The wonder that was India: a survey of the culture of the Indian sub-continent before the coming of the Muslims 9781597400084, 9780394172156

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Fronti 1

THE WONDER THAT WAS

A SURVEY OF THE CULTURE OF THE INDIAN SUB-CONTINENT BEFORE

THE COMING OF THE MUSLIMS |

A. L. BASHAM

GROVE PRESS, INC. NEW YORK

NO part of this book may be reproduced, for any , reason, by any means, including any method of photo- , graphic reproduction, without the permission of the publisher.

First published in 1954

ALL Ricuts RESERVED : This edition is published by arrangement with

| The Macmillan Co., New York First Evergreen Edition 1959

Sixteenth Printing MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

DISTRIBUTED BY RANDOM HOUSE, INC., NEW YORK

IN MEMORY OF MY MOTHER

- WHO DIED WHILE THIS WORK WAS IN PROGRESS

, ‘“T shall not now speak of the knowledge of the Hindus, ... of their subtle discoveries in the science of

astronomy—discoveries even more ingenious than those of the Greeks and Babylonians—of their rational system of

| mathematics, or of their method of calculation which no words can praise strongly enough—I mean the system using nine symbols. If these things were known by the | people who think that they alone have mastered the sciences because they speak Greek they would perhaps be convinced,

though a little late in the day, that other folk, not only Greeks, but men of a different tongue, know something as

well as they.”’ | | | The Syrian astronomer-monk SEVERUS SEBOKHT (writing A.D.

662).

SO PREFACE — | ‘Tuts book has been written to interpret ancient Indian civilization,

as I understand it, to the ordinary Western reader who has little knowledge of the subject, but some interest in it. The three nations of the Indian Sub-continent, since the momentous days of 1947 when they gained complete independence, have been playing an evergrowing part in the affairs of the world, and there is perhaps room for a new outline of their ancient culture, to replace the many excellent

works now out of print, and to further our understanding of the

civilization of these new states in the contemporary world. _ As this book is intended for the general reader I have tried, as far as possible, to leave nothing unexplained. And as I believe that |

civilization is more than religion and art I have tried, however briefly, to cover all aspects of Indian life and thought. Though primarily intended for Westerners I hope that the book may be of some interest to Indian, Pakistani and Sinhalese readers also, as the interpretation of a friendly mleccha, who has great love and respect for

the civilizations of their lands, and many friends among the descendants of the people whose culture he studies. ‘The work may also be of help to students who are embarking on a course of serious Indological study; for their benefit I have included detailed bibliographies and appendices. But, for the ordinary reader, the work is

cumbersome enough, and therefore I have not given references for every statement. I have tried to reduce Sanskrit terms to a minimum, but the reader without background knowledge will find definitions of all Indian words used in the text in the index, which

also serves as a glossary. - | Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali words are transliterated according to

the standard system at present used by Indologists; this, with its plethora of diacritic marks, may at first seem irritating, but it is the | only sound method of expressing the original spelling, and gives a clear idea of the correct pronunciation. Modern Indian proper names are generally given in the most usual spelling * with the addition of marks over the long vowels, to indicate their approximately correct pronunciation. I have tried to employ consistently the names and spellings officially adopted by the new states of the Sub-continent (e.g. Banaras for Benares, Uttar Pradesh for United Provinces, etc., ) and as these do not appear in pre-war atlases they are shown in the * Except in a few cases where, to avoid confusion, I have substituted a for the more usual u, e.g. Panjab, Satlej, etc.

vil

Vill , THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA map of modern India in the endpaper.’ Throughout this work the : word “‘India”’ is of course used in its geographical sense, and includes

Pakistan. Though very inadequately, I have tried to include in the

scope of this survey Ceylon, whose culture owed much to India, but developed many individual features of its own.

, The translations, except where specified, are my own. I lay no claim to great literary merit for them, and have not been able to | reproduce the untranslatable incantation of the originals. In most cases they are not literal translations, since the character of Indian classical languages is so unlike that of English that literal translations

are at the best dull and at the worst positively ludicrous. In places

- I have taken some liberty with the originals, in order to make their purport clearer to the Western reader, but in all cases I have tried to give an honest interpretation of the intentions of their authors, as I understand them. In the course of writing this book I have asked the advice of several _ friends and colleagues, and have also received their encouragement and help in other respects. I must specially thank (in alphabetical

| order) Mr. F. R. Allchin, Dr. A. A. Bake, Dr. L. D. Barnett (my

respected teacher, whose Antiquities of India, written over forty years ago, has to some extent served as a model for this book), Professor J. Brough (who first suggested that I should write this book), Mrs. Devahuti, Professor A. T. Hatto, Mr. J. R. Marr (for translations on p. 464ff), Dr. A. K. Narain, Professor C. H. Philips,

Mr. P. Rawson, Mr. C. A. Rylands, and Dr. Arthur Waley (for translations on p. 477f). I would also thank the numerous institutions and individuals who have kindly allowed me to reproduce illustrations of which they hold the copyright, and whose names are recorded above

: each plate * ; and the Librarian and Staff of the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, for their _courtsey and help. Finally, I am greatly indebted to my wife for much encouragement.

A. L. BASHAM London, 1953

: 1 Endpapers not included in this edition. | 2 At the time of going to press it has not been possible to trace the present owners

l!,| of the copyright of the following illustrations: plates XVIb, XIXc, XXa, XLIIb, LIX. They are asked to communicate with the Publisher.

| page Preface Vii List of Illustrations Xili CONTENTS

Line Drawings and Maps XVii

Chronology of Pre-Muslim India XIX

Pronunciation XX1 Chapter 1. Inrropuction: India and her Ancient Culture 1 The Land of India: The Discovery of Ancient India: The Glory of Ancient India _

Aryans ,

I]. Prenistory: The Harappa Culture and the 10 | , Primitive Man in India: The First Villages: The , Harappa City Culture: The End of the_Indus | Cities: Indo-Europeans and Aryans: The Aryans

in India: The Proto-historic Period: The Culture

of the tg Veda: The Later Vedic Age |

III. History: Ancient and Medieval Empires _ 44 Sources of History: The Age of the Buddha: Alexander and the Mauryas: The Age of Invasions: The Guptas and Harsa: The Middle

Peninsula = IV. Tue Strate: Political Life and Thought 79

| Ages in the North: The Middle Ages in the

Sources: Kingship: The Royal Function: QuasiFeudalism: Oligarchies and Republics: Councillors and Officials: Local Administration: Village Administration: Public Finance: Legal Literature: The Basis of Law: Crime: Administration

of Justice: Punishment: The Secret Service: Hindu Militarism: Military Organization and

Technique |

V. Society: Class, Family and Individual 187 Laws of Class and Stage of Life: The Four Great Classes: Untouchables: ‘‘Confusion of Class’: Caste: Slavery: Gotra and Pravara: The Family: The Four Stages of Life: The Child: Initiation: Education: Marriage: Sexual Rela-

ix , |

tions: Divorce: Polygamy: Old Age and Death:

Women: Prostitution: Widows _

X THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA

: Vilage = | 189 VI. Everypay Lire: The Daily Round in City and The Village: Agriculture and Stockbreeding: The Wild Tribes: The Town: The Man about

| Town: Amusements: Clothes and Ornaments:

Food and Drink: Economic Life: Guilds:

| Technical Achievement: Trade and Finance: Caravans and ‘Trade-routes: Sea Trade and Overseas Contacts oo |

VII. Rexicion: Cults, Doctrines and Metaphysics 2382 I. The Religion of the Veda: Gods of the Rg Veda: _

Sacrifice: New Developments of Doctrine: _ Asceticism: Speculation and Gnosis: Ethics of the Upanisads. II. Buddhism: The Buddha: ! The Growth of Buddhism: The Lesser Vehicle: The Evolution of the Great Vehicle: The Great

— Vehicle: the Vehicle of the Thunderbolt: The | Buddhist Order: Buddhist Ethics and Morality. III. Jainism and Other Unorthodox Sects: Jain-

ism: The Ajivikas: Scepticism and Materialism. IV. Hinduism: Development and Literature: Visnu: Siva: The Relation of Visnu and Siva: The Mother Goddess: Lesser Gods: Demigods and Spirits: Cosmogony: The Soul, Karma and

| Samsara: The Six Systems of Salvation: Theism and Devotion: Hindu Rites and Ceremonies: Hindu Ethics. V. Non-Indian Religions

VIII. Tue Arts: Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, 346

, Music and The Dance oe

|,

_ ‘The Spirit of Indian Art: Early Architecture:

| The Stiipa: Cave Temples: Temples: Sculpture:

, Terracottas: Metal Sculpture and Engraving:

| | Painting: Minor Arts: Music: The Dance | TX... Lancuace anp LITERATURE 386 I. Language: Sanskrit: Prakrits and Pali:

Dravidian Languages: Writing. II. Literature:

| Vedic Literature: Epic Literature: Classical Sanskrit Poetry: Narrative Poetry: The Drama: | _ Sanskrit Prose Literature: Pali Literature: | _ Prakrit Literature: Tamil Literature: Folk

Poetry a oo

_ X&. Eprrocve: The Heritage of India _ 479

India :

The Impact of the West: The World’s Debt to

CONTENTS | xi APPENDICES

I. Cosmology and Geography 488

II. Astronomy 489 III. The Calendar 492

: IV. Mathematics | 495 V. Physics and Chemistry 496

VI. Physiology and Medicine 498 VII. Logic and Epistemology «601

| IX. Coinage | 504 | | VIII. Weights and Measures 508 X. The Alphabet and its Pronunciation 506

XI. Prosody 508 XII. The Gypsies 512

| BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES 516 INDEX AND GLOSSARY B41

_ BLANK PAGE

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

(colour) | Fronttsptece

Girl Musicians and Dancer. Mural Painting, Bagh

: I. The Plains. Irrigation near Chingleput facing page 8

| II. (a) The Jungle. Western Ghats 9 (b) The Hills. On the Jhelam, Kashmir 9

(c) The Deccan Plateau. Fortress of Devagiri 9

, III. (a) Irrigation. The “Sea of Parakrama”’,

, Bihar 24

Polonnaruva, Ceylon | 24

(b) The Edge of the Plain. Site of Rajagrha, |

(c) The Ganges, Banaras , 24:

IV. Pioneers of Indclogy | 25 (a) Sir William Jones

| (b) Sir Alexander Cunningham (ce) Sir R. G. Bhandarkar

| | struction , 28 (d) Sir John Marshall | V. Mohenjo Daro. A Hypothetical Recon- |

VI. (a) “First Street’, Mohenjo Daro 29

| (b) The Great Bath, Mohenjo Daro 29 VII. Statuette of a Bearded Man, Mohenjo Daro 36 VIII. (a) Male Torsos, Harappa | 37 (b) Bronze Statuette of a Girl, Mohenjo Daro 37

IX. (af) Seals of the Harappa Culture 40

(g) Monkev. Harappa Culture 40 X. (a) Jewellery, Mohenjo Daro | 41

Bihar a , 4:1

(6b) Mauryan Column, Lauriya Nandangarh,

_(c) The Column of Heliodorus, Besnagar, M.B. 41

| XI. (a) Aerial View of the site of Sisupalgarh 56

(b) The Great Stiipa, Sanchi 56 |

XII. (a) Dhamekh Stipa, Sarnath | 57 (b) The Great Sttipa, Nalanda | «67 . (c) Remains of Monasteries, Nalanda 57

| Xill -

(d) Corner Turret, Great Stipa, Nalanda 57

XIV THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA | | XIII. The Great Caitya-hall, Karli facing page 60 |

XIV. (a) Facade of Cave XIX, Ajanta | 61 |

(b) The Caves of Ajanta 61

| (a) General View , XV. Kailasanatha Rock-temple, Ellora 68

(c) Pillar | |

(6) Column in the Courtyard

XVI. (a) Shore Temple, Mamallapuram 69 | (b) Temple, Somnathpur, Mysore | 69

- XVII. (a) A Corner of the Temple, Somnathpur 72

(b) Frieze, Somnathpur . 72

Halebid 72

(c) Guardian Deity, HoysaleSvara Temple, ,

XVIII. (a) (b) Temple of Bélir, Mysore 73 (c) Pilaster, Temple of Srirangam 73

XIX. (a) N. Gateway, Temple of Chidambaram 88 (b) Sculpture, Great Temple, Madurai 88 (c) Temple of Suchindram, Travancore 88

, XX. (a) Buddhist Temple, Bodh Gaya, Bihar 89 (b) Lingaraja Temple, Bhubanesar, Orissa 89 (c) Kandariya-Mahadeo Temple, Khajuraho 89 XXI. (a) Wheel, Temple of the Sun, Konarak,

Orissa 92

(b) City Gateway, Dabhoi, Baroda 92

(c) Chapel, Temple of Neminatha, Mt. Abi —_ 92 |

XXII. Ceiling, Temple of Adinatha, Mt. Abi , 93

XXIII. (a—b) Capitals of Mauryan Pillars 100

(c-e) Relief Medallions, Bharhut 100 XXIV. Warrior, Bharhut 101 XXV. Yaksi, Bharhut , 104 , XXVI. (a) Yaksi, Didarganj, Bihar 105.

(b) Lingam, Gudimallam, Madras 105 |

XXVII. (a) Architraves of East Gateway, Sanchi 120

(b) Corner of East Gateway, Sanchi 120.

XXVIII. Architraves of North Gateway, Sanchi 121 XXIX. (a) Yaksi with Bird and Cage, Mathura 124

(b) Bacchanalian Scene, Mathura 124

war 132

XXX. (a) Headless Statue of Kaniska, Mathura 125 | (b) Head of a Kusana King, Mathura 125

XXXI. (a) Indo-Corinthian Capital, Jamalgarhi, Pesha- |

(b) The Buddha Preaching, Gandhara 132

_ (c) Head of the Buddha, Gandhara 132

a ILLUSTRATIONS XV XXXII. (a) Oarsmen, Gandhiara facing page 133 (b) City Goddess, Charsadda, Peshawar 133

XXXIII. Scenes from the Life of the Buddha, Gandhara 136

| XXXIV. Dampati Couples, Karli 137

-o , XXXV. Medallion Reliefs from Amaravati 152 XXXVI. (a) Seated Buddha, Sarnath 153

: (6) Standing Buddha, Mathura a 153

XXXVII. Gupta Sculpture 156 . (a) Sirya, Pawaya, Gwalior

| (b) Girl Dancer and Musicians, Pawaya

(c) Visnu as a Boar, Udayagiri, M.B. :

,

XXXVIII. Torso of a Bodhisattva, Sanchi 157 XXXIX. (a) Siva Dancing, N.W.F.P. 164 . (b) Head of Girl, Ushkur, Kashmir 164

XL. Visnu, Ceiling Slab, Aihole 165

, XLI. (a) The Descent of Ganges, Mamallapuram _—_—'168

(b) Detail from the Descent of Ganges 168

XLIT. (a) King Mahendravikramavarman and two

Queens, Mamallapuram 169

, Mamallapuram 169 (b) Durga Destroying the Buffalo-demon,

XLII. (a) Lovers, Anuradhapura, Ceylon — 184 (b) Ravana shakes Mt. Kailasa, Ellora 184

(c) Siva-Trimirti, Elephanta 184

XLIV. Candi, a form of Durga 185

XLV. Medieval Sculpture from Nalanda 188

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bolize : | "° : : e€ story oO e : Bottom: : ra , V ntara, to rom ‘= family in a | Ls : santara Ss 1 > ill e gives away h jan t ine , tcthe rignt to leit:V(1) m |n| In forest; WiVes

| at) he heiven ‘ ywife; his(iv)two children; £ V away mis he 1s reunited with his f il |

THE STATE: POLITICAL LIFE AND THOUGHT 121 |

In fairness to the Hindu legal system, we must note that it did not | always work in favour of the brahman. Manu lays down that as the |

penalty for theft the Sidra should pay a fine equal to eight times the | value of the stolen goods, while the vaigya, ksatriya and brahman should pay sixteen, thirty-two, and sixty-four times the value re-

spectively. The upper classes were expected to follow higher standards of conduct than the lower, and their thefts were corre-

spondingly more heinous. Bn SO

As well as the royal courts there were other tribunals which could arbitrate disputes and deal with minor crime. These were the councils of villages, castes and guilds, whose validity as judicial bodies for

their members was fully recognized in the legal literature. They | could punish offenders by fines and excommunication, the latter a

| very serious penalty indeed, and they probably played as important

a part in the life of the community as did the king’s courts. Un- : fortunately we have little knowledge of their procedure. =s_— |

| THE SECRET SERVICE. ..———” Perhaps the least pleasant feature of political life in ancient India was the espionage system. The most detailed picture of the working _ of this secret service is given in the Arthasastra, the author of which devotes two chapters to its organization, and refers to it throughout his treatise. The text visualizes a country riddled from top to bottom

| with secret agents or spies. They were organized through “‘insti- — tutes of espionage’’ to which they delivered information, sometimes | in cipher, and from which they received their orders. These institutes _ were not responsible for the whole organization of espionage, how-

ever, for there were special spies, directly subordinate to the king or | a high minister, and employed to spy on the ministers themselves. The spies might be recruited from any walk of life, and might be of

either sex. Brahmans unable to make a living by their learning, merchants fallen on evil days, barbers, astrologers, humble servitors,

prostitutes, peasants—all might be enrolled as secret agents. A special class of spy was the satr, an orphan trained from childhood for the work, and usually masquerading as a holy-man or a fortuneteller, two professions the members of which were specially trusted by the public and might gain access to information which others might

find difficulty in obtaining. A further class was that of the desperado, recruited from professional prize-fighters, whose main duty was the assassination of those enemies of the king for whom a public trial was not expedient, but who also performed other secret deeds of

daring and violence on behalf of his master. = ,

122 _ THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA | The ancient Indian secret service has incurred much criticism, some of which is not wholly fair. Probably no government at any time has been able to function without secret agents of some sort, if only honest detectives for the suppression of crime, and every ancient

7 civilization had its spies, though perhaps not so thoroughly organized as in the.system of the Arthasastra. The ancient Indian spy system

, was not quite comparable to the secret political police of some modern

_ states, since its function was by no means confined to the suppression of criticism and sedition, and it was looked on not as a mere macchiavellian instrument for maintaining power, but as an integral part of

7_ _.| Certainly the state machinery. _ _ _ Le | one of the spy’s chief duties was protecting the king’s a power. He sought out sedition, whether in the brothel or in the

Oo palace of the crown-prince... He served as agent provocateur, to test — the loyalty of high ministers, generals, and judges. In the territory , of enemies, whether potential or actual, he not only obtained in-

- _ formation on the strength and plans of the enemy but encouraged | sedition, and plotted the assassination of the enemy king and his ministers. He also acted as a detective for the suppression of crime. _ For this purpose he frequented taverns, brothels and gambling dens

| in disguise, listened to the conversation of men in their cups, and |

, 7 carefully watched those who seemed abnormally affluent.

| _ But he had also other duties of a more positive character. He was SO | an important means of keeping a finger on the pulse of public opinion. | ; In the story of Rama (p. 412f) it is a spy who informs the king that his

oo subjects suspect Sita’s chastity. The secret service, in fact, kept the | king in touch with his people. It was also a means of maintaining the king’s popularity. One of the spy’s duties was to spread stories

, favourable to the king, to praise him in public, and to argue with those

who criticized the administration. There is no reason to believe that mild criticism of the king or his administration was normally punished.

7 The ancient Indian secret service might no doubt, in the hands of an

| repression. . a ce |

unjust king, be a very evil thing, but under a just administration it

| had positive and useful functions, and was not a mere instrument of

| — HENDU MILITARISM

| The rule of law-in personal, family and class relations was a fundamental element of ancient Indian thought, but in the sphere of international affairs there was no real conception of its possibility. A few enlightened people recognized the evil effects of the warfare

| which afflicted the Indian sub-continent during most of its history, but

THE STATE: POLITICAL LIFE AND THOUGHT 123

their message was generally unheard. Agoka was possibly the only ancient Indian king who finally broke with the tradition of aggres-

sion, though his spirit can perhaps be heard in certain passages in Buddhist texts, and many ordinary people must have echoed his _ sentiments. Nevertheless, positive condemnations of war are rare in Indian literature. In one story the Buddha himself is depicted as intervening in a tribal war between the Sakyas and their neighbours the Koliyas, and

persuading the contestants to come to terms. In the beautiful Dhammapada, an early collection of Buddhist verse, we read: Victory breeds hatred, for the conquered sleep in sorrow; above victory or defeat the calm man dwells in peace.4®

Buddhism was specially popular with the mercantile classes, who stood to lose much from constant warfare, and the passing and rare references

to the evils of war in Buddhist texts may in part represent the mild protest of the vaisyas against the continual campaigning which interfered with their trading ventures. In any case war was generally accepted as a normal activity of the state, even by Buddhist kings. The doctrine of non-violence, which in medieval India had become

very influential, and had made most of the respectable classes vegetarian, was never at this time taken to forbid war or capital punishment. It was only in modern times that Mahatma Gandhi reinterpreted it in this sense. The intense militarism of ancient India did not lead to the building of a permanent empire over the whole sub-continent. In this respect

the early history of India contrasts strikingly with that of China, where, from the 3rd century B.c., a single empire was the rule, and division the exception. In India the Mauryas succeeded in creating a unified empire for a century, and in the heyday of the Guptas much | of North India was under one hand, but with these exceptions numerous factors prevented the unification of the recognized cultural unit of Bharatavarsa, which so many ambitious monarchs desired. One of these factors was the mere size of the land, but the Chinese emperors conquered equal difficulties. Another reason for the failure

of Indian empire builders was that, for all the wise counsel of the Arthasastra, no king of India was able to develop a bureaucracy capable of functioning without a strong guiding hand; in China the examination system and the ethics of Confucius ensured that those in charge of affairs would usually be men of character and intellect,

124 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA , if rather pedantic and conservative. But the main factor which prevented the unification of India was the martial tradition itself.

. For the post-Mauryan king the idea of empire was something very different from that to which the West is accustomed. According to the ArthaSsastra there are three types of conquest: righteous conquest,

conquest for greed, and demoniac conquest.* The first is conquest in which the defeated king is forced to render homage and tribute, after which he or a member of his family is reinstated as a vassal. The second is victory in which enormous booty is demanded and large portions of enemy territory annexed. The third involves the political annihilation of the conquered kingdom and its incorporation in that of the victor. The two latter types are generally disapproved

of by all sources except the Arthasastra. Thus the Mahabharata

declares: |

‘‘A king should not attempt to gain the earth unrighteously,

for who reveres the king

who wins unrighteous victory? Unrighteous conquest is impermanent, and does not lead to heaven.’’50

The idea of “‘righteous conquest’ or “conquest according to the the Sacred Law”’ may have developed among the Aryans soon after their occupation of North India, as an expression of their solidarity

against the dark-skinned natives. It is evident, though not explicitly stated, in later Vedic literature. The kings of Magadha, from Bimbisara onwards, ignored it, and annexed territory without compunction; but the doctrine that war should be waged for glory and homage rather than sordid aims such as wealth and power grew in importance with the fall of the Mauryas, and was accepted by the » medieval quasi-feudal order. “‘ Demoniac conquest”’ still took place from time to time, notably under the Guptas, but “‘righteous conquest’’ was the ideal which Hindu kings were expected to follow, and it is evident that they usually did. War became the sport of kings—

, a sport which was often very profitable and always very serious, in which the shame of defeat might well only be expunged by suicide, but a sport nevertheless. The Peninsula, inheriting a fierce Dravi-

| dian tradition never completely submerged by Aryan influence, had a more realistic approach; here conquest with annexation was more

common, as well as ruthlessness towards captives and non-combatants, but even the South was not unaffected by the ideal of the ‘righteous conquest”’. . * In Sanskrit: dharmavijaya, lobhavijaya, and asuravijaya, ASoka used the term dharmavijaya, *‘conquest by Righteousness’’, in a very different sense. :

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population in ancient and medieval times, it was certainly mainly rural. At the present day it is said that 85 per cent of India’s total population dwell in villages, and we may be sure that the proportion in the past was no less, but probably more. The average man in ancient India was a countryman.

No one who has travelled from Delhi to Calcutta by train could fail to be impressed by the monotony of the great Gangetic Plain. The shabby little villages, often very close together, are punctuated only by rivers and canals. They have a few trees on their outskirts,

189 |

|

190 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA and here and there a small grove divides one from another. Otherwise there is nothing to be seen between the villages but little fields separated by narrow footpaths and occasional rough roads. But this was not the case in ancient times. Even when the first Englishmen set up their trading stations in Madras, Bombay and Calcutta there were more trees in the countryside; and in the earlier period India was much better afforested. Hstian T’sang’s account of India shows that, in the 7th century, dense

jungle lined the banks of the Ganges for many miles on end. The countryside was wilder than it is today. The tiger, now rare except in certain districts, roamed the length and breadth of the land. In _

the West the lion, now almost extinct, was common. Herds of wild , elephants, carefully preserved by kings, were numerous in regions where they are now unknown. The foothills of the Vindhyas and the Ghats, now in many places almost denuded of larger trees by centuries of woodcutting and many generations of browsing goats, were

richly forested. In fact the age-old agricultural techniques of India | had not yet exhausted her soil, and her peasants had not yet torn up her forests, though in some places, notably Magadha (South Bihar) and parts of the Tamil country, this process was almost complete by the Middle Ages, if not before. _ The Indian village differed very little from that of the present day, but while most villages in the North are now open and undefended, in earlier times they were usually walled or stockaded, as they are

still in many parts of the Deccan. The village was a cluster of huts, small and large, often grouped round a well or a pond, near which was a small open space with a few trees. In earlier times villages often had clubrooms, which served as rest-houses for travellers and as centres of social life; later the place of these halls was taken by

| the village temples. The villagers formed a self-conscious community, and often had an energetic communal life. We quote from a Jataka story. “One day they stood in the middle of the village to transact village business, and they. .. . [decided to] do good works; so they would get

up betimes, and go out with knives, axes and crowbars. With their crowbars they rolled away the stones on the four highways; they cut down

| the trees which caught the axles of their carts; they levelled the irregulari-

ties [of the roads]; they built an embankment and dug tanks; they made a village hall; they showed charity and kept the [Buddhist] commandments.’’2

This vigorous corporate life continued into the Middle Ages. Tamil

inscriptions show that the village councils (p. 106) took an active _ interest in the communal welfare, dug and renewed reservoirs, made

é

EVERYDAY LIFE: THE DAILY ROUND IN CITY AND VILLAGE 191

canals, improved the roads, and cared for the village shrines. This strong sense of the community was one of the chief factors in the survival of Hindu Culture. Most of the villagers were free peasants, and their land was to all intents and purposes their own, though the king claimed its ultimate

ownership (p. 109f). The lot of the peasant was hard, though perhaps poverty was not so grinding as it later became, and agricultural indebtedness was certainly less heavy. Most peasant holdings were small, and were usually worked by the owner and his family; but there were a few large farmsteads, the owners of whichcultivated their estates

with hired labour. Kings too had large demesnes, worked by serfs and labourers, who in Mauryan times received one and one quarter

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pana per month with maintenance.? Other land was let out by the owners to share-croppers in return for one half of the crop. These landless labourers existed in the Indian village at least from _ Mauryan times, and probably earlier, their state an unhappy and despised one. [Illness, famine, idleness, or some other cause would sometimes compel a peasant to sell his holding, or result in his evic-

| tion for non-payment of tax, and he would be reduced to shame and | penury as a casual labourer. But this process, whereby land tended | to become concentrated in the hands of a few landowners, was more | than counteracted by the Indian joint family system. On the death | of the head of the house there was usually a partition of the family | lands, and thus a few generations might see the break-up of a large

192 _ THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA

estate. A real class of squires or large farmers never appeared in |

Hindu India. | |

_ To heavy taxation, forced labour, and the visitations of the king

: and his officers, were added periodical dearths and famines to afflict and impoverish the peasant. Though Megasthenes declared that

| famine was unknown in India, he certainly wrote in this particular

from inadequate knowledge. References to famine, with its attendant horrors, are fairly common in ancient Indian literature (p. 443). Indeed a great famine is said to have occurred not long after Megasthenes left India, at the end of the reign of Candragupta Maurya. The more energetic and conscientious kings did what they could to prevent and relieve famine. The Arthasastra even suggests that a king is justified in confiscating the hoarded wealth of his subjects to feed the hungry. The state granaries would be opened in emergency, and the charity of religious establishments and private persons was no doubt of some help; but with such poor communications famine was even more severe than it isnow. ‘There is reason to believe that rainfall was rather heavier than in recent years, and the pressure of population on the means of subsistence was not as great as it has now become. Hence outbreaks of dearth and famine were probably less frequent in ancient days, but when they did occur they caused even

greater hardship and loss of life. |

Throughout our period there was a gradual expansion of cultivation as a result of pressure on the land. The Arthasastra4 suggests a positive policy of colonization, clearing of waste, and development

of new villages, while the Jataka stories show us groups of hardy peasants from overpopulated villages cutting new settlements from the jungle, and even tell of whole villages emigrating en masse to the

| wilds to escape the attentions of extortionate tax-collectors.

In the flat plains the land was cut by canals running from the great

rivers, and dotted with artificial reservoirs (usually referred to in Anglo-Indian jargon as ‘‘tanks’’), which were made by damming smaller streams or enlarging lakes by stopping their outlets. From these water-supplies, whether natural or artificial, water was raised by counterpoised ‘‘sweeps’’, and fed into smaller channels which watered the fields. The ‘‘ Persian wheel’’, turned by an ox, is nowhere clearly mentioned in early sources, though it may have been used.

Irrigation works, often of enormous size, were undertaken by © beneficent kings as a religious and social duty. The most famous of these reservoirs was that of Girnar, the history of which has come down to us, thanks to two inscriptions on the site (pp. 62, 104). We do not know when the great embankment, over 100 feet thick at the base, finally crumbled. Probably the largest achievement of Indian

|,

EVERYDAY LIFE: THE DAILY ROUND IN CITY AND VILLAGE 193

irrigation until recent years was the lake at Bhojpur, near Bhopil, built in the middle of the 11th century by Bhoja Paramara, the king of Dhara. This too has vanished; the embankment was breached by the Muslims in the 15th century, and has never been restored; but it is evident from those traces which remain that the lake originally

covered no less than 250 square miles.6 In the extreme north of | India we read of Suyya, a great engineer in the service of king Avantivarman of Kashmir (9th century), who “‘made the streams of Indus

and Jhelam flow according to his will, like a snake-charmer his snakes’’. Inthe south, at the end of our period, Paes saw the building of a mighty tank at Vijayanagara, the embankment of which, he Says, was a crossbow-shot wide. The first efforts at its construction were unsuccessful, so King Krsna Deva Raya ordered a great human sacrifice of prisoners to appease the gods, and finished the work with the labour of 20,000 men.

Most of the larger irrigation works of Hindu India have now vanished, but in Ceylon ancient reservoirs of enormous size still exist (pl. IIIa), though the canal systems which they served have largely disappeared, and are only now being repaired. After many centuries of neglect, recent governments, both in India and Ceylon, have begun to redevelop the irrigation systems without which tropical agriculture cannot flourish, and which were among the first concerns

of kings of ancient times. . | | AGRICULTURE AND STOCKBREEDING The staple corn crops of ancient India were, as they are today,

wheat and barley in the cool north and elsewhere as winter crops, rice in the irrigated plains, and millet in the dryer lands, such as parts of the Deccan Plateau, where rice would not grow. Among other crops

_ sugar cane was widely grown, and sugar exported to Europe, while leaf vegetables and gourds of various kinds were grown nearly everywhere, as was the sesamum, much valued for its edible oil. Numerous types of peas, beans and lentils were grown everywhere. South India, especially Kerala (Malabar), grew many spices, particularly pepper, cardamom, ginger and cinnamon, which were carried all over India and exported to Europe. The Himalayan foothills pro-

duced the precious saffron. Cotton was at all times the staple |

textile crop. Of fruits pride of place was taken by the mango, which was grown in orchards and much valued. The small Indian banana, or plantain,

||

was also grown in damper parts of the land. The coconut was a

comparatively late importation from S.-E. Asia, and is not mentioned

194 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA in early sources, though it was known in the Middle Ages. In the | coastal areas were grown the palmyra and talipot palms, which provided

India’s chief writing material, and also the alcoholic drinks now known as toddy and arrack. Another valued palm was the areca, whose hard, slightly narcotic nut, broken up, mixed with lime and other ingredients, and wrapped in the leaf of the betel vine, formed the tambiila, or chewing quid, which was introduced into Northern India from the South early in the Christian era, and has ever since been a most popular source of post-prandial solace to the Indian. The date palm was grown in the dryer regions of the West, but is little mentioned in literature. The sour fruit of the tamarind was much used to flavour curry. The grape, introduced from Persia with

the almond and walnut, was cultivated in the Western Himalayas. _ Sandal and other trees provided much-prized fragrant woods; these

trees mostly grew in the South. |

The Greek travellers were most impressed by the fertility of India’s soil and the energy and ability of her cultivators. The

modern traveller’s impressions are diametrically opposite, but the Greeks judged Indian agriculture by standards lower than ours, and the soil was less exhausted then than now. The Greeks found it a

| great source of wonder that India produced two crops a year. In the wetter parts of the land the two crops might even grow without irrigation, while in the plains a summer crop of rice would grow during the monsoon, and a second irrigated crop in the dry season. _ Ancient India knew the use of manure, and the Arthasastra lays down several rules for the management of the king’s farms which indicate a well-developed agricultural technique. The Indian peasant of today is so conservative in his methods that we may assume that the ordinary villagers of ancient days cultivated the land much as they do now, ploughing with shallow wooden ploughs drawn by oxen, harvesting with sickles, threshing with oxen, and winnowing by tossing their corn in the wind. Iron ploughshares were certainly

known, however, for they are mentioned in literature. |

The basic livestock of the peasant was cattle, used for ploughing, transport and food. Villages employed a communal cowherd, who drove the cattle, branded with their owners’ marks, to the waste beyond the ploughed fields every morning, and returned with them

, at dusk. We have no means of comparing the yield of the cattle of ancient days with that of their scraggy modern counterparts, but as there was more pasture and waste it may have been better. Milk and curd were important articles of diet, as was ghee (ghrta), made from melted butter by skimming off the solid fat, and leaving only the liquid butter-oil, which would keep indefinitely in a hot climate.

EVERYDAY LIFE: THE DAILY ROUND IN CITY AND VILLAGE 195

The inviolability of the cow was of slow growth. Though there seems to have been some feeling against the killing of cows even in Vedic times, Asoka did not forbid the slaughter of cattle, and oxen,

at any rate, were killed for food even later. But the Arthasastra refers to the existence of herds of aged, diseased and sterile cattle,®

and it therefore appears that before the Christian era cattle were normally allowed to die a natural death, at least in some parts of the country. The same work suggests that those who kill cattle should be put to death, but from the context it is clear that this prescription applies only to killers of cattle stolen from the royal herds. As well as cattle owned by cultivating peasants there were large herds belonging to professional herdsmen, who led a semi-nomadic life in the wilder parts of the country. One important tribe of these people, the Abhiras, which dwelt in widely scattered localities of

South Rajasthan, Malwa and Sind around the beginning of the Christian era, was perhaps responsible for the development of the cult of Krsna in his pastoral aspect, and Abhira chiefs set up a short-lived kingdom in the N.-W. Deccan on the ruins of the

Satavahanas. Other domestic animals included the buffalo, second only to the ox as a beast of burden, and the favourite victim of sacrifices to the goddess Durga, whose cult became very popular in the Middle Ages. The

goat was bred widely, as was the sheep in the cooler districts. The fine goats’ wool fabric of Kashmir was known and used widely in Northern India, and heavier sheep’s and yaks’ wool blankets were exported in small quantities from the hills to the Northern Plains, where the winter nights are usually cold enough to make their comfort pleasant. The domestic pig was also known, though it did not play a very important part in rural economy.

Horses were bred chiefly in Sind and the North-West. They would not breed well in the Deccan, and were regularly imported by

sea from Sind, Persia and Arabia to the ports of Western India. — The horse was always a luxury animal, used chiefly by the warrior class.

For the ordinary people the chief means of conveyance was the ox, of which certain varieties could draw carts at a considerable pace.

The kings of Viayanagara delighted in watching races of light carts to which an ox and a horse were yoked. The elephant was certainly tamed by the time of the Buddha. It

rarely breeds in captivity, and therefore it had to be hunted and captured alive. Special forest tracts were designated as elephant pre-

: serves, inhabited by trackers, hunters and tamers, in the employ of the king. Generally the ownership of elephants was confined to kings and chiefs, and peasants living in the vicinity of elephant

196 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA forests must have cursed the depredations of these beasts, which would frequently leave the jungle to raid the clearings. The camel is not often mentioned, but it was certainly known and

used as a beast of burden in the dryer parts of the country, and by the Middle Ages was also found in the Deccan. Some medieval dynasties employed the camel in war. The mule and the ass were

other common beasts of burden. oe | |

The half-wild pariah dog was as common in early India as it is today, and dogs were also used in hunting. In the hills a special breed of large dog, perhaps resembling the modern Tibetan mastiff, was

famous beyond the bounds of India. The Persian emperor Artaxerxes I (465-424 B.c.) is said by Herodotus to have exempted the

| inhabitants of four Babylonian villages from taxation in return for their breeding Indian dogs for war and hunting. These dogs were

| also known in the Egypt of the Ptolemies. The dog is only once mentioned with respect and affection in Indian literature, and was

rarely if ever treated as a pet. The exception occurs in the Mahabharata, where the five Pandava brothers and their wife Draupadi take their dog with them on their final pilgrimage to heaven, and the eldest brother Yudhisthira refuses to enter without his faithful friend.

It has been suggested that the episode shows Iranian influence, for with the Zoroastrians the dog was a sacred animal. The domestic cat

isTherarely mentioned. | hunting leopard or cheetah (cztraka) is only referred to as a

wild beast until the Middle Ages, and similarly the hawk was not tamed in early times. Hawking and hunting with cheetahs did not _ become popular among the ruling classes until the 11th century, and the custom may have been learnt from the Muslims. The fowl was known, though eggs played but a small part in the diet of early India. The peacock, in earlier times, was certainly used as food, and was the favourite dish of the emperor ASoka,? until he adopted a vegetarian diet. We read of whole villages of peacockrearers, who supplied their birds to kings and wealthy people, at first

largely for food, but later chiefly for ornament. Several other ornamental fowl, especially the ruddy sheldrake or brahmany duck

(cakravaka) were kept in the parks of the rich, and parrots and mynahs were very popular as pets, especially with ladies, who are

| | referred to as devoting long hours to teaching the birds to talk.

Silkworms were bred and reared, chiefly in Bengal and Assam. It has been suggested by some that silk was known even in Vedic times, and silk-making moths were certainly indigenous to India; but it is probable that silk was first introduced to India from China by way of the Burma Road, in the second half of the 1st millennium s.c. . The

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“When all the earthly ties of the heart. are sundered, then the mortal becomes immortal. This is the end of all instruction.’’25

A life of ascetism was not absolutely necessary to salvation—even kings are said to have realized Brahman while still ruling; but the — saving knowledge was at best very hard to obtain, and doubly difhcult for one whose mind was full of material cares and desires. All

pleasure was therefore suspect. |

“The good is one thing and the pleasant another. | Both, with their different ends, control a man. But it is well with him who chooses the good, while he who chooses the pleasant misses his mark.’’26

Though often rather negative, the ethical attitude of the Upanisads is neither unmoral, nor antinomian. He who has not ceased

, from evil conduct will never obtain Brahman. Here and there are

passages of high ethical value among the reiterated mystical similes and parables of the texts. Thus honesty is highly extolled. “Satyakama son of Jabala said to his mother: ‘Mother, I want to be a

student. What is my family?’ |

“**T don’t know your family, my dear,’ she said. ‘I had you in my youth,

when I travelled about a lot as a servant—and I just don’t know! My name is Jabala, and yours is Satyakima, so say you are Satyakama Jabila.’ * “He went to Gautama Haridrumata, and said: ‘I want to be your student,

sir. May I come?’ ,

“** What is your family, my friend?’ he asked.

“*T don’t know my family, sir,’ he answered. ‘I asked my mother, and she said that she had me in her youth, when she used to travel about a lot as a servant... . She said that as she was Jabala and I was Satyakama I

was to give my name as Satyakama Jabila.’ _

‘“** Nobody but a true brahman would be so honest!’ he said... . ‘Go

from the truth.’ ’’27 , ,

and fetch me fuel, my friend, and I will initiate you, for you have not swerved

, A further fine ethical passage occurs in the form of a legend in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. We quote this passage partly because an allusion to it must have puzzled many readers of T. S. Eliot.?8

named Jabala. |

* A patronymic, which would give the impression that the boy was the son of a man

RELIGION: CULTS, DOCTRINES AND METAPHYSICS 255

“The threefold descendants of Prajipati, gods, men and demons, were once students at the feet of their father. When they had finished their train-

ing the gods said: ‘Sir, tell us something [good for our souls]’. He uttered the syllable DA, and then asked them whether they had understood.

“We understood’, they answered. ‘You told us DAmyata (be selfcontrolled ).’ ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘you understood indeed!’ ‘Then the men asked him, and he uttered the same syllable DA, and then

asked them whether they had understood. ‘We understood,’ they answered. ‘You told us DAtta (give),’ ‘Yes,’ he said, ‘you understood indeed!’ ‘Then the demons asked him, . . . and he uttered the same syllable DA,

and then asked them whether they had understood. ‘We understood,’ they answered. ‘You told us DAyadhvam (be merciful).’ ‘Yes,’ he said, “you understood indeed!’

“And the blessed voice of the thunder ever repeats DA DA DA *— be self-controlled, give, be merciful. So these three should ever be taught

—self-control, charity and mercy.’’2® ,

Perhaps the highest ethical flight of the Upanisads occurs in the instructions said to have been given by YAjfiavalkya to his favourite wife before taking up the life of an ascetic. Remembering the double meaning of the word aiman, “‘self’’ or “‘soul’’, the passage may be read in two ways, but the context shows that the Higher Self is intended. This Higher Self, the World Soul, the mystic recognizes in all things, and loves them for their participation with himself in the unity of the

spirit. The passage is too long to quote in full, but we paraphrase its most important parts. ‘“Yajfiavalkya had two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani. Maitreyi knew something of the World Soul, but Katyayani only knew what every woman , knows. When he wished to enter on another phase of life Yajfiavalkya said:

‘Maitreyi, I am leaving home. Let me make a settlement on you and Katyayani.’

‘ Maitreyi asked: ‘ My lord, if I owned the whole earth and all its wealth, should I be immortal?’ ,

— **No,’ Yajfiavalkya replied, ‘your life would be the life of the wealthy, and there is no prospect of immortality in wealth.’ ‘‘Maitreyi said: ‘Of what use to me are things which will not give me immortality? Give me rather your knowledge, my lord.’ ‘“*Lady,’ he replied, ‘you are truly dear to me, and now you are even dearer. So if you like I will teach you. Listen carefully! . ‘** A husband is not dear for love of the husband—a husband is dear for love of the Self. Similarly wife, sons, wealth, cattle, priests and warriors, worlds, gods, the Vedas, everything—none of them are dear in their own

right, but all are dear for love of the Self. ,

“*Truly you can see and hear and perceive and know the Self, Maitreyi. * A traditional onomatopoeic expression of the sound of thunder.

| 256 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA And when you have seen, heard, perceived and known the Self you will know all things. “** Where there seems to be a duality of self and not-self one sees, smells, tastes, perceives, hears, touches and knows something other. But when all is the Self there is no consciousness of anything other than Self... . Thus Maitreyi I have instructed you—this is immortality !’

‘When he had said this Yajfiavalkya went away.’’30 , , (11) BUDDHISM

The Buddha | While the doctrines of the Upanisads found a place in the brahmanic system, there were other teachings which could not be harmon-

| ized with orthodoxy, but were fostered and developed by heterodox sects. Chief among the teachers of such doctrines was the man who at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the fifth century B.c. established a community of yellow-robed followers, and was known by

them as the Buddha, the Enlightened or Awakened. Even if judged _ only by his posthumous effects on the world at large he was certainly the greatest man to have been born in India.

The traditional story of the Buddha, like those of most saints and heroes of ancient days, has suffered much at the hands of higher criticism. The story of his birth and early life appears only in the later books of the Buddhist Scriptures, and even some of the references to him in those parts of the canon which purport _

to give his teachings verbatim are by no means reliable. Even the “Sermon of the Turning of the Wheel of the Law”’, which is

| said, to be the first sermon preached after the Buddha’s enlight-

enment, and which is the basic teaching of all Buddhist sects, is of dubious authenticity, and in the form in which we have it is

not among the earliest parts of the canon. Much doubt now : exists as to the real doctrines of the historical Buddha, as distinct from those of Buddhism. One eminent authority suggested that they differed but little from the teachings of the Upanisadic sages,?! while another held that he rejected the doctrine of transmigration, and taught merely the almost self-evident truism that one generation is affected by the deeds of the preceding one.32. We here discuss,

taught. |

however, not the life of the Buddha, but what his later followers believed about his life, and not what he taught, but what Buddhism Certain facts about the Buddha’s life are reasonably certain. He was the son of a chief of the Sakyas, a small tribe of the Himdlayan

foothills. He became an ascetic, and propounded a.new doctrine _

|,

which gained the support of numerous disciples. After many years

, RELIGION: CULTS, DOCTRINES AND METAPHYSICS 257 of teaching in the kingdoms of Kosala and Magadha and in the tribal

lands to the north of the Ganges, he died at the age of eighty at : some time between the years 486 and 473 B.c., probably nearer the

former date than the latter. The story of his life as told by his followers is far more vivid and colourful than this dry outline, and it is infinitely more important, for it has influenced the lives of countless millions throughout the whole of Asia east of Afghanistan.

, One night Mahamiayi,* chief queen of Suddhodhana, king of the Sakyas, dreamt that she was carried away to the divine lake Anavatapta in the Himalayas, where she was bathed by the heavenly guardians of the four quarters of the universe. A great white elephant with a lotus flower in his trunk approached her, and entered her side (pl. XXIIIc). Next day the dream was interpreted for her by wise men—she had conceived a wonder-

ful son, who would be either a Universal Emperor (p. 83) or a Universal Teacher. The child was born in a grove of sal trees called Lumbini, near

, the capital of the Sakyas, Kapilavastu, while his mother was on the way to her parents’ home for her confinement. At birth he stood upright, took seven strides, and spoke: “‘This is my last birth—henceforth there is no more birth for me.”’ The boy was named Siddhartha, at a great ceremony on the fifth day from his birth. His gotra name was Gautama (in Pali, Gotama) by which he is commonly referred to in Buddhist literature. The soothsayers prophesied that he would become a Universal Emperor, with the exception of one, who declared that four signs would convince him of the misery of the world, and he would become a Universal Teacher. To prevent this prophecy coming true King Suddhodhana resolved that he should never know the sorrows of

the world. He was reared in delightful palaces, from whose parks every sign of death, disease and misery was removed. He learned all the arts that a prince should learn, and excelled as a student. He married his cousin YaSodhara, whom he won at a great contest at which he performed feats of strength and skill which put to shame all other contestants, including his envious cousin Devadatta. But for all his prosperity and success he was not inwardly happy, and for all the efforts of his father he did see the four signs foretold, which were to decide his career, for the gods knew his destiny, and it was they who _ placed the signs before him. One day, as he was driving round the royal

park with his faithful charioteer Channa, he saw an aged man, in the last

: stages of infirmity and decrepitude—actually a god, who had taken this disguise in order that Siddhartha Gautama might become.a Buddha. Siddhartha asked Channa who this repulsive being was, and when he learned

that all men must grow old he was even more troubled in mind. This was the first sign. The second came a little later, in the same way, in the form of a very sick man, covered with boils and shivering with fever. The third was even more terrible—a corpse, being carried to the cremation* Throughout this section and generally in this book we employ Sanskrit forms of Buddhist names and terms, for the sake of consistency. The reader who goes on to more detailed study may meet them in their Pali forms, as used by the Sthaviravada Buddhists.

258 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA ground, followed by weeping mourners. But the fourth sign brought hope and consolation—a wandering religious beggar, clad in a simple yellow robe, peaceful and calm, with a mien of inward joy. On seeing him Siddh- |

wanderer.

artha realized where his destiny lay, and set his heart on becoming a

Hearing of this King Suddhodhana doubled his precautions. Siddhartha was made a virtual prisoner, though still surrounded with pleasures and

luxuries of all kinds; his heart knew no peace, and he could never forget the

four signs. One morning the news was brought to him that Yasodhara had given birth to a son, but it gave him no pleasure. That night there were great festivities, but when all were sleeping he roused Channa, who saddled his favourite horse Kanthaka, and he rode off into the night, surrounded by rejoicing demigods, who cushioned the fall of his horse’s hoofs, so that no one should hear his departure (p. 453, and pl. XXXVe). When far from the city he stripped off his jewellery and fine garments, and put on a hermit’s robe, provided by an attendant demigod. With his sword he cut off his flowing hair, and sent it back to his father with his garments by the hand of Channa. The horse Kanthaka dropped dead from grief, when he found that he was to be parted from his master, to be reborn

in one of the heavens. Thus Siddhartha performed his ‘‘Great Going Forth”’ (Mahabhiniskramana), and became a wandering ascetic, owning nothing but the robe he wore. At first he begged his food as a wanderer, but he soon gave up this life for that of a forest hermit. From a sage named Alara Kalama he learned

the technique of meditation, and the lore of Brahman as taught in the | _ Upanisads; but he was not convinced that man could obtain liberation from sorrow by self-discipline and knowledge, so he joined forces with five ascetics

who were practising the most rigorous self-mortification in the hope of wearing away their karma and obtaining final bliss. His penances became so severe that the five quickly recognized him as their leader. For six years he tortured himself until he was nothing but a walking skeleton. One day, worn out by penance and hunger, he fainted, and his followers believed that he was dead. But after a while he recovered consciousness, and realized that his fasts and penances had been useless. He again began to beg food, and his body regained its strength. ‘The five

disciples left him in disgust at his backsliding. 7

One day Siddhartha Gautama, now thirty-five years old, was seated beneath a large pipal tree on the outskirts of the town of Gaya, in the realm of

Bimbisara king of Magadha. Sujata, the daughter of a nearby farmer, brought him a large bowl of rice boiled in milk. After eating some of | this he bathed, and that evening, again sitting beneath the pipal tree, he made a solemn vow that, though his bones wasted away and his blood dried,

| up, he would not leave his seat until the riddle of suffering was solved. So for forty-nine days he sat beneath the tree. At first he was surrounded

by hosts of gods and spirits, awaiting the great moment of enlightenment; but they soon fled, for Mara, the spirit of the world and of sensual pleasure, the Buddhist devil, approached. For days Gautama withstood

RELIGION: CULTS, DOCTRINES AND METAPHYSICS 259

temptations of all kinds (pls. XXVIII, LXXV). Mara, disguised as a messenger, brought news that the wicked cousin Devadatta had revolted, | thrown Suddhodhana into prison, and seized Yagodhara, but Gautama was not moved. Ma§racalled his demon hosts, and attacked him with whirlwind,

tempest, flood and earthquake, but he sat firm, cross-legged beneath the tree. Then the tempter called on Gautama to produce evidence of his goodness and benevolence; he touched the ground with his hand, and the Earth itself spoke with a voice of thunder: ‘‘I am his witness”’. Mara then tried gentler means of shaking Gautama’s resolve. He called his three beautiful daughters, Desire, Pleasure and Passion, who danced and sang before him, and tried every means of seduction. ‘Their wiles were quite ineffectual. They offered him Universal Empire; but he was quite unmoved.

At last the demon hosts gave up the struggle and Gautama, left alone, sank deeper and deeper into meditation. At the dawning of the fortyninth day he knew the truth. He had found the secret of sorrow, and under=- _ stood at last why the world is full of suffering and unhappiness of all kinds,

and what man must do to overcome them. He was fully enlightened—a__ Buddha. For another seven weeks he remained under the Tree of Wisdom (bodhz), meditating on the great truths he had found. - For a time he doubted whether he should proclaim his wisdom to the world, as it was so recondite and difficult to express that few would understand it; but the god Brahma himself descended from heaven and persuaded him to teach the world. Leaving the Tree of Wisdom, he journeyed to the

Deer Park near Banaras (thé modern Sarnath), where his five former disciples had settled to continue their penances. To these five ascetics the Buddha preached his first sermon, or, in Buddhist

phraseology, ‘“‘set in motion the Wheel of the Law”. The five were so impressed with his new doctrine that they gave up their austerities and once more became his disciples. A few days later a band of sixty young ascetics became his followers, and he sent them out in all directions to preach the Buddhist Dharma. Soon his name was well known throughout the Ganges Plain, and the greatest kings of the time favoured him and his followers. He gathered together a disciplined body of monks (called bhiksus, or in Pali bhckkhus, literally “‘beggars’’), knit together by a common garb, the yellow robes of the order, and a common discipline, according to tradition

laid down in detail by the Buddha himself. Many stories are told of his long years of preaching. He returned to Kapilavastu, and converted his father, wife and son, Rahula, as well as many other members of the court, including his cousin Devadatta, whose heart remained full of jealousy. At the request of his foster-mother and aunt, Krs4-Gautami, he allowed with much misgiving the formation of acommunity of nuns. Devadatta grew so jealous of him that once he even tried to kill the Buddha, by arranging for a mad elephant to be let loose in his path; but the beast, impressed by the Buddha’s gentleness and fearlessness, calmly bowed at his feet (pl. XX XVa).

‘He averted a war between the Sakyas and the neighbouring tribe of the Koliyas, by walking between the assembled armies and convincing them of

ee 260 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA

the uselessness and evil of bloodshed. He went alone to the camp of a notorious bandit, Angulimala, and converted him and his followers from their evil ways.

, Though according to legend his life was attended by many wonders, the

, earliest traditions record few miracles performed by the Buddha himself. Once, indeed, he is said to have performed feats of levitation and other miracles at Sravasti, as a result of a challenge from rival teachers, but he sternly forbade the monks to perform magical feats, and there is no record of

his healing the sick by supernatural means. One touching story of the Buddha is interesting in this connexion, since it contrasts strikingly with the

Gospel stories of the miracles of Jesus. A woman, stricken with grief at the death of her only son, and hearing that the Buddha was in the vicinity, brought the child’s corpse to him in the hope that he would restore it to life. He asked her first to go to the nearby town and bring a handful of mustard seed from a family in which no one had died. She went from house to house, but of course could find no such family, until at last she understood the inevitability of death and sorrow, and became a nun. For eight months of the year the Buddha and his followers would travel from place to place, preaching to all and sundry. For the four months of the

rainy season, roughly corresponding to the English summer, they would stop in one of the parks given to the Buddhist order by wealthy lay followers,

living in huts of bamboo and reed—the first form of the great Buddhist monasteries of later times. For over forty years his reputation grew and the Sangha (literally Society, the Buddhist Order) increased in numbers and influence. With the exception of the conspiracy of Devadatta he suffered no persecution, though a few of his followers were maltreated by their religious opponents. His ministry was a long, calm and _ peaceful one, in this respect very different from that of Jesus. _

: The end came at the age of eighty. He spent the last rainy season of his life near the city of Vaisali, and after the rains he and his followers journeyed

northwards to the hill country which had been the home of his youth. On the way he prepared his disciples for his death. He told them that his body was now like a worn-out cart, creaking at every Joint. He declared that he had made no distinction between esoteric and exoteric teaching, but had preached the full doctrine to them.* When he was gone they were to look _ for no new leader—the Doctrine (Dharma) which he had preached would lead them. ‘They must rely on themselves, be their own lamps, and look for no refuge outside themselves. At the town of Pava he was entertained by a lay disciple, Cunda the smith, and ate a meal of pork.-+ Soon after this he was attacked by dysentery, but he insisted on moving on to the nearby town of KuSinagara (Pali, Kusi-

nara). Here, on the outskirts of the town, he lay down under a sal tree, * We cannot, of course, rely on the verbatim accuracy of the account of the Buddha’s death, and this passage, which occurs in the Pali version,* seems to be an interpolation directed against Mahayana schools which claimed to possess secret teachings of the Buddha.

+ Most modern Buddhists claim that the last meal was of truffles, and the Pali phrase sitkara-maddava, ‘‘sweetness of pigs’’, is certainly ambiguous.?4 But early commen-

tators took it to mean a choice cut of pork.35 |

RELIGION: CULTS, DOCTRINES AND METAPHYSICS 261

and that night he died. His last words were: “* All composite things decay.

Strive diligently!’”” This was his “Final Blowing-out”’ (Parinirvana),. His sorrowing disciples cremated his body, and his ashes were divided between the representatives of various tribal peoples and King AjataSsatru of Magadha.

The Growth of Buddhism

According to tradition a great gathering of monks met at the Magadhan capital of Rajagrha soon after the Buddha’s death. At this council Upali, one of the chief disciples, recited the Vinaya Pitaka, or rules of the Order, as he recalled having heard the Buddha give them. Another disciple, Ananda, who bears a position in Buddhism similar to that of St. John in Christianity, recited the Sutta Pitaka, the great collection of the Buddha’s sermons on matters of doctrine and ethics.

Though there may have been some sort of a council, the story as it stands is certainly untrue, for it is quite evident that the scriptures of Buddhism grew by a long process of development and accretion, perhaps over several centuries. A second general council is said to have been held at Vaisali, one

hundred years after the Buddha’s death. Here schism raised its head, ostensibly over small points of monastic discipline, and the Order broke into two sections, that of the orthodox Sthaviravadins (Pali Theravadi) or “Believers in the Teaching of the Elders’’, and that of the Mahdsanghikas or “‘ Members of the Great Community ’’. The tradition of the second council is as dubious as that of the first,

but it at least records that schism began very early. The minor points of discipline on which the Order divided were soon followed by doctrinal differences of much greater importance.

Numerous such differences appeared at the third great council, held at Pataliputra under the patronage of Asoka, which resulted in the expulsion of many heretics and the establishment of the Sthaviravada school as orthodox. At this council it is said that the last section was added to the Pali scriptures, the Kathdvatthu of the Abhidhamma Pitaka, dealing with psychology and metaphysics. In fact many of the works of this part of the canon are of later composition, and the details of the account of the council are suspect, but the record shows that by this time widespread differences had de-

veloped within the Order. | ,

Meanwhile great changes were taking place in the constitution of Buddhism. Some modern authorities believe that the Buddha had no intention of founding a new religion, and never looked on his doctrine as distinct from the popular cults of the time, but rather as transcending them—a sort of super-doctrine, which would help his

962 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA followers further along the road to salvation than Brahmanism or _ Upanisadic gnosis. This view is, in our opinion, very questionable.

Though the traditions of Buddhism give little evidence of direct antagonism between Buddhists and brahmans at this early period there was much antagonism between Buddhists and other heterodox

sects, such as Jainas and Ajivikas. These sects did not merely wrangle over doctrinal points, but carried on vigorous propaganda among laymen for their support. We believe that even in the days of the Buddha himself the Order consciously tried to build up a following of layfolk, who would pay to the Buddha their chief if not their only homage. The enormous gifts which so many wealthy people are said to have made to the Order are no doubt exaggerated, but the tradition is more probably partly true than wholly false, and at least some of the wealthy merchants who so liberally supported the new teachings must have looked upon themselves as lay Buddhists.

Whatever its position in the Buddha’s lifetime, 200 years later Buddhism was a distinct religion. Asoka classifies all the religions of his empire under five heads; the (Buddhist) Sarigha, the Brahmans, the Ajivikas, the Nirgranthas (or Jainas), and ‘other sects’’.

| He further declares that, while he gives his chief patronage to the

to do likewise.36 | Buddhists, he honours and respects them all, and calls on his subjects

By ASsoka’s time India was covered with vzhdras, which were both

monasteries and temples. In becoming a religion Buddhism borrowed and adapted much from the popular beliefs of the time. Its simple ritual was in no way based on sacrificial Brahmanism, but on the cult of caztyas, or sacred spots. ‘These were often small groves of trees, or a single sacred tree, on the outskirts of villages, and might also include tumuli, such as those in which the ashes of chiefs were

buried. These caityas were the abodes of earth-spirits and genii who, to the simpler folk, were more accessible and less expensive to

worship than the great gods of the Aryans. The Jaina scriptures

show that unorthodox holy-men often made their homes in or near : the caityas, no doubt in order to obtain alms from visitors; and the Buddha is said to have respected these local shrines, and to have encouraged his lay followers to revere them. Soon after the Buddha’s death many communities of monks gave

up the practice of constant travel except in the rainy season, and settled permanently on the outskirts of towns and villages, often near the local caityas. With time many of these little monasteries grew in size and importance. It was the cult of the caitya that Buddhism made its own. According to tradition stiépas or tumuli were built by the recipients over the

|

RELIGION: CULTS, DOCTRINES AND METAPHYSICS 263

divided ashes of the Buddha. Other stiipas, containing the remains of locally revered monks and ascetics of other denominations, rose up all over India in succeeding centuries. Asoka unearthed the ashes of the Buddha from their original resting places and divided them still

further, rearing stipas for them all over India. The sacred grove or tree of the old popular cult became the Bodhi Tree, a pipal, planted near the stiipa to commemorate the Buddha’s enlightenment, and an object of great reverence. The original Bodhi Tree of Gaya, under which the Buddha sat, became an object of pilgrimage, and cuttings of it were carried as far as Ceylon. One feature of the Buddhist Cult

which has now vanished is the column, perhaps the survival of a phallic emblem or megalith. Such columns existed in many ancient

Buddhist monasteries, but their place in the cult is not clear. Temples proper, or shrine-rooms, do not appear to have been erected

, until the beginning of the Christian era, when the Buddha began to | be worshipped in the form of an image.

His simpler followers evidently raised the Buddha almost to divinity even in his lifetime, and after his death he was worshipped | in his symbols—the stiipa, recalling his parinirvana, and the tree, recalling his enlightenment. The worship consisted of circumambulation in the auspicious clockwise direction, and prostrations, with offerings of flowers. ‘Though the more intelligent monks may have

recognized his true status, for the ordinary believer he was the greatest of the gods. ‘This is not surprising, for to this day Indians feel and show the utmost respect for those whom they consider holy.

It is rather a matter of surprise that it was only 500 years after the | Buddha’s death that a theology developed which gave full recognition

to this state of affairs. |

With the support of ASoka Buddhism greatly expanded, spreading

throughout India and to Ceylon. There is some doubt as to how far the doctrine had developed at this time, but at least a rudimentary

canon existed, though perhaps not yet committed to writing. The | great Buddhist holy places—the Lumbini Grove at Kapilavastu, where the Buddha was born, the Tree of Wisdom at Gaya, where he

gained enlightenment, the Deer Park near Banaras, where he preached his first sermon, and the grove near Kusinagara, where he died—were visited by many pilgrims, including Asoka himself. Though there is a tradition of cruel persecution under Pusyamitra

Sunga the faith continued to grow. Of all the religious remains of between 200 B.c. and A.D. 200 so far discovered in India those of

Buddhism far outnumber those of Brahmanism, Hinduism and Jainism, together. The old stiipas were enlarged and _ beautified with carved railings, terraces and gateways. All classes of the

|

|

264 _ THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA community, kings, princes, merchants and craftsmen, made donations to the Order, which are recorded in numerous inscriptions. ‘Though

the individual monk was bound by his vows to own no property except bare necessities, and to touch no silver or gold, the monasteries grew rich on the alms of the faithful. The revenues of whole villages were alienated to them by pious kings, and even the individual monks began to take their vows of poverty lightly, for more than one inscription records donations made to the Order by ordained members of it.

Though there is little evidence of strong sectarian animus within the Order, sects already existed, and the scriptures had been codified

in more than one recension. It is possible that much of the Paili canon of the Sthaviravadins, in the form in which we have it, emanates from the great monastery, the remains of which, on a hilltop near the

Buddhism. |

modern village of Sanchi, are among the finest’ relics of early Another very important sect, the Sarvastivddins, was strong in the

region of Mathura and in Kashmir. It was in Kashmir, according to a tradition, preserved in China, that a fourth great council was held,

under the patronage of Kaniska (1st-2nd century a.p., p. 60f), at

, which the Sarvastivadin doctrines were codified in a summary, the | Mahdvibhasad. It was chiefly among the Sarvastivadins, but also in

the old schism of the Mahasanghikas, that new ideas developed, which were to form the basis of the division of Buddhism into the

“Great”? and “‘Lesser Vehicles’*” (Mahayana and Hinayana). ‘The | brahmans and their lay supporters had by now largely turned from the older gods, whom they worshipped with animal sacrifices, towards

- others, who were worshipped with reverent devotion. In N.-W. India the rule of Greeks, Sakas and Kusanas in turn had thrown open the gates to the West, and ideas from Persia and beyond entered India

in greater strength than before. In these conditions. teachers of the early Christian centuries gave to Buddhism a wholly new outlook. They claimed to have found a new and great vehicle which would carry many souls to salvation, while the Sthaviravadins and kindred sects had but asmall one. The Great Vehicle became rapidly popular in many parts of India, for it fitted the mood of the times and the needs of many simple people better than did the Lesser Vehicle,

which soon began to lose ground. In Ceylon, however, the Lesser Vehicle resisted all the attacks of the new sects and thence it was taken to Burma, Siam and other parts of South-East Asia, where it became the national religion. The Great Vehicle, on the other hand, itself soon divided by various

schisms, was carried by a succession of Indian monks to China and

thence to Japan. By the time of the Guptas it predominated, and

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APPENDIX I 489 separated from the rest by the Himalayas, was “‘the Land of the Sons of Bharata’’ ( Bharatavarsa), or India. Bharatavarsa alone was 9,000 yojanas across, and the whole of Jambudvipa 33,000, or, according to some sources, 100,000 yojanas.

This fantastic geographical scheme was not the only one. In the Puranas Jambudvipa is described as a ring around Meru, separated from the next continent, Plaksadvipa, by an ocean of salt. Plaksadvipa in turn forms a concentric circle round Jambudvipa, and so on to make a total of seven

continents, each circular and divided from its neighbour by an ocean of different composition—starting with Jambudvipa’s salt ocean and moving outwards, of treacle, wine, ghee, milk, curds and fresh water respectively. This brilliantly imaginative picture of the world, which aroused the scorn of Lord Macaulay, seems to have been implicitly believed in by later Hindu theologians, and even the astronomers could not emancipate themselves from it, but adapted it to their spherical earth by making Meru the earth’s axis, and the continents zones on the earth’s surface. The oceans of butter and seas of treacle formed an effective barrier to the growth of a true science of geography. The seven continents cannot in any way have been related to actual portions of the earth’s surface, though some modern students have tried to identify them with parts of Asia, and, as far as is known, no attempt was made to collate the experience of travellers as

practical geography. The astronomers gave fairly accurate longitudes of important places in India. In the early centuries of the Christian era Alexandria was known, and there are vague references to the city of the Romakas in astronomical works; but the geographical knowledge of the learned was of the vaguest description. Even within India distances and directions, as given in texts, are usually very inaccurate and vague. The conquerors who led armies thousands of miles on their campaigns, the merchants who carried their wares from one end of India to the other, and the pilgrims who visited sacred places from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin must have had a sound practical knowledge of Indian geography, while that of the seamen who sailed the ocean from Socotra to Canton must have been even wider; but there are few echoes of this knowledge in the literature of the time.

APPENDIX II ASTRONOMY One of the subsidiary studies (vedanga) of Vedic lore was jyotisa, a primi-

tive astronomy designed mainly for the purpose of settling the dates and times at which periodical sacrifices were to be performed. The existing literature on this topic is comparatively late, and gives no true indication of India’s astronomical knowledge in the Vedic period, though it is quite clear 33

490 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA from passages in the Vedic texts themselves that it was adequate for the practical purposes of the time. Itis probable that even at this early period there was some Mesopotamian influence on Indian astronomical ideas, but this cannot be established with certainty. Virtually certain, however, is the influence of classical European astronomy, which was felt in the early

centuries of the Christian era, if not before. ,

, Several Greek words have become common in Sanskrit and in later Indian vernaculars through astronomy (p. 230), and other technical terms, not so widely known, are indisputably of Greek origin. Of the five astronomical systems (siddhanta) known to the 6th-century astronomer Varahamihira , one is called the Romaka Siddhanta and another the Paulisfa Siddhanta, a title which can only be reasonably explained as a recollection of the name of the classical astronomer Paul of Alexandria. The new astronomy was adopted chiefly for purposes of prognostication ; for the establishment of dates the old luni-solar calendar, based on simpler

observations, was quite adequate. In earlier times Indians, though no less interested than other ancient peoples in foretelling the future, preferred to do so by the interpretation of dreams and omens (wutpdta), and by physiognomy, birthmarks, the shape and size of the features, and other signs which were believed to give tokens of an individual’s fate. The older systems

of prognostication were not forgotten, but from Gupta times onwards they gave pride of place to astrology, which from that day to this has been

implicitly believed in by nearly all Indians. , Until this great development of astronomical knowledge the heavens had been charted by means of the lunar mansions or naksatras, which were apparently known even in the time of the Rg Veda. ‘The moon’s relation to the fixed stars changes through a cycle of approximately 27 solar days and 7# hours, and thus the heavens were divided into 27 portions, named according to the group of stars on the ecliptic (the apparent orbit of the sun) ~ near which the moon passes on each day of its cycle. As the sidereal month is in fact nearly eight hours more than 27 days a twenty-eighth intercalary naksatra was added by later astronomers to correct the error. * Western astronomy brought to India the signs of the zodiac, the sevenday week, the hour, and several other ideas. ‘Thanks to their achievements * The naksatras were: (1) Asvini (B and y Arietis), (2) Bharani (35, 39, and 41 Arietis), (3) Kritéka (Pleiades), (4) Rohini (Aldebaran), (5) Mrgafgiras (A, 9}, and 9? Orionis), (6) Ardrd (a Orionis), (7) Punarvasi (« and § Geminorum), (8) Pusyd (y, 8, and 6 Cancri), (9) Aslesad (5, €, n, p, and o Hydre), (10) Maghd (a, y, s, f, n, and Leonis), (11) Pérva-phalguni (& and @ Leonis), (12) Uttara-phalguni (B and 93 Leonis), (13) Hasta (a, B, y, 5, and e Corvi), (14) Cztrd (Spica, « Virginis), (15) Svdti (Arcturus),

(16) Visakha (a, B, y, and 1 Libre), (17) Anuradha (B, 8, and w Scorpionis), (18) Jyestha (a, o, and + Scorpionis), (19) Mild (e, f, n, ©, 1, x, A, u, and u Scorpionis), (20) Purvdsadha (6 and ¢ Sagittarii), (21) Uttarasadha ¢ and o Sagittarii), (22) Sravand (a, B, and y Aquilae), (23) Dhanisthé or Sravisthd (a, B, y, and & Delphinis), (24) Satabhisaj (y Aquarii etc.), (25) Pérva-bhadrapada (a and B Pegasi), (26) Uttarabhadrapadé (y Pegasi and « Andromedz), and (27) Revati ({ Piscium, etc.). The 28th naksatra was Abhijit (a, e, and [ Lyrz), which was placed between Uttardsddhd and Sravapd. It will be seen from this list that the ancient Indian system of constellations differed widely from that of the West.

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APPENDIX II 491 in mathematics Indian astronomers made some advances on the knowledge

of the Greeks, and passed, their lore, with that of mathematics, back to Europe by way of the Arabs. As early as the 7th century the Syrian astronomer Severus Sebokht knew of the greatness of Indian astronomy and mathematics (p. vi), and the caliphs of Baghdad employed Indian astronomers. One word of the terminology of medieval European astronomy, aux, the highest point of a planet’s orbit, is certainly borrowed from the

Sanskrit ucca through Arabic. | Like all ancient astronomy, that of India was restricted owing to ignorance of the telescope; but methods of observation were perfected which allowed very accurate measurement, and calculations were aided by the decimal system of numerals. We know of no remains of observatories of the Hindu

period, but those of the 17th and 18th centuries, at Jaipur, Delhi and elsewhere, with their wonderfully accurate instruments, constructed on an enormous scale to minimize error, may well have had their ancient counter-

parts. :

With the naked eye as their sole means of observation the Indians knew only the seven planets (graha) of the ancients—Sun (Sérya, Ravi), Moon

(Candra, Soma), Mercury (Budha), Venus (Sukra), Mars (Mangala),

| Jupiter (Brhaspati) and Saturn (Sani); * to these grahas two more were added, Rahu and Ketu, the ascending and descending nodes of the moon.+

At the beginning of each zon all the planets were believed to commence

their revolutions in line, and to return to the same position at the end of it. The apparently irregular course of the planets was explained on the hypothesis of epicycles, as in classical and medieval astronomy. Unlike the Greeks, the Indians believed that the planets had equal real motion, and that their apparently different angular motion was due to their different distances from the earth. For purposes of calculation the planetary system was taken as geocentric, though Aryabhata in the 5th century suggested that the earth revolved round the sun and rotated on its axis; this theory was also known to later astro- nomers, but it never affected astronomical practice. The precession of the equinoxes was known, and calculated with some accuracy by medieval astronomers, as were the lengths of the year, the lunar month, and other astronomical constants. These calculations were reliable for most practical purposes, and in many cases more accurate than those of the Greco-Roman world. Eclipses were forecast with accuracy and their true cause under-

stood. OO * The names of the planets had many synonyms, some of which were evidently

borrowed from the Greek, e.g. Ara, Ares, or Mars. + At the ‘“‘Churning of the Ocean” (p. 302) a demon named Rahu stole some of the amrta. Visnu destroyed his body, but as he had tasted of the divine drink he had become

| immortal. His head and tail survive for ever in the heavens, as Rahu and Ketu, and the head causes eclipses by trying to swallow the planets. Of course the astronomers did

not believe this myth, and some texts explicitly reject it. .

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492 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA | APPENDIX III

THE CALENDAR | In recording dates the basic unit was not the solar day, but the tthz, or lunar day, approximately thirty of which formed a lunar month (i.e. the four phases of the moon) of about 29} solar days. ‘The month was divided into two halves (paksa) of fifteen tithis each, beginning with the full (pirnimavasya) and new (amdavdsyaé or bahulavasya) moons respectively.

The fortnight beginning with the new moon was called the bright half (§uklapaksa\ and the other the dark half (Arsnapaksa). According to the system followed in Northern India and much of the Deccan the month began and ended with the full moon, while in the Tamil country the month generally began with the new moon. The Hindu calendar is still in use through-

out India for religious purposes. ,

The tithi might begin at any time of the solar day. For the practical

purpose of recording dates that tithi current at sunrise was supposed to pre-

vail for the whole day and gave that day its number in the paksa. Ifa tithi began just after sunrise and ended before the sunrise of the next day, it was expunged, and there was a break in the numerical sequence of days. The year normally contained twelve lunar. months:

Caitra (March-April), Vaisakha (April-May), Jyaistha (May-June), Asadha (June-July), Sra@vana (July-August), Bhadrapada or Prausthapada (August-September), Asvina or Asvayuja (September—October), Kartizka (October-November), Margasirsa or Agrahdyana (November—December),

Pausa or Taisa (December—January), Mdagha (January-February) and _ Phalguna (February—March).* According to the usual systems of reckoning the year began with Caitra, but it was sometimes taken as beginning with Karttika or another month. A group of two months formed a season (rtu). The six seasons of the Indian year were: Vasanta (Spring, March-May), Grisma (Summer, MayJuly), Varsa (The Rains, July-September), Sarad (Autumn, September— November), Hemanta (Winter, November—January) and Sisira (the Cool Season, January—March).

Twelve lunar months make only about 354 days, and the problem of the

discrepancy between the lunar and solar years was solved very early; sixty-two lunar months are approximately equal to sixty solar months, and so every thirty months an extra month was added to the year, as in Babylonia. This leap-month was generally inserted after Asidha or Sravana and called second (dvitiya) Asidha or Sravana. Thus every second or third year contains thirteen months, and is some twenty-nine days longer than the others.

| * The names of the months in early times were as follows: Madhu, Madhava, Sukra, Suci, Nabhas, Nabhasya, Isa, Urja, Sahas, Sahasya, Tapas, Tapasya. ‘The Vedic names are sometimes found in later poetry.

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| APPENDIX III 493

The Hindu calendar, though quite efficient, is thus rather cumbrous, and is so different from the solar calendar that it is impossible to reduce dates from one to the other without very complicated calculations or lengthy tables. It is even impossible to establish at a glance the month in which a given

Caitra.

Hindu date falls with any certainty. —

Indian dates are usually given in the order—month, paksa, tithi, the abbreviations Sudi and badi being used for the bright and dark halves of the month; e.g. Cattra Sudi 7 means the seventh day from the new moon of the month

The solar calendar, imported with Western astronomy, was also known from Gupta times onwards though it did not oust the old luni-solar calendar

until recent years. Where solar dates are given in early records they are usually mentioned for extra accuracy, with the prevailing naksatra of the day in question, after the regular luni-solar date. In the solar calendar the months are named after the signs of the zodiac, which are literal or nearly exact translations of their Greek originals: Mesa (Aries), Vrsabha (Taurus), Mithuna (Gemini), Karkata (Cancer), Simha (Leo), Kanya (Virgo), Tula (Libra), Vrscika (Scorpio), Dhanus (Sagittarius), Makara (Capricornus), Kumbha (Aquarius) and Mina (Pisces). With the solar calendar the seven-day week was also introduced, the days being named after their presiding planets as in the Greco-Roman system: Ravivara

(Sunday), Somavara (Monday), Mangalavara (Tuesday), Budhavara )

(Wednesday), Brhaspativéra (Thursday), Sukravara (Friday) and Sanivara (Saturday ).

ERAS

Until the 1st century B.c. there is no good evidence that India had any

regular system of recording the year of an event by dating in a definite era , like the 4.U.C. of Rome or the Christian era of medieval and modern Europe. Early inscriptions are dated if at all in the regnal year of the ruling king. The idea of dating over a long period of time from a fixed year was almost certainly introduced into India by the invaders of the North-West,

: who have left the earliest inscriptions thus dated in India. Unfortunately the Indians did not adopt a uniform era, and a number of systems of dating were in use from that time onwards, the chief of which, in order of importance, are as follows: The Vikrama Era (58 8.c.), traditionally founded by a king called Vikram@ditya, who drove the Sakas out of Ujjayini and founded the era to celebrate his victory. The only king who both took the title Vikramaditya and drove the Sakas from Ujjayini was Candra Gupta II, who lived over 400

years later than the beginning of the Vikrama era, and so the legend is certainly false. In the earliest inscriptions using this era, all from Western India, it is called simply Krta (“ established”’), or ‘‘handed down by the Malava tribe’’. Some authorities believe that many inscriptions of the Sakas

| 4194 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA and Pahlavas of North-West India are to be read in this era, and that it was founded by Azes, one of their early kings; but this is by no means certain. This era was most popular in North India. Its year began originally with the month Karttika, but by medieval times Vikrama years began in the bright

half of Caitra in the North, and in the dark half of the same month in the , Peninsula.

The Saka Era (A.D. 78) was, according to tradition, founded by a Saka king who occupied Ujjayini 137 years after Vikramaditya. This era may in fact have been founded by Kaniska, and was certainly used early in the 2nd century A.D. by the ‘‘ Western Satraps’’, who ruled Malwa, Kathiawar

and Gujarat. Thence the use of the era spread through the Deccan and was exported to South-East Asia.

The Gupta Era (a.p. 820) was probably founded by Candra Gupta I, and its use was continued by the Maitraka dynasty of Gujarat for some

centuries after the Gupta empire fell. ,

The Harsa Era (a.p. 606), founded by Harsavardhana of Kanyakubja, was popular in Northern India for a century or two after his death.

The Kalacurt Era (a.p. 248), perhaps founded by a small dynasty

invasion.

called the Traikiitaka, was current in Central India down to the Muslim Other eras of local or temporary importance were the Laksmana Era , of Bengal (a.p. 1119), wrongly said to have been founded by King Laksmana Sena; the Saptarst or Laukika Era, current in Kashmir in the Middle Ages, and recorded in cycles of one hundred years, each cycle commencing seventy-

six years after each Christian century; the Licchavi and Nevadr Eras of Nepal (a.p. 110 and 878); the Kollam Era of Malabar (a.p. 825); and the Era of Vikramaditya VI Calukya (a.p. 1075). The Era of the Kaliyuga (3102 B.c., v. p. 39 above) was often used for religious dates and rarely for political. In Ceylon a Buddha Era from 544 8.c. was in use from an uncertain date, when it probably replaced an earlier reckoning from 483 B.c. ‘The Jainas used an Era of Mahavira, reckoned from 528 B.c. The two latter eras, together with the Vitrama and Saka Eras, are still in use for religious purposes, but the others are extinct. _ In reducing dates in Indian eras to the Christian era it must be remembered that the year, according to most reckonings, begins with the month of

Caitra, which usually commences in the middle of March. Thus the months Magha and Phialguna, and generally the second half of Pausa, occur in the Christian year after that in which the Hindu year began. Dates were usually given in expired years; this was sometimes explicitly stated (e.g. ‘‘when 493 years had passed from the establishment of the tribe of the Malavas’’), but more often taken for granted. In medieval dates it is best to assume an expired year, even when this is not specified, unless there

is special reason to believe otherwise.

The following table will be useful for reducing Indian dates to the Christian era:

|

|

|

APPENDIX III 495 First 94 months approx. Second (usually dark)

(assuming the year to half of Pausa, and the

Era begin with Caitra) whole of Magha and

Vikrama current subtract 58Phalguna 57

expired » 57 _77667B Saka current — add - expired - 78 79

Kalacurt current-add 247949 248 expired 248

Gupta current » add 319321 320 expired 320

Harsa current 9add 605607 606 expired 606 APPENDIX IV

MATHEMATICS Through the necessity of accurately laying out the open-air site of a sacrifice Indians very early evolved a simple system of geometry, but in the sphere of practical knowledge the world owes most to India in the realm of mathematics, which were developed in Gupta times to a stage more advanced than that reached by any other nation of antiquity. The success

of Indian mathematics was mainly due to the fact that the Indians had a clear conception of abstract number, as distinct from numerical quantity of

objects or spatial extension. While Greek mathematical science was largely based on mensuration and geometry, India transcended these conceptions quite early, and, with the aid of a simple numeral notation, devised a rudimentary algebra which allowed more complicated calculations than were possible to the Greeks, and led to the study of number for its own sake. In the earlier inscriptions of India dates and other numerals are written in a notation not unlike that of the Romans, Greeks and Hebrews, with

separate symbols for the tens and hundreds. ‘The earliest inscription recording the date by a system of nine digits and a zero, with place notation for the tens and hundreds, comes from Gujarat, and is dated a.p. 595.* Soon

after this however, the new system had been heard of in Syria (p. vi),+ and was being used as far afield as Indo-China. Evidently the system was in use among mathematicians some centuries before it was employed in

inscriptions, the scribes of which tended to be conservative in their system of * Epigraphia Indica, ii, 20. + Some earlier authorities, disinclined to give India her due, have declared that none of these sources gives certain evidence of the existence of a sign for zero. But Aryabhatas’ text implies a knowledge of it, and Severus Sebokht’s “‘nine symbols’’ would be quite

| useless for expressing quantities over nine without a zero sign and place notation. -The

Maya of Central America had a vigesimal numeral system with positional notation long

before this time, but it had, of course, no effect on the world at large (S. G. Morley, |

The Ancient Maya, London, 1946, p. 274). :

496 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA recording dates; in modern Europe the cumbrous Roman system is still sometimes used for the same purpose. The name of the mathematician who devised the simplified system of writing numerals is unknown, but the earliest surviving mathematical texts—the anonymous “‘Bakshali Manu-

script”’, which is a copy of a text of the 4th century A.p., and the terse Aryabhatiya of Aryabhata, written in a.p. 499—presuppose it. For long it was thought that the decimal system of numerals was invented

by the Arabs, but this is certainly not the case. The Arabs themselves

, called mathematics ‘‘the Indian (art)’’ (Aindisat), and there is now no doubt that the decimal notation, with other mathematical lore, was learnt

by the Muslim world either through merchants trading with the west coast of India, or through the Arabs who conquered Sind in a.p. 712. The debt of the Western world to India in this respect cannot be overestimated. Most of the great discoveries and inventions of which Europe is so proud would have been impossible without a developed system of mathematics, and this in turn would have been impossible if Europe had been shackled by the unwieldy system of Roman numerals. The unknown man who devised the new system was from the world’s point of view, after the Buddha, the most important son of India. His achievement, though easily taken for granted, was the work of an analytical mind of the first order, | and he deserves much more honour than he has so far received. Medieval Indian mathematicians, such as Brahmagupta (7th century),

Mahavira (9th century) and Bhaskara (12th century), made several discoveries which in Europe were not known until the Renaissance or later. They understood the import of positive and negative quantities, evolved sound systems of extracting square and cube roots, and could solve quadratic and certain types of indeterminate equations. For mw Aryabhata gave the usual modern approximate value of 3:1416, expressed in the form of a fraction $2832. This value of +, much more accurate than that of the Greeks, was improved to-nine places of decimals by later Indian mathematicians. Some steps were made in trigonometry, spherical geometry and calculus, chiefly

in connexion with astronomy. ‘The mathematical implications of zero (Séinya) and infinity, never more than vaguely realized by classical authorities, were fully understood in medieval India. Earlier mathematicians had

taught that =z, but Bhaskara proved that it was infinity. He also established mathematically what had been recognized in Indian theology at least a millenium earlier, that infinity, however divided, remains infinite,

represented by the equation 2 = ~. APPENDIX V

7 , PHYSICS AND CHEMISTRY , .. Ancient Indian ideas of physics were closely linked with religion and theology, and differed somewhat from sect to sect. As early as the time of the Buddha, if not before, the universe was classified by elements, of which

|‘ |

APPENDIX V 497 all schools admitted at least four—earth, air, fire and water. To these orthodox Hindu schools and Jainism added a fifth, ahaa, which is generally

translated ‘‘ether’’. It was recognized that air was not of infinite extension, and the Indian mind, with its abhorrence of a vacuum, found it hard to conceive of empty space. The five elements were thought of as the mediums of sense impressions—earth of smell, air of feeling, fire of vision, water of taste, and ether of sound. Buddhists and Ajivikas rejected ether, but the latter added life, joy and sorrow, which were thought of as in some way material, making a total of seven elements. Most schools believed that the elements other than ether were atomic. Indian atomism was certainly independent of Greek influence, for an atomic theory was taught by Pakudha Katyayana, an older contemporary of the

Buddha, and was therefore earlier than that of Democritus. The Jainas believed that all atoms (azu) were identical, and that differences of the character of the elements were due to the manner in which the atoms were combined. Most schools, however, maintained that there were as many types of atom as there were elements. The atom was generally thought to be eternal, but some Buddhists conceived of it not only as the minutest object capable of occupying space, but also as

occupying the minutest possible duration of time, coming into being and vanishing almost in an instant, only to be succeeded by another atom, caused

by the first. Thus the atom of Buddhism in some measure resembles the quantum of Planck. The atom was quite invisible to the human eye; the orthodox Vaisesika school believed the single atom to be a mere point in space, completely without magnitude. A single atom had no qualities, but only potentialities, which came into

play when the atom combined with others. The Vaisesika school, which specially elaborated atomic doctrines, and was the school of atomism par excellence, maintained that, before combining to form material objects, atoms made primary combinations of diads and triads. This doctrine of molecules was developed differently by Buddhists and Ajivikas, who taught that in normal conditions no atoms existed in a pure state, but only combined in different proportions in a molecule (samghdta, kalapa). Every molecule contained at least one atom of all four types, and obtained its character from

the predominance of a given element. This hypothesis accounted for the fact that matter might show characteristics of more than one element: thus wax might melt and also burn, because its molecules contained proportions

of water and fire. According to the Buddhists the molecules cohered by , virtue of the atoms of water in each, which acted as adhesive.

Indian atomic theories were not based so much on experiment, as on intuition and logic. They were not universally held. The great theologian Sankara (p. 328) did not believe in atoms and argued strongly against their existence. But the atomic theories of ancient India are brilliant imaginative explanations of the physical structure of the world; though it is probably mere coincidence that they agree in part with the theories of modern physics, they are nevertheless much to the credit of the intellect and imagination of

early Indian thinkers.

|

498 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA Beyond this ancient Indian physics developed little. Without knowledge , of an all-embracing law of gravity it remained. in a rudimentary state, like all the physical systems of the ancient world. It was generally believed that the elements of earth and water tended to fall, and fire to rise, and it was recognized that solids.and fluids alike generally expanded on heating, but no serious effort was made to study such phenomena experimentally. In the science of acoustics, however, India made real discoveries based on experiment, and the ear, highly trained by the phonetic study necessary for the correct recitation of the Vedas, learned to distinguish musical tones far closer than those of other early musical systems. Before the Christian era the octave was divided into twenty-two Srutis, or quarter-tones (p. 382),

! and their proportions were measured with great accuracy. It was recognized that differences of timbre were caused by overtones (anuranana), which varied with different instruments. We know from the evidence of the Iron Pillar of Delhi (p. 219 f) and other sources that Indian metallurgists gained great proficiency in the extraction of metal from ore and in metal-casting, and their products were known and

valued in the Roman Empire and the Middle East; but their knowledge appears to have. been largely pragmatic, and had no counterpart in a highly developed science of metallurgy. Chemistry in ancient India was the handmaid, not of technology, but of medicine; her chemists did not share the

interest of medieval Europe in transmuting base metal into gold, but apparently devoted most of their attention to making medicines, drugs to promote longevity, aphrodisiacs, poisons, and their antidotes. ‘These medical chemists did succeed in producing many important alkalis, acids and metallic salts by simple processes of calcination and distillation, and it has even been suggested, without good basis, that they discovered a form of

gunpowder. ,

In the Middle Ages Indian chemists, like their counterparts in China, the

Muslim World and Europe, became engrossed in the study of mercury, perhaps through contact with the Arabs. A school of alchemists arose, who experimented with the wonderful fluid metal, and decided that it was the specific for all diseases, the source of perpetual youth, and even the surest

means to salvation. In this infatuation with mercury Indian chemistry foundered, but not before it had passed many ideas on to the Arabs, who gave them to medieval Europe.

, APPENDIX VI , PHYSIOLOGY AND MEDICINE The Vedas show a very primitive stage of medical and physiological lore,

but the basic textbooks of Indian medicine—the compendia of Caraka ( 1st~-2nd centuries a.p.) and Susruta (c. 4th century a.p. )——are the products

APPENDIX VI 499 of a fully evolved system which resembles those of Hippocrates and Galen in some respects, and in others has developed beyond them. We have no medical texts of the intervening period, but there is little doubt that two factors encouraged medical knowledge—the growth of interest in physiology through the phenomena of yoga and mystical experience, and Buddhism. Like the Christian missionary of later times the Buddhist monk often served as a doctor among the layfolk from whom he begged his food; moreover he was encouraged to care for his own health and that of his fellow-monks, and his creed tended towards rationalism and a distrust of the medical magic

of earlier times. The development of medicine was also probably stimulated | by contact with Hellenic physicians, and the resemblances between Indian

, and classical medicine suggest borrowing on both sides. After Susruta Indian medicine developed little, except in the growing use of mercurial drugs, and of others such as opium and sarsaparilla, which were introduced

by the Arabs. In its essentials the system practised by the ayurvedic physician of present day India remains the same. The basic conception of Indian medicine, like that of ancient and medieval

Europe, was the humours (dosa). Most authorities taught that health was maintained through the even. balance of the three vital fluids of the body—wind, gall and mucus, to which some added blood as a fourth humour. The three primary humours were connected with the scheme of the three gunas, or universal qualities (p. 324 f), and associated with virtue,

passion and dullness respectively. ,

The bodily functions were maintained by the five ‘‘ winds”’ (vdyu): uddna,

emanating from the throat, and causing speech; prdya, in the heart, and responsible for breathing and the swallowing of food; samana, fanning the fire in the stomach which ‘‘cooked”’ or digested the food, and dividing it into its digestible and indigestible parts; apdna in the abdomen, and responsible for excretion and procreation; and vydna, a generally diffused wind,

causing the motion of the blood and of the body generally. The food digested by the samdna became chyle, which proceeded to the heart, and thence to the liver, where its essence was converted into blood. The blood

in turn was in part converted into flesh and the process was continued through the series fat, bone, marrow and semen; the latter, when not expelled, produced energy (ojas), which returned to the heart and was thence

diffused over the body. This process of metabolism was believed to take place in thirty days. Ancient Indian doctors had no clear knowledge of the function of the brain, and believed with most ancient peoples that the heart was the seat of intelligence. They realized, however, the importance of the spinal cord (p. 326 f), and knew of the existence of the nervous system, though it was not properly

understood. The progress of physiology and biology was impeded by the taboo on contact with dead bodies, which much discouraged dissection and the study of anatomy, although such practices were not completely unknown. Despite their maccurate knowledge‘of physiology, which was by no means

inferior to that of most ancient peoples, India evolved a developed empirical , surgery. The cesarian section was known, bone-setting reached a high

500 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA degree of skill, and plastic surgery was developed far beyond anything known elsewhere at the time. Ancient Indian surgeons were expert at the repair of noses, ears and lips, lost or injured in battle or by judicial mutilation. In this respect Indian surgery remained ahead of European until the 18th century, when the surgeons of the East Indian Company were not ashamed to learn the art of rhinoplasty from the Indians. Though Indians very early conceived of the existence of microscopic forms of life, it was never realized that these might cause diseases; but if Indian surgeons had no true idea of antisepsis or asepsis they encouraged scrupulous cleanliness as they understood it, and recognized the therapeutic value of fresh air and light. The pharmacopoeia of ancient India was very large,

and comprised animal, vegetable and mineral products. Many Asiatic drugs were known and used long before their introduction into Europe, notably the oil of the chaulmugra tree, traditionally prescribed as a specific for leprosy, and still the basis of the modern treatment of the disease. The physician was a highly respected member of society, and the vaidyas

rank high in the caste hierarchy to this day. The rules of professional behaviour laid down in medical texts remind us of those of Hippocrates and are not unworthy of the conscientious doctor of any place or time. We quote part of the sermon which Caraka instructs a physician to preach to his pupils at a solemn religious ceremony to be performed on the completion

of their apprenticeship. ,

‘‘If you want success in your practice, wealth and fame, and heaven after your

death, you must pray every day on rising and going to bed for the welfare of all beings, especially of cows and brahmans, and you must strive with all your soul for the health of the sick. You must not betray your patients, even at

the cost of your own life... . You must not get drunk, or commit evil, or have evil companions. . . . You must be pleasant of speech . . . and thoughtful,

always striving to improve your knowledge.

“When you go to the home of a patient you should direct your words, mind,

intellect and senses nowhere but to your patient and his treatment. ... Nothing that happens in the house of the sick man must be told outside, nor must the patient’s condition be told to anyone who might do harm by that knowledge

to the patient or to another.”’ * Under the patronage of the more benevolent kings and religious foundations free medical aid was given to the poor. Asoka took pride in the fact that he had provided medicines for man and beast, and the traveller Fa-hsien, in the early 5th century a.p., made special note of the free hospitals main-

, tained by the donations of pious citizens. Unfortunately we have no detailed descriptions of such establishments. Veterinary medicine was also practised. The doctrine of non-violence encouraged the endowment of animal refuges and homes for sick and aged animals, and such charities are still maintained in many cities of India. The

horse and elephant doctors were members of skilled and respected pro-

| fessions, much in demand at court, ‘and texts on veterinary science survive

from the Middle Ages. Be, — * Caraka Samhita, iii, 8, 7. |

|

APPENDIX VII 501. APPENDIX VII LOGIC AND EPISTEMOLOGY With such an intense interest in metaphysical problems and a tradition of lively debate and discussion it is not surprising that India developed her

own distinctive system of logic. The basic logical text is the Nydya Siitras of Gautama, perhaps composed in the early centuries of the Christian era, a series of brief aphorisms much commented on by later writers, and the

foundation-text of the Nyaya, one of the six schools of orthodox philosophy (p. 323). Logic was not, however, confined to this one school, but was utilized and adapted by Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina alike.

One of the most important topics of Indian thought in this field was the question of pramana, which may be translated ‘‘means of reliable knowledge”. According to the later Nyaya schools there were four pramanas, perception (pratyaksa), inference (anumdna), inference by analogy or comparison (upamana), and ‘‘word’’ (Sabda), the pronouncement of a reliable authority, such as the Vedas. The Vedanta school added intuition or presumption (arthdpatti) and non-perception (anupalabdhi), the latter an unnecessary scholastic refinement. The six categories overlapped somewhat, and the Buddhists generally included all forms of knowledge under the

first two categories, while the Jainas usually allowed only three, perception, . inference and revelation. The materialists allowed only perception, and their opponents made short work of their efforts at proving by inference that inference could not give reliable knowledge. It was probably in the study of the process of inference that schools of

true logic arose. From the necessities of metaphysical discussion false arguments were analysed and classified; of these logicians recognized the chief fallacies of classical logic, such as reductio ad absurdum ( arthaprasanga),

circular argument (cakra), infinite regression (anavastha), dilemma (anyonydsraya), and ignoratio elenchi ( atmasraya).

| A correct inference was established by syllogism, of which the Indian form (paficavayava) was somewhat more cumbrous than the Aristotelian. Its five members were known as proposition (pratijfid), reason (hetu),

| example (uddharana), application (upanaya) and conclusion (nigamana). The classical Indian example may be paraphrased as follows:

(1) There is fire on the mountain, (2) because there is smoke above it, (3) and where there is smoke there is fire, as, for instance, in a kitchen; (4) such is the case with the mountain, (5) and therefore there is fire on it.

The third term of the Indian syllogism corresponds to the major premiss of that of Aristotle, the second to Aristotle’s minor premiss, and the first to his conclusion. ‘Thus the Indian syllogism reversed the order of that of classical logic, the argument being stated in the first and second

;,| 502 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA clauses, established by the general rule and example in the third, and finally clinched by the virtual repetition of the first two clauses. The “example” (in the above syllogism the kitchen) was generally looked on as an essential

part of the argument, and helped to strengthen its rhetorical force. Evidently this elaborate system of syllogism is the outcome of much practical experience in discussion. . Three-membered syllogisms were admitted by the Buddhists, who rightly rejected the fourth and fifth members of the ortho-

dox syllogism as tautological. _ , | The basis of the generalization (for example ‘‘where there is smoke there is fire’’) on which every inference rests was believed to be the quality of universal concomitance. (vyapiz). The nature and origin of this quality was much discussed, and its consideration led to theories of universals and

particulars, which are too recondite for consideration in this book. , No treatment of Indian thought is complete without a brief reference to the remarkable epistemological relativity of Jamism. Jaina thinkers, and some other heterodox teachers also, explicitly rejected what in classical logic is called the law of the excluded middle. For the Jaina there were not merely the two possiblities of existence and non-existence, but seven. Thus we may affirm (1) that an object, say a knife, exists as a knife. We may further say (2) that it is not something else, say afork. But it exists as a knife and does not exist as a fork, and so we may declare of it (3) that in one aspect it is and in another it is not. From another point of view (4) it is indescribable; its ultimate essence is unknown to us and we cannot. posit

anything final about it—it is inexpressible. By combining this fourth possiblity with the three former ones we obtain three further possibilities of

predication—(5) it is, but its nature is otherwise indescribable, (6) it is not, but its nature is indescribable, and (7) it both is and is not, but its nature is indescribable. This system of seven aspects of predication is known as

division’’).* | So | oe

syadvada (‘‘the doctrine of ‘maybe’’’), or sapiabhangi (‘‘the sevenfold As well as syadvada the Jainas had another sevenfold system of predication known as nayavdda, the theory of standpoints, or ways of approaching an ob-

ject of observation or study. The first three of these are connected with the object itself (dravydarthika), and the latter four with its modifications and

the words used to describe it (parydyarthika). (1) A mango tree may be considered simultaneously as an individual having a definite size and shape and as a member of the species “‘ mango tree’’; (2) it may be treated merely as a representative of the “universal’’ mango tree, and as corresponding to the general concept of a mango tree, without taking its individual qualities into account; or (3) it may be considered merely as an individual, without

taking note of its specific qualities. Further it may be thought of (4) as it is at the present moment, for instance as bearing ripe fruit, without any regard to its past as a sapling or its future as firewood. (5) We may think of it from the point of view of its name “‘mango”’, considering all the * The Sanskrit terms for the seven aspects are: (1) (6) syadasti, (2) syannasti,and (3) syadastinadsti, (4) syddavaktavya, (5) syadastyavaktavya, sydnnastyavaktavya,

(7) sy@dastindstyavaktavya. = = oe

- APPENDIX VII 5038 synonyms of that name, and their implications. These synonyms may be subtly differentiated, and (6) we may consider their nuances and connotations. Finally (7) we may consider an object in its relation to a given epithet; thus by referring to a hero as a “lion”? we mentally abstract all his unlionlike qualities, and think of him only as a being of strength and courage.* Some Jaina schools rejected the last three standpoints, which are hardly consistent with the first four, being rather semantic in character than epistemological. Modern logicians might make short work of these rather pedantic systems of ontological and epistemological relativity, but they have a fundamental quality of breadth and realism, implying a full realization that the world is more complex and subtle than we think it, and that what is true of a thing in one of its aspects may at the same time be false in another. |

APPENDIX VIII

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES , MEASURES OF WEIGHT The basic weight of ancient India was the raktzka, the bright red seed of the

guija (abrus precatorius), which was conventionally reckoned at about 1:83 grains (-118 grams). Many sources give series of weights rising from this, which are not wholly consistent, and show that standards varied very widely with time and place.

The goldsmith’s scale given by Manu, which was probably the most widely followed, was:

5 raktikas = 1 masa, 16 mdsas = | karsa, tolaka, or suvarna,

4:karsas = 1 pala, 10 palas = 1 dharana.

The weight of the pala was thus approximately 14 0z., or 37-76 gms. Of heavier weights the chief were the prastha, usually given as of 16 palas, and the drona of 16 prasthas. The prastha was thus approximately 21 0z., and the drona 21} lb.

MEASURES OF LENGTH The commonest table, omitting microscopic measurements, was:

8 yava (barleycorns) = 1 angula (finger’s breadth, ? in.) |

— 12 angulas = 1 vitasti (span, 9 ins.) 2 vitastis = 1 hasta or aratni (cubit, 18 ins.) 4: hastas , = 1 danda (rod) or dhanus (bow, 6 ft.)

2,000 dhanus = 1 kroga (cry) or goruta (cow-call, 2} miles)

4: krofas = 1 yojana (stage, 9 miles approx.).

* The Sanskrit names of the seven nayas are: (1) naigama, (2) sangraha, (3) vyavahara, (4) rjusiitra, (5) Sabda, (6) samabhiriidha, and (7) evambhita.

;

504 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA

Though most sources give the Arofa (in modern Indian languages kos) as of 2,000 dandas the Arthasastra gives it as of only 1,000, the yojana, which was the commonest measure of long distances in ancient India, being thus

of only 44 miles. It is therefore clear that there were at least two yojanas, and distances as given in texts are thus very unreliable. It would seem that for practical purposes the shorter yojana was more often used than the

longer, especially in earlier times.

MEASURES OF TIME Ancient Indian learned men devised a detailed terminology for minute

intervals of time, which had little relation to everyday life and must be looked on as a flight of fancy. The longer measurements in most general use were:

18 nimesas (winks) = 1 kasthd (3% secs.),

30 kasthas = 1 kald (12 mins.) 15 kalas = 1 nddika or nalikd (24 mins.)

30 kalas or 2 nddtkas = 1 muhirta or ksana (48 mins.)

30 muhiirtas = 1 aho-raira (day and night, 24 hours). , A measurement frequently used, but not consistent with this system, was the yama or watch, one-eighth of a day and night, or three hours. In some sources, however, the yama is given as three muhiirtas, or one-tenth of a day and night. The hour (hora) was introduced from the West in the Gupta period and was used in astronomy, but was not widely employed in everyday life. For longer measures of time see p. 492 ff.

APPENDIX IX COINAGE*

, EARLY PUNCH MARKED COINS | Uninscribed punchmarked coins were minted from the 6th century s.c. onwards, and were in circulation for many centuries. Among the earliest silver specimens are those in the shape of a small bent bar, the largest of ~ which, the Satamana, weighed 180 grains. Half, quarter and half-quarter

Satamanas are attested. ,

The basic silver punchmarked coin of the usual type was the karsdpana or pana, of 57-8 grains. The masa or masika weighed one-sixteenth of this, or

36 grains. Various intermediate weights are attested, as well as large silver coins of 30 and 20 mdsas and small half-mdsa pieces. Punchmarked copper coins were generally based on a different standard —a masa of 9 grains and a kdrsapana of 144. Quarter-mdsas in copper, or * We are much indebted to Dr. A. K. Narain, Reader in Indology at Banaras Hindu

University, for providing the material for this appendix. |

APPENDIX IX 505 kakinis (2-25 grains) are attested, as well as large coins of 20, 30 and 45 copper masas.

Only one gold punchmarked coin is known, and it must be assumed that gold was very rarely minted before the beginning of the Christian era.

, INDO-GREEK COINS The earlier Greek kings minted coins according to the Attic standard,

based on the drachm of 67-2 grains and the obol (4 drachm) of 11-2 grains. , Silver coinage of this type ranges from hemiobols to the very large double decadrachms, struck by a king Amyntas, which have recently been found in Afghanistan. After their southward expansion the Greeks adopted a reduced weight, with silver coins of 152 and 38 grains. The Greek kings issued numerous copper coins, but their metrology is

not clear. Gold coins must have been very rare. ‘There exist a very

of a few other kings. , large 20 stater piece of the Bactrian usurper Eucratides and rare staters

Greek standard.

Saka and Pahlava coins in silver and copper follow the reduced IndoKUSANA COINS

These were minted in gold and copper. The gold dindras or suvarnas were based on the Roman denarius and were of 124 grains. Double and quarter dindras were also issued. The copper coins were large, of from

26 to 28 mdasas, or 240 to 260 grains. | PRE-GUPTAN AND GUPTAN COINS

A large range of coins in silver and copper, of very varied weight and character, was issued by the indigenous kings, tribes and cities of Northern India in the centuries immediately preceding and following the beginning of the Christian era. The Satavahanas of the Deccan also issued coins of

lead and potin (base silver), while the Sakas of Gujarat, Malwa and the Western Deccan issued a distinctive series of coins in silver. The gold coins of the Guptas (dina@ra) originally approximated to the

Kusana standard, but in the middle of the 5th century rose in weight to 144 grains, thus returning to the Indian standard of the copper harsdpana. Gupta silver coins (ripaka), based on those of the Sakas of Ujjayini, weighed

32-36 grains. ‘The metrology of Gupta copper coinage is obscure, and

weights of from 3-3 to 101 grains are attested. ,

| MEDIEVAL COINS Gold coins (suvarna, tanka) were minted by only a few dynasties in the 11th century. These approximated to the Greek drachm standard of 67 grains. Silver coins (dramma, tanka) also conformed to this standard, and coins of 3, 4 and } dramma are attested. Numerous types of copper coin were issued, of diverse metrology. The coinage of the medieval dynasties of the Peninsula was very varied and a full study of its metrology is yet to be made. 34:

| |

506 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA APPENDIX X

THE ALPHABET AND ITS PRONUNCIATION The alphabet devised by ancient Indian phoneticians and adapted to all the chief Indian languages except Urdii is as follows:

a. (simple) , ,guttural short long . , , (l) a (2) 4 I. VOWELS

palatal , .. ,. .(3) 2 u—(6) (4A) labial . (5) @r retroflex , . (7) r (8) dental . . , . (9) / (10) 1*

(b) diphthongs , palatal . . (ll) e

, labial . . (13) o

(12) ai

(14) au

Ii. CONSONANTS

(a) visarga (b) anusvara

(15) h (16) m

(c) stopped consonants

unvoiced unvoiced voiced voiced nasal

aspirate aspirate

guttural. , . (17k (18) kh (19)g (20)gh (21)n palatal . . . (22)ce (28) ch (24) 7 (25) jh (26) a retroflex , . (27)¢ (28) th (29)d (80) dh (81) 2 dental ... . (82) (33) th (34) d (35) dh (86)n labial. , . (37) p (88) ph (89)b (40) bh (41) m (d) semivowels

palatal. . (42) y

retroflex . (43) r dental. . (44) 1 labial x. . (45) 0 palatal . . (46) § retrofiex . (47) 5

(e) stbilants ,

dental. . (48) s

(f) aspiration

(49) h * This vowel is the invention of the pandits, and never occurs in practice. The short vocalic / occurs only in the root Alp and its derivatives.

APPENDIX X — 607 To these letters the Dravidian languages and Sinhalese add the short vowels é (between / and e) and 6 (betweeneando). Sinhalese has also the additional vowels @ and @ (between 4 and). Tamil adds the consonants l, | (not the same as the vocalic / of Sanskrit), r, and 2 at the end of the

_ alphabet; these letters cannot stand at the beginning of a word. The Tamil alphabet omits the aspirate letters and several others, and the unvoiced letters serve to express the sound of the voiced. The system of transliteration used for Tamil words and quotations in this book does not show this peculiarity.

| It will be seen that this alphabet is methodical and scientific, its elements classified first into vowels and consonants, and then, within each section, according to the manner in which the sound is formed. The gutturals are formed by the constriction of the throat at the back of the tongue,

the palatals by pressing the tongue flat against the palate, the retro-

lips. ,

flex by turning up the tip of the tongue to touch the hard palate, the dentals by touching the upper teeth with the tongue, and the labials by pursing the The vowels a, 2, 7, u, i, e, at, 0, and au are pronounced approximately as in German or Italian, e and o being “close ’’ sounds, as in German beten and

boten, but short a has the dull sound of the English shut. In very early times r and the vocalic / were pronounced approximately as are the second syllables of the words water and bottle by Americans, but before the Christian era they were sounded as ri and /ri. The Sinhalese d@ and @ are pronounced approximately as the vowels in the English at and hair respectively. According to traditional phonetics e and o are classed as diphthongs and in Sanskrit are invariably long. Of the two first consonants /, occurring only at the end of words or syllables, is a rough breathing, replacing an originals or r. It is a distinct emission of breath, often followed by a faint continuation of the preceding vowel. | Anusvara, or m, written in Indian scripts as a dot, is in part a mere abbreviation, representing a nasal sound before a stopped consonant. Thus samdhi is pronounced as sandhi, and amga as aga. Before semi-vowels, sibilants or h it had the effect of nasalizing the preceding vowel, as in Frenchor Portuguese; thus amsu was pronounced very approximately as the French un chou. By |

many modern speakers m in this position is pronounced as the English ng in sang.

The distinction between the aspirate and unaspirate consonants is not immediately recognized by the European, but it is clear to the Indian. K, for instance, is pronounced without any noticeable emission of breath, and kh (written as one letter in Indian scripts) with a strong emission, as in the usual pronunciation of the English c in come. ‘Thus the reader should avoid the temptation to pronounce th and ph as the initial sounds of the English thing and phial; they approximate to the sounds in pothook and shepherd. C is pronounced approximately as the second consonantal sound in the English

church, and ch as the first sound in the same word, i.e., with a stronger emission of breath. J is pronounced as in English, and not as in German or French. A clear distinction is made between the retroflex or cerebral

,|| 508 THE WONDER THAT WAS INDIA consonants and the dental, though it is not very evident to the untrained English ear. The English ¢ and d are nearer to the Indian retroflex ¢ and d than to the Indian dentals ¢ and d, which approximate to the corresponding sounds in Italian. Modern Indians do not generally differentiate in speaking between § and

s, and inscriptions show that the two sounds began to be confused at an early date. Both resemble sh in the English shut. Originally s was pronounced, like the other retroflex consonants, with the tip of the tongue touching the top of the hard palate. Of the special Tamil letters / has the sound of an / with the tongue turned

as far back as possible. Many modern Tamil speakers pronounce this letter rather like the s in the English measure or the French, but more harshly. The consonantal / ( which also occurs in Vedic and some Prakrits) is pronounced by placing the tongue on the top of the hard palate and flapping it forward; r at the end of a syllable is often pronounced as ¢; between two vowels it is approximately dr, and when doubled tr, while ur is usually pronounced as

ndr; though a distinction formerly existed Tamil 2 is in modern speech indistinguishable from n. We have seen that Vedic Sanskrit, like Greek, had a tonic accent, but this,

again as in Greek, disappeared very early from ordinary speech, its place being taken by a stress accent, as in most European languages. ‘The stress is placed on the last prosodically long syllable of a word (i.e. a syllable containing either a long vowel or a short vowel followed by two consonants ) other than the final syllable, which never has the accent. In a word with no long syllables the accent is on the first syllable. E.g. sdbha, Himalaya, Sakintala, dvayava. The stress is not as marked as in English.

| PROSODY

APPENDIX XI

Like those of classical Europe the metres of Indian poetry are quantitative,

based on the order of long and short syllables, and not, as in English, on stress. As in classical European languages a syllable was counted as long if it contained a long vowel (4, 7, u%, r, e, 0, at or au), or a short vowel followed by two consonants. The favourite stanza form at all times was of four lines or ‘‘quarters”’ (pada), usually equal, and varying in length

from eight to over twenty syllables each, with a full casura between the , the second and third quarters. Most of the metres of classical poetry were set in rigid patterns and not divided into feet, but broken only by one or

two czsure in each quarter. The metres of the Veda, however, and the epic sloka metre, allowed considerable variation. Though most of the Vedic hymns are in stanzas of four quarters there are

some with three or five divisions. Of the former, one, called Géyatri, is common, and is that of the famous Gayatri verse quoted on p. 162. It

|

APPENDIX XI 509 consists of three sections of eight syllables each, the first four of which are free, while the last four have the cadence Vv — vu ~.

The commonest Vedic stanza is Tristubh, consisting of four quarters of | eleven syllables each. The quarter normally has a ceesura after the fourth or fifth syllable, and is prevailingly iambic. The last four syllables of each quarter have the cadence - V — ~. For example: Indrasya nu viriani pré vocam yani cakéra prathamani vajri. Ahann Ahim, anu apds tatarda, pra vaksand abhinat parvatandm.*

Similar to this, but with an extra syllable in each quarter, was the twelvesyllabled Jagatz, with the cadence—~ VY — vy &.

In the later hymns of the Rg Veda a stanza of four eight-syllable quar- | ters, called Anustubh, became popular. This was much the same as Gayatri, with a fourth line added, but there was considerable variation in the final

cadence. For example: | | Sahdasra-sirsa Purusah,

| sahasraksah, sahdsrapat. Sd bhiimim visvdto vrtva

aty atisthad dasangulam.+

From the Anustubh of the Vedas developed the Sloka, the chief epic metre , of later times. This consisted of four quarters of eight syllables each, the first and third normally ending with the cadence v —— ~, and the second and fourth with »~—w