The Yemenite Tradition of the Targum of Lamentations: Critical Text and Analysis of the Variant Readings 9789004509054, 9004509054

Citation preview

THE YEMENITE TRADITION OF THE TARGUM OF LAMENTATIONS

STUDIA POST-BIBLICA INSTITUTA A P.A. H. DE BOER ADIUVANTIBUS

LR.A. VAN ROMPAY

ET

J. SMIT SIBINGA

EDIDIT

J. C. H. LEBRAM VOLUMEN TRICESIMUM SECUNDUM

LEIDEN

E.J. BRILL 1981

THE YEMENITE TRADITION OF THE TARGUM OF LAMENTATIONS CRITICAL TEXT AND ANALYSIS OF THE VARIANT READINGS

BY

ALBERT VAN DER HEIDE

LEIDEN

E.J. BRILL 1981

Published under the sponsorship of the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Research (Z. W.0.)

ISBN 90 04 06560 I

Copyright 1981 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN BELGIUM

CONTENTS Abbreviations 0.

Introduction

1. 1.1. 1.2. 1.2.1. 1.2.2. 1.2.3. 1.2.4. 1.2.5. 1.2.5.1. 1.2.5.2. 1.2.5.3. 1.2.5.4. 1.2.5.5.

The Yemenite traditions and scholarly research History. . Culture. . Manuscripts Targum . . The Targum of the Megillot The Targum of Lamentations The Yemenite text and the "Western text" One-word variants . . Larger scale differences Shorter text in Wf . . Mutually related Conclusion and hypothesis

2.

The superlinear vocalisation and its use m Yemenite manuscripts . . . . The Babylonian tradition Text. . . . . . Linguistic tradition . Vowel signs . . . Pronunciation The Babylonian tradition in Yemen The Tiberian tradition in Yemen . The Yemenite traditions of Hebrew The Babylonian tradition of Targum Aramaic A Tiberian tradition of Targum Aramaic? . The Yemenite tradition of Targum Aramaic Tiberianisation . . . . . . . . Yemenite Targum manuscripts . . . The Yemenite Targum of the Megillot Their quality . The last stages . . . . . . . .

2.1.

2.l.l. 2.1.2. 2.1.3. 2.1.4. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 2.7. 2.7.1. 2.7.2. 2.7.3. 2.7.4. 2.7.5.

XII

5 5 7 9 II 15 2I 23 26

28

33 34 35 37 37

38 38 39

40 40 4I 43 44

47

50 50 52 53 54 55

VIII

CONTENTS

3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.2. l. 3.2.2. 3.2.3. 3.2.4. 3.2.5. 3.2.6. 3.2.7. 3.2.8. 3.2.9. 3.3. 3.4.

The manuscripts used for our text edition General . . . . . Description . . . . A: Br. Libr. Or 1476 . B: Br. Libr. Or 2377 . G : Br. Libr. Or 2375 . D : Bodi. Libr. Op. Add. 4to 139 H: Qafib no. 8 . . W : Berlin Or Qu 958 Z : JThSA L 472b . C: Br. Libr. Or 2374 Representatives of the "Western text" "Stemma" . . . . . . . . . . The critical apparatus

4.

The variant readings of our manuscripts Variant readings of a non-grammatical character Word order . . . . . Omissions and additions Variants . . . . . Variants of a general nature Related forms; persons of verb Variants of dalet and resh /:t"mii and /:t"za . . . . Singular and plural Variants of suffixes, prepositions, de- and weErrors, omissions and obscurities Spelling. . . . . . . . .

4.1. 4.1. l. 4.1.2. 4.1.3. 4.1.3. l. 4.1.3.2. 4.1.3.3. 4.1.3.4. 4.1.3.5. 4.1.3.6. 4.1.4. 4.2. 4.2.1. 4.2.2. 4.2.3. 4.2.4. 4.2.5. 4.2.6. 4.2.7. 4.2.8. 4.3. 4.3.l. 4.3.2. 4.3.3.

Matres lectionis . . . . . . Dagesh and mappiq, rafe, maqqef

Consonantal /w/ and /y/ A lef and he for final /a/ Samekh and .\·in Abbreviations Proper names Instances of ketiv/qere Vocalisation . . . . Dagesh and rafe . . . The use of shewa (mobile) with gutturals and resh . . . . . . . . . Shewa in other positions

57 59 59

60 60

65 65

66 66 69

70 70 71 72

73 74 76

77

81 81 92 94 97 97 100 103 104 104 106

107

108

109 110 110 111 114 115 116 123

CONTENTS

4.3.4.

4.3.5. 4.3.5. l. 4.3.5.2. 4.4. 4.4.1. 4.4.1. l. 4.4.1.2.

4.4.1.3. 4.4.2. 4.4.2.1. 4.4.2.2. 4.4.2.3. 4.4.2.4. 4.4.2.5. 4.4.2.6. 4.4.2.7. 4.4.2.8. 4.4.2.9.

Variants of other vowels a/a a/e a/e a/i a/o a/o a/u a/u e/i e/o i/u o/u /fafef qame$ and "qame$ f:zafuf" /fafef qame$ "Qame$ f:zafuf"

Morphology and syntax Morphological variants in lexical order. Verbal stems Introduction Verbs pe'el/pa'el pe'el/afel pa'el/afel pa'el/itpa'el afel/itpe'el itpe'el/itpa 'el pa 'el/pa'el . itpa 'al/itpa'al . itpa'al/itpo'al . verbs mediae laryngalis Glossary of non-classified variants Grammatical variants : Introduction . Perfect . Imperfect Imperative . Infinitive Participle Verb with suffixes Pronominal suffixes Prepositions; Conjunctions, etc. Hebraisms.

IX

127 127 130 130 130 132 132 132 132 132 134 135 135 137 137 138 138 138 138 141 141 142 143 143 143 143 144 144 144 144 145 160 161 166 167 167 168 170 170 172 173

x 4.4.3. 4.4.3.1. 4.4.3.2. 4.4.3.3.

CONTENTS

Syntactical variants. Gender and number Tenses . . . . . Other syntactical variants

Bibliography Indexes . .

176 176 179 181 183 190

Text and critical apparatus . . . . . . . . . 3*-39* Appendix I: Major variants of the "Western text" . . . 41*-51* Appendix II: Errors in Sperber's text of MS Br. Libr. Or 2375 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52*-55*

ABBREVIATIONS EJ

JNES Ges. B. KS Lam. R. MdO Meturg. Midr. Teh. MS(S) MT n. Pes. R. Pet. TJ TO VT WT Yem

'"'::>

..,

i,":lt

·i1i

Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem 1972) Journal of Near Eastern Studies Gesenius/Buhl, Handworterbuch Kirjath Sepher Midrash Lamentations Rabba, ed. S. Buber (Wilna 1899) and the traditional editions of the Midrash Rabba P. Kahle, Masoreten des Ostens Elia Levita, Meturgeman Midrash on Psalms, ed. S. Buber (Wilna 1892) manuscript(s) Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible note Pesikta Rabbati, ed. M. Friedmann (Vienna 1880) Petil:zta Targum Jonathan ben Uzzi'el Targum Onkelos Vetus Testamentum the Western text recension of the Targum of Lamentations, mainly as represented in De Lagarde's edition the Yemenite recension of the text of the Targum of Lamentations manuscripts recte vide et cetera

For the sigla of the manuscripts see 3.2.1-9; other signs which are used exclusively in the critical apparatus have been explained in 3.3.

INTRODUCTION The main purpose of the present book is the critical edition of a text of the Targum of Lamentations on the basis of all the available manuscripts of Yemenite provenance. The reason for confining ourselves to this part of the extant manuscript material is the undisputed fact that the Yemenite tradition of the Targum in general and of Lamentations in particular is an easily defineable unity which differs distinctly from the version found in non-Yemenite manuscripts (called in the following pages the Western Text or Wf). There are two differences between the Yemenite and the Western versions. Firstly, it appears that the manuscripts (and editions) of the Western text tradition (sometimes called, by others, the Textus Receptus) contain a Targum text of Lamentations that is definitely longer than the text in the Yemenite manuscripts, and exhibit many textual differences as well. Secondly,-an aspect not confined to the Targum of Lamentations alone but shared by all the other Targumim-the Yemenite Targum manuscripts are vocalised according to a systematic and consistent tradition of the grammar of Aramaic that is absent from the Western Text. For this reason alone the Yemenite Targum tradition deserves to be treated separately. Its grammar and phonology are easily recognised as a distinct tradition, and as such it is far superior to the traditional and widely published Western Text. This fact has long been recognised and needs no special argument. The last comprehensive treatment of the grammar and lexicography of Targum Aramaic-by Gustav Dalman-is based on vocalised Yemenite manuscripts, and this is sufficient proof of the esteem in which these texts were held. The nature and value of the Yemenite tradition was placed in a different light by the discovery of another, older and apparently yet more dependable linguistic tradition of Targum Aramaic : the Babylonian tradition. Paul Kahle recognised the value of this Aramaic linguistic tradition and pointed out that the Yemenite tradition is nothing more than a revision of the Babylonian Targum on the basis of the Tiberian phonological system. But it is also nothing less! Therefore, he voiced a forceful plea for a systematic and comprehensive treatment of the Yemenite Targumic tradition. The need for this

2

INTRODUCTION

approach was, and still is, generally agreed. Strangely enough, although scholars never lost interest in the vocalised Yemenite text, which played a significant-though systematically ill-defined-role in subsequent editions of the Targumim, Kahle's call was rarely followed. While Kahle's approach was offered mainly with respect to the two official Targumim (Targum Onkelos and Targum Jonathan) the need to regard and treat the Yemenite tradition of the Targum as an independent unity is even more justified for the Targumim of the Megillot. The linguistic tradition reflected in the vocalised Yemenite manuscripts of Targum Onkelos and Targum Jonathan is derived from the Babylonian tradition, which in recent decades has been rediscovered in a considerable number of ancient Bible manuscripts. Among these manuscripts, however, no Babylonian version of a Targum of the Megillot (or of the other Hagiographa) has been found. The obvious (though still not final) conclusion from this must be that an official vocalised text of these Targumim-as there was for Targum Onkelos and Targum Jonathan-never existed in Babel. It is most probable, therefore, that the Yemenites did not take over the Targumim of the Megillot from the Babylonian schools, and that one can safely say that these minor and highly varying Targum texts did not reach Yemen in the established, fully vocalised, and relatively uniform shape in which they appear in the Yemenite manuscripts. Since there was also no independent Tiberian tradition of the Targumim, the vocalised Targum of the Megillot must be regarded as a completely Yemenite achievement. Obviously this fact makes it doubly worthwile to treat (and edit) the Yemenite version as an independent unity, before any definitive edition of the Targum Megillot, comprising all extant versions, should be attempted. For the Targum of Lamentations this argument is still more valid. As indicated abov~, the Yemenite manuscripts offer a version of this Targum that is markedly different from the Western Text and-except for Targum Canticles-it is still an open question as to whether or not it has this feature in common with the other Targumim of the Megillot. Yet the Yemenite manuscripts of Targum Lamentations themselves differ in their relation to the Western Text, some of them showing a definite affinity with the Western version (without leaving the bounds of the Yemenite tradition, however). Another aspect of the Targum of Lamentations should also be mentioned here. The Targumim of Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes have been in uninterrupted use in the Yemenite synagogues. They are read together with the Hebrew on the festivals to which the reading of these small books has been

INTRODUCTION

3

assigned by Jewish tradition. Notwithstanding the tenacity and reliability of the Yemenite cultural and religious traditions, these texts, through constant use and copying, may very well have undergone some change and, especially in the latter centuries, may have been exposed to the influence of imported Western versions. The Targumim of Lamenations and Esther, however, have not-within living memorybeen read in the Synagogue. They have been preserved only in comparatively older manuscripts and there is sufficient reason to assume that the redaction and vocalisation of these texts is a purely scholarly achievement, reflecting the state of "classical" Yemenite scholarship. In addition to this is the fact that there was until now no dependable critical text edition of the Targum of Lamentations extant. All this is discussed more fully in the following pages. In order to substantiate our contention that the Targumim of Yemenite provenance deserve to be studied independently, our edited text with its critical apparatus is preceded by a broader discussion of the special character of the Yemenite traditions, the important role of the Targum, and the carefully preserved language traditions prevalent in the Yemenite community. In addition the exemplary character of the Targum of Lamentations, indicated above, is outlined, and we have shown to what extent the Yemenite Targum traditions have been studied to date. As for· the relation of the Yemenite version of the Targum of Lamentations to the version found in Western texts we have attempted to show that the former is a definitely different and apparently revised version, the text of which is somewhat inferior to the Western Text (1.2.5). In order, to come to a proper understanding of the character and value of the Yemenite superlinear vocalisation, the Babylonian linguistic tradition and its influence in Yemen is examined (2.1-2). Next, the shift toward Tiberian language traditions, which partly superseded the Babylonian forms, is described (2.3) and the fact that the Tiberian tradition probably made no independent contribution to the creation of Targum traditions is demonstrated (2.6). After the description of the available Targum Lamentations manuscripts and a summarious description of the pattern of relations between them (ch. 3), the piece de resistance of our treatment of the Targum of Lamentations follows. This consists of a detailed and exhaustive classification and analysis of all the variants found in our manuscripts and listed in our critical apparatus. Everything has been listed and classified here, without judgement as to the value and plausibility of the individual variants. First those various kinds of variants are listed which have an effect on the actual meaning of the

4

INTRODUCTION

text (mainly variants of the consonantal text; 4.1). Then follow variants of spelling, phonology and vocalisation, and grammar and syntax (4.2-4). As far as possible the variants of the first category have been evaluated with the aim of pronouncing a judgement on the relative value and quality of the manuscripts. It is well nigh impossible to judge the latter categories in this same way, but they definitely tend to support the findings of the former. It should be understood that we are describing here differences and variants in the tradition of a literary language, not the original living language itself. This fact gives a very different aspect to the evaluation of linguistic differences. In our opinion, the Targumim of the Megillot are late literary products which in the form in which they appear in the Yemenite manuscripts already have a history of several centuries. It goes without saying that the listings of ch. 4 also furnish the material for our opinion as to the relations of the manuscripts as summarised in ch. 3. It appears that these relations are reflected not only in the textual and consonantal variants, but in the grammar and the vowels as well. The results of these detailed analyses and listings can be summarised as follows : Most prominent is the new and additional lexicographical material yielded by our manuscripts, notwithstanding the fact that their number is relatively small and the text of Lamentations comparatively short. While the value and quality of this material (mainly to be found in 4.4.1.3) may be open to discussion, its quantity is at least surprising. There are also some grammatical items of interest and in particular the interchangeability of several pairs of vowels deserves attention. Yet, apart from these specific items and except for the pattern of relationships between the manuscripts, few significant patterns emerge from the mass of variants, neither in the shape of different scribal or grammatical schools, nor in the shape of distinctly traceable developments. Now and then a certain form may be preferred by one or a set of manuscripts, but on the whole there is little consistency. The primary result of the classification and listing of the variants is the discovery of the rather ashtonishing fact that five complete and three incomplete Yemenite manuscripts, mostly of good or at least tolerable quality, each containing a text of not more than five chapters, offer so many variants of such widely different natures. This result cannot but change (or at least adjust) the accepted picture of the reliability and grammatical consistency of the Yemenite tradition of the Targumim.

1. THE YEMENITE TRADITIONS AND SCHOLARLY RESEARCH 1.1.

History

The Jews of Yemen 1 date the beginning of their exile to the period of the First Temple; some traditions even date it as far back as the times of King Solomon. 2 There is, however, little reliable historical evidence about the first stages of the presence of Jews in Arabia and even for later times our knowledge becomes only gradually less fragmentary. 3 This is not the place to dwell upon details of historical facts. It suffices to state that the life of the Jews in Yemen was in every respect characterised by the notion of galut, Exile. It was marked by perpetual oppression and injustice, along with the material hardships of famine and poverty. But it also shows to a high degree the quiet heroism that clings to traditional values and cultural identity in the face of all adversity. 4 Yemen's literary traditions are also determined by these aspects of life in exile. They explain the tenacious and devoted preservation of the minutiae of ancient lore even while persecutions were repeatedly occasioning serious material losses, including books and manuscripts, the most cherished possessions of the Yemenite Jew. It is appropriate to mention here the best known example of such a disastrous event, For bibliographical details see the Bibliography included in this book. For general information on the Jews of Yemen the reader is referred to E. Brauer, Ethno/ogie der jemenitischen Juden (1934) and Y. Qafii)., Halikhot Teman (1961, 3 1978). S. D. Goitein gave a short and very readable survey as an introduction to the 2nd edition of From the Land of Sheba (1973) and a broad scale of basic information is found in EJ 16, 739-759. Extensive bibliographies were compiled by Brauer (Kirjath Sepher 10 (1933-1934); II (1934-1935)), Y. Tobi (1975), and Y. Ratzabi (1976), where further literature can be found. 2 Brauer, Ethn., 18-21; Qorai)., Sa'arat Teman, 3-4. 3 Brauer, Ethn., 22-50. For general information see Baron, III, 65-69; Hirschberg, Yisra 'el be- 'Arav and "The Jewish Kingdom of 1;1.imyar". 4 It is for others to decide how much of the "lachrymose conception of history" (Baron) has crept into this characterisation, which is common to all the primary and secondary sources. It should be noted that Yemenite Jewry knew phases of cultural and material well-being, a prerequisite for the permanence of culture. The adversities and decline are especially marked in the latter phases of Yemenite Jewish history. 1

6

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

I. I

which caused, apart from much suffering, considerable material and cultural damage. The so-called "Galut Mauza'" 5 happened in 1678, when the Imam Al;imad b. l;lasan al-Mahdi, after a fruitless attempt at forced conversion, expelled all the Jewish communities of his realm to the barren coastal plain of Mauza'. When the Imam died shortly thereafter, the survivors were allowed to return, only to find their homes and property completely destroyed. It is said that the remnant of the Jews of San'a (the capital with a leading Jewish community) learned upon their return that all their ancient manuscripts, which had been given in trust to an Arab, had been burned during their absence. All that remained were the few texts that they had taken with them for use in exile. For these and similar reasons truly old manuscripts (from, let us say, before 1200) were rare in Yemen, despite of the great esteem in which they held their literary possessions. Yemenite Jewry lived in a degree of isolation from the mainstream of Jewish culture. This isolation, decisive as it was in certain respects, was not equally marked in all periods, nor should its importance be exaggerated. 6 Nevertheless, South Arabia's eccentric position did have some remarkable effects on the cultural identity of its Jewish population. Never an influential cultural centre itself, Yemen was open to a range of ever shifting influences from the outside. There is some direct historical evidence that the Jews of Yemen initially recognised the authority of the Babylonian Geonim. 7 The adherence of the Yemenite Jews to the Babylonian tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic 8 (partly to this day) and the basically Babylonian pattern of the early Yemenite prayerbook 9 are also illustrative of the early Babylonian influence in Yemen. These Babylonian traditions were preferred to the traditions of the Palestinian schools. A gradual shift of attention toward the teachings of the Egyptian academies with their Palestinian traditions occurred in about the Ratzabi, Sefunot 5 (1961) 337-395; Brauer, Ethn., 36-38. Qafil:i (Yahadut Teman, 1975) rightly stresses the fact that the isolation usually was not so absolute as is often supposed. It is obvious that several generally accepted views on Yemenite Jewry are too strongly influenced by the circumstances of isolation and economic decline reported by the first travellers from Europe. 7 Goitein, Tarbi? 31 (1961-1962) 357-370, esp. 358-375; for this and the following see also Qafil:i (n. 6). 8 See below 2.4 and 2.7. 9 With a substratum of Palestinian features. See the introductory essays by Y. Ratzabi and S. Greidi in Hobareh's facsimile edition of Sefer ha-Tikhliil (1964); Madmoni (Yahadut Teman, 1975), esp. 375. 5

6

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2

7

12th century. Striking illustrations of connections between Yemen and Egypt are given by the documents of the Cairo Geniza. 10 Most important for the long term is the sudden and lasting authority which the head of the Cairo community, Moses Maimonides, began to exert in Yemen during, or in any case shortly after his lifetime (1135-1204). 11 Also, more recent portions of the Midrash collections of Yemenite origin (Midrash ha-Gadol, Nur a~-4,alam, etc.) clearly reveal the influence of motifs current in Egypt in that time. 12 From this time onward the eyes of the Jews of Yemen were directed toward Sefardic Jewry. Sefardic liturgy began to supplant the ancient Yemenite rite and its poets were favoured above those of Yemenite origin. With the emergence of the Lurianic Kabbala and the establishment of the communities of mystics in Safed and Jerusalem, Palestine became the sole centre of Yemen's religious and cultural interest and the goal of several waves of migration. 13 1.2.

Culture

Yemenite culture was highly intent on the preservation of its identity and its literary and religious traditions. Added to its remoteness from the main streams of Jewish civilisation and the tardy if not stagnant evolution of cultural conditions in Southern Arabia in general (esp. in more recent centuries), this conservatism led to the preservation of many customs and practices which became obsolete in all other parts of the world : (1) The weekly portions of the Tora are read in a Yemenite synagogue by the very one who is called for reading the Tora and not by a qualified Reader. This implies an average schooling in Biblical Hebrew that is not found in other Jewish communities. Similarly the reading of the Tora is accompanied by the recitation of the Targum-a practice long lost in all other Jewish synagoguesand the recitation is conducted according to the rules laid down in the Talmud. 14 Goitein, Tarbi:; 31 (1961-1962) 366-69. See e.g. Goitein, a.I., 169-70; Qafii), Sinai 43 (1957-1958); Madmoni (n. 9) and below 2.3. 12 S. Liebermann, Midreshe Teman (1940) and Rabinowitz (Yahadut Teman, 1975), 367-372. 13 Madmoni (n. 9), esp. 378-83. 14 See below 1.2.2. 10 11

8

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2

(2) For centuries a separate pronunciation of post-biblical Hebrew was maintained. It follows the rules of the Babylonian traditions of Hebrew and differs from the Tiberian Hebrew used for Bible recitation. 15 (3) In the Midrash ha-Gadol and other yalqufim the Yemenites had preserved many forgotten and unknown midrashim, a considerable part of which dated back even to Tannaitic times, with the result that on their discovery a notable gap in our knowledge of the midrash was filled. 1 6 This list of examples could easily be extended. 1 7 There is another feature of Yemenite cultural history, one that goes quite contrary to the deep conservatism just mentioned. Perhaps owing to a collective sense of humility the Jews of Yemen were apt to accept ideas and practices which reached them from those persons or divisions of Judaism which they considered to be authoritative. 18 By accepting these novelties the abolition (or rather disuse) of the original Yemenite custom resulted. Therefore, Yemenite culture is characterised by two conflicting tendencies: Although everything that belonged to Jewish culture was guarded with typically Yemenite tenacity- thus preserving much that is no longer known from other sources 19-the attendant neglect of indigenous lore occasioned the loss of much valuable older-especially Yemenite-material. 20 Typical of this "eager obedience" to what was believed to be authoritative were : the ready See below 2.4. See note 12. 17 With e.g. Yemenite liturgy, as far as it is not influenced by Maimonides and the later Sefardic prayerbook; see notes 9 and 13. Exceptionally important are the Yemenite musical traditions, which have preserved highly interesting and very ancient features; see e.g. EJ 16, 750, 756-58. 18 QafiI:i (Yahadut Teman, 1975) vigorously argues against views like the one expressed here, stating that the Yemenites were always eager to learn but never discarded their own traditions in favour of foreign novelties. He maintains that they were not, in the first place, influenced by Maimonides (e.g. by his prayerbook), but rather that their customs proved to be identical with his decisions. This opinion, based on profound erudition, is not in accordance with generally accepted views, cp. e.g. Madmoni (ibid.). Qafil:i also fails to mention the supersession of the Babylonian Bible MSS by the Tiberian tradition, which is commonly ascribed to Maimonides' influence; see 2.3. 19 See e.g. QafiJ:i, I.e., 33 ff, who mentions a score of unknown sources, quite a number of which were published by himself. 20 E.g. the ancient Yemenite piyyut that was neglected and for the greater part forgotten in favour of the products and the style of the Spanish school; cp. Ratzabi in Kirjath Sepher 22 (1945-1946) and the introduction to his anthology of Yemenite poetry (Jerusalem 1968), 11-13. 15

16

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.1

9

acceptance of Maimonides' halakhic decisions, including the abolition of the Babylonian Bible texts (see note 18); the rising influence of the Sefardic prayerbook; and, later, the almost complete dominion of kabbalistic beliefs and practices imported from Palestine. 1.2.1.

Manuscripts

It is against this background that the important place held by books and manuscripts in Yemen must be understood. Printed books were a comparatively rare imported article in Yemen, even after the establishment of a printing press in Aden (in 1881 ). The only method for the multiplication of texts until the very end of the Yemenite diaspora in 1949 was copying by hand. Since the daily life of the Jews was to a high degree determined by the rituals of home and synagogue, copies of the texts for those occasions were a much desired possession. Therefore the scribe and his well executed though rarely sumptuous products were held in high esteem. A well defined system of education and a vigourous and eager intellectual life were additional reasons for the existence and circulation of countless Hebrew manuscripts in Yemen. In an atmosphere of a 99 % Arab analphabetism every Jew at least could read and write, and the presence of real scholars in small villages was not uncommon. 21 The value of the Yemenite manuscripts then and now extant varies widely. We find among them the tattered prayerbook (tik!al) or the remnants of a songbook (diwiin) along with the carefully written and well preserved Biblical or liturgical "Musterkodex" or unique texts of great literary or historical importance. Because of their uninterrupted circulation, the value of Yemenite manuscripts should, in general, be judged very carefully. A date of completion is less important than the lineage of a manuscript. There are many examples of manuscripts copied in this century from age old originals and their value is often much greater than that of manuscripts written some centuries ago (a considerable age for a Yemenite manuscript). In addition, imported printed texts were held in high esteem and often copied. 22 Experience 21 Brauer, Ethn., 290-299. On the scribe (kotev!) ibid., 249-251. On the meticulous teaching of the correct pronunciation of Hebrew and Aramaic see e.g. Morag, Ha'lvrit ... , XVf. 22 This description is valid for several other oriental countries as well. For Yemen see e.g. Joseph Hobareh's reminiscences in his preface to the facsimile edition Sefer ha-Tikhltil (Jerusalem 1964). This reprinted manuscript was copied in the 1930s from a codex dated 1618. This codex was compiled in that year with the explicit purpose of

IO

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2. l.

teaches that a large portion of extant Yemenite manuscripts has little or no scholarly value. Over half of them are copies of Tag, Tiklal or Diwan, while a fourth place is held by Maimonides' Mishne Tora. They were the most desired and cherished possessions of every household, since they contained the texts that were needed almost daily. The Tag (plural: tigan = "Crown") was originally the vocalised and accentuated "Musterkodex" of the Pentateuch or the whole Bible, but in recent times the name usually denotes the Pentateuch with Targum, Tafsir (Sa'adya's Arabic translation) and, often, Rashi's commentary. 23 The Tiklal (plural : tikalil = "Compendium") contains the prayers and liturgical texts of the whole year, especially those of the ancient Yemenite rite, often with the formulary texts of Ketubba, Ge/, etc. appended. 24 The Diwan (plural: dayawin, diwanat) is the Songbook (or "Hymnal"), containing religious but not liturgical poems to be sung on festive occasions of a domestic nature. 25 In the latter half of the 19th century the first travellers from Europe, notably Jacob Sappir and Joseph Halevy, 26 published their reports on cultural conditions in Yemen. Soon after their publications, and due to other circumstances as well, the fame of the Yemenite Hebrew manuscripts spread through Europe and America and attracted many

collecting and preserving ancient material. Another striking example is given by Y. Qafil:i, lfamesh megillot (Jerusalem 1962), XI. An example of a printed book copied by hand is the Leiden MS Or 6833, written in Dhamar, Yemen in 1640-1641. Its "Vorlage" is an edition of the Sefardic Malµ:or of c. 1603, now apparently no longer extant; cf. M. Steinschneider, Cata!. Bodi., nr. 2405 and A. v.d. Heide, Hebrew Manuscripts (1977), 78. Jacob Sappir (see note 26) in his Even Sappir (Lyck 1866) put it this way: "Because in the old days there were little valuable books, every printed matter is thought to be holy, true and correct beyond suspicion, as if it was the Law of Moses. And even heresy, God forbid, once printed, is not censured" (fol. 6la). 23 Qoral:i, Sa'arat Teman, 98; Morag, Ha- '/vrit ... , XXII note. 24 Hobareh, op. cit.; Qoral:J, op. cit., 16-17, 96. 25 Ratzabi, Yalquf shire Teman, 30-31, 47-48 (bibliography); Brauer, Ethn., 134. 26 Jacob Sappir's exquisite itinerary was published under the title Even Sappir (Lyck 1866; the titlepage gives as transcription of the title "Ibn Safir"). A second part with the same title, containing the account of further travels, was published in Mainz 1874. Both volumes, together with a little known third volume in manuscript, were reprinted in Jerusalem in 1970. The chapters on Yemen have been separately edited with an Introduction by A. Yaari under the title Sefer Massa' Teman (Jerusalem 1945). See Yaari's introduction for more about Sappir, and see also Brauer, Ethn., 7-13 for Sappir and Halevy. From a scholarly point of view the importance of the accounts of their travels is considerable. Most of the information furnished by them can currently be found in other books as well now, but their stories still offer very pleasant reading.

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.2.

11

dealers. Owing to the rapidly declining circumstances and growing economic pressures in Yemen, large quantities of manuscripts were sold and shipped away, to become part of the holdings of European and American collectors and musea. To the mortification of the learned Yemenites, many treasures left their original home 27 and were scattered over every imaginable part of the world: London (British Library), Oxford (Bodleian Library), the Sassoon Collection (now being dissolved), New York (Jewish Theological Seminary) and Jerusalem (National and University Library) obtaining the finest collections. 28 Many manuscripts did not reach a public library, however, and a considerable amount is in the private possession of Yemenite Jewish families, now residing mainly in Israel. Another portion is still in commercial circulation, but those which can be bought in shops and market stalls are, as a rule, of little scholarly value. 29

1.2.2.

Targum

The ceremony of reading the Tora in a Yemenite synagogue is characterised by two uniquely preserved ancient customs. In all other Jewish communities the text of Tora and Haftarot is read by an appointed and qualified Reader, who is trained in the exact rendering of the intricacies of Biblical Hebrew from an unpointed Scroll. But the average education of a Yemenite is sufficient to enable him to read the portion of the Tora allotted to him without an intermediary. This reading is considered by the Yemenites to be of great importance and mistakes in pronunciation are by no means silently passed over. 30 For significant examples see the references in note 22~ One is reminded of the dispersion of the manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza. One of the differences is the fact that every scrap from the Geniza is considered to be (and usually is) of great importance, whereas the manuscripts from Yemen often have a comparatively recent origin and vary greatly in quality. Mention should be made here of the indefatigable bibliographical work of Y. Ratzabi (see Bibliography, also under Greidi) and of the earlier work of compilers of catalogues such as Neubauer, Margoliouth, Sassoon and, recently, Golb. 29 An important private collection is in the possession of Rav Yosef QafiQ, Jerusalem, also the author and editor of many valuable books on Yemen's literary heritage (see note 19). The collection is also on microfilm in the Institute of Microfilms of Hebrew Manuscripts, Jerusalem. Important work for the preservation of Yemenite manuscripts is done by Juda Levy Nahum and the "Ginzey Teiman" institute, Holon (Homa Umigdal Str. 39). How fleeting the state of affairs is can be seen from the examples of the manuscripts of Sh. Afgin and S. Karwani, mentioned by Morag, Ha- '/vrit ... , 304, which on inquiry could no longer be traced. 3 ° For more details see Brauer, Ethn., 311-315; Morag, Ha-'/vrit ... , XVI. 27

28

12

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.2.

The other unique custom is the reading of the Targum in the synagogue. The reading of Tora and Haftarot is still accompanied by the recitation of the relevant portions ofTargum Onkelos and Jonathan, verse by verse alternating with the Hebrew, by one or two very young members of the community. This practice is reflected in the arrangement of the biblical text in the manuscripts: the Targum (and Tafsir) usually are not written in separate columns (although more recent Yemenite manuscripts increasingly follow this system in imitation of the printed texts), but, rather, each verse is given in Hebrew and Aramaic (and often Arabic) before the next verse follows. 31 The custom of reciting the Targum in the synagogue- the original aim and purpose of the Aramaic paraphrase-is not preserved in any other Jewish community, 32 but, it is a vital element in a proper assessment of the value of Yemenite vocalised Targum manuscripts, the very subject of our study. The significance of the traditions just descibed is best illustrated by a few quotations (our free translation) from Jacob Sappir's itinerary, 33 who observed these customs when they still were in full bloom in the mid-19th century. Sappir first observes (fol. 53b) that "they all know how to read the Tora with vowels and accents with great precision, for they still retain the holy and well founded custom that everyone who is called to read the Tora does so by himself; it is not done by the Cantor. He who does not know how to read is not called to the Tora. Therefore, before all else, they are taught from childhood to be able to read the Tora aloud. They also have retained the good and holy custom to recite in public the Targum of every biblical verse; a small boy of nine or ten years old stands near the lectern and recites the Targum of every verse that is spoken by the reader, Tora as well as Haftara, in a nice and pleasant melody. They are very accurate in reading the Scriptures and the Targum, as well as any other text, in a pleasant melodious pronunciation according to ancient tradition". He then describes the exactness of Yemenite Bible recitation, especially with regard to the vowels and the melodious rendering of the accents. He mentions that he tried to acquire the same skill, "but all my efforts 31 This arrangement is customary in ancient Bible manuscripts which have the Targum, of Babylonian as well as "Western" origin (e.g. the two famous "Western" Targum MSS Codex Vatican and Codex Reuchlinianus; see Bibliography). The difference is, of course, that Western MSS do not contain Sa'adya's Arabic translation. 32 Brauer, Ethn., 294, 313. 33 See note 26.

1.2.2.

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

13

did not permit me to read as they do. For they begin to learn it as boys of four or five and grow accustomed to the melody and the cadence of every single word in the Tora, and they already know the texts as well as their every day language when they do not yet know even the names of vowels and accents. For they do not begin with teaching the names, but rather the sounds : first all the possible combinations of consonants, vowels and accents and then the sound of the actual words in the Scriptures. The result is that even in every day quotations from the Scriptures the text is realised without any difficulty with cantilation, as fluently as in colloquial language. For they are used to it and it would be more difficult for them to say it without the melody. Everybody, young and old, is expert therein. Their erudition and familiarity with the Targum in every single detail is just as great and many are able to speak Aramaic as well and easily as Hebrew" (fol. 55a-b). 34 "[On the Sabbath] the reading of the Tora is prolonged over two hours, for everyone who is called for reading recites the portion by himself and their melodious reading is very protacted. A boy of about nine (alternating each time) is standing near the lectern and delivers the Targum of every single verse. He also takes his time for it, according to his wont, and reader and targumist wait for each other. The Haftara is also read with the Targum, according to a manuscript in their possession containing a mixture of Targum and homily (derush). Reader and targumist are very critically followed in every detail of pronunciation and cantilation" (fol. 61a-b). 35 As an example of this remarkabie proficiency in the Targum Sappir goes on to relate an event he personally witnessed. On one of his travels he and his servant, an eighteen year old shoemaker, stayed for the Sabbath in an almost deserted village where, for fear of the Arabs, all valuables, including books and manuscripts, were hidden away. When the service in an almost empty synagogue was near to being halted 34 Cp. Brauer, Ethn., 293-94; Morag, Ha- 'lvrit .. ., XV. QafiJ:i, Halikhot ... , 50-52 explicitly mentions, however, that the names of vowels and accents were learnt in an early stage of the teaching. 35 Cp. also Morag, Ha-'Jvrit ... ,XVI, note 1, who quotes a Responsum on the matter of making mistakes in reading. Sappir's remark ""::> cmiri ""DY ili~Dilil iio 1::ii 1tr1ii::i Cll :iii»~ Nim Clili, ID"U.' is not wholly clear to me. Yemenite Haftarot manuscripts (e.g. Sassoon 332; Margoliouth, no. 722; Golb, A2, A3, AS, Al4, Al5, A20, A21), usually of a somewhat later date, contain the Targum, but no (other) homiletical material. Manuscripts with the Prophets (e.g. Margoliouth, no. 127-131, 133, 138-140) as a rule have Targum, but no 'derush'. But see the sequel of Sappir's remark.

14

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.2.

for want of a copy of the Targum of the Haftarot, Sappir's servant undertook to recite the Targum of II Kings 7 (with additions) by heart, which he accomplished in every detail. 36 When the manuscripts with the Yemenite Targum became known in Europe, they were immediately welcomed by scholars who saw, in the superlinear vowel system primarily used in these manuscripts, a new source of knowledge for the study of Aramaic. This completely divergent system of vocalisation was then only recently rediscovered and was, without exception, thought to represent the hitherto unknown Babylonian linguistic traditions. The study of Aramaic grammar did indeed greatly profit by the opening of these new sources, but the initial editions of Targum texts with superlinear vocalisation were of limited range and for the most part used only a few of the available manuscripts. 37 A notable exception was the Pentateuch edited by the Yemenite community of Jerusalem (1894-1901). The Targum text of this edition was provided with "Tiberian" vocalisation (see below 2. 7) and, although used by several scholars, had no scholarly aims or pretensions. In 1949 J. F. Stenning edited a scholarly and reliable text of the Targum of Isaiah, not based exclusively on Yemenite manuscripts. A. Sperber used the most important and oldest Yemenite manuscripts for his edition of the Bible in Aramaic (1959-1968), but also his aim, as expressed in the title of his work, was much wider than to present the Yemenite tradition of the Targum only. In spite of the criticism levelled at it, this edition of Targum Onkelos and Jonathan is the richest and most accessible source for the Yemenite Targum (see below 2.5, note 24; 2.7.2, note 49). In addition, it is useful to know that at the Hebrew University Language Traditions Project under the direction of S. Morag a complete recording of the Yemenite recitation of Targum Onkelos and the Haftara portions of Targum Jonathan is being kept. 38

36 Sappir, fol. 6lb. It is also well known that Yemenite poets often wrote poems (partly) in Aramaic; see below note 63. 37 See Bibliography under Barnstein, Merx, Richter, Silbermann, Wolfsohn and cp. Kahle, MdO, 206-07; Melamed, 9-10. For edd. of the Targum Megillot see the next section; for grammatical research see below 2.7. An example of Yemenite study of the Targum is Yal).ya Qoral).'s commentary on Targum Onkelos entitled Marpe lashon (see Bibliography). 38 K. Fellmann, Catalogue of the recordings ... , 76-86; in addition to the complete recording by Shlomo Kara there are also smaller portions read by others.

l.2.3.

1.2.3.

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

15

The Megillot

The books Canticles, Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Esther and Lamentations have a special place in Jewish tradition. They are the only books of the Ketuvim (except for parts of the Psalter), which have a function in the liturgy. Their reading is assigned to several of the festivals, and the customs connected with this reading do vary, but not very much. 39 In Yemen these customs were as follows : Canticles can be read at home after the conclusion of the reading of the Haggada on the Eve of Pesah. Its official reading in the synagogue is on the afternoon of the last day of Hol ha-Moed; it is read with the Targum. Ruth is read in the synagogue on the afternoon of Shavuot; it is read with the Targum. Ecclesiastes is assigned to Sukkot and is read in the Synagogue with the Targum. Its reading is begun on the afternoon of the first and concluded on the afternoon of the second day of Shemini Atzeret (which is the day before and the day of Simhat Tora). Esther is read in the synagogue in a quiet atmosphere (in contrast to the customs of other Jewish communities) on the 14th of Adar. It is read twice : on the eve as well as on the morning of Purim. Lamentations is read very solemny in a darkened synagogue in the night of the 9th of Ab, and again in the lengthy morning service of the day itself. 40 Elbogen, Der judische Gottesdienst, 184-85; cp. also EJ 14, 1057-58. Information on the reading of the Megillot in Yemen is found in various places, but there is, as far as my present knowledge goes, no systematic presentation of the facts. For Canticles see Sappir, fol. 89b; Tikliil E; Ifayyim II, 3la, 43a, cp. I, 96a; Brauer, Ethn., 343 (mentions the reading at home only); Qafil)., Halikhot ... , 23, 27. Ruth: Sappir, fol. 104a; Tikliil Elf II, Sia (56b); Brauer, 344; Qafil)., 31. Ecclesiastes: Tikliil Elf II, 83b (95b); Qafil)., 34. Esther: Sappir, fol. 86b (9la); Tikliil Elf I, 164a, 166b; Brauer, 320-22; Qafil)., 40-41. Lamentations: Sappir, fol. 107b-108a; Tikliil Elf III, 3a; Brauer, 345-46; Qafil)., 44-45. In a letter dated 28-2-1980 ("Ta'anit Esther") Prof. Y. Ratzabi informed me that, in contrast to the impression given by the literature mentioned here, there is no exact time fixed for the reading of the Megillot (especially those which are read with the Targum) in the Yemenite communities. This rather time consuming custom ("shenayim miqra we-eJ:iad targum") may take place on the first as well as on the last day of a festival, and also on the Shabbat in between (Shabbat /fol ha-Mo 'ed). Differences in the observance may be attributed to the fact that in Yemen first and last days of a festival both took two days ("yom fov sheni she! galuyot"), whereas in Israel each takes only one. On Hanukka a liturgical function was assigned to the originally Aramaic Scroll of Antiochos (cp. Tikliil Elf I, 163a; Qafil)., 38). This "extra-canonical Targum" often appears in Yemenite liturgical manuscripts in vocalised Aramaic; see e.g. Margoliouth, no. 715 39

40

16

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.3.

We find that Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes were read in Yemen with the Targum on the Three Festivals (Shelosh ha-Regalim). This custom, not found in other Jewish communities, is as old as living memory. The Targumim of Esther and Lamentations circulated in manuscript form, but it is not known whether they ever had a practical function in the liturgy of the Yemenite Jews (a question connected with the problem, whether Targumim of books other than Tora and Haftarot ever had any liturgical function at all). Consequently, manuscripts containing Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes with the Targum are far more numerous and, because of their continuous use, as a rule also more recent than the manuscripts with Targum Esther and Lamentations. As a matter of fact, in the most recent centuries a distinct group of manuscripts called "Shalosh Megillot" has emerged: small manuscripts destined for private use, containing Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes with the Targum and Rashi's commentary, and/or the Tafsir, the Arabic translation attributed to Sa'adya. We often find the "Shalosh Megillot" embodied in larger liturgical manuscripts as well. 41 The reason for the emergence of this separate group of manuscripts with the text of only three of the Five Scrolls may be and others. The distinction of being vocalised is usually reserved only for the Targum (and poetry in Aramaic). The Aramaic text of the Scroll of Antiochos has been edited by M. Z. Kaddari (1963) from vocalised Yemenite manuscripts. The esteem in which this little book was held in former days is illustrated by the fact that Sa'adya deemed it worthy of an Arabic translation; see QafiJ:i, a.I., Kaddari, g2, and, in general, Baron, History ... VI, 167 and 1g9, 407f and 416. 41 During our search for manuscripts with Targum Lamentations we came across the following manuscripts containing (sometimes with other texts) the "Shalosh Megillot": Ben Zvi Institute, Hebrew University (Jerusalem): MSS 1120, 1125, 1129, 1135, 11gg, 1172, (1215 without Targum), 3101, 3210. British Library (London): MSS Or 9906, 9907 (olim Gaster 247, 517). Hebrew Union College (Cincinnaty): MS Ace 66(?). Jewish National and University Library (Jerusalem): MSS Hebr. go 1066, 2413, 2636, 4025, 5215, 5344; Yah. Hebr. 9g; Hebr. 4° 67, go 172 (Joel, Catalogue, nos. 16, 17). Jewish Theological Seminary (New York): MSS L 472 a, c, d, e, L 474 (olim Adler 517), L 474 a, L 475; cp. also L 431 and L 473. Sassoon Collection (formerly Letchworth): nos. g), g30. Spertus College of Judaica (Chicago): Golb, Catalogue, nos. A4, A 7, Al 6, Al 7, A Jg, Al9, A27, A2g, A29, D6(sic), 07(?). Five uncatalogued manuscripts at the "Ginzey Teiman" institute (see note 29). A manuscript in the possession of Shalom Afgin (see note 29). It is not known whether Dalman's manuscript mentioned in his Dialektproben, VII contained the Targum of Three or of Five Scrolls. The Gustav Dalman Institut (Greifswald, DOR) could, on request, give no information about this manuscript, although in 1963 it was still present there (according to a letter dated 13-2-1963 in the possession of Prof. W. Baars).

1.2.3.

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

17

found in the very fact, that the text of the other two books could not be accompanied by a practicable Targum text. Two additional reasons may be that Esther should be recited from a separate, ritually fit scroll (the kind also preferably used by the audience) and that Lamentations is recited the first time in a darkened synagogue, where a written text would have been unusable. 42 But all these reasons do not, of course, completely preclude the usefulness of separate texts of Lamentations and Esther and in fact there are more recent manuscripts which contain all five books, but in these, Lamentations and Esther are not, as a rule, accompanied by the Targum. 43 The reason, why the Targum of three of the Scrolls was chosen for reading in the synagogue, while the other two were excluded, may be found in the fact that Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes are read in the afternoon services,-a time better suited to the reading of texts of considerable length than the already crowded morning services. In this case the custom could be seen as a later extension of the Yemenite custom to read Tora and Haftarot with the Targum. 44 Sappir, fol. 107b; Brauer, 345. Old manuscripts may contain the Five Scrolls, or, as far as they are preserved, any number of the Scrolls, with the Targum; see for instance the description of the manuscripts used for our edition below. But it is typical that the portions of our MS H which were added at a later date do not contain the text of the Targum. Liturgical manuscripts (Tiktilil) usually contain the Hebrew text of Lamentations and often the book of Esther; see e.g. Margoliouth's Catalogue, nos. 711-718. The Tikltil E; lfayyim contains the Hebrew text of Lamentations for Tish'a be-Av (Ill, 3aff.) and the text of Canticles for private reading on the eve of Shabbat (I, 96a). The current situation as regards the use of the Targumim of the Megillot is reflected in Qafil)'s edition of the lfamesh Megillot (1962), which gives the biblical text accompanied by several Arabic translations and several commentaries. It contains Targumim of Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes only. The texts are edited with great care and with regard for scholarly implications (see e.g. p. 159), but with the ultimate aim of providing a text for the use of the Yemenite communities (p. 7). With all its merits (especially in the edition of the commentaries) it is not primarily a scholarly edition. The edition of S. Nagar contains a Targum for all the Five Scrolls, but the texts of Targum Esther and Lamentations are certainly taken over (photographically) from a traditional, "western" Miqra'ot Gedolot. The other three Targumim of this edition exhibit a better, more Yemenite text (but not identical with Qafib's). In both editions the vocalisation is tiberianised. 44 Suggested by Prof. Y. Ratzabi in a letter (10-12-1979). Yabya ~alib's Haqdama al Shalosh Megillot does not mention the Targum. It only enumerates some explanations of why Canticles, Ruth and Ecclesiastes were assigned to their respective festivals, since the reasons for reading these books is not so directly obvious as for Lamentations and Esther. Qafib, ad locos, repeatedly mentions the fact that there was a tendency to include the reading of Sa'adya's Tafsir into the liturgy, in particular in the synagogue of his enlightened grandfather Yabya Qafib (1850-1932). Abo.ut him and his struggle against kabbala and obscurantism see, among others, Brauer, Ethn., 350; EJ IO, 670-71 and Ratzabi in: S. Natar, lfamesh Megillot. The place of Arabic in the Yemenite synagogue is nQt beyond dispute; see Ratzabi, Tarbiz 26 and preceding articles. 42

43

18

THE YEMENITE TRADITION

1.2.3.

Surveying the field of Targum studies, we find that the task of editing the Yemenite sources for the Targumim of the Five Scrolls is by no means completed. As much as they deserve to be mentioned, the editions of Qafil:i and Nagar (see note 43), with their tiberianised vocalisation and almost complete lack of variants, cannot be considered scholarly editions. A. Sperber in the fourth volume of his Bible in Aramaic (1968) used the British Library MS Or 2375 (our G), the oldest Yemenite manuscript that contains the Five Scrolls complete (almost) with the Targum, 45 and printed from it the text of the Targumim of Canticles, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes and Esther. It is avowedly not a critical edition. 46 The Targum of Canticles has been edited according to six Yemenite manuscripts and compared with the "textus receptus" by R.H. Melamed (1919-'22). From what is said above (and especially in note 41), it is clear that his accurate and useful edition is not based on all the Yemenite manuscripts that are now, and probably even then available, but the oldest and most important sources are represented. 47 His findings on the textual relationships of the manuscripts and their relation to the Western Text are similar to ours, but his conclusions are different. 48 There is no scholarly edition of the Yemenite version of the Targum of Ruth. S. Wessel in 1898 printed with many mistakes the text of the British Library MS Or 2375 (our G) without the vowels. Similarly, in his editi