of the deceased to relatives and friends. 5.6.7

Religion

As per field survey, Korachas or Yerukulas are Hindus by religious faith and they are all devotees of Hindu Gods as they observe all Hindu festivals according to the Hindu almanac; and among them there are Saivaites and Vaishnavites worshipping Siva and Vishnu, respectively, as their family Gods. Thurston has also observed that Koravas are also devotees of Subrahmanya, the son of Siva, while Yerukulas worship Vishnu in the form of Venkateshwara and his wife Laxmi (E. Thurston, Vol. III, p. 442) in an early Sanskrit Drama, it is recorded that a Brahmin thief mocks Subrahmanya as being the patron saint of thieves. Visiting temples and offering prayers are not forbidden. They do not have any religious insignias of their caste and sect, and they do not put any caste marks on their foreheads like vibudhi or performance of puja with coconut, betel leaves and betel nuts, camphor, agarbatti, kumkuma (vermilion) and sacred turmeric rice (akshintalu). Saturday is considered to be an auspicious day for them to go on fasting or to worship Lord Venkateshwara. They have firm faith in the Supreme Being who is the creator of the entire universe without whose guidance, no human activity can ensue. Every denomination has got their own family deity. For instance, almost all Korachas are devotees of Maremma, their village deity, while Yerukulas of Atmakur (Kurnool District) worship local deities like Sunkalamma, Kanakamma, etc. They also celebrate annual jataras in the name of the goddess Maremma and on this day sheep, goat or buffalo, depending on the economic status of the individual, is sacrificed. They believe that these village deities are responsible for all the good as well as evil that befalls the village, and they believe that the village would be free from epidemics such as Cholera and small-pox, if they perform the

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jatara of Maremma who otherwise may show her wrath in the form of epidemics. Yerukulas do not have any spiritual advisers, priests or gurus. For any spiritual advice, they seek the help of a local Brahmin Purohit or some other learned man. It is reported during the Field Work that some Yerukulas consult Brahmins, and some do not fix up the auspicious time for marriage, etc., instead, a learned man of the community is consulted in these matters. 5.6.8

Important Festivals

Yerukulas, just like any other Hindu community, regard festivals as an occasion of joy. They celebrate Ugadi and Dasara festivals with great enthusiasm. On these days, they take bath, wear clean clothes (some go in for new clothes) and enjoy a feast consisting of some sweet dishes, usually Paramannam (a milk preparation with dal and jaggery or sugar) and a curry dal, pepper, water and rice. Generally, meat is not cooked on festival occasions, but it is eaten on the next day of the festival. Though they would like to celebrate the festivals magnificently, they cannot go beyond their means, since they lead extremely poor lives. They can hope for a full meal only on days when they have got handful of work, which lasts only for 6 or 8 months at the most, in a year. They enjoy veta (hunting) on the following day of Ugadi (March–April). On this day, they enjoy the menu prepared of pork. In addition, Yerukulas of Telangana indulge in the joyful activities during the Mohammadan festival of Moharram, locally called Peerla Panduga. This new phenomenon of following Muslim festivals entered the Yerukulas culture as the Yerukulas are living amidst the Muslims. The friendly atmosphere between them sponsored the Yerukulas to celebrate the Muslim festival along with their Muslim brethren. It is said that before commencing any festival, some Yerukulas worship the goddess Kollapuramma. On Srirama Navami (March–April) day, they perform bhajans. The Yerukulas, residing in Guntur District, visit Kotappakonda shrine, 6 miles away from their village during Sivaratri (February), like other caste people, from various corners of the region flock to enjoy the fair and nearly 6–7 lakhs of people gather to have the Darshan of Koteswaraswamy, supposed to be the very awatar (incarnation) of Lord Siva. Yerukulas in Kurnool District celebrate annual Jataras in the name of goddess

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Maremma, and they do not have any ceremonial or recreational activities on any other festive occasion.

5.7

Structure of Social Control and Leadership

Yerukulas are bound by common rules and regulations, which are framed by the village panchayats, as they live along with other communities. Usually, they refer to the village panchayats for certain difficulties regarding the space for house construction, etc. In addition, they have got a separate Tribal Panchayat at the village level, consisting of the elderly members of the community. There is no Tribal Panchayat at the regional level. The community Panchayat is informal and the tribunal head wears a ring as an insignia of his being the head. He decides the disputes and other social irregularities as and when the Tribal Panchayat meets and awards decisions. Certain occasions are there, when the Panchayat levies fines on the party concerned which is used for the enjoyment among themselves. Also, during the celebration of marriage or at any other socially important function, the tribal head is first served with food and pan. During the Field Work, an interviewee stated: Yerukulas inhabiting rural parts do not know of the existence of the Panchayat Sanitis and Zilla Parishads. It is rarely seen that persons of this community are found to serve as members of the village panchayats. (Field notes, 1991)

However, Yerukulas of Telangana region have formed into a Yerukula Sangham, and this co-operative organization, which also acts as Tribal Panchayat, looks into the needs and requirements of their people and strives for their welfare. The important achievements of the Sangham are that due to its efforts: (i) the amount of price, which was in hundreds previously, has been reduced to Rs. 95; (ii) all the members of the tribe are made to observe prohibition and (iii) most of them have avoided the practice of consuming pork during marriage occasions. A Yerukula male expressed once during informal chat: We, the Yerukulas, do not accept either water or food from the Scheduled castes like Mala, Madiga, Dhor, Mahar, Dakkal etc., while Boya, Chakali, Mangali and Balija do not accept food or water from our community. But,

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our community takes food from the hands of Boyas and Balijas. Their touch is not considered to be unclean or polluting by other castes. (Field notes, 1991)

Brahmin priests do not serve them during ceremonial occasions. Nowa-days, consultation with Brahmins is also stopped in some areas where they consult the elderly man of the community for such purposes. Barbers do not render service, while washer men do it, if the dirty clothes are brought to their houses, while they have free access to both temples and common well. The traditional occupation of this community is soothsaying and basket-weaving, which they never refuse to any person on the ground of caste. However, the settlers’ traditional occupation is thieving though occasionally they involve in other occupations. An elderly Yerukula narrated as account of his community in the following manner: The Yerukulas are one of the largest, most daring and craftiest of the criminal tribes in India. They are an infamous tribe of robbers in the South like the Bowrres in the North. This tribe gradually migrated from the South over four centuries ago to the North as their caravans used to carry salt and grain from sea-coast towns to the interior and, on their return journey, forest produce to the sea-coast. Each gang selects a certain part of the country as its area of operation or their own ‘preserve’. Being accustomed to a wandering life for many generations, they still have kept it up, but are forced to take to crime for a living. They are not accustomed to manual labour and find it easier to live by dishonest means than by the sweat of their brow. (Field notes, 1991)

Sometimes, they live side by side with villagers or town-folk and make friends with women and through them, they sell stolen properties. In this connection. Mr. C.H. Travers (1904), the then Superintendent of Police, North Arcot District, reported to Papa Rao Naidu as follows: The women of a rich village Munsiff’s family were said to have been in close touch with the leaders of a Koraswa gang, so much so that,when some of the gang were arrested in a dacoity case, the village munsiff and his women helped them in various ways. (Reported in field work, 1991)

This establishes the fact that the so-called respectable people around them contribute towards the perpetuation of crime and the society around

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is responsible for making Yerukulas lead a criminal life. Once they enter this normless field, they become expert in it, making crime their regular profession and thus the criminal culture sets in. As the Yerukulas originated themselves into gangs, they were mostly found in Nellore, Krishna and Guntur Districts and some of them came from the Nizam’s Dominions and committed all sorts of organized crimes like dacoity with violence, gang rape, cattle-lifting, house-breaking, etc. Some of the women are equally crime-oriented like their male counterparts and do not have any hesitation on concealing small articles by hiding them in their private parts. Small pieces of jewelry stolen by the Yerukulas, which pass over to their women-folks are at once concealed in the mouth or even swallowed to escape detection. These women act as main agents in disposing of the stolen properties. While committing heinous crimes, the men carry knives and a kind of bill-hooks called Koduval, which is a compromise between a sword and a sickle. For the purpose of committing petty burglaries and thefts, the Yerukulas use an iron instrument pointed at either end and is called Gadikolu or Silly Kollu. However, their conduct is regulated by certain well-defined rules. For example, they are forbidden to enter a house through the front door, unless it is unavoidable and, if they must do so, they must leave the house by the same way. In Krishna and Guntur Districts, dacoity and robbery cases were considered to be the handiwork of the criminal gangs from across the borders of the Nizam’s Dominions. There are fine hideouts for the criminals in the jungles of the frontier. The Criminal Investigation Department was active and it did useful work in nabbing some active members of criminal gangs who went underground and continued conducting enquiries regarding them. To be precise, thirteen members of a gang of dangerous dacoits in Guntur, Kurnool and Nellore Districts were sentenced to rigorous imprisonment. Instructions were issued to the then officers to remove the permanent gangs from the parent gang registers, retaining only the wandering gangs and to register them as ‘K.D.S’ (meaning, known Depredators), the really bad characters. 197 members of these gangs were convicted during the year 1910, of which 100 belonged to Nellore. Among them Yerukulas and Donga Dasaries were found to be active criminals. The criminals of these two tribes were brought under the settlements of Kalichedu and Kavali in Nellore District in the year 1912. The police kept an unobtrusive watch over a criminal who was suspected

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both by police and public in criminal cases. His previous convictions dubbed him as a criminal or at least as a bad character. A brief study of the socio-economic factors of the Yerukulas which contributed to their committing systematic crimes in the erstwhile Madras Presidency is necessary. Frequent marches of rival armies, with their attendant evils of ravages and plunders ruined the province and bled its economy white. There was no security either for person or property. Many districts of the Madras Presidency were infested with robbers and travelling in the country was quite unsafe. As Sarada Raju (1941, p. 6) wrote: Even in 1816, it was observed that the country was constantly exposed to plunder by predatory bands.

Thus, the socio-economic life in the Madras presidency was very much disturbed. Though Nellore District was not much affected by these local wars, there was mismanagement in the administration and hence agriculture, trade and commerce were dwindling. There were even instances of some Zamindars themselves being responsible for highway robberies and dacoities. As S. Venugopal Rao (1965, p. 145) put it: It was not uncommon for the landholders and the Zamindars to draw considerable income from the loot of the robbers by giving them the necessary protection from law.

The terrible famine in 1833 had utterly razed the Guntur District entirely, and the epidemic that followed close on its heals caused distress and misery to the people. In Nellore, the riots had been impoverished by the low proceedings of grains. After the introduction of some administrative measures, there was a slight improvement in the standard of rich people, but it was not so far the weaker sections. So, the greater portion of the population suffered from daily insufficiency of food. In addition to these economic conditions, the administration of criminal justice was inferior to even the then prevailing civil justice. As Srinivasa Raghavizangar (1993) points out:

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The disorderly state of the presidency, frequent drought and occasional famines, the inefficient administration caused for the impoverishment of the land, which led to the precarious conditions prevail in these parts.

Criminality is strongly influenced by the economical situation. As Haikerwal (1934, p. 50) said: A bad season raises the average jail population, while a year of good harvest and rainfall decreases crime.

In the year 1918, the economic conditions were most unfavourable. The monsoon failed and ultimately prices of all articles rose steadily; as the year advanced, an abnormal increase of crime was registered reaching a new high during the previous forty years; heinous crime figures rose from 36,960 to 42,956 cases. Dacoities and robberies were 879 and 1052, respectively, against 424 and 890 during the same period of the previous year. The Waddars and Yerukulas from Guntur caused havoc in Krishna District. In order to curb the activities of the criminals, the then Madras Government decided to declare the above two as Criminal Tribes. Of these two, we may now focus on Yerukulas, declared as a Criminal Tribe. Firstly, the vice of criminality cannot be hereditary, as it is more due to Yerukulas’ broken social life, under pressures of economic and territorial displacement than anything else. As nomads, they have to move from place to place for getting food and shelter. This is enough displacement to affect seriously their old pattern of life leading to maladjustments in their society. Secondly, the introduction of railways was a setback to the trade or business that the Yerukulas were carrying on, though it helped their quick movement to and from the places of crime as also in the wide areas of operation. Salt business and selling of curry leaves became too difficult for them, to carry on as before. Thirdly, the general near-famine conditions of the Madras Presidency compelled them to take up criminal activity for subsistence. Fourthly, the adverse climatic conditions and the rise in the prices of essential commodities of life led them to the path of crime. Fifthly, their behavioural patterns, i.e., the easy-going ways of life gave them scope to pursue criminal activities. Moreover, the individuals of their group are an intelligent and clever lot, which acted as a favourable point to choose escapist type of living.

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Sixthly, the Zamindars and landlords, who were the investors in crime, encouraged for their own selfish ends. Seventhly, some Yerukulas served as intelligence corps (Charus) in the service of medieval kingdoms, and later under the Rajas and Zamindars also. Further, they were employed in the standing armies of the kings and the local chieftains and when the British occupied these areas, the local armies were disbanded and the British army replaced them. Consequently, the Yerukulas lost their age-old means of honest living and are obliged to thieving. The culture and social organization of the Yerukulas is quite different from any other tribe of the country. The code of conduct of every individual is determined and controlled by an organization called “Kula Panchayat” or caste assembly. They have great respect for the unwritten law or the verdict of Kula Panchayat. The caste assembly enforces rigid principles on them. Irrespective of the sect or his position in the society, every Yerukula man subordinates himself to the will of the elders or the lease of their own tribe. The head of the village is called “Beromanasam” or a big man. The Yerukula leaders decide whether a man is guilty of an allegation or not by dipping the fingers of the accused person in boiling oil or making him pick up a red-hot iron rod or walking through a cracking bed of fire, etc., if the accused is injured during such a test, he is adjudged guilty. Though the methods involved here are uncivilized and barbarous, these are very simple and do not have a chance of perjury or impersonation. The “Beromanasam” is selected on account of his age, intelligence and the influence he commands by virtue of love and affection shown to him by the community. The Kula-panchayat consists of five persons, who listen to the complaints and then manage to arrive at an unanimous decision. Free drinking of toddy at the expense of the parties concerned takes place in every caste assembly. It is the aggrieved party which gives notice to the assembly or the Kulam. The disputants join hands, thereby suggesting to the kulam that their dispute should be decided by them. Each pays one rupee. The kulam or the tribe may decide the dispute at once or adjourn it till the next meeting. In the second meeting also, they pay one rupee each for toddy. A person, who fails to attend when the kulam is assembled, has to forego his membership of the tribe. If there is a third party joining the hands, each side pays three rupees-and-a-half for toddy to keep the tribe in good spirits. In the final adjournment, the decision is taken by means of a test, which is as follows: An equal quantity

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of rice is placed in two pots of equal weight, having an equal quantity of water and an equal quantity of fuel. The judges then satisfy themselves most carefully as to the quantity, the weight and so on. The water is boiled and the man whose rice boils first is declared to be the winner of the dispute. The loser is to recoup the winner all his expenses. There is also another method: Picking up a coin from a pot containing boiling oil. The one who picks up without injury is declared winner. The Tamil proverb: “Kuravans’ justice, the ruin of the family” is quite apt, because it refers to the endless nature of the quarrels and all decisions of which are prolonged. Thus, there are generally three different ways in which panchayats meet: 1. Caste dinner at which somebody taking advantage of the assembly gets up and gives a complaint 2. When it is specially summoned by the aggrieved person. 3. When it is definitely summoned to discuss problems of importance. Thus, the panchayats show a predominant autonomy. There are inter-village panchayats also. The Beromanasam generally are of far off villages that cannot be influenced by anybody. They are paid incidental expenses of their journeys to and from their villages. In these cases, the disputes are settled not by means of ordeals, but by means of specification and establishment of peace and tranquility between the two parties. If peace is restored, both the parties dine together; otherwise, both sects will remain as rival groups. There are some drastic rules in the social code of Yerukulas. The Yerukula individual can, in no case, marry a woman of any caste or community lower than that of his own. If he does, all the clan members are excommunicated by the panchayat in the presence of all the community members. The man who elopes with a low caste woman must necessarily undergo a process of purification ceremony. After burning his tongue with a gold-piece in the presence of all his tribe, he is re-admitted into the caste. The offence may be committed by a single person; but the entire clan is held responsible for that. Sexual intercourse between the persons of the same caste construes a social stigma. That individual has to undergo the same purification ceremony and is followed by a community dinner. The marriage of that girl would be arranged in order to avoid further complications. If any case of extra-marital intercourse

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comes to notice, and if the girl is caught in the very act, the husband, if any, complains about the matter to the Kula-panchayat. If her husband is willing to keep his wife with him in spite of this, the culprit is expected to pay a fine of Rs.50/– to the Kula-panchayat. Otherwise, she has to pay all the expenses of marriage to her husband and Rs. 50/– as fine to the Kula-panchayat. The man who is thus involved in adultery received her as his second wife and the children born to the married husband be claimed by him. A man cannot dare to speak ill of any other woman. If a woman is spoken ill of, she reports the matter to the Kula-panchayat and immediately the person responsible has to pay a fine of Rs. 8/– as “Noti Thappu” or talking ill of a lady. This norm is to maintain the social status and reverence for the woman in the community. Are the Yerukulas a Criminal Tribe or scheduled tribe or backward Hindus? This question seems to be more pertinent. Yerukulas of Andhra region were included in the list of Criminal Tribes Act 1871 and they were treated as such till Indian became Independent. When the Constituent Assembly met and discussed various issues, the tribals felt that they should get special benefits like the former untouchables. Their leader, Mr. Singh, argued in their favour and the tribals were added as separate groups in the Schedule of the Constitution for benefits. It was a political addition as Prof. S.C.Dube said: Since then, the Scheduled Tribes have been enjoying like S.C.’s. During this transition period, Yerukulas were in the list coming under Criminal Tribes Act; and were now called Denotified Tribes, who were not enjoying as much privilege as Scheduled Tribes

So, the leaders of the Yerukulas of Andhra region were pressurized politically to see that they were included in the Scheduled Tribes list and were successful. As a consequence of this political move, they were included in the list of Scheduled Tribes in later 50s. However, the same Yerukulas of Telangana region were not included in the list of Scheduled Tribes, as they were not so much so the real Scheduled Tribes, and they became Scheduled Tribes by a manipulation. Are the Yerukulas tribals? By definition, tribals should not have any occupation whatsoever. But, these tribals have occupation, like criminal or non-criminal dispensation. When they have an occupation of their own, they cannot be called tribals. Then, who are they? We can assume that they are part of the village of that region, along with different social groups

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or castes; and they have a place in the social hierarchy in that village. So also, they have the religion like other caste groups of the village. Thus, are socially backward Hindus like Chakalis, Kummaras, Yadavas and Mangalis of an Andhra village. The ‘Yerukula’—four-division, identical with a subcaste pattern clearly indicates that they are part and parcel of the Hindu organization. Moreover, they have also the gotra system, which is again a clear indicator of their being a part of Hindu society.

CHAPTER 6

Two Tribal Settlements Under Study: A Socio-Historical Account

6.1

Venkumamba Village

Venkumamba village is located on the southern side of the River Krishna, one mile away from the National Highway No. 5, (the Madras-Calcutta Trunk Road), close to Vijayawada, but falling under Guntur District. Many buses ply from Vijayawada to Guntur every half-hour, and the Vijayawada-Madras railway line passes through this settlement village, thereby giving much scope to the settlers to commit railway crimes. The Venkumamba settlement, situated in Guntur District, lies between 15018’ and 16050’ of the Northern latitude and 790 and 8055’ of the Eastern longitude on the South Bank of the River Krishna. The river emerges into this area from a corridor of the Palnadu hills and finally elsewhere empties itself into the Bay of Bengal in a broad sweeping curve. Guntur District is largely a flat, deltaic plain, spreading westward from the Bay of Bengal, rising gradually into a broken country and the rough woody hills of Palnadu. It is bounded by Prakasam and Nellore Districts in the South and by Prakasam and Krishna Districts in the West. As Robert Eric Frykenberg says about Guntur District (1965: 1): “Its plain is a luxurious carpet of green the year round”. However, sea-sand gives way to black cotton-soil and then to red gravel and clay soil. Out of the plain, rocky hills protrude abruptly, the largest of which is Kondavidu, a long ridge dominating the centre of the plain. Sugar cane, rice and

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_6

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other staple crops are interspersed all over the district being fed by irrigation canals, while easy crops like tobacco fetch foreign exchange from Britain, America, Soviet Russia and some other East European countries. The main line of the railways, joined by subsidiary lines at Vijayawada, connects the district with the leading industrial, commercial and other busy populous centres in India. The completion of the Nagarjunasagar Dam has given a great boost to Guntur making it an important industrial centre. The Grand Trunk (G.T.) Road (NH-5), running from Calcutta to Madras, passes through Guntur Town and the Venkumamba village is situated only one mile away from the G.T. Road. Physiographically, Guntur District may be divided into three district regions viz. the main land, the coastal and the delta region. This part of the country is exposed to prolonged extreme heat of the summer for about five months and a pleasant winter for about two months, with an erratic rainy season during the rest of the year. The low and open type of forests with poor growth of edible grasses and limited but perennial water supply sources are not normally congenial to the existence of a large population of wild life. Tigers, panthers, cheetahs and deer occasionally appear in the forest groves. The district offers some evidence of Prehistoric life at Ippatiam and Karempudi on the banks of the Naguleru, representing Palaeolithic culture, while Nagarjunakonda and Chebrolu abound in the remnants of Neolithic culture. The Mauryans, Sathavahanas, Ikshavakus, Pallavas, Salankyanas, Vishnukundins, Eastern Chalukyas, Cholas and Kakatiyas glorified this land by establishing their kingdoms and contributed amply to the historic eminence of this land. The Reddis of Kondavidu, the Vijayanagar Emperors, the Bahamanis and the Qutub Shahis played good and bad roles in the history of this district. Later, powerful Zamindars belonging to the four great families of vasireddy, Malrazu, Manikarao and Manuru made their influence felt in the region. However, all of them faction-ridden and, accordingly, would not hesitate spending money lavishly on successive disputes and protracted litigations. Also, generally, the people of this area are daring entrepreneurs investing money either on education or in business. It is also noteworthy that the district played a prominent part in the Freedom Struggle of the country which was launched by the Indian National Congress. The Foreign Goods Boycott Movement, the Swadeshi Movement and National Educational Movement and the Home Rule

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Movement captured the imagination of the people and, consequently, Guntur was the centre for Non-co-operation Movement, while QuitIndia Movement assumed alarming proportions in this district later. Stories of great sacrifices during Freedom Movement are current even today as also the present highly influential in the Government predominate whatever party comes into power. In the region, the three principal traditional Varna-castes of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas enjoy high respect in the society, while the Sudravarna castes comprise of both advanced and backward castes in addition to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Among the dominant Sudravarna castes, Kammas and Kapus, the later are more powerful. Among the tribes, Lambadis, Yerukulas, Yanadis and Chenchus are wandering tribes, all living in their own settlements in close proximity to forests and speaking their own dialects. All these castes and sub-castes have their own sub-cultures and sub-systems. As about Venkumamba Settlement, it has the advantage of Krishna District being located on the borders of Guntur District. In fact, Vijayawada city though in Krishna District because of its nearness helps the villagers in many ways, as also committing of crimes. As such, the geographical factors of these two districts contribute to a great extent to the flourishing activities of the Criminal Tribes in the settlement. For instance, a nucleus was formed at Venkumamba village, by keeping some women belonging to Donga Yerukulas whose male relatives happened to be lodged in prison. In December 1912, the then Madras Government sanctioned a grant, both recurring and non-recurring to the Salvation Army to assist the undertaking of the settlement. Major Mackenzie of the Salvation Army took charge of the responsibility of Venkumamba village, which he undertook readily. Towards this end, an area to the extent of 84.06 acres was given to the Salvation Army, free of charge, for occupancy rights and free of assessment, to be utilized for the benefit of the Venkumamba village. The Government recommended that persuasive methods should be adopted in respect of Donga Yerukula settlers and in case those methods failed, they could apply the provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act. The persuasive methods having failed completely in their case, the Criminal Tribes Settlement was established in the year 1913, starting with a handful of men who were released from jail. Section 12 of the Act restricted the movement of these people. The Yerukulas of Godavari and Guntur Districts were

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brought under the provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act. Over a period of time, their numbers became unmanageable and, as such, the British Government established another Settlement at Bethapudi, which came later to be known as Dharmapur village. People of these two settlements have inter-connections, inter-relationships and inter-marriages. In October 1915, the Venkumamba village was divided into two parts, namely, Sinayapuram and Kondapet Settlements, each under the management of a European Salvation Army Officer. This division was made for the effective supervision of the settlers, as a measure of internal arrangement and the people happening to be one and the same. Nearby the village, there is a big work of stone quarrying. In this village, agriculture is the chief means of livelihood; and the other main occupation is stone quarrying because a quarry is situated just by the side of village. Cultivation continues to be the main preoccupation even today, while stone quarrying is reduced in importance. The then Government sanctioned to the Salvation Army a sum of Rs. 10,000 as loan in December 1914, for the maintenance of the settlement; and the facilities were further developed by the Salvation Army with the establishment of train link to the quarries, and in addition, introduction of weaving, silkspinning, carpentry and sewing, as also other subsidiary industries were provided for the settlers. The settlers being the Yerukulas, whose traditional occupation was also basket-making, they also had shown interest in mat-and-basket-making. In 1914, only 40 acres of land was cultivated due to non-availability of agriculture land. However, during the same year, the Government, realizing the need for more land, handed over a large tract of fertile land to the Salvation Army for the purpose of parcelling it out to the settlers for cultivation. The Salvation Army then was able to utilize this land for the benefit of these settlers. In the initial stages, there was a large number of escapes from among the criminals. In 1916, the Deputy Inspector-General of Police (Railways) and the Criminal Investigation Department was entrusted with the general supervision and control of all the Settlements in Madras Presidency. The D.I.G. visited Bombay and Uttar Pradesh to acquaint himself with the system prevailing in the Settlements in the north. In fact, the Salvation Army was doing a good job in forming these Criminal Settlements. Hannyngton, the Deputy Inspector-General, Madras Presidency, reported that the work done by Bawden in Kavali Settlement and Captain Robilliard of the Salvation Army at Stuartpuram was of an exceptionally high order. Since there was demand for more land for the settlers, the

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Government gave more land for agriculture pursuits; and supervision was also strictly enforced, minimizing the number of escapes. As about the population of the Settlement, at the end of 1915, it comprised of 301 men, 271 women and 337 children, totaling 909. Thus, there was an increase in number from previous years. Fear of visitation of floods and indolent habits kept the settlers away from taking full advantage of the 130 acres of land granted to them for agricultural purposes, and reports in 1916 showed that they were dependent mainly on the quarry work since the work close to the settlement. As Education was considered by the Britishers to change the behaviour of an individual, an Elementary School was started by the Salvation Army in April 1913 in the settlement. A night school was also opened both for adults and children, which continued to do commendable work. The weaving section attached to the school possessed five looms, which provided employment to the pupils that attended the schools in the early part of the day. The other cottage industries, such as mat-making, smithy and carpentry were instituted in the Settlement. As time passed except the Elementary School, the rest of the activities are neglected. The general conditions of the Settlement, during the year 1917, were very bad, as the settlement had to grapple with two successively serious epidemics of cholera and small-pox. As a result, the settlers became restless and began to abscond from the settlement in large numbers. Also, the food situation was also not good; and as such there was dissatisfaction among the settlers. The Government being perturbed by the working of the settlement, in 1917, decided to abolish it slowly, depleting the strength of the settlers by periodical transfers to other more favourably situated settlements. As a result, some of the settlers were also shifted to other settlements. In that context, a Roman Catholic Priest at Vijayawada lodged a complaint to the then Government against the removal of certain Donga Dasaries who were under his supervision. Later on, he agreed to the handling over of the children only. Mr. P.L. Moore, I.C.S., InspectorGeneral of Police, was however very much satisfied with the behaviour of Donga Yerukulas. Moreover, there was a shift in the Government administration, in that the Labour Commissioner took charge of all the Criminal Settlements by the year 1919 and from that time onwards, there was improvement in the general condition of the settlements, as availability of employment and

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fairly good rainfall were responsible for a marked decline in the incidence of crime. Notionally, whenever economic distress prevails, incidence of petty crimes increases. However, it could also be argued that irrespective of the economic situation, the crimes can be increasing or decreasing. It is also seen that notwithstanding constant developmental activities in the settlement, occurrence of crime did not go down. In other words, improvement of economic conditions alone cannot solve the problem of crime. Nonetheless, were the pro-crime culture thriving, there is a remarkable tendencies of crimes continuing in that group. Further, there was a trend in the then Governmental policy to spread education in the country after the 1919 Act. Thus, the year 1921–1922 was remarkable for the special efforts of the Government to send the settlement children to attend the school. A case in point is that the general behaviour of the settlers was so satisfactory that fourteen families were released from the settlement as a reward for their good conduct. This was a good augury, and a good system it was that the Government followed. When the released persons were asked to go to their previous native places, paradoxically, those people did not budge but remained in the settlement itself. This may be due to: (1) that the settlers developed an emotional attachment to the settlement environment; (2) as also when they were interned, most of the settlers lost their properties at their native places, and consequently shunned to go there to live; (3) and in the settlement they used to get some kind of employment for keeping their body and soul intact and (4) they were habituated to have a kind of useful community life associated with self help craft like weaving, carpet-making, stone-dressing and other miscellaneous jobs including cultivating lands throughout the year. These nourishing factors sustained their original spirit of independence glued them to the settlement commune. All said and done, the numbers in the settlement increased. As can be seen, the total strength of the settlement in 1925 was 1002 with only 69 of them absconding. There was an appreciable decrease in crime as absconding members of the Criminal Settlement in Guntur and Nellore gradually surrender themselves to the Managers of the Settlements in response to an assurance of non-prosecution given by the District magistrate of Guntur to them. Also, the Government took special care to maintain law and order in the district. In 1927, heinous crimes were on the increase throughout the year. When a severe cyclone lashed the Madras Presidency, the Settlements were unable to provide work for all the inmates, as the official thought

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it desirable to keep only the incorrigibles in the Settlements and for whom employment could be arranged. It goes without saying that the employment position was weak and there were scarcity of jobs on all fronts. The year 1930 started on a favourable note in respect of agriculture, while a general fall in price ensued. In spite of this, cognizable offences increased in the 14 districts of Madras Presidency. In Krishna and Guntur Districts, in particular, this increase in crime was somewhat attributable to the spirit of lawlessness generated by the then prevailing Civil Disobedience Movement initiated and instigated by Mahatma Gandhi against the British colonial rule in India. Later, the Settlement was put in charge of the Police Department, as an Inspector-General of Police was appointed to be the Manager of the Settlement under the Labour Commissioner as the Government felt that the Settlement had degenerated into a springboard of active criminals. Further the 1930 was the period of economic depression all over the world, which was further aggravated by the natural calamities of the region. In this way, the unfavourable seasonal and economic conditions of the year 1934 increased the volume of crime, while the economic depression was further aggravated by the failure of crops during that year; and from the police, there was a systematic and intensive attention paid to the wandering criminals and there was a constant watch on the movements of the settlers. In 1937, however, there was a small measure of improvement in the economic situation in spite of the persistence of unemployment in most parts of the presidency. Perhaps, effective control exercised by the anti-crime stipulations as also the co-operation rendered by the Village Vigilance Committees from the members of the public coupled with the valuable services of the Criminal Intelligence Branch in consonance with the concomitant change in the attitude of the Criminal Tribes as also the effective work by the rank and file of the Police Force, cumulatively contributed to an appreciable degree of decrease in the incidence of crime. In addition, the Donga Yerukulas and some of the Kanjar Bhats were restricted to reside in Venkumamba Settlement. It can be seen that the swing of the increase or decrease in crime depended on the economic conditions in the presidency. Basing on the economic situation, the then Madras Government provided employment to the settlers in quarries, weaving and other avenues of subsistence, also L. Underwood, the Deputy Inspector-General of Police (C.I.D.),

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Railways, Madras, represented to the Secretary, Madras Government, for sanctioning a library for children, with supply of other literature as well to the Settlement. Further, the School at Venkumamba village was upgraded to an Upper Primary School level in 1946. The D.I.G. of Police also prayed for maintenance allowance to the sick people in the Settlement, which was acceded to later. He further submitted a proposal for sanctioning a maintenance allowance to released settlers, which was also conceded by the Government. In 1948, soon after India attained her Independence, the law and order situation was well under control, although there was some increase in petty crimes. The abrogation of the Criminal Tribes Act in that year, in addition to large-scale premature release of criminals from prison, deteriorating economic situation, widespread labour and agrarian unrest, better reporting of offensive cases, can be considered the main cause for this slight increase in petty crimes along with dacoity, robbery and house-breaking. This was the position, there in all the districts of the province. Pursuant to the introduction of Prohibition, the moral and material well-being of the settlers improved. The health and hygiene of the settlers were considered satisfactory due to the establishment of rural dispensaries. The school functioned properly. All the internees under the Criminal Tribes Act, who did not come under the purview of Section 2(4) of the Habitual Offenders Act, 1952, were released from the Settlements, even though most of the released settlers continued to stay on it the settlements. Concessions regarding education, free clothing and other facilities were given to all the children of the internees as well as to those of the voluntary settlers as well. Nonetheless, during 1949, there was an increase in the total number of crimes by about 5 per cent in comparison with the figures of 1940. May be the general economic depression, consequent upon the shortage of food studs and their soaring prices, abolition of the Criminal Tribes Act, campaigning for a free and proper registration of crimes and the preoccupation of the police in dealing with the Communist upsurge in the country in 1948, again led to an upward swing in crime in all the districts. There were even occasions when the police had to use teargas to restore law and order. Habitual Offenders Act came into force, and about 2770 persons were Notified under the Act of whom 2467 came within the ambit of the Notified Tribes Act, including 20 members of a gang controlled by the C.I.D. The administration of the Settlements was

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carried on by the Deputy Inspector-General of Police (C.I.D.), Railways, with the same care and attention as in previous years, and it so happened that there was a fall in the number of internees in these Settlements. Moreover, agriculture became the main occupation of the settlers of Venkumamba Settlement, while the Government extended full remission of fees to the children of the Denotified Tribes and sanctioned grant of residential and industrial scholarships. It is relevant to mention that the special feature of Venkumamba Settlement was that it was a Penal Settlement. Between, the Manager of Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement, notified that it was a Penal Settlement for the incorrigible members of the Criminal Tribes. When, earlier, Harold Stuart visited Venkumamba Settlement, he was asked by the Manager, Duboulay, “Do you advocate the starting of another Settlement where the reformed men will be provided for?”, Harold’s reply was in the affirmative. Passison stated in reply to another question by Duboulay that there was once a thought to abolish altogether the Venkumamba Settlement, but there was then some difficulty about closing it. He also said that it was a Penal Settlement, and that many settlers were transferred to Stuartpuram Settlement from Venkumamba Settlement. As Venkumamba Settlement was converted into a free colony, after the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act, and as the settlement was very near to the city of Vijayawada, it was exposed to many employment potentialities for the settlers, who belonged to Yerukula tribe. In the circumstance that an equipped workshop, a number of spinning wheels and other appliances were simply rusting under the roof for a long time when the Government took charge of the area. Social workers like Lavanam and Hemalatha Lavanam were doing some work to bring about a change in the perceptions of these settlers, some of whom mention about those social workers coming to the settlement even though the impact was not much. However, the impact of Christianity is visible on them. When the author stayed in the Village, he felt the change. There were Christian prayers in which the author himself participated as a particular observer. The collector of Guntur District, the tribal Welfare Officer and the Superintendent of Police were keenly interested in the work of rehabilitation of those settlers. The major problem facing the settlers and non-settlers was the same settlement. They are conditioned to live side by side. The settlers were given land for cultivation, whereas the nonsettlers did not have even a piece of land, though their ancestors live in the settlement under the management of the Salvation Army. However,

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these two groups maintained close contact with each other in spite of their divergence. Inter-dining and inter-marriages were also in vogue among them.

6.2

Irwin Settlement

In January 1917, the Reformatory Settlement was established, which we call Irwin Settlement, in Nellore District. In the beginning, 150 Yerukula families from the Kavali Settlement and 20 Donga Dasari (Katharas) families from Kalichedu were transferred to this settlement. S.D. Bawden selected a site for Criminal Settlement at the Allur Swamp area after a joint inspection of the locality along with the then Inspector-General of Police, Madras, and the District Magistrate of Nellore. The Manager of the Yerukula Settlement, Kavali, Skinner, the Superintendent of Police, Nellore, Dachzal, the Executive Engineer, Nellore, Davis of the American Baptist Mission, Allur, made a reconnaissance tour for finding out the suitability of the site proposed near the Swamp on 18 December 1916. Irwin Settlement was situated at the intersection of the road running to the East from Bitragunta Railway Station through the Swamp and the Grand Trunk Road near the 125th mile-stone from Madras. It is a comparatively high and gravelly plot of land with a slope towards the Swamp on the East and North-East and was well-drained and is based on the opposite side of the swamp from the sea and, thus, had at least 200 acres of land from the seacoast, with a potential for expansion. Within a radius of two miles from this site, there is 2000 acres of swampy land available for cultivation and is well-irrigated by a direct canal from Ramanna Tank (Allur village). As it is situated about 1.25 km only from Bitragunta Railway station, where all trains stop, it was easy to send patients with serious illness to hospitals, if necessity arose, and also, there was the facility to send their agricultural produce to the market by Rail. The Director of Agriculture visited the locality and reported in favour of the agricultural potentiality of a ranch of 1000 acres, lying towards the West of Kavali Reserve forest. Bawden write to the Collector of Nellore about the Allur Swamp land. But the village ‘Karanam’ (Singapet), under whose jurisdiction came all the lands required for Bitragunta Settlement, did not help the Manager. Bawden had a protracted quarrel with the people of Singapet, which culminated n a serious riot, and a criminal case ensued in the Magistrate’s Court, Kovur. However, both Bawden and the villagers later came to a

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settlement and friendly relations were restored. The Revenue Divisional Officer, Kavali, finally granted the land to the settlers. Thus, with the help and assistance of the Government, Bawden took charge of ‘Sivaijama’ land for Irwinpeta settlement. During the year 1918, as already mentioned earlier, the economic conditions were most unfavourable in Madras Presidency. The monsoon failed. Prices of all essential goods rose steadily and, as the year advanced, there was keen distress among the lower classes which resulted in famine conditions and food riots at many places. During the year, influenza broke out in an epidemic form and took a heavy toll of human lives. Diseases like small-pox and cholera also affected the country and took a heavy tolls of human lives. In these circumstances, there was an abnormal increase of crime. Heinous crimes rose from 36,960 to 42,956 in number. Disturbances spread all over Madras Presidency. Zid-zollum and Zabardasthism was the order of the day in this part of India, particularly in Chengleout and Sulurpet of Nellore District. An armed gang of Yerukulas and Muhammadans, headed by notorious Shaik Hussain, operated in the three districts of Guntur, Nellore and Kurnool and waylaid about 200 persons from Kurnool alone. Dacoities, robberies and house-breakings increased. An Officer was in charge of these Investigation Department during the year under review. Bawden prepared a written report about the conditions of the Settlement in the year 1918, on being requested by the Indian Jails Committee. His statement in January 1918 shows that there were 1393 criminals on the roll-call, while the roll-call on 31st December showed the figure at 1856, increasing thereby a net increase of 463, and it reached the highest in October that year with 1905 on the roll-call. In Irwin Settlement, with large tracts of land, there were 120 houses, besides the Assembly Hall and Work Supervisor’s houses on a plot of 102 acres of land. The settlers were allotted land for cultivation. It is generally constructed that heredity and environment are important factors generally considered in deciding about criminality of persons. The first thing to stem the rot about the recognized Criminal Tribes, i.e., the persons registered under the Criminal Tribes Act, is to impart education to them and to socialize them with proper values. The second deterrent is to create an atmosphere capable of weaning them away from habitual criminals. The C.T. Act criminals in olden days were treated as sub-human beings by the then administrators who posed themselves as their saviours and mentors. They were led by a faulty doctrinaire such as:

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(1) once a criminal, criminal forever and (2) criminals are born, not made, and therefore, criminality is hereditary. The administrators went so far as separating the children of the C.T. Act criminals within the age-group of 4 to 18 from their irreclaimable parents, so as to keep the children apart from the criminal atmosphere. The harshness of the Act was, however, mitigated to some extent by a few amendments and ultimately the Act was revoked in 1948. The administrators thought that the training, which they received from the Settlement made them better citizens. The development of proper environment required time and new recruits to the settlement were, according to the administrators, ‘rude fellows of Bazar sort’. In Kavali, the Staff Manager and his staff, the Evangelist and his wife did remarkable work, while Bawden kept the members of the Settlement busy throughout the year. He undertook works like (1) repairing a 30mile road track, (2) mending the weak tank-bunds against the onslaught of the monsoonal floods, (3) rebuilding of an already burst tank-bund, (4) clearing the canals for draining the swampy lands at Bitragunta and Allur, (5) engaging the settlers in planting and cutting of crops, (6) cutting firewood from a coupe in the forest reserve, (7) making bricks and burning lime, (8) building new office premises for the Deputy Collector, (9) carpentry and weaving and (10) engaging labour for productive uses. Bawden had another problem, viz. the members of the settlement, who absconded or those who were in jail, were leaving behind their families in the Settlement. At the end of the year 1918, there were an excess of 139 women over men. For example, once a settler ran away, and the very night his wife gave birth to a child, with the net result that from the second day onwards the mother of the one-day-old baby was compelled to work for her own needs as also for the sake of her child. Another difficulty for women was the work they had to attend used to require camping out or making long journeys to and fro. However, in spite of all administrative efforts to give the settlers every opportunity to earn good wages, it was a difficult task for making them industrious or hardworking. The men with their crowbars led the work mostly under threat of starvation, as a result of which, the next day’s output used to suffer. This became a vicious circle. With regard to the incorrigibles, Bawden wanted a separate Settlement, subject to certain conditions, viz. (1) Incorrigibles must not be allowed to escape, (2) When a man absconded from Kavali, Bitragunta or Allur Settlements for the second or third time, his family should be sent to the penal Settlement

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and (3) no community food should be allowed, and each should eat in proportion to his earnings. In Bawden’s opinion, a true religious person, who had sympathy for the Criminal Tribes, should be made the Manager of the Settlement and that the Government officials were not the right type of persons to be put in charge of Penal Settlements. With regard to their religion and religious belief, these settlers were afraid of evil-spirits but generally not God-fearing. They thought that righteousness will be acquired only by means of worshipping God. Christian Missionaries in charge of this task believed that the solution to this lies in the faith on God. The settlers who wished to participate in the daily routine morning roll-call and morning prayers were arranged to do so together. Sunday used to be a holiday. So, two hours in the morning and one hour in the afternoon were set apart for preaching. In Kavali, Allur and Bitragunta, they had their churches. At Bitragunta, eight members of the Settlement became Christian converts. Evangelists were arranged for each of these Settlement Camps. In Kavali and Allur churches, there were seventy-four members in each of the Settlements who were baptized. The settlers and outsiders contributed an amount of Rs. 126.60 for benevolent purpose through Bitrgunta Church and Rs. 76.11 annas and 11 paisas through Kavali Church and this amount was sent on the Leper Home at Bapatla and the Home for the Blind at Nellore. Bawden said that neither compulsion nor pressure was brought upon the settlers to become Christians. When Mitchell Innes questioned Bawden about the religion of the settlers, the latter said that some of the settlers were Hindus, while a majority of them animists. Bawden proposed building a Penal Settlement with a walled enclosure, and with enough employment influence and to give them a change to reform themselves, as economic factors play a predominant role in dealing with Criminal Tribes. The settlements should be established only in such places where adequate work at remunerative rates will be available. Starts opined that those settlements where the conditions of labour were unfavourable should be abandoned (1919: 20). In 1915, some of the Yerukulas submitted a petition to the Chief Secretary, Government of Madras, wherein they stated that they were duped and brought to their places and make members of Kavali Settlement. 400 householders were thus being prosecuted and started to death; and they, in fact, lived in an unenviable position. This injustice was noticeable only in Nellore District. Essential necessities of life were denied to them. They said they were at the end of the tether of forbearance. The

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authorities assured them that some lands would be given to them for cultivation. The ‘Javari’ given to them was not suitable. On Sundays, they were not paid their wages as they were required to attend the congregations and they could not work. On other days, men were paid at the rate of two annas and women at six paisas (one-and-a-half anna). They were afraid of representing their hardships to the authorities for fear of further deterioration of their living conditions: A petitioner remarked: If we ask the Manager of the Settlement why we are so unjustly treated, he beats us.

Every morning men and women were asked to attend the congregation, while children were left alone in the huts unattended. He further said (G.D. 2568, dated 15-10-1915): Thus, we are tortured.

So, they humbly prayed to His Excellency, the Governor, to protect them from the hands of these tyrannous Managers. Their clan consisting 5 gangs, were not allowed to visit their homeland even to pay taxes. This was neither the first nor the last petition on the subject but they requested the Government again and again to allow them to go back to their own native village. They also submitted a petition to the Governor of Madras against coercion in religious matters. Botchu Venkaiah, Guravaiah, Karupa Pedanagaiah stated in one such petition that the settlers were compelled to attend the morning roll-call in the Church and that they were ordered to remove their head wears (turbans) during the prayer hours. If they refused to join the Mass, they were detained for an hour by way of punishment. Children also were asked to do prayers on the school. Sunday prayers were compulsory. Thus, they humbly begged the authorities to arrange to probe into their difficulties and give them freedom about their caste and religion. When Bawden was asked about the maximum number of settlers lodged in any Settlement, he stated that it was not the number that mattered but their behaviour and conduct which disturbed him. The problem was not the bulk but the mental attitude of the settlers. Bawden said that each maistri (head warder) was in charge of 50–60 settlers. The Warders, who were required to patrol the streets of the Settlements, within and without, were selected from the settlers themselves. The sick

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members of the Settlement did not received proper care and attention. However, Mrs. Bawden devoted all her time to look after such men. Those who were not declared as totally invalid due to illness did not get allowance (Batta). Women were also engaged in minor jobs. There were two very old and invalid men and 32 women who were getting financial aid from their sons and husbands respectively. They were permanently exempted from doing any work; so also were the children who were too young to go to school. Women who became pregnant were treated as sick person. Epidemics like influenza and cholera took a heavy tool in 1918. Bawden not in favour of Police vigilance over the settlers because they might abuse their power and drive the settlers again to crime. It was very difficult to maintain discipline, especially among the Donga Dasaries, who were almost incorrigible and dangerous. Moreover, the spiralling rise of the prices of food stuffs and clothing, couples with the corresponding non-increase on wages, added to the number of non-conformists. A further problem was the apathetic attitude of the local Magistrate towards the prosecution of the absconders of the Settlements, even as the Government considered it a serious offence and the penalty imposed for this was generally one year’s imprisonment. The Kavali Settlement was fortunate in having the local Fund Hospital situated immediately across the road to the North of the Settlement. It was rendering good service to the settlers. Abdul Azim Ahmad was the Sub-Assistant Surgeon, who was very enthusiastic about serving the people. The hospital used to extend its services to Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement also. At Allur, there was a separate Hospital within a mile. All these Settlement hospitals had trained nurses. On the recommendations of the doctor, the settlers used to get ‘batta’ as sick persons, one anna nine paise for males and one anna six paise for females. In the year 1918, influenza struck all these settlers in three places and two extra Assistants were drafted from Nellore to assist the hospital staff. At one time, the local hospital personnel at Kavali were unable to cope with the enormous treatment arrangements of the sick of the place. Such of them numbers more than three hundred and fifty per day. Mrs. Bawden and Miss Bullar did yeomen service to these people, traversing the two lengthy streets of the Settlements. Those two indefatigable women served them all with the help of the hospital staff.

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With regard to the education of children of the Settlement, the then Government felt that the best possible education—both moral and religious might ultimately help the criminals turn a new leaf of life and solve many social problems. With this end in view, the Government ordered compulsory education for all the members of the Settlement in the agegroup between 6 and 14. Each Settlement owned a separate school up to 3rd standard and after that they were supposed to join the American Baptist Missionary School at Kavali for higher education. At each of these Settlements, a night school was provided. During vacation, they used to stay with their respective parents, and the parents were benefited by this arrangement. Sometimes, Bawden felt that it was not advisable to send these children to stay with their parents as they might contact the criminal habits of their parents, and he proposed to have a separate boarding school outside the Settlement. In all these Settlements, the vernacular was their mother-tongue, viz., Telugu. There were some settlers who came from the Nizam’s Dominions and knew both Urdu and Telugu. Two tribes, viz., Yerukulas and Donga Dasaries (Katheras) settled in three of these Settlements. Inter-marriage and inter-dining were taboo among these two different tribes. Among them, Donga Dasaries of Kalichedu were considered more dangerous. Incidentally, it can be noted that most of the absconders belonged to this tribe. The lean season in 1918 had its pernicious impact on the tribes in the following year. As the year advanced, the prices of all essential commodities of life rose by leaps and bounds until August 1919 and they remained at that high level for the rest of the year. Conditions of scarcity prevailed everywhere. Crime also registered an increase correspondingly until the month of August and showed a tendency to decline after that only. The year 1918–1919 can be compared with the famine years 1877–1878. At a meeting of the Legislative Council held in April 1918, the then Hon’ble Minister, A.S. Krishna Rao, moved a resolution recommending the appointment of a non-official domiciliary visit to each of these Criminal Settlements in the Madras Presidency. The District Magistrate nominated some persons for this purpose and also formulated some rules at the behest of L.D. Swamikanna, the Acting Secretary to the Government. The rules were as follows: 1. Not more than 3 divisions should be ordinarily appointed 2. A visitor’s Book should be maintained in each Settlement

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3. Every non-official visitor should give the Manager of a Settlement at least 24-hour prior notice of his intension to visit the Settlement Among the settlers, the two factors that lead to the increase in the incidence of absconding from the Settlements were: (1) lack of employment opportunities, and (2) and unjustifiable optimism regarding the agricultural possibilities of the Settlement. The success or failure of a Settlement depended on its economic conditions. There were Ordinary Settlements, Reformatory Settlements and Penal Settlements. Kavali was an Ordinary Settlement and from here some settlers with good behavioural records were sent to Reformatory Settlements, like Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement or Guntur Reformatory Settlement. The incorrigible elements from various Settlements were sent to the Penal Settlements for undergoing punishment. The diehards were those settlers who would like to remain always ‘out of view or in abscondance’. Venkumamba settlement was made a Penal Settlement because the location and atmosphere of the Settlement was ideally suited for the purpose. In 1923, a good deal of organized crimes in the neighbourhoods of the Criminal Settlements in Guntur and Nellore Districts was attributed to the ‘out of view’ settlers. For example, a dacoity was committed at the Pallipad Satyagraha Ashramam in Nellore District and the victims being non-co-operators did not lodge any complaint with the police. Subsequently, the police traced the culprits and took action against them. Strict vigilance was maintained over the settlers of Kavali Settlement with a view to prevent further escapes. The year 1924 witnessed a slight increase in crime. The rise in crime, as usual, was due mainly to the escalation in the prices of the essential commodities of living. Incidence of dacoity and robbery was on the increase due to the presence of the predatory gangs headed by some notorious outlaws who were habituated to commit crimes and violence. About the clash between the settlers of Bitragunta (Irwinpeta Settlement) and the Depressed Class people of Singapet Village, the Collector notified in the Nellore District Gazette dated 1 September 1925 that the Depressed Class People’s Committee reported that Singapeta men had been law-abiding, poor, mild agriculturists for a long time and, therefore, they should not be made to suffer on account of the bad behaviour of the settlers at Bitragunta. Brackenbury, Commissioner of Labour, Madras Government, stated that difficulty arose because of the fact that the land

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was allotted for the Criminal Settlement and not for practising agriculture. The land, which was the bone of contention, was reserved for the use of the Bitragunta Yerukula Industrial Settlement. Though it was an Agricultural Settlement, some skills were imparted to its settlers. The geographical position of the Settlement was as follows: 1. It was situated to the North of the Allur-Singapet-Ulavapalli Road. 2. It was located on the West of the Allur Swamp Road near the main drain. Thus, the Allur Swamp land lay both in Allimadugu and Allur townships. About 3 to 4 thousand acres were kept apart as reserved land for the use of the Settlement. This land was given to the settlers for five years only. The Manager issued Settlement pattas. After reclamation, the settlers could utilize it for themselves. Bawden thought that no “Karanam” (Village Revenue Officer) was required for the Settlement and he sent two of his trainees to learn the Karanam’s work in the Karanam’s survey school, among whom one was a former student in the School at Kavali. The Government of Madras sanctioned Rs. 12,500 for building a flood-bank against the river water of the Pennar in Nellore Town. The Allur swamp land is situated between the Iskapalli-Ulavapalli Road, east of the Trunk Road, and Pallivagu-Buckingham Canal. The drainage system of these lands was very defective and therefore drainage canals were dug at a cost of Rs. 65,000. The Commissioner of Labour of the State suggested the implementation of the Drainage Scheme by means of which adequate employment would be provided to the Settlers. The overall crime rate decreased during the year 1926. The reason for this was greater employment facilities as day labourers and better application of security measures against the habitual offenders. Detection of crimes by investigation showed some general improvement in the Presidency as a whole. Fresh registration of settlers to the tune of 5570 was made and 2713 were removed from the registers on account of their good conduct and for other reasons. Nevertheless, the problem of outof-view-criminals was still presenting a serious threat to law and order situation of the area. Donga Wooders from Guntur and Nellore, out-ofview Yerukulas from all the Settlements and Yanadis jointly committed burglaries in Krishna District. During the same year (i.e., 1926), the

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Manager shifted some settlers from Kavali to Bitragunta where fertile land was available for cultivation. Again, the year 1927 was a very bad year for Nellore District. A severe cyclone lashed the East Coast towards the end of the year and affected Nellore District seriously and, to some extent, Guntur and Cuddapah Districts also. The prices of staple food-grains were sky-rocketing during the year. So, the increase in crime incidence during the year was largely a reflection of the near-famine conditions prevailing in the districts. The incidence of crime, especially house robberies, in the neighbouring districts by the settlers, who escaped from the Criminal Settlements of Kavali, Venkumamba and Stuartpuram (Dharmapur), continued unabated and caused great concern to the authorities. The Reformatory Settlement at Kavali continued its work under the able management of Bawden. The cyclone that visited the country that year caused very heavy damage to the Settlement. Several buildings were razed to the ground and a few settlers lost their lives. Bawden requested the Government to provide the settlers with work by starting a big project. Otherwise, he pointed out, there would be deadening effect on them. The settlers at Allur and Bitragunta, who were settled as agriculturists, showed disinclination to leave the land on their release. The Government gave them pattas, subject to the following conditions: 1. The land was not transferable; 2. The land was liable to be taken back either because of the misbehaviour of the holder, or, if he showed unwillingness to send his children to schools. So, the conditions acted as incentives to the settlers for sending their children to schools. Gradually, the settlers from Kavali Settlement joined Irwinpeta Settlement. House-building land was granted free to these people. The settlers bearing good conduct were appointed as watchmen. Another measure for amelioration of the condition of the settlers was taken by the District Magistrate, like, the cancellation of registration of the released person, as it would take place only after their settlement as inhabitants on a particular place. In 1927, Allur Settlement was also closed down and accordingly all were concentrated in Bitragunta and Kavali Reformatory Settlements only. Then, Bawden wrote a letter to Woodhouse, I.C.S., the then District Magistrate, Nellore, that the

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released persons should automatically be included under Section 10(1) (b), whereby the movements of these people could be watched by the Police personnel. Through such of these measures, there was a tilt towards gradually closing down these settlements. Later, however, conditions returned to normal in 1928. Besides Donga Dasaries and Donga Yerukulas, refractory inmates from other Settlements, outside Nellore District, were brought into the fold of Reformatory Settlement at Kavali. Even there, absconding still persisted. A dozen settlers of the Bitragunta Settlement were discharged and removed from the Criminal Tribes Registers for their good conduct. Some were discharged but were retained under Section 10(1)(b) of the C.T Act and were re-entered for infringement of the Rules. In fact, they were given to thieving and their conformation was considered an uphill task. Real reformatory work was possible only in cases of children who were kept away from the contaminating influence of their criminal parents. In short, the work at Bitragunta Settlement was very strenuous. Most of the settlers sent to Bitragunta from Sembiam in November were returned to Sembiam from the Kavali Reformatory Settlement. The Settlement at Bitragunta was an open one. Therefore, sixteen special constables were appointed at that place. Another factor was that M.R. Roy and Rangee Rao, M.L.Cs., requested the Government to transfer Venkumamba and Stuartpuram settlers to their charge. But the Government refused to do so, because according to them, the Salvation Army was able to manage the Criminal Tribes’ Settlements efficiently. The Reformatory Settlement at Kavali was transferred to Bitragunta with effect from 1 April 1933. Boarding facilities for the children of the Criminal Tribes continued. It turned out to be that 1934 was not a favourable year at all. There was scarcity of food-grains and grain-looting took place on a large scale. Even in Nellore District, the Scheduled Caste field labourers of Purini village were hard put to it for food and looted a granary and a cloth store. A mixed gang of Kapus, Yanadis and Malas committed a serious dacoity with torch-lights in Sajjapuram village and the accused were nabbed and brought to book. Bitragunta Settlement was brought under the Department control in 1934. An Inspector and a Sub-inspector of Police were appointed as Manager and Assistant Manager for the Settlement respectively, the staff under the Government management for the purpose were an Inspector of Police as Manager, a-grade Inspector as Assistant Manager, one

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Head Clerk, two Lower Division Clerks and four maistries. Then the Commissioner of Labour, Madras, was Brackenbury, and Bawden left the Settlement and joined as Treasurer, American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, Bishop Ville, Vepery, Madras. During the same year (1934), the Government, through Brown, Commissioner of Labour, Madras, sanctioned an expenditure for the maintenance of invalids. Authority was given to the District Magistrates of Guntur, Chittoor and Kurnool to spend that money in their respective areas. Later on, when the Government took charge of Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement, the same was extended to the District Magistrate, Nellore also. As regards the Government’s assignment of the land, outright assignment was made, free of charge, to all the settlers, who were hitherto sanctioned land both by the Manager and the Collector tentatively, as the Government specified certain conditions for permanent assignment of land, while two acres of land was earmarked for each settler for future. The assignments were meant for the persons belonging to the Criminal Tribes. The collector was the sole authority for sanctioning the land. For a period of seven years, no assignment of land was possible. The assignees were expected to send their children to school regularly and cultivate the land themselves. Regarding the lands already assigned, the Revenue Divisional Officer, Kavali and the Tahsildar of Kavali and Kovur were requested to prepare a report on the basis of inspection of the land. Temporary assignments were made on time-bound deeds. The Manager of the Criminal Settlements was asked to prepare two settlements, showing: (1) temporary assignees to whom permanent assignments were made, and (2) the other persons whom either temporary or permanent assignments might be made. Some settlers cultivated the land properly, while others kept it fallow in spite of the inspection and instruction of the Revenue Officers concerned. The Revenue Officers, however, realized that the allotment of land was not properly done by the Mission Manager and they found it difficult to assess it under the existing circumstances. In 1940, all the settlers in the Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement (Irwinpeta) were transferred to Venkumamba Settlement and the members of Venkumamba Settlement were transferred to Kaza (Krishna District) to enable them to work in the limestone quarry for the Krishna Cement Company. Subsequently, it was thought unjust to keep the settlers under the control of the police for the purpose of reforming them,

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and in the same year, the management was taken over by the Jail Authorities and overall supervision was entrusted to the Labour Commissioner. The Labour Department provided a school and a medical Dispensary for the Welfare of the settlers. In the following year, there occurred a severe cyclonic storm and some of the huts in the Settlement were demolished and some had their rooftops blown away. The Government sanctioned a sum of Rs. 1650 for the storm damage repairs of these buildings. Power to sanction certain items of expenditure was delegated to the Labour Commissioner. The amount spent under different heads, namely, lighting, pumping, maintenance of settlers and gardening expenses, put together, amounted to Rs. 8075. Supplementary grant for a provision shop was also sanctioned. This was specially meant for the women of the Bitragunta Reformatory Criminal Tribes’ Settlement. This helped the settlers buy their requirements in the Settlement itself. This shop was used to be run by the Manager. In the year 1942, Deva Raja Iyengar, Superintendent of Police, Nellore, wrote a letter to the District Magistrate, Nellore, to take action against Buduru Sanjivigada, who was considered very dangerous Donga Yanadi Criminal as also an infamous organizer of crime. The criminal had no ostensible means of livelihood, as he lived only by committing crime and he had nine previous convictions to his account. In 1946, the Biragunta Reformatory Settlement was put under the control of a Deputy Superintendent of Police and since then the Settlement had been, once again, brought under the supervision of the police authorities. With the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act, the inhabitants were freed on September 1948 and the Settlement Office was abolished and the entire record relating to the same was handed over to the District Police Office. The outpost of Bitragunta was converted onto a regular Police Station in January 1949 and in February 1950, the location of the Police Station was shifted to the present P.S. Building. (At present, some police quarters are being constructed at that place). In the year 1952, police were given charge of this Settlement and, subsequently, the Settlement was put under the collector’s jurisdiction. The strength of the Settlement was 720 of whom 71 criminals were History-Sheeters. They were classified as Dossier (meaning criminal biography) criminals and were known depredators as they were habitual offenders. The Police force at Bitragunta Police Station was striving to keep a constant vigil over the activities of the History-Sheeter criminals

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through regular beats in the settlement. In addition to this, surprise, domiciliary visits were carried on apparently to recover the stolen properties from them. In practice, however, this was done more to harass them than for any other purpose. A former Superintendent of Police proves quite ineffective, either in controlling the incidence of crime or in bringing the criminals to the path of socialization for leading them to a normative social ethos. The harsh punishments did not yield the desired result, as the problems at Irwin Settlement were to have been viewed from socio-economic and human angles, which were very much in wanting. Towards this, mass adult educational programmes involving the Youth of the Settlement, as also a coordinated approach in streamlining the pattern of the day-to-day activities of living by the providing basic infrastructural facilities, such as electricity, communications and water supply would for certain ensure settlers’ orderly progress and development. 6.2.1

Settlement Culture

On a close look at the two settlements, it can be gauged that people coming from different regions were artificially bound together to settle down in an isolate living space which is no more than a pseudo-Indian village as a way of conviction for prevention of further crimes, with an avowed intention of reforming the crime-prone individuals by keeping them in an irate settlement is a misnomer. Though most of them are Yerukulas, there are Donga Dasaries (Katheras) also along with them there. While most of them are not criminals, some of them are. Once these wanderers are brought and settled in a contiguous living space, they tend to develop a culture of their own, and which is transmittable to the kith and kin. It was an accident they were brought to interact with each other. But as several accidents make history, this too is no exception. In the constant give-and-take social intercourse among the settlers, criminal as well as non-criminal values simultaneously subsisted, only to bring about what is termed as Criminal Tribal Settlement culture, which persists over a period of time. In summary, the situations in the Settlements are examined to provide background data for the occurrence and the continuance of tribal kind of criminal activity. The following chapters examine the settlements individually for a clear point of view on the subject.

CHAPTER 7

Demystifying Venkumamba Village

7.1

Introduction

It so happened that in 1910, the Salvation Army took up the task of formation of Settlements for the reclamation of Criminal Tribes in the Madras Presidency. Consequently, in the first instance, a nucleus was formed at Venkumamba village by placing there some women belonging to the tribe of Donga Yerukulas, whose male relatives were in jail. In December 1912, the Government sanctioned grants to the Salvation Army, both recurring and non-recurring, to finance the undertaking, as also a plot of 84.06 acres of land at Sitanagaram in Guntur District made over to the Salvation Army, free of charge, for the occupancy right and free of assessment. The Government then asked the Salvation Army to employ persuasive methods in reclaiming the Donga Yerukulas. The methods, however having failed, it issued orders declaring them as a Criminal Tribe under the Act and restricted their movements under Section 12 of the said Act. It was thus that this Settlement got a start. This Venkumamba Settlement, as already mentioned earlier, is situated in Guntur District, being connected with the main line of the MadrasCalcutta Grand Trunk road (National Highway No. 5), while Vijayawada city is only three kilometres away from the Settlement across the River Krishna. This Settlement turned out to be mostly populated by the Yerukulas. But there are a few Malas, Padmasalis and Reddies as well, who were © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_7

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earlier interned here along with Yerukulas on ground of several offences committed by them. The investigator surveyed Yerukula households of the entire settlement area. Even though some of them migrated to other places, the present total strength is about 9331, and this being an agricultural settlement, paddy fields mostly spread all around. The special feature of this Penal Settlement happens to be that in spite of some of the incorrigible settlers, who were away to revert to their native places, for reasons of convenience returned and settled here, side by side with the inmate residents, some of whom have still been continuing their criminal depredations. Another important feature of the Settlement is that it is a part of the age-old Sitanagaram village, where there constitute four temples, one Ashram School and one Ramakrishna Mission High School as well. In addition, some tea stalls and a few provisions stores and fancy stores dealing in sundry articles are also there. Regular bus connection is available here for Vijayawada, to undertake large-scale shopping there. The Yerukulas at Venkumamba village belong to 23 surname-groups. Among them, Challa, Katta and Satupati surnames are predominant. In this settlement, there are also some major divisions of the Yerukulas, like Manupati, Mendragutti, Kaveti and Satupati, who happened to have been interned here. Most of them have become converts to Christianity and the Salvation Army were managing these people. However, all others follow Hindu rituals in marriages, funeral ceremonies and other social functions. All the settlers of Sitanagaram live in thatched houses, each house consisting of two or three rooms with a small verandah attached to it. There are also more than 10 pucca houses constructed on a modern pattern. In some houses, there are provisions for separate bath and water closet, while one or two houses have also compound walls around. Incidentally, after the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act, the settlers, history sheets were scrapped. Though Crime is a part of the settlement life, all the parents are interested in educating their children and grandchildren.

7.2

Marital Status

In Venkumamba village, there are 331 people in 78 families with an average of 4.24 members in each family (Table 7.1). 229 of them are married and the remaining 102 are unmarried. In other words, among them 69.16 per cent are married and 30.82 per cent unmarried. Out of the total 229 married people, there are 72 persons, i.e., 31.44 per cent,

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Table 7.1 Marital status in Venkumamba village, 1990

Married Unmarried Total

Persons in criminal families

In %

Persons in In % non-criminal families

Total

In %

72 (31.44) 32 (31.37) 104 (31.42)

69.23

157 (68.56) 70 (68.63) 227 (68.58)

69.16

229

69.18

30.84

102

30.82

100

331

100

30.77 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

who are criminals and 32 persons, i.e., 68.56 per cent, who are noncriminals. Among the unmarried 102 persons, 31.37 per cent criminals and 68.63 per cent non-criminals. Among the total population of 331, of them, 104 are members of criminal families, which comes to 31.42 per cent, while 227 persons are in non-criminal families, i.e., 68.58 per cent.

7.3

Family Structure

Table 7.2 presents data on the 78 families in Venkumamba village of the 78 families, there are 72 nuclear families, i.e., 92.31 per cent and only 6 are joint families, i.e., 7.69 per cent. In other words, most settlers live in nuclear families. The assumption that in India there are only joint families is not justifiable in the Venkumamba village, in which the trend is towards nuclear family rather than joint set-up. Of the 78 families in the village, there are 31 criminal families, i.e., 39.74 per cent; and 47 are non-criminal families, i.e., 60.26 per cent. Out of 72 nuclear families, there are 30 criminal families, i.e., 41.67 per cent and 40 families are non-criminal, i.e., 58.33 per cent. Similarly, out of 6 joint families, only 16.66 per cent are criminal, and more than 83.34 per cent are non-criminal.

7.4

Gender Situation

Table 7.3 shows that there are 331 people in the Venkumamba village, of which 191 are males and 140 females. In other words, males are 57.71 per cent and 42.29 per cent are females. As such, there are more number of

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Table 7.2 Type of families in Venkumamba village, 1990 Type

Criminal families

In %

Non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Joint family

1 (16.66) 30 (41.67) 31 (39.74)

3.23

5 (83.34) 42 (58.33) 47 (60.26)

10.63

6

7.69

89.37

72

92.31

100

78

100

Nuclear family Total

96.77 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

males than females. Out of the total 331 persons in the village, there are 104 persons in criminal families and 227 persons in non-criminal families. It means that 31.41 per cent are in criminal families, while 68.59 per cent are non-criminal. As there are 31 criminal families and 47 noncriminal families, it means that 39.74 per cent belong to criminal families, while 60.26 per cent belong to non-criminal families. Also, in 31 criminal families, there are 104 persons and in 47 non-criminal families there are 227. In 31 criminal families, the population is 104, of which nearly 32 are criminals, so much so, even in the 31 criminal families, there are only 30.77 per cent criminals as such and 69.23 per cent non-criminals. While n the 47 non-criminal families with a total of 227 persons, there are only 2 criminals. It means that there is a meagre 0.88 per cent of criminals, while 91.22 per cent are non-criminals. It indicates thereby that in noncriminal families, criminal tendencies are not very much noticeable as they are only 2 persons as criminals. The incidence of criminality among those 2 persons could be explained as they might have learnt criminal activities through their association with the criminal families who are living side by side with them in the village.

7.5

Age Structure

Table 7.4 shows the age structure in the village. In a population of 331 persons, 15.11 per cent are in the age-group of 1–13; 15.31 per cent between 14 and 20; 62.33 per cent between 21 and 59 and 6.35 per cent 60 and above age-group. In other words, there are 30.42 per cent in the age-group of 1–20 and 62.33 per cent 21–59 age-group. There are only

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Table 7.3 Sex structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Persons in criminal families

In %

Persons in non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Male

59 (30.89)

56.73

58.14

191

57.71

Female

45 (32.14) 104 (31.41)

43.27

132 (69.11) 95 (67.86) 227 (68.59)

41.86

140

42.29

100

331

100

Total

100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

21 persons out of 331 persons, i.e., 6.35 per cent, who are 60 and above age-group. It means there are not many people living beyond 60, as a few only are living after 60. The overall life span is increasing in India, while it is adversely indicating about that situation in this village. The conjecture that villagers are healthier and they live longer is not evident in this village. In the criminal families, there are 24 persons in the age-group of 1– 13; 18 persons in the age-group of 14–20; 60 in the age-group of 21–59 and 2 persons in the age-group of 60 and above. It means it is 23.08 per cent in the age-group of 1–13; 17.30 per cent in the age-group of 14–20; 57.70 per cent in the age-group of 21–59 and 1.92 per cent in the age-group of 60 and above. More than half (i.e., 57.71 per cent) are in the age-group of 21–59. Similarly, in the non-criminal families, out of 227 persons, 11.45 per cent are in the age-group of 1–13; 15.86 per cent are in the age-group of 14–20; 64.32 per cent in the age-group of 21– 59; and 8.37 per cent in the age-group of 60 and above. When we look at the figures of 64.32 per cent in the age-group of 21–59 in the noncriminal families, we observe more or less the same trend in the criminal families, where 57.76 per cent are in the same age-group. Of the 331 total population in the village, 227 i.e., 68.58 per cent are in the non-criminal families and only 31.42 per cent in the criminal families. Table 7.5 examines the criminals and non-criminals among the noncriminal families. As we have already seen in Table 7.4, there are 47 noncriminal families in the village. The non-criminal families constitute 227 persons. As already shown, of the 227 persons, 225 are non-criminals and only 2 are criminals, non-criminals being predominant in the non-criminal

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Table 7.4 Age structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Age-group

Persons in criminal families Male

In %

Female

In %

1–13

15 (62.50)

25.42

20.00

14–20

11 (61.11) 31 (51.66) 2 (100.00) 59 (56.73)

18.65

9 (37.50) 7 (38.89) 29 (48.34) – 45 (43.27)

100

21–59 60 above Total

Age-Group

14–20 21–59 60 above Total

3.39 100

Persons in non-criminal families Male

1–13

52.54

In %

Female

14 (53.85) 10.61 12 (46.15) 20 15.15 16 (55.56) (44.44) 85 64.39 61 (58.22) (41.78) 13 9.85 6 (68.42) (31.58) 132 100 95 (58.15) (41.85)

15.56 64.44 –

Total

In %

Total

In %

24 (48.00) 18 (33.33) 60 (29.13) 2 (9.52) 104 (31.42)

23.08 17.30 57.70 1.92 100

Grand total In %

In % 12.63 26 (52.00) 16.84 36 (66.67) 64.21 146 (70.87) 6.32 19 (90.48) 100 227 (68.58)

11.45 50

15.11

15.86 54

15.41

64.32 206

62.23

8.37

21

6.35

100

331

100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

families. The 2 criminals in the non-criminal families are only an exception and they fall under the age-group of 21–59. There are no criminals in the age-group of 1–13, 14–20 and 60 above. As such if proper care could be taken regarding the young ages up to 13 years and also 14–20 years it is possible to prevent them becoming anti-social elements. If parents like it that way to take good interest in this age-group, the danger of continuance of criminalization can as well be averted. Table 7.6 explains the particulars of age-group of criminals and noncriminals among the criminal families. The 31 criminal families in the village consist of a total of 104 persons, out of whom there are only 32 criminals and 72 non-criminals. In other words, 30.77 per cent are

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Table 7.5 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among non-criminal families of Venkumamba village, 1990 Age-Group

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

Age-Group

Criminals Male

In %

Female

In %

– – 2 (100.00) – 2 (100.00)

– – 100

– – –

– – –

– 100

– –

– –

Non-criminals Male

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

In %

Total Female

14 (53.85) 10.77 12 (46.15) 20 15.38 16 (55.56) (44.44) 83 63.85 61 (57.64) (42.36) 13 10.00 6 (68.42) (31.58) 130 100 95 (57.78) (42.28)

In %

Total

In %

– – 2 (1.37) – 2 (0.88)

– – 100.00 – 100

Grand total In %

In % 12.63 26 (100) 16.84 36 (100) 64.21 144 (98.63) 6.32 19 (100) 100 225 (99.12)

11.56 26

11.45

16.00 36

15.86

64.00 146

64.32

100

100

227

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in parentheses are percentages

criminals, while 69.23 per cent are non-criminals. It we glance at the criminal situation in the criminal families, there are only 2 persons in the age-group of 14–20, 28 persons in 21–59, and only 2 people in the agegroup of 60 above. Of the total 32 criminals in the criminal families, 21 are males and 11 females, which means 65.53 per cent are males and 34.37 per cent are females. If we examine the male–female situation, there are 17 (60.71 per cent) males and 11 (39.29 per cent) females in the age-group of 21–59; 2 males in 14–20 age-group and 2 males in the age-group of 60 above. As about the non-criminal status in the criminal families, there are 72 non-criminals and of them there are 15 males (39.48 per cent) and 9 females (26.47 per cent) in the age-group of 14–20; 9 males (23.68 per

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Table 7.6 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among criminal families of Venkumamba village, 1990 Age-group

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

Age-Group

Criminals Male

In %

Female

In %

– 2 (100) 17 (60.71) 2 (100) 21 (65.63)

– 9.52

– –

– –

80.96

11 (39.29) –

100

11 (34.37)

100

9.52 100

Non-criminals Male

In %

Female

In %

1–13

15 (62.50)

39.48

26.47

14–20

9 (56.25) 14 (43.75) – 38 (52.78)

23.68

9 (37.50) 7 (43.75) 18 (56.25) – 34 (47.22)

21–59 60 above Total

36.84 – 100

20.59 52.94 – 100



Total

In %

– 2 (11.11) 28 (46.67) 2 (100) 32 (30.77)

– 6.25 87.50 6.25 100

Total

In %

Grand Total

In %

24 (100) 16 (88.89) 32 (53.33) – 72 (69.23)

33.33

24

23.08

22.22

18

17.31

44.45

60

57.69

– 100

2 104

1.92 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in parentheses are percentages

cent) and 7 females (20.59 per cent) in the age-group of 14–20; 14 males (36.84 per cent) and 18 females (52.94 per cent) in the age-group of 21–59 and none in the age-group of 60 above. It means, there are more number of criminals in the age-group of 21–59 than non-criminals and in that age-group more or less than half (46.67 per cent) are criminals and 56.25 per cent non-criminals. Table 7.7 indicates about the specific rate of criminality among various age-group in Venkumamba village. In the age-group of 14–20, the specific rate is 6.45, the age-group of 21–59, the specific rate is 16.37, in 60 above age-group, the specific rate is 13.33.Out of the total 191 males, 23 male criminals are in the village. Of the 23 male criminals, there are

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Table 7.7 Age-specific rate of criminality among the males on the settlement of Venkumamba village, 1990 Age-group

Total males

In %

No. of male criminals

In %

Age-specific rate

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

29 31 116 15 191

15.18 16.24 60.73 7.85 100

– 2 19 2 23

– 8.70 82.60 8.70 100

– 6.45 16.37 13.33 36.15

Source Primary data collected by the author

2 (8.70 per cent) in the age-group of 14–20 and 19 persons (82.60 per cent) in the age-group of 21–59 and 2 persons (8.70 per cent) in the age-group of 60 above.

7.6

Income Structure

Table 7.8 indicates that there are 134 earning people in the village, who fall under the category of income which is as follows: in the income range of Rs. 1000–5000, there are a total of 33 persons (26.40 per cent); in Rs. 5001–10,000, there are 43 persons (32.09 per cent); in Rs. 10,001– 15,000, there are 28 persons (20.90 per cent); in Rs. 15,001–20,000, there are 12 persons (8.95 per cent) and in the income range of Rs.20,001 above, there are 18 persons (13.43 per cent), the highest number of persons fall in the category of Rs. 5001–10,000, i.e., 32.09 per cent. Those who earn Rs. 20,000 and above, constitute only a little more than 13 per cent. As such, the financial well-being of the village is not very sound. However, if the position of non-criminal in the income range is considered, the non-criminals seem to be economically sounder than the criminals. In the income range of Rs. 1000–5000, 39.39 per cent are criminals and 60.61 per cent non-criminals. It means that in this income group, more number of them are from non-criminals. In the income group of Rs. 5001–10,000, there are 27.91 per cent criminals are more in number. In the income group of Rs. 10,001–15,000, there are 46.63 per cent criminals and 53.37 per cent non-criminals, and in the income group of Rs.15,001–20,000, the criminals are 41.67 per cent, while 58.33 per cent are non-criminals. In the Rs. 20,000 above income group, 27.78

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Table 7.8 Income structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Income in Rs

Persons in criminal families

In %

Persons in non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

1000–5000

12 (39.39)

27.08

24.14

33

26.40

5001–10,000

12 (27.91) 13 (46.43) 5 (41.67) 5 (27.78) 48 (35.82)

25.00

20 (60.61) 31 (72.09) 15 (53.57) 7 (58.33) 13 (72.22) 86 (64.18)

35.63

43

32.09

17.24

28

20.90

8.04

12

8.95

14.95

18

13.43

100

134

100

10,001–15,000 15,001–20,000 20,001-above Total

27.08 10.42 10.42 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

per cent are criminals and 72.28 per cent are non-criminals. These figures indicate that the non-criminals are generally richer than the criminals. The criminal activities are not remunerative though the criminals think that crime pays. Table 7.9 gives the education structure of Venkumamba village. Out of the population of 331 in the village, 168 people are educated. It means, educationally the village is very forward. When compared with the National Education Status. The National Literacy rate is only 40 per cent. Needless to say, the Government of India’s policy of giving special facilities for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is the prime reason for the high literacy rate in the village. But the constitutional requirement, that under the age of 14 years, education is made free and compulsory, does not seems to work well in this village as we observe that trend in other parts of the country. When compared the educational status among the criminals and non-criminals, rate of education among the criminals is less than the non-criminals it means 85.12 per cent are educated in the non-criminals, whereas only 14.88 per cent are educated among the criminals. In the case of criminals, out of 25 criminals in the village, 6 have elementary education, 18 have high school education and only one got college education.

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Table 7.9 Educational structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Education level

Persons in criminal families

In %

Persons in non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Elementary

24.00

28

16.67

66.43

113

67.26

10.49

16

9.52

4.90

7

4.17

Engineering





1.40

2

1.19

Technical





1.40

2

1.19

Total

25 (14.88)

100

22 (78.57) 95 (84.07) 15 (93.75) 7 (100) 2 (100) 2 (100) 143 (85.12)

15.38

University

6 (21.43) 18 (15.93) 1 (6.25) –

100

168

100

High school College

72.00 4.00 –

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

No one has any University or technical education. In case of the noncriminals, out of 143, 15 per cent have elementary education; 66 per cent have high school education; 10 per cent have college education; nearly 5 per cent have University education and about more than 1 per cent have both engineering and technical education. Table 7.10 explains the status of education among the criminal families in the village. Among the total of 25 educated members among the criminal families, 6 (24.00 per cent) have elementary education, 18 (72.00 per cent) have high school education and only 1 (4.00 per cent) got college education. Of the 25 educated persons, 18 (72.00 per cent) are males and 7 (28.00 per cent) are females. Table 7.11 gives the educational status among the non-criminal families in the settlement. There are 143 non-criminals who are educated. Of which, 15.38 per cent have elementary education, 66.44 per cent have high school education, 10.49 per cent have college education, 4.89 per cent have university education, 1.40 per cent have engineering degree education and 1.40 per cent have polytechnic education. Again, of the 143 educated persons, 94 (65.73 per cent) persons are males, 49 (34.27 per cent) persons are females, with males more educated than females.

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Table 7.10 Education levels of criminal families in Venkumamba Village (sexwise), 1990 Education level

Male

In %

Females

In %

Total

In %

Elementary

2 (33.33) 15 (83.33) 1 18 (72.00)

11.11

4 (66.67) 3 (16.67) – 7 (28.00)

57.14

6

24.00

42.86

18

72.00

– 100

1 25

4.00 100

High school College Total

83.33 5.56 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in parentheses are percentages

Table 7.11 Education levels of non-criminal families in Venkumamba village (sex-wise), 1990 Education level

Male

In %

Females

In %

Total

In %

Elementary

15 (68.18) 58 (61.05) 10 (66.67) 7 (100) 2 2 94 (65.73)

15.95

14.29

22

15.38

75.51

95

66.44

10.20

15

10.49

7.45

7 (31.82) 37 (38.95) 5 (33.33) –



7

4.89

2.13 2.13 100

– – 49

– – 100

2 2 143

1.40 1.40 100

High School College University Engineering Technical Total

61.70 10.64

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

7.7

Occupation

Table 7.12 unfolds the occupational structure in Venkumamba village. Out of 331 people in the village, there are 134 persons who are engaged in gainful occupation. The main occupations in which the villagers are engaged are agriculture, fish business, rickshaw-pulling, railway coolie (daily wages), watchman, crime and other miscellaneous occupations. In these miscellaneous occupations, there are some people who work as lorry

7

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157

drivers of R.T.C., begging and other miscellaneous works in the village and in the nearby city of Vijayawada. There are 11 persons (8.20 per cent) who are engaged in agriculture, 14 (10.45 per cent) persons in rickshaw-pulling, 11 (8.20 per cent) as railway coolie 20 (14.92 per cent) are coolies, 5 (3.73 per cent) are watchmen, 34 (25.37 per cent) are in the crime. These statistics indicate that a little more than one-fourth of the population (28.39 per cent) are in the miscellaneous occupation. In other words, large number of them have no particular occupation as we see in other traditional Andhra villages. In this village, only one person is involved in fish business. Incidentally, the River Krishna is flowing by the side of the village which we can also see from the village map. A railway station positions in the village. As many as 14 people are engaged in rickshaw-pulling as their occupation. This is also because of the city which is closely nearby. The rickshaw-pullers can work in the city both day and night and still come back to the village and stay. There are also agriculture lands surrounding the village and hence many people also work as daily-wage workers in agriculture fields. But these coolies also work as daily-wage workers in the city. So there is flexibility in the village. Some persons are also engaged as watchmen in the city. There are as many as 34 people (25.37 per cent) who are engaged in crime as an occupation. In 78 criminal and non-criminal families, there are 134 persons engaged in different occupations. Out of 134 persons, 60 persons (44.78 per cent) belong to criminal families, and 74 (55.22 per cent) belong to non-criminal families. Of the 60 persons in the criminal families, 32 (53.33 per cent) people are completely engaged in criminal activities as an occupation, while 3.33 per cent are in agriculture, 1.67 per cent are coolies, 5.00 per cent are rickshaw-pullers, 5.00 per cent are watchmen and 25.00 are in different kinds of occupation. But, of the non-criminal families, only 2 persons (5.88 per cent) are involved in criminal activities as an occupation.

7.8

Land Particulars

As India is a land of villages, villagers’ main status is land-holding. If a person or a family is landowner, it means it is an indicator of social status. It guarantees the livelihood of the villagers, as such land-ownership gives status in the village. Out of 78 families, there are 49 families who do not have land, the rest of the 29 families possess land. It means most of the people do not possess

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Table 7.12 Occupational structure in Venkumamba village, 1990 Occupation

Persons in criminal families

In %

Persons in non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Agriculture

2 (18.18) 1 (100) 3 (21.43) –

3.33

9 (81.92) –

12.16

11

8.20



1

0.75

14.87

14

10.44

14.87

11

8.20

4 (20.00) 3 (60.00) 32 (94.12) 15 (39.47) 60 (44.78)

6.67

11 (78.57) 11 (100) 16 (80.00) 2 (40.00) 2 (5.88) 23 (55.53) 74 (55.22)

21.62

20

14.92

2.70

5

3.73

2.70

34

25.37

31.08

38

28.39

100

134

100

Fish business Rickshaw-pulling Railway work Coolie Watchman Crime Others Total

1.67 5.00 –

5.00 53.33 25.00 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

any land. In this category, 31 families (39.74 per cent) belong to criminal category and 47 families (60.26 per cent) are non-criminal. Out of the 49 landless families, 23 families (46.94 per cent) belong to non-criminal families and 26 (53.06 per cent) belong to criminal families. It indicates that more number of criminal families (53.06 per cent) do not own any land, whereas 23 families (46.94 per cent) do not own any land in noncriminal families. Most of the families who own land, either criminal or non-criminal, fall within the range between 3–4 acres of land. In fact, of the non-criminal families there are only 5 families in the category of 3– 4 acres, while the rest of the families do not have any land. Whereas in the 47 non-criminal families, there are 23 families who do not own any land, and as many as 14 families are in the category of 3–4 acres and 10 non-criminal families have land in the category of 1–2 acres (Table 7.13).

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Table 7.13 Land particulars in Venkumamba village, 1990 Land in Acres

Criminal families

In %

Non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

1–2





21.27

10

12.36

3–4

5 (26.32) – – – – 26 (53.06) 31 (39.74)

16.13

10 (100) 14 (73.68) – – – – 23 (46.94) 47 (60.26)

29.78

19

24.36

– – – – 48.95

– – – – 49

– – – – 62.82

100

78

100

5–6 7–8 9–10 11 above Landless Total

– – – – 83.87 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

7.9

Type of Houses

Another important indicator of status in the village is possession of a house, as also the type of house. In the village, there are various types of houses such as huts, thatched houses; tiled houses and terraced houses. Some people also live in rented houses. Most of the people live in either huts or thatched houses. 28 families (35.90 per cent) possess huts, while 21 families (26.92 per cent) possess thatched houses. It means, 49 families have huts and thatched houses. There are as many as 16 houses which are terraced and there are 9 tiled houses while 4 families live in rented houses. Of the 31 criminal families, 19 families (61.30 per cent) and 3 families (9.67 per cent) possess huts and thatched houses, respectively. 5 families (16.13 per cent) have tiled houses and 4 families (12.90 per cent) have terraced houses. It means most of the people have low type of houses in the criminal families as compared with the non-criminal families (Table 7.14). Table 7.15 indicates the lighting facilities in the village. People use either kerosene or electricity for lighting. Half of the people use electricity and the rest, kerosene. But under the Government’s policy, electricity was extended to the village and as a result, more than half of the families have electricity in the village.

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Table 7.14 Types of houses in Venkumamba village, 1990 Type

Criminal families

In %

Non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Hut

19 (67.86) 3 (14.29) 5 (55.56) 4 (25.00) –

61.30

19.15

28

35.00

38.30

211

26.92

8.51

9

11.54

25.53

16

20.51

8.51

4

5.13

31 (39.74)

100

9 (32.14) 18 (85.71) 4 (44.44) 12 (75.00) 4 (100) 47 (60.26)

100

78

100

Thatched Tiled Terraced Rented house Total

9.67 16.13 12.90 –

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

Table 7.15 Lighting methods in Venkumamba village, 1990 Method

Criminal families In %

Non-criminal families

In %

Total

In %

Electricity

11 (26.83) 20 (54.05) 31 (39.74)

30 (73.17) 17 (45.95) 47 (60.26)

63.83

41

52.56

36.17

37

47.44

100

78

100

Kerosene Total

35.48 64.52 100

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in parentheses are percentages

Table 7.16 examines the present and past positions of the criminal and non-criminal status in the village. The families which were originally criminal became non-criminal now, while some families which were non-criminal once became criminal now. Similarly, some criminal families continue to have criminal status in actual life, while some non-criminal families continue to live with non-criminal status. Out of 78 families in the village, 37 families, which were originally non-criminal, continue to be non-criminal (47.44 per cent) and some families which were originally

7

Table 7.16 Change in criminal status of Venkumamba village, 1990

DEMYSTIFYING VENKUMAMBA VILLAGE

161

Past

Present

No. of families

In %

Criminal Non-criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Non-criminal Criminal Criminal Non-criminal Total

12 10 19 37 78

15.38 12.82 24.36 47.44 100

Source Primary data collected by the author

criminal continue to be criminal families (24.36 per cent), while 10 noncriminal families became criminal. Only 15 per cent, who were originally criminals, became non-criminal. There is a change in the process. The data indicate that while only one-fourth of the criminal families in the entire village continue to be criminals, a criminal status continues to be thrust on the village.

7.10 A New Practice of Stealing---On the Run for Sarees A new type of criminal activity emerged in this village during eighties which continued mostly by women, though occasionally males also help in this crime. As Andhra women wear sarees, two or three women in a group go to some clothes stores in Vijayawada or in any other town as customers, and some among them bargain about the sarees with the salesmen in the shop, while others in the same group slowly keep the clothes in the fold of their sarees and take them out stealthily. This criminal business is rampant in the village women. Specializing in this criminal activity, the professional criminals as along as big gang operated on saree thefts during busy evenings after the sun sets and before the closing of shops. To sum up, the demographic data are analysed which would throw light on the social situation conditions of the Denotified Tribes of Venkumamba village. The next chapter explains about the Irwin village settlement for a comparative understanding of the subject so that some theoretical generalizations can be deduced based on the empirical data.

CHAPTER 8

Irwin Settlement: An Analysis

8.1

Part A: Socio-criminological Profiling 8.1.1

Introduction

In the endeavour to analyse Venkumamba village of Guntur District, certain glimpses are noticed as to how ex-Criminal Tribes have been living in the contemporary society. For a better understanding of them, another identical settlement, viz., Irwin village in Nellore District, is taken up for analysis. After the Venkumamba Settlement, the then government planned for another settlement at Kalichedu, near Bitragunta, in Nellore District of A.P., which we call Irwin village. They found it in 1912 under C.T. Act with 1930 persons from among Donga Dasaries, Dommaras, Yerukulas and Jogulas, Donga Dasaries also known as Katheras. The first Manager of the Settlement was one by the name Ludwig of Mirathines. An industrial settlement it was supposed to be, in which institutions like an American Baptist Church, a police house, an upper primary school, a post office and a cooperative society began functioning for the benefit of the village. A little distance away from the Settlement, on the Grand Trunk Road, some tea stalls and other petty shops selling sundry articles were functioning. However, for purchasing their major provisions, the settlers used to visit Bitragunta town, two miles away, where a railway station is situated.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_8

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In the Irwin Settlement village, there are 32 surnames, among whom Gurramkonda, Petla, Mekala, Batchu, Banala, Challa and Goddeti are well-known. Almost all these people are converted Christians. Though they profess Christianity and attend the Church, due to Indianization, they follow Hindu customs and traditions in marriage, funeral rituals and other social matters. 8.1.2

Marital Status

Table 8.1 shows that in Irwin village a total of 877 persons are distributed in 203 families, and out of those 877 persons, there are 540 persons (61.57 per cent) married and 337 (38.43 per cent) unmarried. In the entire village, the families can be divided into criminal and non-criminal categories. There are 259 persons in criminal families and 618 persons in the non-criminal families, so much so 29.53 per cent are in criminal families and 70.47 per cent are in non-criminal category. Of the 540 married persons (31.11 per cent), i.e., 168 persons belong to criminal families and 372 (68.89 per cent) to non-criminal families. Out of the 337 unmarried people, 27.00 per cent are from criminal families and 73.00 per cent from the non-criminal families. If we examine the persons in the criminal families, there are 259 persons in this category, out of which 35.14 per cent are unmarried, 64.86 per cent are married. Similarly, out of 618 persons in the non-criminal families, 39.81 per cent unmarried and 60.19 per cent married. Table 8.1 Marital status in Irwin village, 1990

Married Unmarried Total

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

168 (64.86) (31.11) 91 (35.14) (27.00) 259 (100) (29.53)

372 (60.19) (68.89) 246 (39.81) (73.00) 618 (100) (70.47)

540 (61.57)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

337 (38.43) 877 (100)

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165

Table 8.2 Nature of families in Irwin village, 1990

Male Female Total

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

10 (15.38) (23.81) 55 (84.62) (34.16) 65 (100) (32.02)

32 (23.19) (76.19) 106 (76.81) (65.84) 138 (100) (67.98)

42 (20.69) 161 (79.31) 203 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.3

Nature of Families

Table 8.2 examines the nature of families in Irwin village, which consists of 203 families. Of which, 20.69 per cent are joint families and 79.31 per cent nuclear. It means there are more nuclear families than joint families. The impression that most of the villagers in India live in joint families is no more visible in this village. When we examine the criminal and non-criminal families, we find that out of 65 criminal families, 84.62 per cent are nuclear families and only 15.38 per cent joint families. Likewise, out of 138 non-criminal families, 76.81 per cent are nuclear families and 23.19 per cent joint families. Regarding the distinction between criminal and non-criminal families, it can be said that out of 203 families, 32.02 per cent are criminal families and 67.98 per cent are non-criminal. Among the 161 nuclear families, there are 34.16 per cent criminal families, and 65.84 per cent noncriminal families. Likewise, in 42 joint families, there are 23.81 per cent criminal families and 76.19 per cent non-criminal families. In both the categories of criminal as well as non-criminal families, the nuclear families outnumber the joint families. 8.1.4

Demographic Profile

8.1.4.1 Sex Ratio As shown in Table 8.3, out of 877 total population in the village, there are 44.47 per cent females and 55.53 per cent males. It means there are more males than females in the village. In the total population of 877, there

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Table 8.3 Sex structure in Irwin village, 1990

Male Female Total

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

146 (56.37) (29.98) 91 (35.14) (27.00) 259 (100) (29.53)

341 (55.18) (70.02) 277 (44.82) (71.03) 618 (100) (70.47)

487 (55.53) 390 (44.47) 877 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

are 29.53 per cent of criminal families and 70.47 per cent in non-criminal families. Sex-wise distribution, out of 487 total male population 29.98 per cent persons are in criminal families, while 70.02 per cent are in non-criminal families. Similarly, of the total 390 female population in the village, 28.97 per cent are in criminal families and 71.03 per cent in non-criminal families. In all these cases the male population is more than the female population in the village. 8.1.4.2 Age Structure Table 8.4 is meant to explain the age structure in the Irwin village settlement. Out of a total population of 877, about 26.00 per cent are in the age-group of 1–13; 17.79 per cent in the age-group of 14–20; 52.79 per cent are in the age-group of 21–59; and 3.42 per cent in the age-group of 60 and above. The age-group of 21–59 constitute the biggest entity, i.e., 52.79 per cent. If we examine the youth population, i.e., in the age-group of 14–20, they are 17.79 per cent. As for age-groups, that out of 228 persons in the age-group of 1–13, 25 per cent are in the criminal families, while 75.00 per cent are in noncriminal families. Out of 156 members in the age-group of 14–20, 37.82 per cent are in the criminal families, while 62.18 per cent are in noncriminal families. Likewise, out of 463 total persons in the age-group of 21–59, 30.24 per cent are in the criminal families, while 69.59, 30.24 per cent are in the criminal families, while 69.76 per cent are in non-criminal families. Of the total 30 persons in the age-group of 60 and above, 10 per cent are in the criminal families, and 90 per cent in non-criminal families.

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

167

Table 8.4 Age structure in Irwin village, 1990 Age-group

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

1–13

57 (22.01) (25.00) 59 (22.78) (37.24) 140 (54.05) (30.24) 3 (1.16) (10.00) 259 (100) (29.53)

171 (27.67) (75.00) 97 (15.70) (62.18) 323 (52.56) (69.76) 27 (4.37) (90.00) 618 (100) (70.47)

228 (26.00)

14–20 21–59 60 above Total

156 (17.79) 463 (52.79) 30 (3.42) 877 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.4.3 Age Structure (Sex-Wise) Table 8.5 gives the sex distribution in the age structure of the criminal and non-criminal families. There are 259 persons in the criminal families, of which 56.37 per cent are males and 46.63 per cent females. In this group, as regards age-wise figures, out of 57 total population in the agegroup of 1–13, 73.68 per cent are males and 26.32 per cent females. Out of 58 total population in the age-group of 14–21, 43.10 per cent are males and 56.90 per cent females, while out of 140 persons in the agegroup of 21–59, 55.71 per cent are males and 44.29 per cent females; as also, out of 4 persons in the age-group of 60 and above, 25.00 per cent are males and 75.00 per cent females. Similarly, in the non-criminal families, out of 228 persons in the agegroup of 1–13, 57.31 per cent are males and 42.69 per cent females, while out of 97 persons in the age-group of 14–20, 57.73 per cent are males and 42.27 per cent females. Further, out of 77 persons in the age-group of 21–59, 53.35 per cent are males and 46.75 per cent females, while out of 27 persons in the age-group of 60 and above, 55.56 per cent are males and 44.44 per cent females.

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Table 8.5 Age structure in Irwin village (sex-wise), 1990 Age-group

1–13

14–20

21–59

60 above

Total

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total

42 (28.77) (73.68) 25 (17.12) (43.10) 78 (53.42) (55.71) 1 (0.69) (25.00)

15 (13.27) (26.32) 33 (22.39) (56.90) 62 (54.87) (44.29) 3 (2.66) (75.00)

57 (22.01) (25.00) 56 (16.42) (37.42) 140 (54.05) (30.23) 4 (1.55) (12.90)

146 (100) (56.37)

113 (100) (43.63)

259 (100) (29.53)

98 (28.74) (57.31) 56 (16.42) (57.73) 172 (50.44) (53.25) 15 (4.40) (55.56) 341 (100) (55.18)

73 (26.35) (42.69) 41 (14.80) (42.27) 151 (54.51) (46.75) 12 (4.34) (44.44) 277 (100) (44.82)

171 (27.67) (75.00) 97 (15.70) (62.58) 323 (52.27) (69.77) 27 (4.36) (87.10) 618 (100)

Grand total

228 (26.00) 155 (17.67) 463 (52.79) 31 (3.54) 877 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.5

The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Non-criminal Families

Table 8.6 indicates the age structure of criminals and non-criminals among the non-criminal families in the Irwin village settlement. There are only 10 criminals in the non-criminal families, all of them being males and there is no indication of female criminals. There are 20 per cent in the agegroup of 14–20 years, and 80 per cent in the age-group of 21–59 years. The presence of 10 criminals in non-criminal families is an indication of producing a criminal pattern of behaviour among non-criminal families. This could be attributed to the criminal environment influencing some of the non-criminal families. It can also be said that the ‘differential association’ theory is in operation. in other words, bad association harms good children. The opportunity to harm is present in criminal behaviour when given scope.

8

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Table 8.6 Age structure of criminals and non-criminals among Non-criminal families in Irwin village, 1990 Age-group

Criminals

Non-criminals

Male

Female

Total

1–13







14–20

2 (20.00) (100) 8 (80.00) (100) –



21–59

60 above

Total





10 (100) – (100)

Male

98 (29.61) (57.31) 2 54 (20.00) (16.31) (2.06) (56.84) 8 164 (80.00) (49.55) (2.48) (52.06) – 15 (4.34) (55.56) 10 (100) 331 (100) (1.62) (54.44)

Female

Total

73 (26.35) (42.69) 41 (14.80) (43.16) 151 (54.51) (47.94) 12 (4.34) (44.44) 277 (100) (45.56)

171 (28.12) (100) 95 (15.62) (97.14) 315 (51.81) (97.52) 27 (4.45) (100) 608 (100) (98.38)

Grand total 171 (26.21) 97 (15.70) 323 (52.43) 27 (5.66) 618 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.6

The Structure of Criminals and Non-criminals Among Criminal Families

Table 8.7 gives the age-group situation of the criminals and non-criminals among the criminal families. In the entire criminal categories, there is nobody from, 1–13 years of age, who are free from criminal tendencies. However, there are ten people (12.05 per cent) in the age-group of 14– 20, while 85.54 per cent are in the age-group of 21–59. Moreover, there are only two criminals in the age-group of 60 and above. 8.1.6.1 Age-Specific Rate Table 8.8 examines the age-specific rate of criminals among the males in Irwin village. Among the 487 total males, there are 140 males in the age-group of 1–13 (28.75 per cent). Similarly, there are 81 males (16.63 per cent) in the age-group of 14–20; 250 (51.33 per cent) in the agegroup of 21–59; and 16 persons (3.29 per cent) in the age-group of 60 and above. It means most of the male criminals and in the age-group of 21–59 years.

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Table 8.7 Age Structure of criminals and non-criminals among criminal families in Irwin village, 1990 Age-group

Criminals

Non-criminals

Grand total

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total

1–13







8 (10.39) (80.00) 69 (89.61)

15 (14.02) (26.32) 31 (28.97) (64.58) 60 (56.07) (86.96) 1 (0.94)

57 (32.39) (100) 48 (27.27) (82.76) 69 (39.20) (42.29) 2 (1.14)

57 (22.01)

14–20

42 (60.87) (73.68) 17 (24.64) (35.42) 9 (13.04) (13.04) 1 (1.45)

176 (100) (67.95)

259 (100)

21–59

60 above

Total

2 (33.33) (20.00) 2 (33.33) (2.82) – 2 (33.34) (100) 77 (100) 6 (100) (92.77) (7.23)

10 (12.05) (17.24) 71 (85.54) (50.71) 2 (2.41)

83 (100) 69 (100) 107 (100) (39.20) (60.80)

58 (22.39) 140 (54.05) 4 (1.55)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

Table 8.8 Age-specific rate of criminality among the males in Irwin village, 1990 Age-group

Total males

No. of male criminals

Age-specific rate

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

140 (28.75) 81 (16.63) 250 (51.33) 16 (3.29) 487 (100)

– 10 (11.49) 77 (88.51) – 87 (100)

– 12.34 30.80 – 43.14

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.6.2 Income Structure Table 8.9 explains the income patterns of the Irwin village, in which 90 persons are earning among the criminal families, i.e., 35.43 per cent, and there are 164 persons earning in the non-criminal families, i.e., 64.57 per cent. Out of the 254 earning persons in the village, 41.73 per cent

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Table 8.9 Income structure of Irwin village, 1990 Income in Rs.

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

1000–5000

13 (14.44) (12.26) 42 (46.67) (42.86) 31 (34.44) (73.81) 4 (4.45) (50.00) – 90 (100) (35.43)

93 (56.71) (87.74) 56 (34.15) (57.14) 11 (6.70) (26.19) 4 (2.44) (50.00) – 164 (100) (64.57)

106 (41.73)

5001–10,000 10,001–15,000 15,001–20,000 20,001 above Total

98 (38.58) 42 (16.54) 8 (3.15) – 254 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

in the income group of Rs. 1000–5000; 38.58 per cent in the income group of Rs. 5001–10,000; 16.54 per cent in the income group of Rs. 10,001–15,000; and 3.15 per cent in the income group of Rs. 15,001– 20,000. There are none in the income group of Rs. 20,001 and above. These figures indicate that most people are in the income group of Rs. 1000–10,000, which is just an average income today. 8.1.6.3 Education Table 8.10 gives the educational situation in Irwin village. These are 168 persons in the entire village who have some education. It means there are 709 illiterates in the village. If we examine the criminal and non-criminal families, most of the people in the criminal families are in the elementary or high school grades only. However, in non-criminal families, there are 91.67 per cent distributed in the elementary, high school and college level education. In the entire village, there are 32.14 per cent in elementary school; 59.52 per cent in the high school; 7.74 per cent on college education and 0.60 per cent in technical education. Most of the non-criminal families are in elementary and high school education.

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Table 8.10 Education structure of Irwin village, 1990 Education

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

Elementary

Technical



Total

14 (100) (8.33)

49 (31.82) (90.74) 91 (59.09) (91.00) 13 (8.44) (100) 1 (0.65) (100) 154 (100) (91.67)

54 (32.14)

College

5 (35.71) (9.26) 9 (64.28) (9.00) –

High School

100 (59.52) 13 (7.74) 1 (0.60) 168 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.6.4 Education of Criminal Families In Table 8.11, the educational status of criminal families in the Irwin village is (delineated). There are only 14 people in the educated category and all of them are in the elementary or high school education. There is none in the category of college and technical education. Among criminals, more number of males have education than females. It means 71.43 per cent of males and 28.57 per cent of females have education. Out of the 14 total criminal families, there are 35.71 per cent at the elementary level and 64.29 per cent in high school level. It means that most of the criminal families have high school education. Table 8.11 Education of criminal families of Irwin village, 1990

Education

Males

Females

Total

Elementary

2 (20.00) (40.00) 8 (80.00) (88.89) 10 (100) (71.43)

3 (75.00) (60.00) 1 (25.00) (11.11) 4 (100) (28.57)

5 (35.71)

High School Total

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

9 (64.29) 14 (100)

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Table 8.12 Education of non-criminal families of Irwin village, 1990 Education

Males

Females

Total

Elementary

30 (26.32) (61.22) 71 (62.28) (78.02) 12 (10.53) (92.31) 1 (0.87) (100) 114 (100) (74.03)

19 (47.50) (38.78) 20 (50.00) (21.98) 1 (2.50) (7.69) –

49 (31.82)

40 (100) (25.97)

154 (100)

High School College Technical Total

91 (59.09) 13 (8.44) 1 (0.65)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.6.5 Education of Non-criminals Families Table 8.12 reveals the educational status of the non-criminal families in Irwin village. Out of 154 literates, among the non-criminal families, 31.82 per cent have elementary education, 59.09 per cent have high school education, and a small number, i.e., 0.65 per cent have technical education. As regards male–female education in the village, out of 154 literates, 74.03 per cent are males and 25.97 per cent are females. 8.1.6.6 Occupational Structure In the entire village, there are many different occupations like agriculture, rickshaw-pulling, railway jobs, coolies work (daily wages), fish business, watchman’s job, including crime, along with other miscellaneous occupations. About 34.20 per cent are in agriculture, 3.21 per cent in rickshaw-pulling, 4.49 per cent in railway jobs, 9.29 per cent in fish business, 1.28 per cent in watchman’s job, nearly 30.00 per cent in crime occupation, while the rest are engaged in other miscellaneous works (see Table 8.13). It is further seen that most of the people have agricultural occupation 34.30 per cent and the next predominant occupation, as can be noticed, is criminal activities (30.00 per cent). However, crime as an occupation is considered important in the village.

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Table 8.13 Occupation structure of Irwin village, 1990 Occupation

Persons in criminal families

Persons in non-criminal families

Total

Agriculture

Railway work



Coolie Occupation

Watchman’s job

3 (2.73) (10.34) 1 (0.91) (3.45) –

Others



Total

100 (100) (35.26)

84 (41.58) (78.50) 10 (4.95) (100) 14 (6.93) (100) 26 (12.87) (89.66) 28 (13.86) (96.55) 4 (1.98) (100) 26 (12.88) (100) 202 (100) (64.74)

107 (34.30)

Rickshaw-pulling

23 (20.91) (21.50) –

Fish Business

10 (3.21) 14 (4.49) 29 (9.29) 29 (9.29) 4 (1.28) 26 (8.33) 312 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

8.1.6.7 Land Particulars As per Table 8.14, out of the total 203 Families in Irwin village, 50.25 per cent own land between 1–2 acres and cent 3–4 acres. It can therefore be said that nearly 41.00 per cent are landless. 8.1.6.8 Housing Position In the village, among different types of houses like huts, thatched houses, tiled and terraced houses inhabited by the villagers, nearly 36.45 per cent are huts, and 21.67 per cent are thatched houses. Only 3 families (1.48 per cent) stay in rented houses, while 40.40 per cent live in terraced and tiled houses by courtesy of the Government of A.P. (Table 8.15). Table 8.16, it shows that 37.44 per cent have electricity lighting, while 62.56 per cent have kerosene lighting. 8.1.6.9 Changes in Criminal Status Table 8.17 explains the changing status of the criminals into non-criminals and non-criminals into criminals. Out of the total 203 families in the village, 20 families which were originally criminals became non-criminal,

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Table 8.14 Land particulars in Irwin village, 1990 Land in acres

Criminal families

Non-criminal families

Total

1–2

9–10 11 above

– –

Landless

27 (41.54) (32.53) 65 (100) (32.02)

70 (50.72) (68.63) 10 (7.26) (62.50) – 1 (0.72) (100) – 1 (0.72) (100) 56 (40.58) (67.47) 138 (100) (67.98)

102 (50.25)

5–6 7–8

32 (49.23) (31.37) 6 (9.23) (37.50) – –

3–4

Total

16 (7.88) – 1 (0.49) – 1 (0.49) 83 (40.89) 203 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

Table 8.15 Type of houses in Irwin village, 1990 Type of homes

Criminal families

Non-criminal families

Total

Hut

24 (36.93) (32.43) 17 (26.15) (38.64) 1 (1.53) (4.17) 16 (24.62) (36.36) 7 (10.77) (50.00) –

50 (36.23) (67.57) 27 (19.57) (61.36) 23 (16.67) (95.83) 28 (20.29) (63.64) 7 (5.07) (50.00) 3 (2.17) (100) 138 (100) (67.98)

74 (36.45)

Thatched Tiled Terraced Roof Rented Total

65 (100) (32.02)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

44 (21.67) 24 (11.83) 44 (21.67) 14 (6.90) 3 (1.48) 203 (100)

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Table 8.16 Lighting method in Irwin village, 1990 System

Criminal families

Non-criminal families

Total

Electricity

32 (49.23) (42.11) 33 (50.77) (25.98) 65 (100) (32.02)

44 (31.88) (57.89) 94 (68.12) (74.02) 138 (100)

76 (37.44)

Kerosene Total

127 (62.56) 203 (100)

Source Primary data collected by the author Note Figures in Parentheses are percentages

Table 8.17 Change in criminal status of Irwin village, 1990

Past

Present

Criminal Non-criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Non-criminal Criminal Criminal Non-criminal Total

No. of families

In %

20 5 45 133 203

9.85 2.46 22.17 65.52 100

Source Primary data collected by the author

while 5 non-criminal families continued the criminal occupation, but 65.52 per cent of non-criminal families continued to be non-criminals. So much so, more than half of the families were originally non-criminal, while non-criminal culture and criminal culture coexist in the village.

8.2 Part B: A Comparison Between Katheras and Yerukulas of Irwin Village 8.2.1

Comparing the Two Criminal Tribes

Irwin Settlement has both Katheras and Yerukulas. Both groups were brought from outside and were made to settle in one village. The Katheras now claim that they are also Yerukulas as the Yerukulas are included in the list of Scheduled Tribes prepared by the President of India’s Order for Special Benefits under the Indian Constitution, whereas the Katheras as a group are not included in the S.T. list. Out of 877 settlers, there are 429 Yerukulas and 448 Katheras. In other words, as shown in Table 8.18,

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51.1 per cent are Katheras and 48.9 per cent are Yerukulas, Katheras outnumbering the Yerukulas though it is known as Yerukulas Settlement. As there are two major criminal groups, Yerukulas and Katheras, as account of the Katheras is overdue. Katheras or Donga Dasaries are known to be the worst type of criminals, whom Thurston (1908: Vol. II) described them in the following manner: Men and women disguise themselves as Dasaris with perpendicular Vaishnava mark on their fore-head and carrying a lamp (Garuda Kumbum), a gang or bell-metal, a small drum called jagala, a tuft of peacock feathers, go begging in the villages and are at times treated with sumptuous meals, including cakes offered to them as the disciples of Lord Venkateshwara.

These marks are not very much seen on them nowadays. Katheras were said to be the most dangerous criminals who predominantly inhabit the Ballary district. They are called Aligaris or Capemaris. The appellation “Aligari” is given to them as a class of professional thieves and pocket-pickers and is used by the police to persons suspected by them whose castes are not positively known, who give an inconsistent account of themselves and whose have no place in the Census Reports. The settlers reported that they were the Kathera tribe, who are endogamous sect of the Devangas and sub-division of Gadabas.

The ‘Kathera’ is a Telugu word, meaning ‘scissors’ and they are known as ‘kathera vandlu’ the appellation having been given to them from the fact that they frequent fairs, festivals and busy railway platforms, selling knives and scissors. They have four divisions among them which are: Table 8.18 Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

Yerukulas Katheras Total

No. of persons

In %

429 448 877

48.9 51.1 100.0

Source Primary data collected by the author

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Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

1. Capemari Alagiri 2. Donga Dasari Alagiri 3. Gudu Dasari Alagiri; and 4. Padayachi Alagiri. An old settler narrated the following: The Capemari Alagiri’s headquarters is located at Trivellore (Tamil Nadu) and its surrounding places in Cheglepet District. The head of the Capemari class lives in Trivellore and is attached to “Ahobilam Mutt” as paid servant. A small lancet-shape knife is invariably found with them which is kept concealed in the mouth. Railway station platforms are their most coveted field of operation. Crime is not committed by them in places where they happen to be known to the local police. Donga Dasaries or Gudu Dasaries are also called “Mcherikalas” and they are drawn from the Boya, Golla, Dudder and Sali castes. Their headman is styled as “Guru” and is responsible for predatory excursions. They confine themselves generally to burglary cases. The principal headquarters of these people are: Cuddapah, Ballary, Kurnool and Nellore Districts, though they are found in small numbers throughout Andhra Pradesh. They visit temples in the guise of Bairagis (wandering mendicants) with all the outward religious symbols and command the respect of villagers. Adepts in the art of reciting the Vedas, they gain admission into houses and study the topography and wait for the opportunity to use ‘Godikolu’, an instrument, which is also used by the Yerukulas to commit theft. (Field notes, 1992)

However, in an old Book it was stated: The Donga Dasaries are a class of professional thieves and pick-pockets. Hindus of all classes, and occasionally the Muslims, are members of their fraternity. They are described as farming apart of the great ‘Satanis’ or mixed caste disciples of Sri Chaitanya, a native of Bengal, who introduced the worship of Lord Krishna in South India and died in 1527. (S.S. Mullely, Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency, 1892: 3)

These Donga Dasaries are Alagaris who resemble the Soonarishe of Bundelkund and Poona Bhamptas.

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179

Both men and women of this sect are clever thieves and the young ones are trained early in life in the art of pocket-picking and snatching jewels from unsuspecting travellers. Generally, the men put on the disguise of respectable traders, wearing good dresses, taking caste marks and other outward signs of respectability and gaining entry into temples, Caste Chatrams and places of resort to travellers and pilgrims. They cheat the persons concerned taking advantage of their acquaintance with them and use trains for quick movement. Though their language is Telugu, they are well-acquainted with Hindusthani. During the ‘Pongal’ festival, the ‘religious Dasaries’ may be frequently seen with their sacred bulls asking for alms. Before proceeding on a predatory excursion, offerings of sheep and fowls are made to the Goddess ‘Gangamma’ and omens are carefully observed by them. A Kathera elder elaborated on them: We, the Katheras, are loyal to one another and we are the worst type of criminals in South India. Thota, Mekala and Kunchala are some of our well known family names. The Donga Dasaries are Pedayachi Alagiris or Thoganaai Koravas. We are the professional thieves of the Southern districts in the Tamil Nadu. We are skillful counterfeiter and dexterous in passing coins through our woman accomplices. (Field notes, 1992)

The settlers believe that the Katheras were more dangerous criminals than even the Yerukulas. An Officer from a Christmas Missionary told: I should say the Dasaris of Kalichedu were of a more dangerous character or criminals. Most of the absconders and those in jail are from the Dasaris. They need the penal settlement because they do not believe that we are trying to help them. (Field notes, 1992)

An informant gave some points to make us believe that the Government declared the Katheras as a Criminal Tribe because: 1. Donga Dasaris comprise of different tribes or castes and there was no particular occupation or social organization and consequently they wander from place to place and their intelligence and cleverness were used for criminal depredations. 2. The introduction of railways was most conductive for the criminal activities in distant places.

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3. Their general impoverishment in and around Madras Presidency turned into criminals. 4. Adverse climatic conditions as also the rise of prices of essential commodities made the general public not to show any sympathy towards these Dasari mendicants and hence they turn into criminals. 5. The good-looking women cheat the men-folk of other communities and encourage them to make up crime. 6. The nomadic nature of their life and their behavioural pattern helped them embark upon a criminal life. The above-mentioned reasons, it is said, are mainly responsible for the Government to declare them as a Criminal Tribe. As they were declared to be a Criminal Tribe, the then Government interned them in the Kalichedu Settlement in the year 1911. When the Kalichedu Settlement was closed, all the Katheras were brought to Irwin Settlement. Thus, the Katheras from Kalichedu Settlement and Yerukulas from Kavali Settlement comprise the Reformatory Settlement at Irwin village. The Katheras contest that they were part and parcel of the Yerukulas. From the field data, the following points are noticeable: 1. Alagaris or Capemaris or Southern India are supposed to have been once an off shoot of this tribe, but they are now quite distinct from them in their religion, manners, customs, language and every other socio-economic characteristic. 2. Katheras are professional criminals, naming themselves with various terms. In North Arcot and in parts of Cuddapah and Nellore districts, they are called as ‘Donga Dasaris’. In some parts of Cuddapah, Ballery and Kurnool, they were known as ‘Donga Waddars’, ‘Golla Waddars’, ‘Meccherikalas’ and ‘Pachepas’ (Krishna and Godavari districts), respectively. In the southern districts of Tamil Nadu, they are called ‘Alagiris’, ‘Ena’ or ‘Thogamalai Koravars’. One a careful observation of these names, it can be safely assumed that these people were once a part of ‘koravas’ and later adopted different names for themselves. 3. There were no transport and communication facilities during eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The villagers during those days never allowed the Yerukulas to cross over their boundaries. It was a trick for some people say that they belonged to Odhra

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caste, meaning, tank-diggers and with their instruments, they were allowed into the village. That was the reason why these Kateras or Donga Dasaris, though acquainted with the language of the Yerukulas, did not either speak the same, nor did they follow the same customs and traditions. 4. When these Katheras were supposedly separated from the main Tribe of the Yerukulas, they were very small in number. So, they allowed other castes to enter their community. Women of all classes, with the exception of ‘malas’ and ‘Madigas’ were admitted into their fold. They lifted children from various castes and tribes in order to strengthen their community numerically. 5. The same deplorable economic conditions obtaining in the nineteenth century in the whole of Madras Presidency were responsible for the grave crimes committed by the Donga Dasaris. 6. During the year 1912, members of certain other gangs, viz., Donga Dasaris, Yerukulas, Dommaras and a few irate gangs of Jugulas and Yanadis were induced to join the settlement at Kalichedu. The operations of these gangs were confined to Godavari and Krishna districts. In Guntur district, members of three gangs of the Yerukulas and once of Wadders and lands of their own at Kothelore in Vinukonda Taluk of Guntur District. In Ballary district, a gang of Yerukulas moved into the above camp on the last day of the year 1912. In the South Arcot district, a gang of Gudu Dasaris and another of Koravas were kept under regular surveillance. 7. With regard to their social structure and organizations, we can see differences between the Yerukulas and the Donga Dasaris. Among the former, women have a respectable place in the social set-up, and they do not allow anybody to talk ill of them. But among the Donga Dasaris, wives are sometimes kept as securities for debts contracted by their husbands, who become the property of the creditor in case the debtor fails to settle it. This change or difference in their attitudes is due to the fact that they are drawn from the Boya, Golla, Wudde and Saila Castes. Hindus of all classes, and occasionally Muslims also, are members of their fraternity. Perhaps, these mixed characteristics contributed to the significant variation in the social structure. Another contributory factor is that they are clever thieves and they move under the guise of respectable traders, well-dressed and wearing caste marks to gain admission

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into any place they like to visit. They also acquaint themselves with the names of persons of good social stranding and ascertain facts connected with their private life. Thus, taking advantage of these acquaintances, they cheat people, which is also not the original trait or character of the Yerukulas. Kind of culture, manners, social life and relations with other people in society have turned them into a different category of people. 8. Inter-dining and inter-marriages are no longer taboos between Donga Dasaris and Yerukulas. Moreover, as Prasada Rao, a prominent and educated and employed person among the Yerukulas said: These Donga Dasaris or Donga Wadderas did not have marital relations with traditional Wadderas. 9. In the tribe-wise and caste-wise census enumerated by the Government, there is no mention of the Katheras as a tribe or a caste. They were considered part and parcel of the Yerukulas. 10. Moreover, when the Kalichedu settlement was started in 1911 and at the end of the year, it contained 391 members, all of them belonged to Katheras. During the year under report, members of certain other gangs, viz. Donga Dasaris, Yerukulas and Dommaras and a few unregistered gangs of Jogulas and Yanadis were induced to join the settlement. Though Donga Dasaris and Katheras and Donga Wadderas are one and the same gang, in Police records, they are treated separately (Field notes, 1991). The above factors show that over a period of time, Katheras and Yerukulas have been getting merged into one entity gradually losing their prior distinctness, if any. 8.2.1.1 Sex-Wise Distribution of the Yerukulas and Katheras There are 486 males and 391 females in the village, which means 55.4 per cent males and 44.6 per cent females. As shown in Table 8.19, among the total males, there are 47.5 per cent of Yerukulas and 52.5 per cent of Katheras, whereas there are 50.6 per cent of Yerukulas and 59.4 per cent of Katheras among the total females. However, among the Yerukulas, 53.85 per cent of them are males, 46.15 per cent females, whereas among the Katheras, there are 57.14 per cent males and 42.86 per cent females, which indicates that the Kathera males are more in number than the Yerukula males, while 46.15 per cent of Yerukulas are females and 42.86 per cent of Kathera females. This shows that the Yerukula females

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IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

183

outnumber the Kathera females. In other words, the reproductive capacity of the Yerukulas may increase in course of time as compared with the Katheras. Demographically, Yerukulas may outnumber Katheras in the future though at present it is not the case. 8.2.1.2 Marital Status Among the 877 villagers, 540 of them are married and 337 unmarried (Table 8.20). In other words, 61.6 per cent are married and 38.4 per cent unmarried. Among the unmarried, there are children and youth as well. In this settlement, the marriage age is reported to be around 18 years. Since not many are educated, the higher marriageable age is not reported in the village. Of the 877 settlers, 48.9 per cent are Yerukulas and 51.1 per cent are Katheras. Among the 540 married persons, 47.6 per cent are Yerukulas and 52.4 per cent are Katheras, whereas among the 337 unmarried persons, 51.0 per cent are Yerukulas and 49.0 per cent Katheras. Again, among the 429 Yerukulas, 59.9 per cent are married and 40.10 per cent unmarried, whereas among the 448 Katheras 63.17 per cent are married and 38.83 per cent unmarried. 8.2.1.3 Type of Family Family structures are divided into joint and nuclear families. We have not shown the widowed families or single person families as they are connected one way or the other with the joint families or even with nuclear families. Kin relationships are very strong among these settlers. Further, the single member family is not very much popular among individuals. It could be either because of the desire for social relationships or for its convenience to indulge in deviant behaviour. As shown in Table 8.21, of the 203 families in Irwin village settlement, there are 103 Yerukula families and 100 Kathera families. Out of the total 121 nuclear families, 50.9 per cent are Yerukulas and 49.1 per cent Katheras. Even in joint families, there are 42 joint families, i.e., 50 per cent of the Yerukulas and the remaining 50 per cent are among the Katheras. In other words, there are an equal number of joint families in Katheras as well as Yerukulas. Let us now compare the criminal and non-criminal families in Yerukulas and Katheras in the village. Among the total 203 families, 25.2 per cent are criminals in Yerukulas, whereas 39.0 per cent are criminals among Katheras. It means that there are a greater number of Kathera

49 (21.12)

46 (23.23)

95 (22.14)

Male

Female

Total

100%

48.43

51.57

182 (78.79) 152 (76.77) 334 (77.86)

(3)

Source Primary data collected by the author

(2)

100%

45.51

54.49

231 (47.5) 198 (50.6) 429 (48.92)

(4)

100%

46.15

53.85

(5)

In %

97 (37.89) 67 (34.90) 164 (36.61)

(6)

Criminal

Total

Criminal

Non-criminal

Katheras

Yerukulas

100%

40.85

59.15

159 (62.11) 125 (65.10) 284 (63.39)

(7)

100%

44.02

55.98

Non-criminal

255 (52.5) 193 (49.4) 448 (51.08)

(8)

Total

Sex structure comparison between Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin Village, 1990

(1)

Sex

Table 8.19

100%

42.86

57.14

(9)

In %

877 100%

391 (44.6)

486 (55.4)

(10)

G.T (4)–(8)

184 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

57 (22.18)

38 (22.09)

95 (22.14)

Married

Un-married

Total

100%

40.00

60.00

200 (77.82) 134 (77.91) 334 (77.86)

(3)

Source Primary data collected by the author

(2)

100%

40.12

59.88

429 (48.9)

172 (51.0)

257 (47.6)

(4)

100%

40.19

59.91

(5)

In %

111 (39.22) 53 (32.12) 164 (36.61)

(6)

Criminal

Total

Criminal

Non-criminal

Katheras

Yerukulas

100%

32.22

67.68

172 (60.78) 112 (67.88) 284 (63.39)

(7)

100%

39.44

60.56

Non-criminal

Material status—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

(1)

Sex

Table 8.20

448 (51.1)

165 (49.0)

283 (52.4)

(8)

Total

100%

36.83

63.17

(9)

In %

540 (61.7) 337 (38.30) 877 100%

(10)

G.T (4)–(8)

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

185

Source Primary data collected by the author

24 (29.27) 92.30 58 (70.73) 75.32 2 (9.52) 7.70 19 (90.48) 24.68 26 (25.24) 100% 77 (74.76) 100%

Nuclear Joint Total

(3)

(2)

(5)

(6)

(7)

Non-criminal

82 (50.9) 79.61 31 (39.24) 79.48 48 (60.76) 78.68 21 (50.0) 20.39 8 (38.10) 20.62 13 (61.90) 21.32 103 (50.7) 100% 39 (39.00) 100% 61 (61.00) 100%

(4)

In %

Criminal

Total

Criminal

Non-criminal

Katheras

Yerukulas

(9)

In %

(10)

G.T (4)–(8)

79 (49.1) 79.00 161 (79.3) 21 (50.0) 21.00 42 (20.7) 100 (49.3) 100% 203 100%

(8)

Total

Type of families—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

(1)

Type of family

Table 8.21

186 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

187

families who are criminals than among the Yerukulas. Among the noncriminals, 74.76 per cent are non-criminals among the Yerukulas, whereas 61 per cent are non-criminals among the Katheras. This also indicates that non-criminal families are more in Yerukula families than in Kathera families. Among 161 nuclear families in the village, 29.27 per cent are criminals among the Yerukulas and 39.24 per cent criminals among the Katheras. If we examine the non-criminal families, there are 70.73 per cent non-criminals among the Yerukulas and 60.76 per cent non-criminals on Kathera families. Similarly, if we look at the joint families, out of 42 joint families, 9.52 per cent are non-criminal families among the Katheras, while 99.48 per cent joint families are non-criminal among the Yerukulas, whereas 61.90 per cent joint families are non-criminal among the Katheras. All these figures indicate that family-wise, Katheras are more criminal than Yerukulas. The reformation and rehabilitation need to be concentrated more on the Katheras than on Yerukulas though both groups have to change their criminal behaviour to be societally acceptable. 8.2.1.4 Age Structure As regards the structure of Yerukulas and Katheras, tabulated in Table 8.22, the age-groups are divided into 1–13, 14–20, 21–59 and 60 and above 1–13 age-group is considered as children, 14–20, as youth and 21–59 as adults and 60 and above as the older age-group. In the children group, we have a total of 228 children, of which 53 per cent are Yerukulas and 47 per cent are Katheras. In the age-group of 14–20, i.e., the youth group, 42.9 per cent Yerukulas, 57.1 per cent Katheras, thereby showering more Katheras than Yerukulas in this age-group. In 21–59 age-group, 49.5 per cent are Yerukulas and 50.5 per cent Katheras. In this age-group of 60 and above, 40 per cent are Yerukulas and 60 per cent are Katheras. It is obvious that in the children’s group, more number (53 per cent) are Yerukulas than the Katheras (47 per cent). But, in the youth group, there are more number of Katheras (57.1 per cent), than the Yerukulas (42.9 per cent). These variations indicate that the proneness of becoming criminals is more among the Katheras than in the Yerukulas. But among children, there is more proneness to criminality among the Yerukulas than the Katheras. However, in the age-group of 21–59, both the Yerukulas and Katheras are equal in number.

18 (26.87)

48 (20.96)



95 (22.14)

14–20

21–59

60 above

Total

100%



50.53

18.95

30.52

92 (76.03) 49 (73.13) 181 (79.04) 12 (100.0) 334 (77.86)

Source Primary data collected by the author

20 (23.97)

1–13

100%

3.60

54.19

14.69

27.54

429 (48.9)

12 (40.0)

229 (49.5)

67 (42.9)

121 (53.0)

(4)

Total

In %

100%

2.80

53.28

15.62

28.20

(5) 28 (26.17) 41 (46.07) 92 (39.32) 3 (16.67) 164 (36.62)

(6)

Criminal

(3)

Non-criminal

Criminal

(2)

Katheras

Yerukulas

100%

1.83

56.10

25.00

17.07

79 (73.83) 48 (53.93) 142 (60.68) 15 (83.33) 284 (63.39)

(7)

100%

5.28

50.00

16.90

27.82

Non-criminal

448 (51.1)

18 (60.0)

234 (50.5)

89 (57.1)

107 (47.0)

(8)

Total

Age structure—comparison among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

(1)

Age

Table 8.22

100%

4.02

52.23

19.87

23.88

(9)

In %

879 100%

30 (3.4)

463 (52.8)

156 (17.8)

228 (26.4)

(10)

G.T (4) + (8)

188 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

189

8.2.1.5 Non-criminal Families In Irwin village settlement, though it is known as a Criminal Settlement, all the settlers are not criminals. There are criminal families as well as noncriminal families. Table 8.23 presents the situation in the non-criminal families of the Irwin village. The age-groups are divided into 1–13, 14– 20, 21–59, and 60 and above. Of the 284 families in all these categories, in the age-group of 1–13, there are 92 Yerukulas and 79 Katheras. It means, in this age-group, 55.8 per cent are Yerukulas and 46.2 per cent Katheras. It means, in this age-group 55.8 per cent are Yerukulas and 46.2 per cent Katheras. In this age-group of 14–20, there are 50.52 per cent Yerukulas and 49.48 per cent Katheras; in the age-group of 21–59, there are 56.40 per cent Yerukulas and 43.96 per cent Katheras. In the agegroup of 60 and above, there are 44.44 per cent Yerukulas and 55.56 per cent Katheras. In all the age-groups of up to 60 years and above, Yerukulas are more in number than Katheras. In the older age-group of 60 and above, Katheras are more in number than the Yerukulas. When we compare the criminals and non-criminals in both Yerukulas and Katheras, there are no criminal cases reported in the age-group of 1–13 in both. However, in the age-group of 14–20, there are criminals reported and they are all males among the Yerukulas. But there are no cases of males reported as criminals among the Katheras in this age-group. It seems that there is no delinquency among the Katheras. The total number of criminals reported is 7 in Yerukulas and 3 in Katheras in non-criminal families. It means that 10 out of 618, are criminals in non-criminal families. In the village there are no women reported to have committed offences and all women are either house-keepers or workers in agriculture fields. 8.2.1.6 The Criminal Families Table 8.24 examines the criminal and non-criminals among the criminal families of the Irwin village. There are a total of 259 members in the criminal families of both Yerukulas and Katheras. Of the total 65 Yerukula families, there are 26 criminal families, while, among the Katheras, there are 39 criminal families. As there are criminals and non-criminals in the criminal families among the Yerukulas, out of 95 members, 31 are criminal and 64 are non-criminals, whereas in Katheras, out of 164 members, criminals are 52 and non-criminals are 112. Out of the 31 criminals in the Yerukulas, 27 are males and 4 are females, whereas among the Katheras, among the 52 total criminals 50 are males and 2 are females.

% 18

Total 5

% 6

Total 19

– 2 (4.08) 5 (2.76) – 7 (2.10)

% 20

– 28.57 71.43 – 100

51 (55.43) 24 (51.06) 92 (52.27) 8 (66.67) 175 (53.52)

29.14 13.72 52.57 4.57 100





3 (100)

14–20

21–59

100

















3 (2.11)





100



– 30 (62.50) 72 (51.80)

(50.48)

46.15

19.23

30.13

% 22

M 21

– – – – –

M 15

F 17

– – – – –

Non-criminals

% 16

– 28.57 71.43 – 100

% 8

Criminal

– 2 (100) 5 (100) – 7 (100)

Non-criminals % 4

M 7

F 3

M 1

% 2

Criminal

1–13

Age

Katheras

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

Age

Yerukulas

18 (37.50) 67 (48.20)

(40.51)

F 23

53.60



139

48

79

48.46

17.08

28.12

% 26

92 47 176 12 327 (97.90)

Total 11

Total 25

26.98 15.13 55.26 2.63 100

% 10

25.00

% 24

41 (44.57) 23 (48.94) 84 (7.73) 4 (33.33) 152 (46.48)

F 9

50.00

16.90

27.82

28

%

92 (53.80) 49 (50.52) 181 (56.04) 12 (44.44) 334 (54.05)

13

G.T

79 (46.2) 48 (49.48) 142 (43.96)

27

G.T

28.14 14.37 53.82 3.67 100

% 12

97 (15.70) 323 (52.27)

171

29

(N.C.F) Total

27.54 14.57 54.19 60 100

14

%

Table 8.23 Age structure of Yerukulas and Katheras (criminals & non-criminals) among non-criminal families in Irwin village, 1990

190 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

% 18

Total 19

% 20

3 (100)

Total

100





– –

– 3 (1.06)



Source Primary data collected by the author Note N.C.F.—Non-criminal Families

– 100



7 (46.67) 156 (55.52) 100

4.49

% 22

M 21

F 17

M 15

% 16

Non-criminals

Criminal

60 above

Age

Katheras

8 (53.33) 125 (44.48)

F 23

100

6.40

% 24

281 (98.94)

15

Total 25

100

5.34

% 26 15 (55.56) 284 (45.95)

27

G.T

100

5.28

28

%

27 (4.37) 618

29

(N.C.F) Total

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

191

2 (50.00) 25 (92.59) – 27 (87.10)

14–20

Total 5

% 6

Total 19

% 20

4 (22.22) 27 (56.25) – 31 (32.63)



– 100

87.10

12.90



– 22 (34.37)

3 (21.43) –

(65.52)



6 (100)

44

14–20

21–59

88.00

12.00













– 6 (15.00) 44 (47.83)



84.62

11.54



23 (82.14) 14 (41.18) 9

19.15

29.79

48.93

% 22

M 21

% 18

– 100

50.00

50.00



M 15

F 17

– 4 (12.90)

2 (7.41)

2 (50.00)



Non-criminals

– 100

92.59

7.41



Criminal

1–13

Age

Katheras

60 above Total

% 16



21–59

% 4

5 (17.86) 20 (58.82) 39

F 23

– 100



13.64

86.36

% 8

Non-criminals

F 3

M 7

% 2

Criminal

M 1

1–13

Age

Yerukulas

60.00

30.77

7.69

% 24

11 (78.57) 21 (100) – 42 (65.63)

(34.48)

F 9

28 (100) 34 (85.00) 48

Total 25

– 100

50.00

26.19

23.81

% 10

48.85

30.36

25.00

% 26

14 (77.78) 21 (43.75) – 64 (67.37)

(100)

Total 11

28 (49.12) 40 (68.97) 92 (65.71)

27

G.T

– 100

32.82

21.87

45.31

% 12

56.10

24.39

17.67

28

%

29 (50.88) 18 (31.03) 48 (34.29) – 95 (36.68)

13

G.T

57 (22.00) 58 (22.39) 140 (54.06)

29

(N.C.F) Total

– 100

50.52

18.95

30.53

14

%

Table 8.24 Age structure of Yerukulas and Katheras (criminals and non-criminals) among criminal families in Irwin village—a comparison, 1990

192 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

% 18

Total 19

% 20



100



50 (96.15)

2 (3.85)

2 (3.85) 100

100 52 (31.71)

2 100

3.84 52 (31.71)

2 100

2.13

% 22

M 21

F 17

M 15

% 16

Non-criminals

Criminal

Source Primary data collected by the author Note N.C.F.—Non-criminal Families

60 above Total

Age

Katheras

1 (50.00) 65 (58.04)

F 23

100

1.54

% 24

112 (68.29)

2

Total 25

100

1.79

% 26

164 (63.32)

4 (100)

27

G.T

100

2.44

28

%

4 (1.55) 259 (100)

29

(N.C.F) Total

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

193

194

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

In the age-group of 10–13, both among the Yerukulas and Katheras, there are non-criminals. It looks as though the recruitment process into the criminal would has not been taking place in the early years. But, in the environment and neighbourhood, there is a criminal culture around them. There are 29 non-criminal children culture in Yerukulas and 28 noncriminal children in the Katheras, who live along with 22 criminals in the Yerukulas and 52 criminals in the Katheras. They all live as a community, sharing values, norms, beliefs and ideas. They interact with each other irrespective of criminal tendencies. The Southerland’s principles of ‘priority’, ‘intensity’ ‘duration’ and ‘frequency’ work in the settlement. Though the settlement does not demonstrate that they are becoming criminals, there is always a tendency among the villages to become criminals. However, in the age-group of 14–20, there are four criminals (2 males and 2 females) in the Yerukulas, 34 (14 males and 20 females) in the Katheras. Among the Katheras, a very significant number is reported to have committed offences as compared with the Yerukulas in the same agegroup, i.e., 14–20. In other words, delinquency is present in the Irwin village settlement, and it is much more prevalent in the Katheras than in the Yerukulas. In the age-group of 21–59, which is the major group, 48 females are Yerukulas and 92 are Katheras. Of the 48 Yerukulas families, there are 27 criminals (25 males and 2 females), whereas in Katheras, there are 44 criminals (all males). Female criminals are reported in Yerukulas, but none are reported from Katheras in this age-group. There are more criminals among the Katheras (44), than in Yerukulas (25). In the age-group of 60 and above, some persons are reported to be in the Yerukulas as criminals but there are only two reported to be criminals in the Katheras. In the entire number of Yerukulas, there are no persons above 60 years of age. It means they are all dying before 60 years of age; whereas in the Katheras, there are 4 persons living in that age-group and of them, two were criminals and two non-criminals. Of the two criminals, one was male and the other female. Table 8.24 further examines the total of 259 Yerukula and Kathera settlers. In the age-group of 1–13, there are 57 (22 per cent) persons, in 14–20 age-group, there are 58 (22.4 per cent), while in the age-group of 21–59, there are 140 (54 per cent) and in the age-group of 60 and above, there are only 4 (1.5 per cent) persons. More than half of them are in the 21–59 age-group (Table 8.24).

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

195

8.2.1.7 Age-Specific Rate of Criminality We shall see the age-specific rate of criminality among Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village as shown in Table 8.25. When we have the age-specific rate, we can know where we have to concentrate to eliminate reduce the criminality on the group. As such we tried to see the age-specific rate of criminals in the settlement. Table 8.25 reveals the age-specific rate of criminality among Yerukulas and Katheras. In the age-group of 1–13 years, there are no criminals in the village. We have an age-specific rate of criminality among Yerukulas and Katheras of the settlement who are criminals. The age-specific rate of criminality in the age-group of 14–20 of the Yerukulas as 12.90, while it is 12.00 in Katheras. Likewise, in the age-group of 21–59, the age-specific rate of criminality among Yerukulas is 24.59, while it is 36.72 of the Katheras. Its preponderance is more in the age-group of 21–59 years, i.e., 24.59 in Yerukulas and 36.72 in Katheras. But, if we compare between Katheras and Yerukulas, it is more in the Katheras (36.72) and less in Yerukulas, i.e., 24.59. It is essential that we must concentrate more on the Katheras than on the Yerukulas to reduce the criminal tendency, though both need reform. Further, age-group-wise, one has to concentrate on the age-group of 21–59 years, as compared with the age-group of 14–20 years. 8.2.1.8 Income Structure In the settlement, as indicated in Table 8.26, there are 140 persons among the Yerukulas and 114 persons in the Katheras and are distributed in the income structure of Rs. 1000–5000, 5001–10,000, 10,001– 15,000, 15,001–20,000, and 20,000 and above. Among the settlers, both Yerukulas and Katheras, in the income group of 1000–5000, there are 106 (63 per cent), in 5001–10,000, there are 98 (38.58 per cent), persons in 10,001–15,000, there are 42 (16.54 per cent), in 15,001– 20,000, there are 8 persons and 20,001 and above, there is none. Most villagers are in the income group of Rs. 1000–5000, i.e., more than 63 per cent. Among the two groups of Yerukulas and Katheras, there are 140 (55.12 per cent) persons in the Yerukulas and 114 (44.88 per cent) persons in the Katheras. Of the 140 Yerukulas, 4 are criminals and 56 non-criminals in the income structure of Rs. 1000–5000, whereas, among Katheras, there are 9 criminals and 37 non-criminals in the same income group. Similarly, in the income group of Rs. 5001–10,000 there are 16

(2)

70 31 122 8 231

(1)

1–13 14–20 21–59 60 above Total

– 4 30 – 34

(3) – (11.76) (88.24) – 100%

No. of male criminals

Source Primary data collected by the author

(30.30) (13.42) (52.81) (3.47) 100%

Total males in settlement

– 12.90 24.59 – 37.49

(4)

Age-specific rate

69 50 128 8 255

(5) (27.05) (19.61) (50.20) (3.14) 100%

Total males in settlement

– 6 47 – 53

(6) – (11.32) (88.68) – 100%

No. of male criminals

– 12.00 36.72 – 48.72

(7)

Age-specific rate

Age-Specific Rate of Criminality among the Males in the Yerukula and Kathera in Irwin Village, 1990

Age

Table 8.25

196 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

Criminal (2)

4 (6.67)

16 (28.57) 13 (65.00) 2 (50.00) – 35 (25.00)

1000–5000

5001–10,000

– 100

5.72

37.14

45.71

11.43

56 (93.33) 40 (71.43) 7 (35.00) 2 (50.00) – 105 (75.00) – 100

1.90

6.07

38.10

53.33

Non-criminal (3)

Source Primary data collected by the author

20,001 above Total

15,001–20,000

10,001–15,000

Yerukulas

Income in Rs

60 (53.60) 56 (57.14) 20 (47.62) 4 (50.00) – 140 (55.12)

Total (4)

– 100

2.86

14.29

40.00

42.85

In %

9 (19.57) 26 (61.00) 18 (81.82) 2 (50.00) – 59 (51.75)

Criminal (5)

Katheras

– 100

3.64

32.72

47.28

16.36

37 (80.43) 16 (38.10) 4 (18.18) 2 (50.00) – 59 (51.75)

– 100

3.38

18.18

27.12

62.72

Non-criminal (6)

Income structure of Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village—a comparison, 1990

(1)

Table 8.26

46 (43.40) 42 (42.86) 22 (52.38) 4 (50.00) – 114 (44.88)

Total (7)

– 100

3.51

19.21

36.85

40.35

In % (8)

106 (63.00) 98 (38.58) 42 (16.54) 8 (3.15) – 254

G.T (4) + (7) (9)

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

197

198

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

criminals and 40 non-criminals among the Yerukulas; while in the income group of 10,001–15,000, there are 13 criminals and 7 non-criminals in Yerukulas, while there are 18 criminals and 4 non-criminals in the Katheras. Similarly, in the 15,001–20,000 income group, 2 are criminals and another 2 are non-criminals in Yerukulas, while there are 2 criminals and 2 non-criminals in Kathera group. 8.2.1.9 Education Structure Of the total 877 settlers, 168 are educated, i.e., 29 per cent, and as such as illiteracy rate is 81 per cent (Table 8.27). Of the 168 educated, 32.14 per cent have elementary education, 15.52 per cent high school education, 7.74 per cent college education, only 0.60 per cent have technical education like Diploma Course in Engineering and other technical certification (Table 8.27). Of the 54 who have elementary education, 37 are Yerukulas and 17 Katheras. Among the 37 Yerukulas, 3 are criminals and 34 non-criminals. Likewise, of the 17 Katheras, 2 are criminals and 15 non-criminals. Out of the 100 who are high school educated, 56 are Yerukulas, of whom 3 are criminals and 53 are non-criminals; and while out of 44 Katheras, there are 6 criminals and 38 non-criminals. Out of 13, who have collegiate education, 5 are Yerukulas and 8 are Katheras. Of the 5 Yerukulas, all five are non-criminals; while in the Katheras, all 8 also are non-criminals. It means those who have criminal backgrounds have only elementary and high school education both among Yerukulas and Katheras, as there are no criminals who have college or technical education. In the entire settlement, the criminals do not have college education. As for the educational status in the non-criminal families, as shown in Table 8.28, there are 154 persons, of which 49, i.e., 31.8 per cent have elementary education, 59.1 per cent high school education, 8.4 per cent college education and 0.7 per cent technical education. Of the 154 educated in the settlement, 93 persons, i.e., 60.4 per cent are Yerukulas, while 39.6 per cent (61 persons) are Katheras. Thus, Katheras are less educated than Yerukulas in the non-criminal families. If one examines the educational status of the criminal families of Yerukulas and Katheras in toto, there are only 14 educated in the criminal families, of which 5 have elementary education, and 9 high school education (Table 8.29). Of the 14, Yerukulas are 6 and Katheras 8. As a total community, Katheras are more in number than in Yerukulas and







6 (6.06)

Technical

Total

93 (93.94)

1 (100)

5 (100)

53 (94.64)

34 (91.89)

Source Primary data collected by the author

100



50.00

3 (95.36)

High School College

50.00

3 (8.11)

Elementary

100

1.07

5.38

56.99

36.56

Total

99 (58.9)

1 (100)

5 (38.5)

56 (56.0)

37 (68.05)

(4)

100

1.01

5.05

56.57

37.37

In %

8 (11.59)





6 (13.64)

2 (11.76)

(5)

Criminal

(3)

Non-criminal

Criminal

(2)

Katheras

Yerukulas

100





75.00

25.00

61 (88.41)



8 (100.00)

38 (86.36)

15 (88.24)

(6)

Non-criminal

100



13.11

62.30

24.59

Educated persons in Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a difference, 1990

(1)

Education

Table 8.27

69 (41.1)



8 (61.5)

44 (44.0)

17 (31.5)

(7)

Total

100



11.60

63.76

24.64

(8)

In %

54 (32.14) 100 (59.52) 13 (7.74) 1 (0.60) 168 (100)

(9)

G.T (4) + (7)

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

199

(9)

Source Primary data collected by the author

7 (87.50) 14.28 1 (12.50) 8.33 – – – – 49 (80.33) 100 12 (19.67) 100

50.00 41.67

(11)

Non-criminal (10)

5 (38.5) 5.38 1 (100) 1.07 93 (80.4) 100

– – – – 28 (30.11) 100

(8)

5 (100) 7.69 1 (100) 1.54 65 (69.89) 100

In % (7)

34 (69.3) 36.56 9 (60.00) 18.37 6 (40.00) 53 (58.2) 56.99 33 (86.84) 67.35 5 (13.16)

(6)

Total

21 (61.76) 32.31 13 (38.24) 48.43 38 (71.70) 58.46 15 (28.30) 53.57

(5)

Elementary High School College Technical Total

(4)

Non-criminal

Criminal

(3)

Criminal

(2)

Katheras

Yerukulas

(13)

In % (14)

8 (61.5) 13.11 13 (8.4) – – 1 (0.7) 91 (39.6) 100 154 (100)

15 (30.6) 24.59 49 (31.8) 38 (41.8) 62.30 91 (59.1)

(12)

Total

G.T

Education of non-criminal among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a difference (sex-wise), 1990

(1)

Education

Table 8.28

200 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

201

even though they are more in college education, in elementary and high school education, Katheras are less in number. 8.2.1.10 Occupation Structure Occupation of the individuals is important as it speaks of the quality of the people along with their status, prestige and situation in the society. Table 8.30 unfolds the occupational structure of Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village. It can be seen from the table, that there are in all 312 persons engaged in gainful occupation, the occupations in the village being agriculture, rickshaw-pulling, railway jobs, daily-wage works (coolie), fish business, crime and other miscellaneous occupations. Of the total villagers of 312, Yerukulas are 154 and Katheras are 158, who are engaged in different occupations. The majority of them are engaged in agriculture (34.29 per cent) and the next highest occupation of the village is crime, i.e., 30 per cent, the village being a Criminal Settlement, settlers brought to this place by providing facilities for agriculture work by the then British Government. The villagers continue both the occupations of agriculture and crime, in spite of many reformations introduced in the settlement. We may now find out about the comparative situation of both the Yerukulas and Katheras of the settlement. Out of the 154 Yerukula settlers, 42.21 per cent are in agriculture, 6.49 per cent in rickshawpulling, 1.30 per cent in railway jobs, 9.74 per cent in coolie work, 7.79 per cent in fish business, while 24.68 per cent are in crime and 6.49 per cent in other miscellaneous occupations. Among the Katheras, there are 158 persons engaged in different occupations, and of the 158, 31.87 per cent are in agriculture, 13.19 in railway work; while 14.28 per cent work as coolie; 17.58 per cent undertake fish business; 3.30 per cent take to crime; 17.58 per cent in other occupations. Among Yerukulas, 49.55 per cent are in agriculture, while in Katheras only 27.81 per cent are in agriculture occupation; 6.49 per cent Yerukulas are in rickshaw-pulling, while among Katheras, there are none in the same occupation. Likewise, 1.80 per cent Yerukulas are in railway work, while 7.95 per cent Katheras are in railway occupation, 9.74 per cent Yerukulas are coolies and 9.27 per cent Katheras are in coolie occupation; 7.79 per cent Yerukulas are in fish business and 11.26 per cent Katheras are in fish business occupation; and 24.68 per cent Yerukulas are in crime business, while 31.78 per cent Katheras are in crime business; 6.49 per cent Yerukulas are in miscellaneous occupations, while 10.60 per cent Katheras are on miscellaneous

33.33 66.67

– 100

1 (33.33) 2 (66.67)

– 3 (50.00)

– 3 (50.00)

2 (66.67) 1 (33.33)

Source Primary data collected by the author

Elementary High School College Total – 100

66.67 33.33

% 5

– 6 (42.9)

3 (60.00) 3 (33.33)

Total 6

– 100

50.00 50.00

% 7

– 7 (87.50)

1 (50.00) 6 (100.0) – 100

14.29 85.71

% 9

M 8

F 4

M 2

1

% 3

Non-criminals

Criminal

– 1 (12.50)

1 (50.00) –

F 10

– 100

100.00 –

% 11

– 8 (57.10)

2 (50.00) 6 (66.70)

Total 12

– 100

25.00 75.00

% 13

– 14 (100)

5 (35.7) 9 (64.3)

14

G.T

Education of criminal families among Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village: a comparison (sex-wise),

Education

Table 8.29 1990

202 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA



2 (13.33) –

Rickshaw-pulling

Railway Jobs

Coolies

43 (27.92)

100



72.09



4.65





23.26

(3)

13 (86.67) 12 (100) 7 (18.42) 10 (100) 111 (72.08)

55 (84.62) 10 (100) 2 (100)

(4)

Source Primary data collected by the author

Total

Others

Crime

31 (81.58) –

10 (15.38) –

Agriculture

Fish business

(2)

100

9.01

6.31

10.81

11.71

1.80

9.10

49.55

(5)

154 (49.36)

10

38

12

15

2

10

55

(6)

100

6.49

24.68

7.79

9.74

1.30

6.49

42.21

(7)

In %

67 (42.41)

52 (92.55) –

1 (5.88)

1 (7.14)



13 (30.95) –

(8)

Katheras Total

Criminal

Non-criminal

Yerukulas

Criminal

100



77.62

1.49

1.49





19.40

(9)

16 (100) 91 (57.59)

12 (100) 13 (92.86) 16 (94.12) 3 (5.45)

29 (69.05) –

(10)

100

17.58

3.30

17.58

14.28

13.19



31.87

(11)

Non-criminal

158 (50.64)

16

55

17

14

12



42

(12)

Total

Occupation structure—comparison between Yerukulas and Katheras of Irwin village, 1990

(1)

Occupation

Table 8.30

100

10.60

31.78

11.26

9.27

7.95



27.81

(13)

In %

107 (34.29) 10 (3.2) 14 (4.5) 29 (9.30) 29 (9.30) 93 (29.8) 26 (8.30) 312 (100)

(14)

G.T

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

203

204

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

work. The data clearly indicate that the Yerukulas are more in agriculture (42.21 per cent) than the Katheras with 27.81 per cent. If we see the crime situation, Katheras outnumber in crime occupation (31.78 per cent) over Yerukulas with 24.68 per cent. Any policy decision aimed at improving the two segments of Yerukulas and Katheras must consider this differential occupational status of Katheras and Yerukulas. 8.2.1.11 Land Distribution In the context of land being an important property factor in an agriculture economy like India, though other industrial occupations give status in our industrially developing country, land still holds higher social status for the individual, especially in rural areas, as it offers protection and livelihood for the tillers, not to mention land-owner. There are 203 families who possess land in the settlement (Table 8.31) of the 203 families, 50.3 per cent own land in the range of 1–2 acres of extent; 7.9 per cent own in the range of 3–4 acres; and 40.9 per cent own in the range of 11 acres and above. If we examine the Yerukulas and Katheras, among the Yerukulas, 54.36 per cent are owners of land in the range of 1–3 acres, while 46 per cent among Katheras own 1–2 acres of land and 7.77 per cent own land in the range of 3–4 acres in Yerukulas, while it is 8.0 per cent in Katheras. Those who own eleven acres and above constitute 37.87 per cent in Yerukulas, while it is 44 per cent in Katheras. Small land-holdings (1–2 acres) are more (54.36 per cent) in Yerukulas than in Katheras (46 per cent), whereas large-scale land-holdings, i.e., 11 acres and above acres, are more in Katheras (44 per cent) than in Yerukulas (37.87 per cent). However, though the criminals have less land than the non-criminals in both Katheras and Yerukulas, good lands are owned by criminals as compared with the non-criminals. Out of 103 families in Yerukulas, 23 families have lands (12 families in the range of 1–2 acres and 10 families in the range of 11 acres and above). Likewise, in Katheras, 46 per cent are in the range of 1–2 acres and 44 per cent in the range of 11 acres and above. 8.2.1.12 House Structure and Lighting As a measure of finding out the economic position of the family, the structure of the houses in the settlement can be used as an indicator. Out of the 203 households, 36.5 per cent are huts, 21.7 per cent thatched houses, 11.8 per cent tiled houses, 21.7 per cent terraced houses and 6.9 per

– 38.46

100



– 10 (25.24)

26 (25.24)

7–8

9–10 11 above Total

77 (74.76)

– 29 (74.36)





43 (76.79) 5 (62.50)

Non-criminal (3)

Source Primary data collected by the author





13 (23.21) 3 (37.50) –

1–2 3–4

5–6

Criminal (2)

(1)

50.00 11.54

Yerukulas

100

– 37.68





55.84 6.50

103 (50.74)

– 39





56 8

Total (4)

100

– 37.87





54.36 7.77

In % (5)

39 (39.00)

– 17 (38.64)





19 (41.30) 3 (37.50)

Criminal (6)

Katheras

100

– 43.59





48.71 7.70

61 (61.00)

– 27 (61.36)





27 (58.70) 5 (62.50)

Non-criminal (7)

100

– 44.26

1.64



44.26 8.20

Land particulars of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village—a comparison, 1990

Land in Acres

Table 8.31

100

– 44

1

1

46 8

Total (8)

100

– 44.00

1.00

1.00

46.00 8.00

In % (9)

203 (100)

1 (0.5) 1 (0.5) – 83 (40.9)

102 (50.3) 16 (7.90)

G.T (4) + (8) (10)

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

205

206

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

cent roofed houses, while only 1.5 per cent settlers live in rented houses. Thus, most have huts (36.5 per cent), and 21.7 per cent have terraced houses and 11.8 per cent have tiled houses. As regards Yerukulas, out of 103 houses, 33.01 per cent are huts, 15.53 per cent thatched houses, 1.94 per cent tiled houses, 36.90 per cent terraced ones, 9.71 per cent roofed houses, while 2.91 per cent live in rented houses, whereas among Katheras 39.34 per cent live in huts, 21.31 per cent in thatched houses, 34.43 per cent in tiled houses, 1.64 per cent in terraced houses, 3.28 per cent in roofed houses (Table 8.32). In tune with modern times, changes come into the city as well as the village, and Irwin village, too, witness such changes. Lighting in houses during nighttime is an indicator of modernization. Before the villagers had electricity, they were using kerosene and oil, particularly, castor oil. As some of them have pucca houses, tiled, terraced and roofed, electricity could be installed in their residence without difficulty. Table 8.33 shows that out of 203 houses, 76 houses, i.e., 36.71 per cent, have electricity and 127 houses, i.e., 63.3 per cent still use kerosene for lighting purposes. Of the 103 Yerukula houses, 28.16 per cent (29) of the houses have electricity and 71.84 per cent (74) still use kerosene. Similarly, out of 100 Kathera houses, 47.00 per cent have electricity, while 53 per cent use kerosene. If we compare the criminals of Yerukulas to that of Katheras, 31.03 per cent have electricity among the Yerukulas, whereas 58.97 per cent have electricity among Katheras. Table 8.34 reveals that among the Yerukulas of the Irwin village, nearly 9 per cent of the past criminal recorded families became non-criminal, while in the same period, 11 per cent of the Katheras became noncriminal. Similarly, among the Yerukulas, nearly 4 per cent (3.88) became criminal from non-criminal, while among the Katheras, only one per cent became criminal, which is an indication that among Yerukulas the criminal tendencies have been increasing. However, criminal families continue as criminal families (16 per cent in Yerukulas and 22 per cent in Katheras) and non-criminals continue to be non-criminal. In other words, the criminal and non-criminal habits of the settlers continue, quite in step with each other. To sum up, this chapter analysed the Irwin villagers, among whom there are two different groups who were earlier brought to this village, all of whom had a criminal background. The two groups are Yerukulas and Donga Dasaries, the latter known also as Katheras. Katheras claim that they are also Yerukulas, which the Yerukulas deny. Incidentally, the



100



11 (28.95)

5 (50.00)



26 (25.24)

Tiled

Terraced

Roofed

Tented house Total

77 (74.76)

3 (100.00)

5 (50.00)

27 (71.05)

2 (100.00)

14 (87.50)

26 (76.47)

Source Primary data collected by the author

19.23

42.30



7.70

2 (12.50)

Thatched

30.77

8 (23.53)

100

3.89

6.50

35.06

2.60

18.18

33.77

38 (86.36) 10 (71.43) 3 (100.00) 103 (50.74)

34 (45.95) 16 (36.36) 2 (8.33)

Total (6)

100

2.91

9.71

36.90

1.94

15.53

33.01

In % (7)

39 (39.00)



2 (50.00)

5 (83.33)

1 (4.55)

15 (53.57)

16 (40.00)

Criminal (8)

% (5)

Katheras

Non-criminal (4)

Criminal (2)

% (3)

Yerukulas

100



5.12

12.83

2.57

38.45

41.02

% (9)

61 (61.00)



2 (50.00)

1 (16.67)

21 (95.45)

13 (46.43)

24 (60.00)

Non-criminal (10)

100



3.28

1.64

34.43

21.31

39.34

% (11)

Type of houses—comparison of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village, 1990

Hut

(1)

Type of House

Table 8.32

100 (49.26)

40 (54.05) 28 (63.64) 22 (91.67) 6 (13.64) 4 (28.57) –

Total (12)

100



4.00

6.00

22.00

28.00

40.00

In % (13)

203

3 (1.5)

14 (6.9)

44 (21.7)

24 (11.8)

44 (21.7)

74 (36.5)

(14)

G.T

8 IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

207

77 (74.76)

Source Primary data collected by the author

100

100

74.03 100

71.84

28.16

39 (39.00)

16 (30.19)

23 (48.94)

26 (25.24)

57 (77.03)

29 (38.16) 74 (58.26) 103 (50.74)

Total

65.39

25.97

17 (22.97)

20 (68.97)

Kerosene

34.61

9 (31.03)

In % (7)

Electricity

Total (6)

Criminal (8)

Non-criminal % (4) (5)

Criminal (2)

(1)

% (3)

Katheras

Yerukulas

100

41.03

58.97

% (9)

61 (61.00)

37 (69.81)

24 (51.06)

100

60.66

39.34

Non-criminal % (10) (11)

Lighting methods—comparison of Yerukulas and Katheras in Irwin village, 1990

System

Table 8.33

47 (61.84) 53 (41.74) 100 (49.26)

Total (12)

100

53.00

47.00

In % (13)

203

127 (63.3)

76 (36.7)

(14)

G.T

208 Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

8

IRWIN SETTLEMENT: AN ANALYSIS

209

Table 8.34 Changes in criminal status of Yerukula and Kathera families of Irwin village—a difference, 1990 1

Past 2

Present 3

Yerukulas

Criminal Non-criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Non-criminal Criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Criminal Non-criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Non-criminal Criminal Criminal Non-criminal

Total Katheras

Total

No. of families 4

In % 5

9 4 17 73 103 11 1 28 60 100

8.74 3.88 16.50 70.88 100% 11.00 1.00 28.00 60.00 100%

Source Primary data collected by the author

Yerukulas were admitted to Scheduled Tribes List, which entitles them to all constitutional provisions like reservations, whereas Katheras are not entitled, since they were not included in the S.T. List of this book and as such Katheras also claim that they are Yerukulas. For the purpose of this book, we are not concerned with their dispute. We are concerned with their settlement behaviour as they were amalgamated with each other, forming part of the criminal culture of the settlement. Thus, Yerukulas and Katheras in the settlement go together for criminal booty and become part and parcel of the contributory criminal culture.

CHAPTER 9

Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes (Denotified Tribes)

9.1

What Is a Theory?

What is a theory? We mean by a theory,1 it is a body of interconnected propositions concerned with a particular problem area and is meant to account for the empirical facts in it. In full-fledged scientific theories, ‘accounting for’ means ‘explaining’. In this sense, the interconnected propositions or generalization are such that ‘observable consequences logically follow’.2 A theory can also be said to ‘serve to map out the problem area and thus prepare the ground for its empirical investigations by appropriate methods. More precisely, the propositions serve to classify phenomena, analyse them into relevant units or indicate their interconnectedness, and define ‘rules of procedures’, do well as ‘schemes of interpretations’.3 Further, a theory is a conceptual scheme, designed to explain observed regularities or relationships between two or more variables. In the words of Abraham Kalpan: A theory is a way of making sense of a disturbing situation so as to allow us most effectively to bring to bear our repertoire of habits, and even more important, to modify habits or ‘discard them altogether, replacing them by new ones as the situation demands. In the reconstructed logic, accordingly, theory will appear as the device for interpreting, criticizing, and unifying established laws, modifying them to fit data unanticipated in their formulations, and guiding the enterprise of discovering new and more © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_9

211

212

Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

powerful generalizations. To engage in theorizing means not just to learn by experience, but to take thought about what is there to be learned. To speak loosely, lower animals grasp scientific laws but never rise to the level of scientific theory. A theoretical system in the present sense is a body of logically, inter-dependent generalized concepts of empirical reference. Such a system tends, ideally to become logically closed, to reach such a state of logical integrations that every logical implication of any combination of propositions in the system is explicitly state in some other propositions in the same system.4

For Merton, the term, sociological theory, refers to logically interconnected sets of prepositions from which empirical uniformities can be derived.5 However, some scholars have given a new touch for the definition of theory, which they called ‘grounded theory’. It is based on the findings of empirical research. In the words of Glaser and Strauss, it is called ‘generating grounded theory’ which is a way of arriving at theory suited to its supposed uses.6 We shall contrast this position with theory generating by logical deduction from a priori assumptions. This generates empirical generalizations, and we construct the theory out of empirical facts. As such, a theory is a body of generalizations, logically linked to one another, which can be used to explain empirical phenomena. It can also be said as a systematized body of knowledge. Scientific theory is a set of interrelated, testable propositions. Every science is in the process of developing theory. At one level theory is the effort simply to describe accurately a set of interrelated phenomena. As Anthropology is a systematic study of anthropological groups and their interaction in society, the theory of ex-Criminal Tribes is a systematized body of knowledge about ex-Criminal Tribes, based on empirical facts and enabling us to develop useful knowledge about their social universe.

9.2

Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes

Now, let us see what a theory of ex-Criminal Tribe is. A theory of exCriminal Tribes is a scientific knowledge of ex-Criminal Tribes. It is a body of generalizations about the ex-Criminal Tribes, conditioned to live in the settlements of Dharmapur village, Venkumamba village and Irwin village of Andhra Pradesh. The author made an empirical study of ex-Criminal Tribes in 1972 in Dharmapur village of an ex-Criminal Settlements, resulting in certain logical constructs about these groups. Then,

9

TOWARDS A THEORY OF EX-CRIMINAL TRIBES …

213

later on, he had selected two more settlements and studied them. He used participant observation as the main tool of research in three villages, lived with them, participated in the daily lives of the denotified tribes, observed them intimately and closely interacted with them. From time to time, since then, the author made occasional academic trips to the ex-Criminal Tribe settlements, contacting people from these groups, developing, over a period of time, continuous interaction with them. In a quest for finding out some generalizations, the author selected the three settlements as earlier indicated. Based on the empirical facts about those three settlements, certain theoretical generalizations are made, which are as follows: 9.2.1

Indian Ethnic Groups

From time immemorial, India inherited diverse ethnic groups during different periods. It is believed that Dravidians arrived at the first instance on Indian soil, followed by Aryans, Persians, Arabs, Afghans, Mughals, Europeans including Portuguese, French and Britishers. The Dravidians and Aryans constituted as Hindus, while Arabs and Afghans became Muslims in the seventh century A.D., and Europeans became earlier, say, about two thousand years ago, Christians. Before these ethnic groups pressed their presence into the country, there were Bhumiputras (Sons of the soil), who were the original inhabitants of this land. These are the present Scheduled Casts and Scheduled Tribes. Among the Scheduled Tribes, there are Criminal Tribes, who are now called ex-Criminal Tribes or Denotified Tribes, who were said to be living by criminal means and for whom crime was their accepted traditional profession like any other caste profession. The two Criminal Settlements which were established by the criminal tribal enactments by the British Indian Government, created a nucleolus of living for criminals to live stably in a place. Even though the deviance of the tribals is primarily social in nature, these tribals were said to be historically displaced through invasions by Dravidians and later by Aryans, and other aliens who got amalgamated later into Hindus. It is noticeable that tribals were not Hindus, but animists. Over a period of time, Hindus occupied all the lands and also the important properties of the tribals. In the circumstances, the tribals became rootless and some of them became wanderers. As they had no means of livelihood, they started moving around villages and towns on asses and horses which were the means

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of quick transport in those days, as they used to carry food stuffs available to them, wherever they went. Generally, these tribes were making both ends meet many times through peaceful means, and when it was not practicable, they used to resort to force. Because of the use of force by these tribals, a clash of interests between the tribals and the Hindus took place; and the villagers who were living as castes, labelled those, wondering tribals as dongas (thieves). Thus, a kind of social labelling was thrust on those nomads as dongalu (thieves) and gradually the labelling got perpetrated in the societal space. Meanwhile, there were some more invasions by Persians, Afghans, Kushans, Arabs and Moghuls. And most of them were Muslims. In fact, the word ‘Hindu” came into vogue after the Arab invasion came into Indian soil via the River Sindhu. Arabs called the people, who were beyond the other side of the Sindhu river, Sindhus, which term gradually standardized as ‘Hindus’ over a period of time (Nehru, 1982; Gopal, 1991). There were no Hindus before the Arab invasion, as there were only groups of races and jatis. In fact, there were no castes either. The word ‘caste’ came into vogue, when the Europeans after having entered the Indian soil began calling races and jatis as castes. As there was no such word as ‘castes’ before that time, in India, so also the word, ‘tribe’ came into currency at this time only. In fact, the word ‘tribe’ was first used in 1876 in a British Indian Office Report. The social groups were not castes who do not have set occupations. Those social groups, called tribes, usually connected with common descent, mainly were living in forest and hill areas, but later on because of their nomadic character, moved into plains. Gradually, some have settled in the plains by taking up some occupation or the other to sustain themselves somehow or the other. So much so, these tribals though by definition do not have any occupation, by practice, they have taken up some profession or occupation or the other. In this sense, they became a caste, rather than a separate social group by itself, when they live along with other societal castes (Simhadri, 1991). It means, in common parlance, we used the words, tribes and castes, but all of them are caste and caste only. Regarding Yerukulas, these were known as ‘donga jatulu’ as also nera kulastulu (criminal castes). The tribe also became a caste (Simhadri, 1979 and 1989). Through the ascribed status, they became a criminal caste and also known as a Criminal Tribe. Tribe becomes class (Biteille 1989, 10) and in the Indian context classes become castes. Yerukulas also became a caste (Simhadri, 1979 and 1991). As a matter of fact, the Criminal

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Tribes also keep their tribal identity. This is made possible on two counts. Firstly, the Government of India under the Indian Republic Constitution guarantees certain privileges and rights under Articles 15(4), 16(4), 19(5D), 23, 29, 46, 164, 330, 332, 334, 335 and 338, 339 (I), 371 (A), 371 (B), 371 (C), Fifth and Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. These constitutional provisions are an encouragement to keep with tribals their own tribal identity. Secondly, after Independence, Indianization, specifically Hinduisation, is taking place owing to the fact that Hindu political forces act very forcibly to make India a Bharat, A Hindu State (Gopal, 1991). Unless or otherwise the overpowering Hinduisation forces weaken, the caste system becomes more and more rigid and strong, while the tribe also becomes a caste in a caste-oriented society. 9.2.2

A Historical Accident

The criminal behaviour of tribal groups is basically a historical accident. The British legal administrators, in the second part of the nineteenth century, took Indian administration under their control and it became difficult for them to control those irate nomadic groups under the thenexisting laws of the land. So much so, the Britishers felt it necessary to pass an enactment to encompass those effervescent groups and passed an enactment in 1871 under which they could be convicted under the British Indian law. Later on, through an amendment of the Act, the Tribal Settlements were formed, and some place-less tribal people were brought into one area or the other and were made to settle down in those areas as measures of both penalty and reformation. The present settlements are such historical creations where some wandering tribals were brought together and artificially bundled into those places without the settlers’ consent or will or knowledge and encased artificially, under the then-ruling Government’s administrative exigencies. 9.2.3

Enactments

Nomadic tribals in India were since historical times committing nefarious anti-social acts and these needed to be controlled in the societal context of castes and tribes. Accordingly, to prevent and control their habitual depredations in the interest of mainstreaming law and order in the society, there emerged several situations for the then ruling British to convict all the tribals and families at one time and at one place, legal remedying of

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which was not possible by the erstwhile criminal laws. This necessitated the legal luminaries of the day to attempt at amending the Criminal Tribes Act and, as a result, the Criminal Tribes Settlement Act came into force, with several amendments getting introduced to the main Act 1871 to suit the needs of the then prevailing exigencies until it was completely repealed in 1952 in Independent India. In that manner, the Ex-Criminal Settlements under study were established by the British Government as per Criminal Tribes Act 1924 under Section XVI, which Act provided for the establishment of the Reformatories and educational and agricultural settlements for criminals, and the Act empowered the local Government to place any tribes, groups, or any individual in any type of Criminal Settlement. Even before the 1924 Act, however, there were Acts of 1902 and 1911, which made it possible for the criminals to be kept under separate settlements. Thus, the two Criminal Settlements, which were established by the Criminal Tribal Enactment by the British Government, created a nucleus of living for desperate Criminal Tribes in one place. It is noticeable in this context that deviance in general and deviance of the tribals is primarily social in nature; and as such not inherited. All children of the criminals cannot turn out to be criminals and so much so that all children of non-criminals are also not non-criminals, as they tend to learn and adopt deviant behaviours in accordance with the circumstances available in a given situation. 9.2.4

Definitions of the Situation

The concept ‘Definitions of the situation was introduced by W.I. Thomas, in his treatise ‘polish peasant in Europe and America’ (1918) and developed it later in the Unadjusted Girl (1923). It stresses that in sociological work, the way people subjectively interpret their situation should always be considered. This subjective personal meaning may be at odds with objective conditions, but since it is real for the person who defines the world that way, it presumably has a definite impact on the situation. Thomas put this epigrammatically in his classic statement. If men define a situation as real, the consequences are real. In other words, the Yerukulas, both criminal and non-criminals, as also other social members in the village, for instance, other castes and classes in the society, define the situation that such and such individuals are criminals by definition, they become criminals as a social consequence.

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Needless to say, other societal forces act in such individual/tribes/castes/ classes definitively. 9.2.5

Legalization of the Deviance

The tribals of these groups have adopted different types of social values, which were contrary to the generally existing cultural and social values of the society. For instance, stealing of others property is illegal under the general social law; but, for Criminal Tribes, they are normal and their own groups’ social values approve of them. The tribal deviations to the social norms of the general society were statutorily declared as illegal by the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. The deviation of the tribes from the then non-tribal groups as the political leaders of the then society felt that the tribal values were unacceptable to them and as such needed control. Tribal values were so recognized and considered illegal and the Act was then passed. 9.2.6

A Group Phenomenon

Throughout the world, crime is construed as flowing from an individual act even though some members of individuals are involved in the committal of the crime. In the case of ‘Criminal Tribes’, crime takes shape as a group phenomenon. It gets extended to the group even when one individual commits an offence; thus, his family, the tribe and the entire village is deemed to have committed the crime. The tribe, the family and the clan are dubbed as criminals as all of them are believed to be responsible for one individual’s criminal act (menas rea) and accordingly all are liable for punishment. That way, legal proceedings can be made out against the entire family, clan and tribe. The corollary extension is that all of them can be convicted as a group. In the entire civilized world, this typical legal position is peculiar to Criminal Tribes in British India only. However, in Independent India the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was repealed in 1952 and in its place, the Habitual Offenders Act was passed, by which, only the individual offenders would be held responsible, and not the group as such un toto.

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9.2.7

Socio-cultural Product

These offenders in amorphous groups, once they were located in a particular contiguous social place, live and interact with each other, develop social relationships, and commence producing culture, which originates with the overall-inclusive framework of a particular group in the then prevailing context of the society around. The people under the dominating influence of that criminal it prone group culture tend to be criminal-oriented and as such, a kind of criminal-group culture shall emanate with relevant criminal values reared and transmitted from generation to generation, group to group, group to individual and individual to individual. The crime-group culture thus subsists in that society and criminal-group behaviour emerges in the crime-prone group through continuous interaction and thus establishing intimate relations with each other among themselves as members of the same group (see Note 6). 9.2.8

Culture Created

As culture can be construed as a sum total of ways of living, built in by a group of human beings, these can be transmitted from one generation to another generation, which include beliefs, thinking, actions, ideas and language, which bind them together as a cohesive group. This, each group or society develops over time frame its own culture, deviant or confirming, as the case may be. Criminal tribal culture is both criminal and tribal as well, an amalgam of both tribal and criminal content. It is exclusively neither but inclusively both. It can as well be Criminal Tribal Settlement culture, in that some Yerukulas in the settlement commit crimes, while other of the kindred do not but are in the know of the deviance and keep out as silent spectators, tolerant and not without disgust. In this way, criminality and tribality get mixed up formulating a typical Criminal-Tribal-Settlement culture. 9.2.9

Social Stigma

In the preliterate Indian society or ancient Hindu society, there was no stigma attached to these groups. Even the criminal act was honoured and respected as a value and craft. Any type of social skills was specially mentioned with pride and appreciated in ancient Hindu mythology. It is also the case with the criminal activity of the Criminal Tribes in Hindu

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epics. But when a civilized society got standardized over time, when laws of the land made by the dominant political group became operative, the former makes the laws for the latter and the latter’s behaviour is declared as deviant against the former and the former stigmatize the latter’s behaviour as non-conformist, an euphemism for dubbing one as a criminal. Later, the stigma of criminality is attached on them and they or labelled criminals, a kind of social stamping glued on these groups. 9.2.10

Situational and Interactional

As learning of any human behaviour is predominantly situational, it may be either deviant or confirming, taking place in a social situation of a group as also through an interactional process. If certain compelling social situations are not created, those behaviours, deviant or non-deviant, do not emerge, and the consequential learning of that behaviour would not take place. As the Criminal Tribe’s criminality is also situational, and the surrounding of the criminals are such that they learn and emulate such criminal behaviour in those situations, the processes continue without refrain. Further, the criminal behaviour of those groups of individuals also is learned with interaction with other criminals of these groups. The family relationships are so intimate and so close, the individuals in the family group automatically learn the criminal behaviour in family situations, where criminals’ values are predominantly acceptable. In that way, the entire tribe acquires a criminal identity, though some individuals among them are non-criminals, for various internal and external compulsions and become non-criminals. However, some individuals invariably learn those criminal values in a Criminal Tribe culture situations though they interact occasionally with non-criminals as well. Maybe the noncriminal socially acceptable values are not charming and attractive enough to influence those crime-prone individuals. 9.2.11

Association, Opportunity and Drift

It is relevant to know of ‘Differential Association’ originally known as ‘Differential Social Organisation’ as propounded by Edwin Sutherland, who explains that the criminal behaviour is a learned behaviour, not inherited. The individual learns criminal behaviour by sheer thoughtless imitation, like any other repeatable human behaviour. It all depends on the individual’s associates with whom he or she professes intimate, close

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and continuous contact. If the associates are criminals, the individual gets socialized that way and gets criminalized gradually. The proximity and duration of the contacts, as also the number of contacts decide the learning intensity of the criminal behaviour. The excess contacts (definitions of situations) of criminal behaviour over non-criminal behaviour decide this learning agenda towards the particular deviant behaviour. In the two Criminal Tribe Settlements under study, there are criminal values along with tribal values in which a system of mixed culture subsists, a Yerukula culture side by side with criminal culture. But the criminal culture happens to be overpowering and as such tends to dominate the Yerukula non-criminal culture. Also, the constant association with criminal values influence the individuals pushing them towards criminal activity and at least some individuals of all ages get attracted that way. Perhaps, a weak mind conforms, while a strong mind with predominant willpower gets drawn to deviance as an adventure, say, a drift or a driving moment or a force impelling towards criminal behaviour. Because of many prevailing factors criminal behaviour persists: I. Attraction of certain immediate and easy gains; II. Opportunity arising in a particular context; III. Criminals enticing new entrants; IV. Criminal culture luring support for deviance; V. Even non-criminal tribals usually do not discourage deviant activity, but tacitly support it; VI. Police indirectly encourage and abet; VII. Vulnerable fence system around the settlement always facilitates to dispose of the stolen properties easily; VIII. Tribal Settlement in isolation provided congenial atmosphere for nursing crimes; IX. Animism turning into religion of the settlers support deviant behaviour as such; and X. Recruitment into criminal cadres takes place within the vicinity of the settlement itself, while pull–push factors work on deviant individuals, in that ‘pull’ from the inner drive to get things easily for a song and ‘push’ from the surrounding social situations. When once tribal individuals become criminals, the system of tribal criminal culture supporting them emerges.

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Victims of Social System

Each society or group has its own social system. Each social system has its own directions. The social system directs individuals in a chosen direction. Many a times, individuals cannot transgress that system; and they become victims7 of that society or social norms in which they are brought up. Victimization takes place on individuals and groups, and a group may be victimized by another group. In this case, a dominant group victimizes a vulnerable group, particularly when the dominant group is economically, politically, structurally and socially stronger than the other group. A weaker group ultimately gets victimized and begins playing a subdued role in societal matters. 9.2.13

Cultural Transmission

From one point of view, culture is looked upon as composed of values, beliefs, norms, rationalizations, symbols and ideologies, i.e., mental products, while another viewpoint is as referring to the total ways of life of a people, their interpersonal relations as well as their attitudes. However, there will generally be a cultural bias on certain intra-societal situations in social relations and in total ways of life. In other words, coming to the present context, the ex-Criminal Tribes acquire ways of life, based on particular social relations with a cultural bias, having formulated an ethnocentric culture of their own. Among the settlers, there is persistence of that intrinsic culture, and as a way of life, it sustains itself. Those values that impart sustenance to that society also get transmitted from individual to individual from group to group and from generation to generation. As long as values, beliefs and norms are handed over from one generation to the other, that particular gregarious culture gets perpetuated in this essential nucleus. Notes and References 1. The sociological theory may be said to have the following characteristics: (1) A theory is couched in terms of well-defined concepts and logically interconnected propositions; (2) A theory is a systematized symbolic construction and does not share the intellectuality of fact. Theory-building is a creative achievement and involves a quantitative jump beyond evidence; (3) A theory is provisional in character, it is always open to revision, depending on new insights and evidence.

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It is neither necessary nor desirable for sociological theory to be a final formulation; (4) It is verifiable in a preliminary way, that is, consistent with the body of known facts and available evidence; (5) It is a systematized formulation that seeks to reconcile the needs of a humanistic tradition (speculative, creative, etc.) with the demands of a scientific tradition (measurement, rigorous induction, productive power etc.) (M. Francis Abraham, Modern Sociological Theory, Oxford University Press, 1982, New Delhi, pp. 7 and 8). 2. R. B. Braithwaite, Scientific Explanation, 1953, p. 22, cited in S.F. Nadel, The Theory of Social Structure, Universal Book Stall, New Delhi, 1986, p. 1. 3. Flex Kaufmann, Methodology of Social Science, 1994, p. 48, 16–2, cited in The Theory of Social Structure, University Book Stall, New Delhi, p. 1. 4. Abraham Kalpan, The Conduct of Enquiry, San Francisco, Chandler Publishing Company, 1964, p. 295. 5. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Glenscoe, Free Press, 1957, p. 86. 6. Glaser and Strauss, Grounded Theory. 7. Victim as an individual who suffered at the hands of criminal has gained importance in the recent past in the scientific literary would all over the globe. Victims of Crime, Benjamin Mendasohn (1963), “The origin of the Doctrine of Victimology”, Excerpta Criminologica, Vol. 3, 239–244, as quoted in Allen et al., 1981, p. 253, Rajan V.N. (1981) Victimology in India, Allied Publishers, New Delhi; K. Chokalingam (1991), (ed) Readings in Victimology, Ravi Raj Publications, Madras – 600 090; Y.C. Simhadri, ‘Victimology in India’, World Victimology Bulletin, 1982, p. 18; Munster, West Germany. In many of the Victimological works, it is recognized that there are victims of crime. But there are victims of society. Examples are Untouchables and Criminal Tribes in India, Negroes in U.S.A., etc.

CHAPTER 10

Summary and Conclusions

Since times immemorial, India has become a land of different ethnic groups, tribal as well as non-tribal, and among tribals, there are Ordinary Tribes and Criminal Tribes. Ordinary Tribes live in hills as well as plains areas and are now called Scheduled Tribes under the Constitution of the Indian Republic. But, the Criminal Tribes, so-called, are those who live by criminal means for their sustenance, with some groups among them included in the list of Scheduled Tribes by the President of India to make them eligible for special facilities as incorporated in the Indian Constitution. The study presented in this book focuses on the organization, structure and activities of the Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh. As these tribals began indulging in crimes in British India, the then Government was not in a position to curb their criminal activities under the provisions of the general criminal law, as enunciated by them. Hence, they passed an Act known as the Criminal Tribes Act (C.T. Act) of 1871 with a view to curb the criminal impact of these deviant tribal groups. From 1871 till the Independence of India (1947), the Act got amended from time to time to suit the needs of the administrative exigencies of various governments in power. After India became a Republic, the C.T. Act was repealed and, in its place, an Act known as Habitual Offenders Act of 1952 was enacted by the Indian Government. The legal stigma, a group had to bear as per the earlier C.T. Act was removed and the tribals were set free. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9_10

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The study is aimed at knowing about the situation of these ex-Criminal Tribes, now redesignated as “Denotified Tribes”, more particularly of those who were brought into the two Tribal Settlements in Andhra Pradesh. In the endeavour, the author chose one village in Guntur District and another in Nellore District both in the State of Andhra Pradesh, for the purpose of the study. The main focus of the study is primarily on Yerukula Tribals their social organization and structure along with their criminal activities also about how they have been changing over a period of time, in the new social circumstances. At the same time, we would like to know why they became criminals and why they still continue in deviant activities, from sociological and anthropological perspectives.

10.1

Field Work

The data for this study were collected through filed notes and by verifying records in Police Stations, Courts, Jails and other relevant regional institutions. As a starting point, the data from the library were gathered and later some Interview Schedules were constructed and finally administered to the villagers and accordingly the demographic data were obtained. Through participant observation techniques, more valid data were gathered. Necessary rapport was established with the villagers as well as the concerned officials to facilitate obtaining reliable field data. The literature was thoroughly reviewed and information about different tribal groups was obtained. The village concept is examined to study the Denotified tribes in the context of a village, along with its structure of social hierarchy. Keeping in view, the CONTINUUM of the village to the city system the two settlement villages have been studied for empirical data.

10.2

History of the State of Andhra Pradesh

The State of Andhra Pradesh came into being in the year 1953, and it has 23 revenue districts, which fall into three cultural regions of Rayalaseema, Coastal Andhra and Telangana. The state has a population of 53,549,673, which is 7.82 per cent of the total population of the country. The history of Andhra Pradesh is divided into ancient, medieval and modern periods. The Independence Movement was launched in the state. Late Potti Sriramulu went on fast unto death to achieve a separate state for Andhras

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and as a result, the new State of Andhra Pradesh was finally formed in 1953. Andhra Pradesh has subsequently been bifurcated into Telangana and Andhra Pradesh in the year 2014.

10.3

Crime Situation in Andhra Pradesh

As regards the crime situation in Andhra Pradesh, it was on a consistent increase in all crimes from 1982 to 1986. The murder rate was 1.5 per cent in 1986, culpable homicide not amounting to murder was 0.2 per cent in 1982, 0.2 per cent in 1983, 0.3 per cent in 1984, 0.3 per cent in 1985 and 0.3 per cent in 1986. As there is a relationship between the size of population and crime, the population was increasing at a rate of 24.9 per cent. The cognizable crime rate under IPC was 28.5 per cent, i.e., an additional increase of 3 per cent over the population increase. There was also an increase of cognizable crime offences like murder, as in 1982, there were 1483 murders, whereas in 1986, there were 1597, showing an increase of 114 murders in five years. However, Rayalaseema accounts for more murders compared to other regions. Communal conflicts are also reported but more in the Telangana area, much more so in Hyderabad city. A monthly average of new offences in the state got registered, in that there were 1349 monthly average cases of offences in the state, of which 1320 are male victims and 29 female victims indicating thereby more murders of males were committed than females. The three tribal groups, Yerukulas, Yanadis and Sugalis, were originally in the list of Denotified Tribes of Andhra Pradesh and Rayalaseema areas and they are now placed in the list of Scheduled Tribes by the President of India, enabling them to be eligible or the special facilities under the Constitution.

10.4

Background of the Two Regions

As about the background of the two regions under study, namely, Guntur and Nellore Districts, in Guntur, there were 3,009,900 populations, with an area of 15,320 square kilometres, taking the ninth place, populationwise, in the State of Andhra Pradesh, and endowed with an important river Krishna, while, in Nellore, there was a population of 2,033,679 accounting for 5.65 per cent of the total population of the state, which is ranked seventh population-wise, in the state, with an extent of 20,615.9 square kilometres, accounting for 7.50 per cent of the total area of

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the state, with important rivers like Penna and Kandleru flowing in this district. In Guntur region, Crimes occur frequently. For instance, in 1961, the convictions were 570, in 1962, 991 and in 1965, 930. Gambling as a social vice was reported. There were also dacoities and robberies. House-breakings and thefts frequently happen. Communal and other tensions are also present. The Criminal Tribes Settlements in Stuartpuram (Dharmapur) and Venkumamba Villages are located in this region. In this district, Kammas, a rich land-owning caste, command both economic and political dominance. In Nellore District Reddis, another land-owning rich caste, like Kammas of Guntur and Krishna Districts, are very powerful by having control over the economic and political arena of the region.

10.5 Organization and Structure of the Yerukulas Yerukulas, as a group, has different names in different regions and languages. But the values and habits are the same, cutting across the barriers of language and region. There are four main exogamous gothras, viz. Sathpadi, Manupadi, Mallabothula and Maraguthi, the former two belong to one group and the latter two belonging to another, and they do not inter-marry. There are also some sub-divisions like Dabba Yerukulas, Kunahepari Yerukulas, Jakkala Yerukulas, Pedditigolla, Unkorachas and others with different names and occupations. The family system among Yerukulas is patriarchal and a joint family system is practised. Their economic life was originally based on barter system and later they became wandering tribes, now slowly adopting to settled life, having taken to agricultural profession. Nonetheless, they commit crimes like cattle theft and stealing of crops. Gradually, they got adapted to railway crimes. The economic life with a nomadic character has gradually changed. The organization and structure of the Yerukulas are such that they extend the influence on the behaviour of the individuals. Even though Yerukulas have their own group culture, within the frame work of that culture, there is also a Yerukula criminal culture, which got developed over a period of time in the settlements. From the original individual criminal activity with the emergence of the Criminal Tribes Act and

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Criminal Tribes Settlement Act, a Yerukula Criminal Tribal Settlement behaviour and culture got formulated in the settlement.

10.6

Two Settlements: A Historical Sketch

After the enactment of the Criminal Tribes Act in 1871, the then Government gradually started Criminal Tribal Settlements in different parts of the country, as also simultaneously in the State of Andhra Pradesh. The two Tribal Settlements chosen for study are: (1) Venkumamba village settlement and (2) Irwin village settlement. The former, i.e., Venkumamba settlement, situated in Guntur District in Palnadu hills, was established in 1913 with persons released from the jails under Section 12 of the Act. In October 1915, it was divided into two parts and kept under the European Salvation Army Officer. An elementary school was started by the Salvation Army. The total strength of the settlement in 1925 was 1002 and they were found committing heinous crimes. After the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was scrapped in 1952, the inmates were set free and certain amelioratory measures were taken up. The second settlement in Irwin village was established in January 1917, with 150 Yerukula families from Kalichedu settlement. Donga Dasaries, also called Katheras, live along with the Yerukulas. This settlement was situated at the intersection of the road running to the east from the Bitragunta Railway Station. It was reported that a number of crimes were committed by those settlers. Many reformatory activities were introduced in this settlement to wean the settlers away from criminal activities. After the Criminal Tribes Act was repealed, the settlers were set free.

10.7

Venkumamba Village: An Analysis

In the Venkumamba village, there were 331 people, of whom 229 persons were married and 102 unmarried, with a predominance of married persons. In the village, 92.31 per cent are nuclear families, with only 7.69 per cent joint families, which means that most of them have been living in nuclear families. Moreover, out of 331 persons, 104 are from criminal families and 227 persons are from non-criminal families in the entire village. There are 30.42 per cent in the age-group of 1–20 and 62.23 per cent in the age-group of 21–59. A total of 104 persons are criminals in the village. There is a total of 134 people who earn their livelihood, the incomes of which are as follows: between the income of Rs. 1000–5000,

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there are 33 persons, between Rs. 5001–10,000, 43 persons, between Rs.10,001 – 15,000, 28 persons and between the income Rs. 20,001 and above, there are 18 persons. The maximum number of people living in the category of Rs. 5001–10,000, 32 per cent, which denoted that the financial strength of the villagers is not very sound. The education of the villages is also not high. If we compare the criminals with non-criminals, the criminals have less education than the non-criminals.

10.8

Irwin Village: An Analysis

The Irwin settlement was started in 1913. The total population in the village was 877 persons, distributed over 203 families. Of these, 61.57 per cent are married and 38.43 per cent are unmarried. In the village, there are 29.53 per cent of criminal families as well as non-criminal families (70.47 per cent). There are 259 persons in the criminal families and 618 in the non-criminal families. Of the 203 families in the village, 20.69 per cent are joint families and 79.31 per cent are nuclear families, meaning thereby there is predominance of nuclear families. Of the total people in the village, 55.53 per cent are males and 44.47 per cent are females, with predominance of males. Out of the total 877 population, 26 per cent are in the age-group of 1–13; 17.79 per cent in the age-group of 14–20; 52.79 per cent in the age-group of 21.59; and 3.42 per cent in the age group of 60 and above, the dominant segment being the age-group of 21–59. In the village, there are 254 members. Ninety persons are in earning capacity in the criminal families and 164 persons in the non-criminal families. Of these, 41.73 per cent are in the income group of Rs. 5000–10,000; 16.54 per cent in the income group of Rs. 15,001–20,000, while there is no one in the income group of Rs. 20,001 and above. In the entire settlement village, there are 168 persons who have some education or the other, while the rest are uneducated. Only 14 people have education with either elementary education or high school education. Of these, 71.43 per cent are males and 28.57 per cent are females. Out of the 154 literates among the non-criminal families, 31.82 per cent have elementary education, 59.09 per cent have high school education and only 8.44 per cent college education and a mere 0.65 per cent technical education. Moreover, non-criminals have better education than criminals among both criminal and non-criminal families. Occupationally, the villagers are engaged in agriculture, rickshaw-pulling, railway jobs,

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fish business, watchman work, crime and other miscellaneous occupations. In the entire village, 34.30 per cent are in agriculture, 3.21 per cent in rickshaw-pulling, 4.49 per cent in railway jobs, 9.29 per cent in coolie work, 9.29 per cent in fish business, 1.82 per cent in watchman’s work and while 30 per cent are in crime as an occupation, which is significantly higher than the occupation of any group in the settlement village. Further, in the village, 41 per cent are landless and 59 per cent are having landed property, in that the Government distributed lands to the villagers. So also house structure in which they reside seems to be better in view of pucca houses being provisioned by the Government under various Government schemes intended for the poor. The same is the case for lighting facilities of rural-electrification programmes. As about the criminal tendencies in the village, 203 families, who were originally criminals, became non-criminal now. Similarly, 5 originally non-criminal families in the past became criminals now; also 45 criminal families still continue their criminal practices. The criminal culture once formed asks for continuance, irrespective of several ameliorative measures undertaken.

10.9 Comparison Between Yerukulas and Katheras In Yerukula Settlements, there are both Yerukulas and Katheras, with 51.1 per cent Katheras and 48.9 per cent Yerukulas. While both groups live in the same settlement, Katheras do not enjoy special benefits given by the Government, which are available only to the Yerukulas. As a result, the Katheras claim to be Yerukulas, which the latter adversely react to their claim. Social interaction among both groups is normal, even though customary practices vary. Some members of both groups engage in criminal activities, having legacy from the same situations, localities and surroundings. The criminal culture was coming in handy for both groups, though in some respects, they differ from each other.

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Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

10.10

Changes in the Criminal Behaviour

In the settlements, traditional criminal behaviour of stealing is changed with new technologies introduced in operation. Modern transport systems helped criminals to move into far off places quickly, with facilities like railways, airways, motors and other speedy transport to commit crimes in far off places, while new types of criminal behaviour like saree thefts emerged in the village. Thus, the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act facilitated the adept criminals to move freely and even the hard-core criminals among them without any license or ticket of leave.

10.11

Towards a Theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes

A theory can best be said as a body of interconnected propositions dealing with a particular problem through the analysis of empirical data. Thus, a theory of Ex-Criminal Tribes contains knowledge, systematically obtained from empirical facts concerning Criminal Tribes. As is known, the Criminal Tribes were once indigenous social groups of the Indian society involving in direct criminal acts as groups when Britishers got themselves established as rulers in 1858. In order to convict the offenders as a group, the then Government passed the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. Accordingly, those offending social groups were named as Criminal Tribes. When India became Independent, the Criminal Tribes were redesignated as Denotified Tribes. In fact, the word “tribe” is introduced by the British, and prior to their rule there were no “tribes” existing in India, as there were only Castes and s. As such, there were neither Denotified Tribes not Scheduled Tribes either. The introduction of the nomenclature “Scheduled Tribes” in the Indian Constitution is only on political grounds, not based on India’s social reality. The majority of Castes in India are Hindus, who are two types: (1) Forward Hindus and (2) Backward Hindus. The Forward Hindus could be termed as Aryanized Hindus, and the Backward Hindus as non-Aryanized Castes. Hence, we can safely include the so-called Denotified Tribes and Scheduled Tribes as Backward Hindus. Interestingly enough, the Scheduled Tribes claim to be kings. How can kings be backward? Anthropologically, socially, and psychologically, they identify themselves as a superior race though most of them may be economically poor. In that way, in all social groups, there are poor people, poorer than tribals. Mostly, Tribals are in Hill areas; hence, they are segregated. Hill segregation does not entail

10

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

231

any inferior status. In fact, they are like any other superior social groups. Pushing the Scheduled Tribes who claim to be erstwhile kings to an inferior status is a real discredit to the Scheduled Tribes. Including them in the “Schedule” of the Indian Constitution in negation of their superior feeling is nothing but disservice to the spirit of national integration. The Scheduled Tribes of A.P. are thus Backward Hindus, i.e., non-Aryanized Hindus. They are like any other backward classes like Chakalis, Mangalis and Kummaris among Hindus. To sum up, we can say that the two settlement villages, under study, consist of families with criminal proclivities as well as families without criminal practices, who were either brought into these settlements artificially. During the British period, the Government used these settlements to introduce punitive as well as non-punitive measures and to control criminal activities as also to develop them into responsive pro-social beings. These measures were also intended to be preventive, restricting the crime-force settlers from further criminal activities. Due to their continuous living in the social space of these settlements, the settlers over a period of time developed a kind of settlement culture, which is inclusive of both criminal as well as non-criminal. Of those who have criminal habits, some could stop them because of certain facilities available for them, while some could not do so because of certain easy opportunities for criminal activities available around them. In some cases, new types of crimes emerged and, in some cases, they stopped looting of railway wagons, because of certain job opportunities in railway stations. The criminal culture persists in the two settlement villages because of the penetrating criminal values acquired by some individuals since the inception of the settlement. The criminal culture is present in the settlement and the criminal behaviour persists and thieves not merely exist. The Yerukula social organization and structure call for strict adherence to the group values in which criminal nuances are subtly implanted. To curb these tendencies, punitive measures may sternly act on the criminals. Towards this end, the community must strive hard and the social control agencies like police, courts, lawyers and community heads should give a helping hand in this endeavour, besides discharging their duties diligently and honestly. There should be a way out to break the bonding criminal culture and its pernicious influence. Once the continuing links in the chain are broken, the chance of making deviants pro-social, is bright and the prospect to develop normative group behaviour is great.

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Y.C. SIMHADRI AND S. YEDLA

There is a perceptible change in the group behaviour among the settlers and if the individuals are properly socialized with the overall social values, the twist it gives to the Kaleidoscope pattern of the group becomes synonymous with the touch of alchemy. The dynamic individual becomes a dynamo of cultural energy.

Appendix 1: Important Dates in the History of Andhra Pradesh

800 B.C.: 227 A.D.: 227–306 A.D.: 358–594: 615–1070: 1199–1262: 1262–1289: 1303: 1289–1323: 1336–1485: 1485–1505: 1505–1565: 1565–1681: 1502–1529: 1565: 1518–1687: 1591: 1600: 1611: 1687: 1724–1748: 1748:

Aitereya Brahamana Satavahana dynasty ends Ikshavaku dynasty Vishnukundin dynasty Eastern Chalukya dynasty Ganpati Deva’s reign Rani Rudramamba’s reign First Muslim invasion of Telangana Pratapa Rudra’s reign Sangama dynasty (Vijayanagar) Saluva dynasty (Vijayanagar) Tuluve dynasty (Vijayanagar) Aravidu dynasty (Vijayanagar) Krishnadevaraya’s reign Battle of Rakshasi thangadi Qutb shahi Dynasty Hyderabad city Founded British East India Company founded by Royal Charter Establishment of British factory in Machilipatnam Fall of Golconda Asaf Jah (Nizam) dynasty Death of Asaf Jah I and succession dispute

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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234

APPENDIX 1: IMPORTANT DATES IN THE HISTORY …

1758:

1759: 1766: 1784: 1788: 1325–1475: 1325–1424: 1800: 1857: 1858: 1885: 1901: 1905 A.D.: 1913: 1918: 1919: 1921: 1921: 1921–22: 1922–24: 1926: 1928: 1930: 1937: 1927–39: 1938: 1942: 1946–47: 1947–51: 1947 (Aug.15): 1947 (Nov.): 1948–49: 1951: 1952:

Treaty between raja and vizianagaram and the British. East India Company Decisive battle at Chemdurti British occupation of Northern circars First British Resident at Hyderabad British occupation of Guntur circar Recharla Nayakas Kondavidu Reddis British occupation of Chittoor and Nellore district’s First war of Indian Independence End of East Indian Company’s rule, British crown takes over Birth of Indian National Congress First Telugu library in Telangana Vandemataram Movement First Andhra Conference at Baptla Andhra Congress circle formed Montague-Chelmsford reforms A.I.C.C. Session at Vijayawada Andhra Jana Sangham in in Telanga formed Non-Cooperation movement Alluri Sitaramaraju’s Activities Andhra University inaugurated Simon commission’s visit Salt Satyagraha Sri Bagh pact First Congress Ministry by Rajaji Birth of Hyderabad State Congress Quit India Call T. Prakasham Ministry in Madras Armed struggle by Communists in Telangana India becomes Independent Stand-Still agreement with Nizam Military Governor’s rule Swami Sitaram’s Fast B. Ramakrishna Rao becomes Chief Minister of Hyderabad State

APPENDIX 1: IMPORTANT DATES IN THE HISTORY …

1952 (Oct.–Dec.): 1953 (Oct. 1): 1955: 1956: 1956 (Nov. 1): 1968 and 69: 1972 and 73: 1973: 2014:

235

Potti Sreeramulu’s Fast Formation of Andhra State Report of State Reorganization Commission Gentlemen’s agreement Formation of Andhra Pradesh Agitation in Telangana for the division of the state Agitation in Andhra for the division of the state Six-point formula announced Bifurcation of the State of Andhra Pradesh into Telagana and Andhra Pradesh

Appendix 2: List of Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh

1. Andh 2. Bagata 3. Bhil 4. Chenchu, Chenchwar 5. Gadaba 6. Gond, Naikpod, Rajgond 7. Goudu 8. Hill Reddis 9. Jatapus 10. Kammara 11. Kattunayakan 12. Kolam, Mannervarlu 13. Konda Dhoras 14. Konda Kapus 15. Konda Reddis 16. Kondhs, Kodi, Kodhu, Desaya Kondhs, Dongria Kondhs, Kuttiya Kondhs Tikirla Kondhs, Yenity Kondhs 17. Kotia, Bentho Oriya, Bartika, Dhulia, Dulia, Holva, Paiko, Putiya, Santona, Sidhopaiko 18. Koya, Goud, Rajah, Rasha Koya, Lingadhari Koya (Ordinary), Kottu koya, Bhino Koya, Raj Koya 19. Kulia

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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238

APPENDIX 2: LIST OF SCHEDULED TRIBES IN ANDHRA …

20. Malis (excluding Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khamam, Mahabubnagar, Nizamabad, Medak, Nalgonda and Warangal Districts) 21. Manne Dhora 22. Mikha Dhora, Nooka Dhora 23. Nayaks (in the Agency tracts) 24. Pardhan 25. Porja, Parangiporja 26. Reddi Dhoras 27. Roma, Rena 28. Savaras, Kapu Savaras, Maliya Savaras, Khuttu Savaras 29. Sugalis, Lambadis 30. Thoti (in Adilabad, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Khamam, Mahabubnagar, Nizamabad, Medak, Nalgonda and Warangal Districts) 31. Valmiki (in the Agency tracts) 32. Yanadis 33. Yarukulas

Appendix 3: List of Ex-Criminal Tribes of Andhra Pradesh

1. Telaga Pamulas (Yerra Gollas) 2. Dandasis 3. Kondadoras 4. Rellies 5. Paidies 6. Kalinga 7. Kintili 8. Nakkalas 9. Pariki Mukkala 10. Donga Yathas 11. Vedurupaka Malas 12. Boyas 13. Netti Kothalas 14. Reddikas 15. Yanadis 16. Dommaras 17. Yerukulas 18. Anipi Malas 19. Vaddi Upparas 20. Budabukkalas 21. Lambadis 22. Vaddaras 23. Komparis © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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240

APPENDIX 3: LIST OF EX-CRIMINAL TRIBES OF ANDHRA …

24. Pamula Buda Bukkalas 25. Reddi Yanadis 26. Jarugu Malli Madigas 27. Donga Dasari 28. Mondi Bandas 29. Donga Yanadis 30. Donga Yerukulas 31. Donga Wadderas 32. Donga Dommaras 33. Jogulas 34. Yoyalpad or Nawabpet Korchas 35. Annaboina Malas 36. Mutharachas 37. Pichiguntalas 38. Sugalis 39. Korechas 40. Donga Malas 41. Amagunta Palegars 42. Paryas 43. Thota Naicks 44. Bhattu 45. Turakas 46. Pedda Boyas 47. Dobbala Korachas 48. Donga Korachas 49. Dasaris 50. Sakalas 51. Peddigollas 52. Mondi Vegulas 53. Nir Shikaris 54. Donga Ura Korachas 55. Iranis 56. Kayyar Bhatta 57. Jatur Mixed gang 58. Todnapur Maharashtras; and 59. Donga Boyas

Appendix 4: Abstracts from Law Books as Applied to Yerukula Criminals

The Indian Penal Code Sec.176:

Sec.302: Sec.304:

whoever being legally bound to give any notice or to furnish information on any subject to any public servant as such intentionally omits to given such notice or to furnish such information in the manner and at the time required by law shall be punished with simple imprisonment for a term or is the notice or information required to be given respects the commission of an offence or is required for the purpose of preventing the commission of an offence or in order to the appearance of a an offender with simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to 6 months or with fine which may extend to 1000 rupees or with both or if the notice of information required to be given is required by an order passed under subsection 1 of section 565 of the the code of criminal procedure 1898 with imprisonment of other description for a term which may extend to 6 months or with fine which may extend to 1000 rupees or with both. whoever commits murder shall be punished with death or transporting for life and shall also be liable to fine. whoever commits culpable homicide not amounting to murder Shall be punishable with transportation for life or imprisonment for either description of a term which may extend to 10 years and shall only be liable to fine if the

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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242

APPENDIX 4: ABSTRACTS FROM LAW BOOKS AS APPLIED …

Sec.379:

Sec.380:

Sec.392:

Sec.393:

Sec.394:

Sec.395:

Sec.396:

act by which the death is caused is committed with the the intention of causing death or of causing such bodily injury as is likely to cause death or with imprisonment of either description for term which may extend to 10 years or with fine or with both if the act is done with the knowledge that it is likely to cause death but without any intention to cause death or to cause such bodily injury as is likely to cause death. whoever commits theft shall we purchase with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years or with fine or with both. whoever commits theft in any building tent or vessel which building tent or vessel is usedr as a human dwelling or used for the custody of property shall be punished with imprisonment of either description of a term which may extend to seven years and shall also be liable for fine. whoever committed robbery shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to 10 years and shall also be liable for fine and if the robbery be committed on the highway between sunset and sunrise the imprisonment may be extended to 14 years. whoever attempt to commit robbery shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to seven years and shall also be liable for fine. if any person in committing or in attempting to commit robbery voluntarily causes harm such people and any other people jointly concerned in committing or attempting to commit such robbery shall be punished with imprisonment for life with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to 10 years or shall also be liable for fine. whoever commits dacoity shall be punished with imprisonment for life or with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to 10 years and shall also be liable to be fined. if at any one of five or more persons who are conjointly committing dacoity commits murder in so committing dacoity every one of those people shall be punished with death for transportation for life or regress imprisonment

APPENDIX 4: ABSTRACTS FROM LAW BOOKS AS APPLIED …

Sec.397:

Sec.398:

Sec.399:

Sec.400:

Sec.435:

Sec.436:

Sec.457:

243

for a term which may extend to 10 years and shall also be liable for fine. if at any time of committing robbery or dacoity the offender uses any deadly weapon or causes grievious harm to any person or tends to cause death or grievious hurt to any person the imprisonment with which such offender shall be punished shall not be less than seven years. if at the time of attempting to commit robbery or dacoity the offender is armed with any deadly weapon the imprisonment with which such offender shall be punished shall not be less than 7 years. whoever makes any preparation for committee shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to 10 years and shall also be liable to fine. whoever at anytime after the passing of this act shall belong to a gang of persons associated for the purpose of habitually committing dacoityshall be punished with imprisonment for life or with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to ten years and shall also be liable to fine. whoever committed mischief by fire or any explosive substance intending to cause or knowing it to be likely that he will thereby cause damage to any property to the amount of 100 rupees or upward or (where the property is agricultural produce) 10 rupees or upward shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 7 years and shall also be liable to fine. whoever commits Mischief by fire or any explosive substance internal to cause for knowing it to be likely that he will thereby cause destruction of any building which is ordinary used as a place of worship for as a human dwelling or as a place for the custody of property shall be punished with transportation for life or or with imprisonment of whether description for a term which may extend to 10 years or shall also be liable to fine. whoever commits lurking house trespass by night or housebreaking by night in order to the committing of any offence punishable with imprisonment shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which

244

APPENDIX 4: ABSTRACTS FROM LAW BOOKS AS APPLIED …

Sec.458:

Sec.459:

Sec.461:

may extend to 5 years and shall also be liable to fine and if the offence to be committed is theft the term of the imprisonment made may be extended to 14 years. whoever commits lurking house trespass by night or housebreaking by night having made preparation for causing hurt to any person or assaulting any person or wrongfully restraining any person or for putting any person in fear of hurt or of assault, or of wrongful restraint shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 14 years and shall also be liable to fine. whoever whilst committing lurking house trespass or housebreaking causes grievous hurt to any person or attempts to cause death or grievous hurt to any person shall be punished with imprisonment for life or imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years and shall also be liable to fine. whoever dishonestly or with intent to commit mischief breaks open or unfastens any closed receptacle which contains or which he believes to contain property shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to 2 years or with fine or with both.

The Criminal Procedure Code Sec.109:

whenever a Presidency magistrate district magistrate subdivisional magistrate or state of the first class receives information. (a)

(b)

that any person is taking precautions to conceal his presence within the local limits of such magistrate’s jurisdiction and that there is reason to believe that such people is talking such precautions with a view to committing a cognizable offence. that there is within such limits a person who has no ostensible means of substance or who cannot give a satisfactory account of himself such magistrate may in the manner hereinafter provided required such person

APPENDIX 4: ABSTRACTS FROM LAW BOOKS AS APPLIED …

245

to show cause why he should not be ordered to to execute a bond with or withoutsureties for his good behaviour for such period not exceeding one year, as the magistrate thinks fit. Sec.110:

whenever a Presidency magistrate district magistrate or subdivisional magistrate or magistrate of the first class specially empowered in this behalf by the state government receives information that any person within the local limit of his jurisdiction. (a) (b) (c) (d)

(e)

(f)

Is by habit a robber, house-breaker thief or forger or Is by habit a receiver of stolen properties knowing the same to have been stolen or Habitually protects our harbours thieves or aids in the concealment or disposal of stolen property or Habitually commits or attempts to commit or abets the commission of the offence of kidnapping, abduction, extortion cheating or mischief or any offence punishable under chapter XII of the Indian Penal Code or under section 489A, section 489B, section 489c or section 489 D of the code or Habitually commits or attempts to commit or abets the commissions of offences involving a breach of the peace or Is desperate and dangerous as to render his being at large without security hazardous to the community, such magistrate may, in the manner hereinafter provided, require such person to show cause why he should not be ordered to execute a bond with sureties, for his good behaviour for such period not exceeding 3 years as the magistrate thinks fit.

Appendix 5: Criminal Settlements in Madras Presidency

Name of the settlement 1

Location

Management

2

3

Kalichedu

Kalichedu in Nellore District Kavali in Nellore District Sitanagaram in Guntur District Siddhapuram in Kurnool District Bapatla Bommanagadda in Chittor District Bethapudi in Guntur District Chintal Devi in Nellore District

Mr. Ludwig, Manager of Mica Mines American Baptist Mission Salvation Army

1912

Voluntary Settlement

1913

Voluntary Settlement Salvation Army

1913 1914

Salvation Army

1914

A.B.M.

1914

Kavali Sitanagaram Siddhapuram Yanadi Bommanagadda Bethapudi or Stuartpuram Chintal Devi

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

Year of establishment 4

1912 1913

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248

APPENDIX 5: CRIMINAL SETTLEMENTS IN MADRAS …

Name of the settlement

Location

Management

Year of establishment

5

6

Kalichedu

Industrial

930

Kavali Sitanagaram Siddhapuram

Agricultural Agricultural Industrial

Yanadi Bommanagadda Bethapudi or Stuartpuram Chintal Devi

Reformative Agricultural Agricultural

Donga Dasaris, Dommaras, Yerukulas & Jogulas Donga Yerukulas Donga Yerukulas Donga Wadderas, Chenchus Donga Yerukulas Nawabpeta Korachas Donga Yerukulas

Agricultural

Kanjar Bhats

100

7

152 557 112 – 393 693

Appendix 6: Interview Schedule for Tribal Village Administered at Household Level

1.

Name of the village

:

Taluk

:

District: 2.

Head of the family

:

(Name) 3.

Age

:

4.

Father's occupation

:

5.

Caste/tribe

:

6.

Nature of family

:

Criminal /Non-criminal

7.

Originally your family is criminal

:

Yes/No

8.

If criminal, what type of criminal

:

Blue collar criminal/while collar criminal

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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250

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR TRIBAL VILLAGE …

9.

Families main occupation :

1. 2.

Income (Yearly) Income (Yearly)

10.

Secondary occupation

:

1. 2.

Income (Yearly) Income (Yearly)

11.

Family background

:

S.no 1

Name 2

Relation to 3

Caste/Tribe 4

Age Sex Marital Status 5 6 7

1. 2. 3. 10. Married with Caste 8 1.

Joint family/ Educational Occupation Where How long income nuclear qualification Yearly 9 10 11 12 13 14

2. 3. 10. Criminal Ststus 15

1

Where 16

How long 17

Nature of Crime Stealing/ Pick pocket/Rilway crime/ Others 18

1. 2. 3. 10. S.no

Property

Areas Values Rs Rented/Owned ----------------Wet Dry

Income

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR TRIBAL VILLAGE …

11. Property in a) Land b) Bildings c) Cattle d) Jewellery e) Others 12. Types of the house number of Persons One Storey/Double Storey/multi-storeyed a) Roofed b) Terraced c) Tiled d) Thatched e) Hut Wall Material a) Wall Material b) Floor Material c) Roof Material Floor Material

a) Cement b) Mud c) Kadapa Stone d) Others Functional Facilities a) Bathroom b) Separate Kitchen c) Lighting

Electicity/ Kerosene

Interview Schedule to Known Criminal in the Tribalvillage

251

252

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR TRIBAL VILLAGE …

1.

Name of the village

:

2.

Name

:

3.

Caste/Tribe

:

4.

Religion

:

5.

Father’s occupation

:

6.

If son/daughter’s occupation

:

7.

Age

:

8.

Education

:

9.

Originally your family is criminal

:

Yes/No

:

Blue collar family/White collar family

10. If criminal family, what type of family 11. Nature of family

:

12. Family main occupation

:

1.

Income (Yearly)

2.

Income (Yearly)

:

1. 2.

Income (Yearly) Income (Yearly)

:

1. 2.

:

1.

Secondary occupation 13. What type of crime you are doing? Main

Secondary

Criminal/ Non -criminal

:

2.

14. How long you have been Doing? Main

:

1. 2.

Secondary

:

1. 2.

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR TRIBAL VILLAGE …

15. Do you think it is beneficial? If yes, how?

Yes/NO

16. Do you think it is beneficial? If yes, how?

Yes/NO

17. Do you think it is beneficial? If yes, how?

Yes/NO

18. How are you inducted into crime? By association/by tradition/by compulsion/by force of necessity/involuntary/voluntary 19. Do you think you can give up this habit? Yes/No If no, why? 20. Why are doing this act? By habit/by custom/by caste profession/for money or benefit 21. Do you think the whole community can also giveup criminal activity? Yes/No If yes, how? If no, why? 22. Is your grandfather a criminal Yes/No If yes, what type of criminal? How long/now and then/regular 23. Is your father was a criminal? Yes/No If yes, what type of criminal How long / now and then / regular 24. Does your son also participate with you in crime? Yes/No If yes, what type of criminal?

253

254

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR TRIBAL VILLAGE …

How long/now and then/regular 25. Are you first time offender/second time offender/third time offender/habitual offender? 26. What type of other offences you have committed? 27. What is your main criminal activity? 28. Property in

Acres ------Wet

Value: Rs.

Rented/owned

Income

Dry

a) Land: b) Buildings: c) cattle: d) jewellery: e) others:

29. Family background S.No Name

1. 2. 3. 10.

Age

Sex

Joint family/ Educational Nuclear family qualification

Criminal status Yes/No

Nature of Crime

Occupation

Bibliography

Agarwal, R.S., 1977: Prevention of Crime, New Delhi, Radiant Publishers. Aiyappan, A., 1948: Report on the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the Province of Madras, Madras Government Press. Ambedkar, B.R., 1948: The Untouchables, Who Were They? How They Became Untouchables? New Delhi, Amrit Book Company. Ambedkar, B.R., 1946: Who Were the Sudras? How They Came to Be Fourth Varna in the Indo-Arya Society? Bombay, Thacker and Company. Ananta Krishna, L.K., 1930: The Mysore Tribes and Castes Mysore, Vol. III. Ansari, Chaus, 1960: Muslim, Caste in Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society. Apte, J.S., 1960: Talwada Ashram School—An Experiment 1960 in Tribal Education, Vanyajati, vol. III, No. 2. Atkinson, E.T., 1882: The Himalayan Districts, Allahabad, Vol. II. Aurora, G.S., 1972: Tribe, Caste, Class Encounters, Hyderabad, Administrive Staff College of India. Bailey, F.G.: Caste and Economic Frontier, Manchester, Manchester University Press. Bailey, F.G. 1959: For a Sociology of India, Contributions to Indian Sociology, 2–88–10. Bailey, F.G., 1960: Tribe, Caste and Nation, Manchester University Press. Bailey, F.G., 1961: Tribe and Caste in India, Contributions to Indian Sociology, 5, 7–19. Baldev Raj, Nayar, 1975: Violence and Crime in India. Barnes and Teeters, 1951: New Horizons in Criminology, New York, Prentice Hall, USA. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

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Index

A abandoned, 29, 44, 133 aboriginals, 5, 26, 42, 44, 45, 48 abrogation of the Criminal Tribes Act, 128 Adi Andhras, 75 Adibasis, 4 Agadee Kaikaries, 100 age specific rate of criminality, 196 age structure, 148, 166–168 Aiyappan, 94 Ambedkar, B.R., 4 Ambojala, 100 American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 141 ancient period, 55 Andhra Pradesh, 22, 23, 53–55, 57, 59, 62–65, 71, 78, 81, 91, 97, 103, 178, 212, 223–225, 227 anthropological groups, 212 anthropological research, 9, 18, 20, 28 anthropology, 38, 212 anti-corruption bureau, 81

AP Habitual Offenders Act, 1, 138, 223 Aryan invaders, 41 Aryans, 3, 4, 21, 22, 26, 83, 213 association, 7, 31, 58, 84, 148, 168, 220 Avula, 100

B backward classes, 73, 231 Bandas, 75 Bandi, 100 barbarious, 43 Barter system, 31, 226 Bawden, S.D., 124, 130–136, 138, 139, 141 Bestas, 74, 86 Bethapudi, 124 Bhajantri Yerukulas, 100 Bhil, 26–32, 40, 41, 44, 45 BIDARU, 96 Bidar Yerukulas, 100 Biteille, 214

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 Y.C. Simhadri and S. Yedla, Theorization of Ex-Criminal Tribes, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4584-9

267

268

INDEX

Bitragunta Reformatory Settlement, 129, 135, 137, 141 Bochu, 100 Bottee Yerukulas, 100 British period, 1, 26, 231 British rule, 76 Burglary, 60

C caste, 1, 4, 10, 13, 14, 16, 21, 25–28, 32–35, 37–42, 44, 55, 73–75, 77, 85–88, 103–106, 108–111, 113, 117, 118, 120, 123, 134, 177–179, 181, 182, 213–217, 226, 230 cauvade, 104 census, 4, 5, 22, 30, 54, 55, 71–73, 75, 81, 84, 91, 93, 97, 99, 182 Chakalis, 7, 75, 86, 120, 231 Chenchus, 25, 47, 74, 75, 123 child-birth, 103, 104 Cholas, 56, 57, 122 Christian influence, 31 Christianity, 31, 88, 129, 146, 164 Church, 13, 76, 77, 133, 134, 164 CHUVALA, 96 clan, 2, 3, 29, 31, 32, 47, 99, 106, 118, 134, 217 clan familiarity, 11 coastal Andhra, 54, 62, 63, 70, 71, 83, 224 cognizable crime, 61, 62, 225 colonial rule, 1, 127 community, 3, 7–10, 47, 72, 85, 86, 93, 95, 96, 101–109, 111–113, 117–119, 126, 133, 181, 194, 198, 231 confidence building, 13, 20 Constituent Assembly, 4, 119 convictions, 45, 60, 77, 89, 115, 142, 143, 226

Crime, 2, 6, 8, 25, 42, 44–47, 53, 59–62, 65, 77, 78, 89, 102, 113–117, 121, 123, 126–128, 131, 135–139, 142, 143, 146, 154, 156, 157, 161, 173, 178, 180, 181, 201, 204, 213, 217, 218, 220, 223, 225–227, 229–231 Criminal behaviour, 215, 219, 220 criminal culture, 102, 114, 176, 194, 209, 220, 226, 229, 231 Criminal families, 11, 147–151, 155, 157–161, 164–167, 169–172, 189, 198, 206, 227–229 Criminality, 7, 8, 62, 116, 131, 132, 148, 152, 187, 195, 218, 219 Criminalization, 32, 150 criminal settlement, 9, 59, 124–126, 130, 136–139, 141, 189, 201, 213, 216 Criminal tribes, 1, 2, 5–9, 21, 25, 28, 44, 50, 79, 80, 113, 116, 123, 127, 129, 131, 133, 140, 141, 145, 213, 215–218, 223, 230 Criminal Tribes Act, 80, 94, 123, 124, 128, 129, 131, 142, 146 Criminal Tribes Act 1871, 1, 119, 216, 217, 223, 226, 227, 230 Criminal Tribes Settlement Act, 94, 216, 227 Criminal Tribes Settlement Act 1924, 216 cultivation, 29, 30, 33, 42, 73, 74, 80, 81, 86, 102, 124, 129–131, 134, 139 cultural transmission, 221 D Dabba Yerukula, 226 DABBE, 96 dacoity, 6, 60, 61, 79, 113, 114, 128, 137, 140

INDEX

Dalton, 49 Dasars, 75 data analysis, 21 definitions of the situation, 216 deltas, 68, 69, 122 demographic profile, 54, 71, 165 Demographics, 10, 16, 17, 19, 35, 84, 161, 224 demystifying, 145 denomination, 88, 110 Denotified Tribes, 1, 5, 6, 22, 25, 27, 50, 53, 64, 91, 101, 129, 161, 213, 224, 225, 230 Devara, 100 DEVARAKONDA, 96 Deviance, 213, 216, 218, 220 Devuni Ootam, 107 Dharampur, 10, 11 Didari Yerukulas, 102 dominant element, 38 Dommaras, 75, 80, 163, 181, 182 Donga Korachas, 91 Dravidians, 3, 4, 26, 213 drift, 220 Dube, S.C., 25, 28, 119

E Economic status, 110 education, 9, 44, 63–65, 77, 122, 125, 126, 128, 131, 136, 154, 155, 171–173, 198, 201, 228 empirical research, 18, 212 empirical uniformity, 212 Enactment, 6, 7, 213, 215, 227 epidemic, 110, 111, 115, 125, 131, 135 ethnic, 33 ethnic groups, 2, 64, 213, 223 ethnographic, 32, 40, 91 evil-spirits, 133

269

Ex-criminal Tribes, 1, 5, 12, 13, 25, 59, 96, 101, 163, 212, 213, 221, 224, 230

F Family structure, 183 festivals, 30, 31, 89, 110, 111, 177, 179 field survey, 107, 110 field work, 10, 18–20, 106, 111–113 forbidden, 47, 87, 103, 110, 114 Formation of Andhra Pradesh, 59, 81 Fortunetelling, 92 freedom movement, 123

G GADDE, 95, 100, 101 Gadde Yerukulas, 95 Gadepalli Kaikaries, 100 Gajjala, 100 gambling, 78, 89, 226 Gam Kaikaries, 101 GAMPA YERUKULA, 96 gender, 147 generating grounded theory, 212 Geo-political setting, 67, 81 Glaser, 212 Godavari, 12, 54, 55, 63, 68, 69, 92, 97, 98, 123, 180, 181 Gopal, 214, 215 Gotra, 95, 99, 100, 120 Gowdas, 74, 75 Group phenomenon, 217 GUJJALAVARU, 96 Guntur, 9, 11, 12, 15, 54, 56, 57, 63, 67–69, 71, 72, 76, 77, 79–81, 83, 93, 94, 97, 98, 105, 107, 109, 111, 114–116, 121–123, 126, 127, 129, 131, 137–139, 145, 163, 181, 224–227

270

INDEX

H Habitual offenders, 142 Habitual Offenders Act, 1, 80, 128, 217 hamlets, 29 Hassan, 94 head-hunters, 44 headman, 31, 32, 178 Hemalatha Lavanam, 129 hierarchy, 28, 38, 120, 224 Hindus, 2, 6–8, 26, 27, 72, 73, 75, 77, 85, 86, 88, 110, 119, 120, 133, 178, 181, 213, 214, 230, 231 Historical accident, 215 historical backdrop, 55, 69, 82 house-breakings, 62, 79, 94, 114, 128, 131, 226

I Ikshavakus, 70, 122 illegal, 6, 217 income structure, 195 Incorrigibles, 127, 129, 132, 135, 137, 146 Indian ethnic groups, 213 Indian Jails Committee, 131 Indian penal code (IPC), 59–61, 225 indolent habits, 125 information collection, 10 Innes, Mitchell, 133 intelligence corps, 117 interactional, 219 Inter-caste relations, 88 inter-dine, 101 inter-dining, 77, 88, 130, 136, 182 inter-marriage, 92–95, 124, 130, 136, 182 interview schedule, 13, 14, 16–18, 224 Irwinpeta, 11, 23, 131, 137, 139, 141

Irwin Settlement, 130, 131, 143, 164, 176, 180, 228 J Jakkala, 91, 226 Jangamas, 75 Jogulas, 163, 182 K Kabadi, 100 Kaikadi, 91, 97–99, 108 KAIKATTI, 96 Kaktiyas, 83 Kalichedu, 114, 130, 136, 163, 180–182, 227 Kallu Koravas, 100 Kampa, 100 Kamsalas, 74 Karepaku Yerukulas, 100 Kariveipaku Yerukulas, 100 Katheras, 13, 94, 136, 143, 163, 176, 177, 179–183, 187, 189, 194, 195, 198, 201, 204, 206, 209, 227, 229 KAVADI, 99–101 Kavali, 81, 84, 114, 130–133, 135–141 Kavali Settlement, 124, 130, 133, 135, 137, 139, 180 Kavalkar Yerukulas, 100 Koochi Yerukulas, 100 Kood Katti Yerukulas, 100 Kooncha Yerukulas, 100 Koonchee Kaikaries, 101 Koot Kaikaries, 101 Koracha, 91–94, 96, 101, 110 Koraswa gang, 113 Korava, 44, 91–94, 96, 110, 179–181 Koyas, 75 Kshatriyas, 4, 73, 85, 123 Kula Panchayat, 117

INDEX

Kummaras, 75, 87, 120 KUNCHA, 96 L Lambadis, 74, 75, 80, 123 Lavanam, 129 leadership, 112 legalization, 217 legal stigma, 1, 223 Life cycle of Yerukulas, 102 lighting methods, 160, 176, 208 lineage, 3, 29, 31, 32 livelihoods, 1, 5, 58, 87, 100, 102, 124, 142, 157, 204, 213, 227 M Madigas, 10, 74–76, 86, 181 Madraguthi, 95 Madras State, 97 mainland, 69 Maladasas, 75 Malas, 74, 75, 140, 145, 181 Malle, 100 Manapati, 99 Mangalas, 75, 87 Mangalis, 7, 120, 231 MANIPPADI, 96 Manupadi, 95, 106, 226 Marameai, 100 marriage, 3, 11, 31, 77, 87, 88, 93, 106–109, 111, 112, 118, 119, 146, 164, 183 matrilineal societies, 40 Mauryan, 70, 122 Medaras, 75 medieval kingdoms, 117 Mekala, 100, 164, 179 MENDAGUTTIRU, 96 Mendragutti, 99, 100, 146 Merton, 212 methodology, 9, 21

271

Mohammad Korwans, 101 Monde Koravas, 91 Moore, P.L., 125 Mudirajulu, 75 Mullely, S.S., 178 murder, 42–44, 46, 47, 59–63, 78, 79, 89, 225 Mutrachas, 74, 75 Mysore State, 93

N Naga, 25, 44, 49, 83 Nallabotulas, 95 Nallabotulu, 95 naming ceremony, 104 Nawabper Korachas, 91 Nellore, 9, 11, 12, 15, 54, 55, 57, 63, 67, 69, 76, 81–85, 88, 93, 94, 97, 98, 109, 114, 115, 121, 126, 130, 131, 133, 135, 137–142, 163, 178, 180, 224–226 nera kulastulu, 214 Nilgiri hills, 49 Nomads, 116, 214 Non-criminal families, 147–150, 155, 157–161, 164–168, 170, 171, 173, 176, 183, 187, 189, 198, 227–229 non-criminals, 17, 147–155, 168, 169, 174, 176, 187, 189, 194, 195, 198, 204, 206, 216, 219, 228 non-criminal tribes, 5

O occupational structure, 156, 201 Oddes, 75, 80 offences, 10, 60–63, 89, 127, 146, 189, 194, 225 Oochala Yerukulas, 100

272

INDEX

opportunity, 37, 71, 132, 168, 178, 220 Ordinary Settlements, 137 P PACCHE, 96 Pachakutti Yerukulas, 100 Padmasalis, 74, 145 PAMULA, 75, 80, 96 Pariki Muggula, 96 Parthasaradhi, 91 Participatory approach, 22 participatory observation, 13 patterns of crime, 59 Paun Kaikaries, 100 Peddintigolla, 96 Peddinti Gollas, 91 Penal Settlements, 129, 132, 133, 137, 146, 179 Periki-Muggulas, 91 phenomenon, 29, 40, 111 pig-rearing, 95, 102 Piriki Yerukulas, 100 Police vigilance, 135 poverty, 26, 102, 104 pre-marital sex, 108 prison confinement, 62 professions, 5, 7, 50, 75, 86, 88, 92, 96, 100, 114, 213, 214, 226 prohibition, 75, 77, 86, 112, 128 propositions, 28, 211, 212, 230 prostitution, 77, 89 psycho-biological phenomenon, 47 puberty, 105, 107, 108 purification ceremony, 118 R Raju, Sarada, 115 Ramesan, 101 Ran Kaikaries, 101 Rao, S. Venugopal, 115

Reddis, 74, 83, 86, 122, 226 Reformatory Settlements, 130, 137, 139, 140, 142, 180 religion, 3, 25, 34, 36, 37, 41, 120, 133, 134, 180, 220 Rellis, 75 robberies, 46, 60, 62, 78, 89, 115, 116, 131, 139, 226 S Salvation Army, 31, 76, 80, 88, 123–125, 129, 140, 145, 146, 227 Samudrala, 100 Satanis, 75, 178 Satavahanas, 56, 70 Sathepati, 99, 100 Sathpadi, 95, 106, 226 Savaras, 75 Scheduled Castes, 5, 19, 74, 75, 88, 123, 154 Scheduled Tribes, 4, 5, 19, 22, 50, 74, 75, 85, 97, 109, 119, 123, 154, 176, 213, 223, 225, 230, 231 settlement, 2, 5, 8–12, 15, 20, 21, 28–30, 47, 59, 69, 74, 80, 94, 102, 114, 121, 123–143, 145, 146, 153, 155, 161, 163, 164, 166, 168, 176, 177, 179, 180–183, 189, 194, 195, 198, 201, 204, 209, 212, 213, 215, 216, 218, 220, 224, 226, 227–231, 247, 248 sib, 3 Simhadri, 27, 28, 31, 50, 91, 214 situational, 219 social control, 3, 231 social customs, 87 social ethos, 6, 143 Social organization, 2, 28, 33, 34, 36, 47, 117, 179, 224, 231

INDEX

Social profile, 21, 50, 53 Social profiling, 53 Social stigma, 118 social structure, 3, 8, 30, 39–41, 181 socio-cultural product, 218 socio-economic conditions, 53 Socio-historical account, 21 sociology, 18, 36 stranglers, 44 Strauss, 212 Stuartpuram, 80, 91, 124, 139, 140, 226 Stuartpuram Settlement, 129 Sub-divisions in tribes, 102 Sudras, 4, 73, 74, 85 Suicide, 47–49 Sursal Kaikaries, 101 T Thabbai Yerukulas, 100 thefts, 30, 44, 46, 60, 62, 78, 79, 89, 114, 161, 178, 226, 230 theory, 21, 36, 168, 211, 212, 230 Thirston, 108 thug, 5, 6, 44 Thurston, E., 42, 92, 93, 104, 106, 108–110, 177 tonsure, 104 traditional occupation, 4, 21, 74, 101, 113, 124 transformation, 34, 38–40 Travers, C.H., 113 Tribal Panchayat, 108, 112 tribe, 1–15, 18, 19, 21, 30, 32–38, 40, 41, 55, 87–88, 179, 214, 215, 217, 230 type of houses, 159 U Untima Jatis, 1 untouchables, 1, 50, 74, 119

273

Uppu Yerukulas, 100 Urkorachas, 91, 96 V Vaisya, 73, 123 Velamas, 74, 86 Venkumamba Settlement, 121, 123, 127, 129, 137, 141, 145, 163, 227 Venkumamba village, 11–13, 15, 20, 21, 80, 96, 121–124, 128, 145–147, 152, 154, 156, 161, 163, 212, 226, 227 victims of social system, 221 Vimukta Jatis, 1 Visvabrahmins, 74 VOLI, 106, 107 Von Furer-Haimendorf, C., 47 W Wadde Yerukulas, 100 Wooyaloo Erukulas, 101 Wuyyalu, 100 Y Yadavas, 57, 74, 78, 86, 120 Yanadi, 22, 74, 75, 80, 87, 103, 123, 138, 140, 181, 182, 225 Yerukalabhasha, 87 Yerukulas, 5, 7, 10, 11, 13, 18, 21, 26, 28–30, 32, 74, 75, 80, 87, 88, 91–120, 123, 124, 131, 133, 136, 138, 143, 145, 146, 176, 177, 179–192, 194, 195, 197–209, 214, 216, 218, 225–227, 229, 239, 248 Z Zabardasthism, 131 Zamindars, 115, 117, 122