The Wisdom of Solomon and the Byzantine Reception of Origen 1433194694, 9781433194696

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The Wisdom of Solomon and the Byzantine Reception ofOrigen

The Wisdom ofSolomon and the Byzantine Reception of Origen

Panayiotis Tzamalikos

The Wisdom o/Solomon and the Byzantine Reception ofOrigen

PETER LANG New York· Berlin· Brussels· Lausanne· Oxford

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Control Number: 2022019720

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek. The German National Library lists this publication in the German National Bibliography; detailed bibliographic data is available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. Cover design by Peter Lang Group AG

ISBN 978-1-4331-9469-6 (hacdback) ISBN 978-1-4331-9470-2 (,book) ISBN 978-1-4331-9471-9 (,pub) DOl 1O.3726/bI9287

© 2023 Panayiotis Tzamalikos Published by Peter Lang Publishing Inc. , New York, USA [email protected] - www.peterlang.com

All rights reserved. All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. Any utilization outside the strict limits of the copyright law, without the permission of the publisher, is forbidden and liable to prosecution. This applies in particular to reproductions , translations, microfilming, and storage and processing in electronic retrieval systems. This publication has been peer reviewed.

For my beloved wift

Eleni my thirty-year-long escorting angel

Contents

Preface Abbreviations Introduction Hebrew and Greek 'Wisdom'

The Codex

ix xiii 1 1 6

The Owner, Demetrius Protocanonarch of the Great Church

(Haghia Sophia) Origen in the Palaeologean Enlightenment The Belated Byzantine Enlightenment: Pachymeres and Gregoras, Two Antipodal Personalities Nikephorus Gregoras Identification of Authorship

13 21 46 83 98

Greek Text

137

Translation

371

Appendix: Origen, Maximus Confessor, and Neoplatonism

557

viii

I

Contents

Bibliography

603

Index ofAncient and Medieval Names Index ofModern Names

659 675

Preface

This is a commentary written during the period of the so-called Byzantine Enlightenment, when a keen interest in the old Hellenic lore made a distinctive mark - the same heritage which, during Byzantium's period of acme, was exorcised as a daemon. This 'Enlightenment' was the era when a flurry of commentaries on works

of Archaic, Classical and Late Antiquity appeared: scholia on Homer, Hesiod, Aristotle (but less on Plato), the three great tragedians, Aristophanes, as well as on Lucian of Samosata, Hermogenes, and others. The present codex contains the entire text of the Book of Wisdom along the commentary, without lacunae or missing points at all. The pattern is that of

Origen's having taken his cue from Alexander of Aphrodisias (notably, the latter's commentaries on Aristotle's Metaphysics) Prior Analytics) Topics) On Sense and Perceptible Things, Meteorologics, On the Soul, etc.): a short pericope of the prime treatise is quoted and then a comment follows; a next pericope is likewise copied and commented upon, and so

Oll.

As a matter of fact, there are several points of the present commentary that

can be associated with Origen's pen, since there are distinctive versions of specific biblical terms that correspond to the scriptural text Origen used, as indeed there

x

I Prefoce

are variations of the text of the Book of Wisdom which, to biblical scholars, will appear novel, and sometimes intriguing. Nevertheless, the commentary in its extant form is definitely much later: the

vocabulary (especially flowery neologisms) is heavily drawn from that of PseudoDionysius the Areopagite (therefore, occasionally, from Proclus, too). The author makes his own contribution to the use of bombastic nouns and epithets, since

it was a characteristic of the later Byzantine period to prefix nouns and epithets

with prepositions, especially in relation to God, which add emphasis but in fact mean nothing new: to speak of God (8.6,) and styling Him tJ7r.pS.o, adds nothing. Likewise, when the commentator speaks of God and styles Him {)7r~prXTIHpO~

instead of 'infinite' (,"napo,), the addition of the preposition tm

. The difference is significant and all too clear: A ~(~AOI ('bible') is a large composition comprising several particular 'books' or 'documents' (~[~A(IX). For

example, when Patriarch Dositheus II (who died in Constantinople in 1707) concluded the twelfth (and last) book of his History of the Patriarchate ofJerusalem (L1W&Xd~I~AO;, published in 1715), he wrote, 'hereby the twelfth out of twelve books (~l~A(W» is finished, which marks the end of the entire bible (TO T~I ~(~AOV 'T4AO~), i.e. of his entire twelve-volume History. 36 Accordingly, the present commentator wrote that the end of his commentary marks the end of an entire 'bible' (~(~AO~), whereas, to the later owner of that single document, this particular commentary (presumably, part of the initial ~(~AOI) was simply 'one book' (~[~A(O-Y). Therefore, this was not about the entire Codex 199, which has been preserved as a coalescence of heterogeneous documents, but about the Commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom only.

On the lower margin offirst page of the manuscript (folio 3r), there is the note, Kat TOVTO crv> &MOlI L'l~~~Tp(OV TOV TIpwToKa>oWtpxOv ('this, beside other ones, [belongs to] Demetrius the Protocanonarch [first lead singer]'). Furthermore, on the bottom of the last page of the text (folio 54v), the new owner of that, namely, Demetrius the Protocanonarch (as if carrying on with the commentator's phrase, 'with God's help, this is how this large book has been concluded') wrote, 'and now' (>v> ,,alli~ TOj) ay AylOcrO~lTW> Ka8' ~flw> 6Pfl~».53 Quite evidently, they fancied themselves as a sort of noble cast, somehow men of consequence, and had grown arrogant therefore. Later, the highly erudite Classicist and bishop, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, wrote of certain people who, 'at some time, arrived in the great Thessaloniki', and among the names that he cited he included a certain 'wise citizen of the great city

[Sc. Constantinople], a deacon, namely the Haghiosophite Michael, a protekdikos' (,npo\ Ii. cro~O\ fli. Anonymous, VIta Sancti Pachomii (cod. Ath. EN 2560), section 8: l\5)..' it~tW -ra -rov cticrxtcr-rov 'Dptyi... ov; crvIYpc'tftftct-rct Kctt HpctKAdov -rov y~yo ... o-ro; itpXt~mcrx07rov AA~~ct"'6pdct; ft~ iacrctt -rt... ct -rW... V7rO cr~ it... ctyt... WcrMt... ~ hipw ... it... ctyt... WcrKo...-rW... itKOO~t... · imcr'flctA~ yc'tp dcrt Kctt oAi9ptct Kctt e~ov 7rOpPW 6ttcr-rW...-rct.

28

I Introduction

also on the Patriarch of Constantinople, that is, John Chrysostom, whom the bellicose Epiphanius persistently denounced as being an Origenist. ll3 Moreover, the second council of Nicaea (in 787) took some steps further: they had a deacon read a refutation of 'Eusebius' apology for Origen' written by Antipater of Bostra (without mentioning that, in the first place, 'Eusebius' apology' was

Pamphilus' work). While Antipater acknowledged Eusebius' erudition ('since he had access to libraries everywhere, because of the emperor's favour'), he determined that Eusebius was but a heretic as much as Origen was. Consequently, 'the most holy Patriarch said: "By means of patristic [Sc. Antipater's] voice, the works of Eusebius

have been proven to be alien to the Catholic Church'''114 Qe.d.' Otherwise, later Byzantine testimonies on Origen should be taken seriously, all the more so since it appears that some of them availed themselves of information from texts that are no longer extant.

For example, Michael Psellus clearly appears informed that Origen was a convert, not one born to Christian parents. Actually, Psellus knew that 'Origen joined our theology and accepted the [divine] oikonomia.'115 Of course, this fits perfectly with the opening phrase of Origen's De Principiis, where he declares that he belongs to those who became Christian once they 'were convinced and came to believe' (Ot 7r~7rlaT~UK6'T~~ Ked 7r~7rao-fL4-yol.)116 Likewise, against the modern invention about 'two Origens' advanced by those who cannot stomach the fact of Origen's conversion, Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus could not have been more clear: in the section recounting Origen's striking renown among both Christians and pagans, he wrote also that Origen's

pupils included also pagans who 'were trained in both philosophies' (i.e. Christian and Greek). And whenever Origen saw students who were apt in philosophical learning, he promoted them to lessons of Geometry and Arithmetic. Moreover, he passed judgements and resolved questions concerning differences between sects of heathen philosophy (In Ii. Kat .1, T/ KlXt 'TW-V Ope0.10~W-V a7rocplX(-V~'TlXl 'TO-V &-V.1plX).123 To write such things about Origen in those times was nothing short of dangerous.

After centuries of darkness and bigotry, the intellectuals of the Palaeologean era, even shortly before that, made claims that otherwise should have been taken for granted: in order for assertions about Origen to be made, they were seeking solid information, not bygone oracles by frightful or rancorous prelates. And such information was Origen's writings themselves, most copies of which had either been burnt or suppressed or anathematised and banned from reading at alL After Justinian's synod in the sixth century, defending Origen was a very hazard-

ous proposition. All theologians did (and they were happy to do) was parroting the synod's decision, which was but a precise copy of Justinian's edict against Origen. The case was far worse than Thucydides' remark about the Athenians,

rhaAa(nwpo, ToI, nOMoI, ~ i;~T~cr" T~, aA~e«a,.

122

123

It should be recalled that Origen was living in Athens when 'the brethren from Palestine', indignant at 'the corruption of his books, sent a man to Athens to obtain an authentic copy' from Origen personally. See Origen's letter to 'Friends at Alexandria', quoted by Rufinus, De Adulteratione Librorum Origenis (Rufinus's Epilogue to Pamphilus the Martyr's Apology for Origen), PG.I7.615-632 (p. 625). Both in this text and in his Apology Against jerome, Rufinus expressed suspicion that heretics had falsified some passages in Origen's works. In the Preface to the Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, he wrote that Origen's works had been 'interpolated'. Even during his lifetime, Origen had been impeached for heresy, but he complained that his writings had been tampered with. Cf. homLuc, homily 25.6: 'Others, however, criticize our homilies unjustly and censure us for holding positions that we never knew we held.' Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 117, pp. 91b-92a.

Introduction

I 31

Had it not been for Socrates Scholasticus to set a few things straight, Origen's defense could have been limited to Athanasius, the Cappadocians, and to a small

handful of other theologians. But all of them (including Socrates) had lived far long before Justinian's era. This could explain the silence of intellectuals like

Acropolites and his pupil Pachymeres about Origen. Anyway, Pachymeres wrote that his teacher Acropolites 'was a very wise man, but in most cases, he cared to conceal his personal views' (O"ocp0 [lh ~[~ 'fet [laAlO"'fIX, aO"U)l~l6~'f~ 6~ w~ 'fet 7rOMa),124 which means a stolid nice guy, indeed pliant, man, who just kept a cool head, or at most a level-headed person. However, this was a trait that Pachymeres cared to

apply to himself, too. Unlike them, Nikephorus Gregoras was an antipodean character, and this pertained not only to his diametrical assessment of Aristotle vis-a-vis Pachymeres: it was also explicated in his attitude to Origen, when Gregoras not

only styled Origen 'wise', but also unflinchingly declared that he was not prepared to renounce Origen's books. 125 This point of view, along with his lifetime passionate pursuit of 'wisdom' and pertinent references to Solomon could no less explain also why it was that Gregoras did not hesitate to take up a commentary, whose title informed,

'Explained by Origen, as they say'. The time when theologians threw Origen's writings away, lest they should incur the eternal fire in hell, was past. However, an explicit declaration such as that by Gregoras remained exclusive to him alone. Nevertheless, in relation to this mood and approach, I should mention the

case of the Byzantine poet Manuel Philes (c. 1275-1345, a pupil of George Pachymeres, in whose honour he composed a eulogistic epitaphic poem): he felt free to write an iambus praising Origen as 'an interpreter of mystical truths' (npry.>~>, ~vcrTlKW> €p~~>.a),

'which Basil adjudged as being most sublime' (BacrlA«ov Kp(>ano, W, Kp«nov, "aw), but 'the Satan's spite vanquished him' and managed to pin him down 'among the infamous ones' (which is indeed

'awful to say', ~PlKTO> T0 Aor",), although, 'to those who have been able to assess him befittingly' (ToD Kp(>ano, as(w,), his words were 'hallowed drops of orphic sweet smell' (pa>(o~,)l26 Philes did not go as far as Gregoras, yet he went some way nonetheless.

124 125 126

George Pachymeres, Historia Brevis, 4.28. See also p. 97. See p. 22. Manuel Philes, Carmina, chapter 5, poem 21.

32

I Introduction Over the years, I myself have scrutinised this 'stink-smelling delusion' that has

preponderated not only in ancient but also in modern scholarship, which is why, bar a handful of modern scholars, I have spoken of the 'deplorable state of Origenian studies'. Philes wrote also a poem in honour of his teacher George Pachymeres, which he titled Epitaph (i.e. eulogising obituary) comprising 100 verses. His admiration for Pachymeres is evident, but (opposite Pachymeres' unqualified admiration for Aristotle) Philes' references to Aristotle are waned: actually, he addressed Aristotle in second person, urging him to 'cease boasting, and to retreat into silence and shut off his books' in view of the superiority of ideas expounded by Pachymeres, since the latter's commentaries outdid the original text. To Philes, Pachymeres was a new 'Demosthenes', who persuaded by the force of his intellect, not by bestirring emotions. He was a nonpartisan dikaeophylax) 127 who judiciously resolved all sorts of dissention. 128 Origen was more than well versed in Greek literature, including not only philos-

ophyand theology, but also poetry, medicine, and all known fields of science. In rare cases of exception, such as his epistle to Gregory Thaumaturgus and the rebuttal of Celsus, he did not conceal the vast background that determined his tutelage: study of philosophy along with Geometry, Astronomy, Music, Grammar, and Rhetoric, was an indispensable introductory stage to Theology, wherefore he proudly declared that this was the gist of his methodology as a teacher.129 If you were to show me teachers who give introductory schooling in philosophy (rrp6~ ! ~ -r~; crctpd; ctV-ro... Kct-ri6pctft~ -rvpct...... t;. Arethas of Caesarea, Scripta Minora, Opus 1, p. 7 (~ e~it... epWTrO; YAwcrcrct); Opus 5, pp. 49; 57 (bis); Opus 7, p. 79 (~-rov KVptOV e~it... epWTrO; TrctpOWtct); Opus 11, p. 114; Opus 12, p. 118; Opus 14, pp. 138; 144; Opus 15, p. 178 (6 e~it... epWTrO;'I1']crov;); Opus 28, p. 254 (6 e~it... epWTrO;'I1']crov;); Opus 36, p. 286; Opus 56, pp. 346 (-ro ... e~it... epWTro",'I1']croVv); 358; 359; Opus 60, p. 22; Opus 64, p. 40 (6 e~it... epWTrO; 'I1']crov;); Opus 65, p. 47; Opus 67, p. 60.

56

I Introduction

of Alexandria, since it applies both terms as plain synonyms. 237 Nevertheless, there is a valuable conclusion to be drawn from this exploration of the two terms. Pseudo-Caesarius (that is, Cassian the Sabaite) made abundant use of 8«t>OP'KO\, whereas he eschewed 8.av8pW7ro\ altogether. This only suggests that his work was written after 536, the year when the term e~(kyepw7ro~ was anathematised. Once again, it can be argued that Cassian the Sabaite wrote this work after he had returned to Palestine, indeed during the 540s, while he was the abbot of the monastery of Souka. The fact of the matter is that both episcopal and political authorities of Byzantium were no bothered by the use of an unequivocally condemned term, nor did they care to set at naught the anathema imposed on that. A second characteristic point showing that the imperial Byzantium was anxious only about political uniformity is the following one. The twentieth rule of the Oecumenical Council of Nicaea decreed that no one should kneel during the fifty days following the Easter, and indeed on the day of Pentecost itself. Testimony advises that this had been a rule holding 'since the Apostolic years'. The report comes from Irenaeus' discourse De Pascha, but since this is lost, we are so advised by a work that different editors have attributed to either Pseudo-Justin or Theodoret, but in all probability this is Cassian the Sabaite's, as it turns out from analysis of numerous points of his books. 238 Origen espoused the precept on precisely the same grounds as Irenaeus had done: since the Pentecost is a prefiguration of the eschatological universal resurrection, on this day one should be standing, not bending the knee. 239

237

238

Pseudo-Cyril of Alexandria, De Sanaa Trinitate, PG.77.1160.7-8: 8w... epw7rOV yap tmc'tpxav-ro; "fOV XptCT"fOV, Kctt 7ruerct 7rpU~t; ctlhov eW... epwmK~ Kctt eW"'6ptK~ (quoted also by Nikephorus Blemmydes, AdMonachos De Fide, section 12). Likewise, Anastasius of Sinai, VIae Dux, 13.4: OV 'ftAc't... epW7rct dX~ "fa c't... epwm... ct, c'tMa e~c't ... epW7rct, eW",6ptKW;. Pscudo-Theodoret, QyJaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos, p. 12: pK{ Et "f6 KAt... ~t... yow h "fcti; ~vXcti; "fW'" ~er"fw"fw'" ftUMO ... 8~0 otMtoi, 6tctn i ... "fcti; KVptctKcti; Kctt "f6 ITc'terXct OAO ... ftiXpt "f~;"" yo...v ov dt... OVCTt... ol ~vX0ft~"'Ot; Op. cit. pp. 117-118 & Pseudo-Justin, Qyaestiones et Responsiones, p. 468D (but I have argued that this is Cassian the Sabaite's work): T6 6~ h KVptctKfi ft~ dt... m yo...v, ervft~oAo", ier"ft "f~; c't... cter"fc'ter~w;, 6t' ~; "ffi -rov Xpter-rov Xc'tptn, "fW'" "f~ c'tftctfY'Y]ftc't"fw"" Kctt -rov i7r' ctV"fW... "f~ect... ct"fwfti... ov ect... c't-rov ~AWe~pWeY]ft~.... 'EK "fW'" imOCT"fOAtKW'" 6~ Xpo ... w... ~ -rotctV"fY] ertrV~eHct lAct~~ "f~'" CtPX~ ..., Kctew; 'flY]ert... b ftctKc'tptO; EtpY]... ctio;, b ftc'tpnp Kctt i7rterxo7ro; AOVY60VvOV, i ... "f0 IIipi TOO IIdlTxa AOY,!>, h 4> ftift"'Y]"fctt Kctt mpt "f~; IT~nY]xoCT"f~;, i ... ov dt"'0ft~ ... yow, imt6~ ter06trVctft~i "ffi ~ftipc.t "f~; KVptctK~;, Kct"fa "f~'" pY]e~ierct... mpt ctV"f~; ctt"ftct.... Irenaeus, Fragmenta Deperditorum Operum, fro 7 (he banned kneeling on all Sundays, hence, also on the Pentecost, because this is always Sunday). Nicodemus of Mount Athos quoted this as a precept introduced by Nicaea. Scholia in Canones Synodales, Concilium 1, canon 20. He cited 'Justin Martyr' as his source. Pseudo-Hippolytus, frPs, fro 9 (,From Origen's On the 150 Psalms'): "f~; 7rOAVepVM~-roV m"'''fY]Kocr''f~;, AVert... 7rO... w... Kctt ~v'flpoerv ... Y] ... erY]ftctt... overY];. llt07r~p OV6~ ... Y]er"f~V6t... i ... "fctV"fctt; KiKpt"fctt OV6~ KAt... ~t... yo ... ct"fct. LVft~oAct yap "fctV"fct ft~yc'tAY]; 7rct... l'j"yVp~w; Ct7roMtfti... y]; i ... "foi; ftiMOVCTt....

n

239

Introduction

I 57

For all his anti-Origenism, bishop Peter of Alexandria (c. 300) did embrace the doctrine, arguing that banning kneeling during the Pentecostal period was an ecclesiastical doctrine handed over by the fathers of 0ld 240 Subsequently, the council of Nicaea made this its 'twentieth rule': not only on the Whitsunday, but also on none of the fifty days following Easter is one allowed to get down on one's knees. 241 Variations of the precept had it that either no one should do so on any

Sunday of the year, or during the fifty days of the Pentecost-period. All extant testimonies regard this rule as having been sanctioned by both the tradition of the early Apostolic Church and by the 'twentieth rule of the council of Nicaea'. Consequently, it was decreed that one should not genuflect on any Sunday. Doing so 'during the six days of the week is a symbol of our fall into sin, whereas not to kneel on Sunday is a symbol of our resurrection through the grace of Christ'. 242 The decree was observed by several theologians, who invariably warned

against kneeling either on any Sunday during the year, or during the fifty Pentecost-days.243 Gelasius of Cyzicus (fifth century) records this 'twentieth rule' of the council of Nicaea, toO.244 So does the constitution of a monastery, which is

240

Peter ofAlcxandria, De Paschatead Tricentium, p. 58 (ref. to allSundays): T~ ... yap xvptctx~ ... XctPftOCT1IVY]; 6t2t -rO... it...ctcnc'tnct h ctl)-rfi, i ... OV6~ yo ... ct-rct dt... m 7rctp~lA~'flctft~.... So wrote Alcxius Aristenus, Scholia in Concilia Oecumenica et Localia, Concilium 1, canon 20: x'. ·E... -rctt; xvptctxctt; xctt ~ftipct... &Y0ft~ ...

241

242

243

244

n

-rctt; -r~; rr~ ... -rY]KOcn~; ~ftipctt; ov 6iav dt... m yow, c't'M 6p9tov; ~vX~cr9ctt -rov; c't... 9p,,'mov;. OV 6~t yow XAt... ~t... i ... -rctt; xvptctxctt; xctt i ... -rctt; -r~; rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~; ~ftipctt;, c't'M ~cr-rw-rct; -ra; ~vxa; cm06t6o... ctt -r0 e~0. So Nicodemus of Mount Athos, Scholia in Canones Synodales, Concilium 1, canon 20 (Nicaea); Scholia in Canones Patrum Sanctorum, 3.15. John III Scholasticus (sixth century), Synagoga L Titulorum, 3, p. 151: T~; i ... Ntxcttc.t crvvo60v xct... w .. x'. 'E7r~t6~ Twi; dcrt... i ... Kvptctxfi yow XAt"'O ... -r~; xctt h -rctt; -r~; 7r~... -rY]xocr-r~; ~ftipctt;, U7r~p -rov 7rc't...-rct i ... 7rc'tcrl1 7rctpotdc.t oftOtW; 7rctpct'flvAc'tnw9ctt, ~cr-rw-rct; l60~~ -rfi aytc.t crv... o6'!>-ra; ~vxa; c't7r06t60... ctt -r0 XVPt'!>' See this in Acta Conciliorum, Concilium Nicaenum i (anno 325), subsection 20. Pseudo-Theodoret, Qytaestiones et Responsiones, pp. 117-118 & Pseudo-Justin, Qytaestiones et Responsiones, p. 468C-D: ~ i ... -rctt; ~~ ~ftipctt; ~ftw... yowdtcrtct crVft~OAO'" icr-rt -r~; i ... -rctt; aftctp-rtctt; 7r-rwcr~w; ~ftw..., -ro 6~ i ... -rfi KVptctxfi ft~ dt... m yow crVft~OAO'" icrn -r~; a... ctcr-rc'tcr~w;, 6t' ~; -rfi -rov Xptcr-rov xc'tpm -rW... -r~ aftctp-rY]ftc't-rw... xctt -rov i7r' ctv-rw... -r~9ct... ct-rwfti... ov 9ct... a-rov ~Aw9~pw9Y]ft~.... 'Ex -rw... a7rocr-roAtXW... 6~ Xpo...w... ~ -rOtctv-rY] crvv~9~tct lAct~~ -r~ ... apx~ ..., xct9w; 'flY]crt... 0 ftctxc'tptO; EtpY]... cttO;. Hypatius of Ephesus (archbishop, sixth century), Fragmenta in Lucam (e Nicetae catena), p. 151: ov-r~ 6~ i ... xvptctxfi ov-r~ a7ro -rov rrc'tcrxct tw; -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; yow XAt"'0ft~... , i7r~t6~ ~ a... ctcr-rc'tcrtft0; ~ftipct dxw ... icr-rt -rov ftDAono; cttw...o;, xctt 7raAt... ~ rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~ 6y60Y] oWct Kvptctx~ -r~ ... ctv-r~ ... ctt-rtct... ~X~t. Dorotheus of Gaza (monk, sixth century), Doctrinae Diversae i-xvii, Didaskalia 15.160: rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~ yap icr-rt... a ... c'tcr-rctcrt; tvx~;, w; Aiy~t. -rov-rov yap xctt crVft~OAo... icr-rt -ro ft~ dt... m ~ftu; yow i ... -rfi iXXAY]crtc.t 7rucrct... -r~ ... aytct ... rr~ ... -rY]xocr-r~ .... Germanus I of Constantinople (Patriarch, seventh-eighth century), Historia Mystica Ecclesiae Catholicae, 13: To ft~ dt... m -ro yow i ... -rfi a... ctcr-rctcrtft'!> ~ftipc.t . To 6~ ftiXpt -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; ft~ dt... m -ro yow. Gdasius of Cyzicus, HE, 2.32.20: IIipi 7Wv tv xvplaxfi r6vv xAnov7wv. 'E7r~t6~ dcrt -rm; i ... -rfi Kvptctxfi yow dt... av-r~; xctt i ... -rctt; -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; ~ftipctt;, U7r~p -rov 7rc'tnct oftOtW; i ... 7rc'tcrl17rctpotdc.t ofto'flpo...w; 'flvHn~cr9ctt ~cr-rw-rct; l60~~ -rfi aytc.t crvvo6'!>-ra; ~vxa; a7r06t6o ... ctt -r0 XVPt'!>'

58

I Introduction

largely a copy of Cas sian the Sabaite's texts 245 Not only does this quote the rule of Nicaea, but also records Athanasius allegedly having warned accordingly: "Take heed, lest anyone delude you so as to fast on Sundays, or to kneel during the period of the Pentecost, which is not sanctioned by the Church".246The unique testimonywhich we owe to this constitution is that it quotes a similar, yet more extensive, decree, supposedly recording a similar decision by the Sixth Oecumenical

Council of Constantinople (680-81), being 'the 90,h rule' of it. 247 Since I have suggested that 'pseudo-Justin' was Cassian the Sabaite himself, banning kneeling is in fact a token of the spirit of the Akoimetoi, where Cassian spent a crucial and presumably fruitful period of his life, as I have argued. It was then all too natural for this precept to have been embraced by the Akoimetoi's daughter-cloister monastery of Studios, which recorded this in its own constitution. 248 Likewise, the polymath Michael Clycas (twelfth century) adds to the record. Not only does he mention the twentieth rule of Nicaea, as well as the saying by

Athanasius banning both fast and kneeling during the Pentecost, but also adds one more testimony, this time, by Basil of Caesarea. 249 Finally, as late as during the fourteenth century, the Thessalonian monk Matthew Blastares quoted the foregoing rule by Peter of Alexandria banning genuflection. 25o

For all this tradition of an apostolic ethos and the synodical decree handed down unfailingly, the Church has made Whitsunday the sole day of the year on which kneeling by the faithful is mandatory. Actually, they have to do so three times: during each of them they have to get down on their knees and remain so for as long as the (also kneeling) priest recites an extensive prayer. Otherwise, in

245 246

247

See my RCR, p. 39 andAppcndix I. Constitutio Monasterii Prodromi 700 WOPiPOO, chapter 10, p. 21: 'fl1']crt yap b ftiyet; A9et... acrto; ov-rw;. 'M~ n; cr~ TrAet ... ~crl1 i ... KvptctKfi "'1']cr-r~vw OAW; -ro TretpaTret..., ft~-r~ yOWTr~-r~i... h KvptetKfi, ft~-r~ i ... -rfi rr~... -r1']KOcr-rfi· ov yap icr-rt 9~crft0; iKKA1']crtet( Then, the constitution records the 20 th decree of Nicaea, which is the same as the rendition by Gelasius ofCyzicus. The same document expands application of banning kneeling during the twelve days of Christmas, too. Constitutio Monasterii Prodromi 700 Wop,poO, foe. cit. b oi y~ h~"'1']KOcr-rO; Ket... W... -r~; tK-r1']; crvvooov

'Teti; KVptetKeti; ft~ yow KAt... ~t... iK -rW... 9~0'fl0pw'" ~ftw ... Tret-ripwv Ket...O... tKW; -rov Xptcr-rov -rtftw...-rw... It...acr-retcrt... .' A detailed description follows that point. Acta Monasterii Studii, Descriptio Constitutionis, p. 299 (apud Theodore Studites, Descriptio Constitutionis Monasterii Studii [cod. Vat. gr. 2029J, col. 1708; the same, in Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Constitutio Athanasii Athonitae, p. 132): 'Icr-riav o~ o-rt tw; -r~; ... ', d Kett wpet; OV taM0ft~..., ovo~ yow KAt"'°ft~... · Michael Glycas (twelfth century), Qyaestiones in Sacram Scripturam (Cap. 41-38), 81, p. 331: b o~ ftiyet; BetcrtA~tO; Kett -rrrv ett-rtet... TrpOCTi9~-ro Ot' ~ ... i... -reti; p1']9dcrett; ~ftipett; yow dt... w OV crvyxwpovft~9et. Matthew Blastares, Collectio Alphabetica, alphabetic letter kappa, 37: -r~ ... ftinot KVptctK~'" XetPftOCTWrj; ~ftipet... Yjyovft~9et, i... ovo~yo ... et-ret TretP~tA~'fletft~ ... dt... w. Z~-r~t Tr~Pt KVptctK~; Kett i... -r0 9' K~'fletAett'll-rOV B cr-rOtXdov Ket... o...et-rW... aytw... ATrocr-rOAW"'VY'. Kett h -r0 t1']' K~'fletA. -rov r cr-rOtXdov Ket... o...et~' -rov Ttft09iov. Actually, he quoted Peter of Alexandria, De Paschate ad Tricentium, p. 58, as supra, note 240. 01)-rWcrt

OtctAetft~a ... ~t.

Tretp~Aa~0ft~... , -r~ ...

248

249 250

n

Introduction

I 59

theory, the decree of the synod of Nicaea, as well as that of the sixth oecumenical

synod, are still holding. Certainly, there is nothing dramatic about this, and it appears that hardly does anyone care about the decree of Nicaea banning kneeling on the occasion. Besides, prelates have no inkling of this rule whatsoever. This was not the situation in the sixth century though. There were censors and inquisitors eager to take action relating to what a certain author said or wrote. This was the sixth century, the period of Justinian's imperial power dictating the official orthodoxy, who, ironically, ended up a heretic having espoused Aphthartodocetism. By the way, it was he who introduced the practice of posthumous anathemas of defunct theologians despite 'the churches of the East' having taken exception to this novelty,251 yet he was never anathematised himself, even though he died a heretic. It was he who demanded absolute conformity to the imperial faith, only to alienate the

Monophysite region of the empire, and virtually to prepare this to fall easy prey to the Arabs in the ensuing century, since the anti-Chalcedonians saw Arabs as liberators from the Byzantine oppression. On intellectual grounds, this was all about maintaining an illusion, but the practical privileges of everyday life that stemmed from that illusion were all too real, provided one knew who was pulling the strings at each and every moment - until the Ottomans shattered that 'reality'. By Nikephorus Gregoras' times, Byzantium was coming apart at the seams and finally collapsed into its own sins, but no one did ever shed a single tear for that fall. The pompous ceremonies and the flurry of gaudy titles of 'nobility' turned out sedative hedonistic lullabies. The grandeur had turned out to be an enormous bluff, and it would be only a matter of time before this bluff called. This happened because the whole enterprise was built upon something

fatally fragile: the critical pre-condition was that Origen's work itself should never be read, let alone mulled over. Everyone should rely on disjointed alleged 'fragments from De Principiis', most of which did not appear even in the flawed Latin translation of that. What if the Cappadocians Gregory N azianzen and Basil of Caesarea had cared to anthologise heavily from that work, along with other ones (such as the Contra Ce!sum - which detractors never cited or quoted from)? Besides, whereas the Nicene formula was meant and supposed to determine and embrace the future, Athanasius informed that it also acknowledged the past theological thought, of which Origen was a milestone, who, nevertheless,

251

Justinian, Epistula Contra Tria Capitula, pp. 70; 71; 73; 77; 78; Edictum Rectae Fidei, pp. 160; 162;

166; 168.

60

I Introduction

had single-handedly transformed it by setting at naught views by authors, such as Melito of Sardis (who had urged that God is corporeal),252 or Tatian, who 'most impiously took it' ("cr.~.(rraTa U7r.(A~~.) that God's creative Fiat (r.VV~e~TW) was just a wish expressed by the Father, not a command given by the Father to the Son. 253 Athanasius had seen Origen as the future of Christian doctrine, because he acknowledged rather than denied his own intellectual history upon perusing a corpus which was a cauldron of creative propositions that remained inspirational during the many centuries after Origen's demise. It was a weird combination of fear of the State and lack of erudition that did not allow theologians to come to terms with the best moment of their own past. During the sixth century and later, little clerical dwarfs presumed to assess

an entire corpus of theology at will and completely unhinged from its presuppositions, let alone philosophical premisses. In fact, they hankered after making a name for themselves on the spoils of an intellectual terra incognita, which they

had never been to. How did such small brains get such a big head is a question to be reckoned with, and definitely this cannot be assessed without taking into account the role imperial power played in theological considerations and resolutions. Origen's crime was that he sought to reconcile advanced philosophical terminology with innovative theology - but those ancient as well as modern detractors loathed Origen only because they were unable to touch upon the ramifications of a vast philosophical lore put to use by the irrepressible creativity of an ingenious spirit. The imperial power was about a mix of enterprise and cunning, brutality and pomp. The facade was an endless series of resonant (usually, bombastic) but meaningless titles granted upon loyal dignitaries, all of which served to the officialdom exerting its magic. However, occasional plottings at dark backside corridors rendered their joy short-lived, and not rarely was the imperial favour tantamount to being handed over a ticking time-bomb. Gaudy yet implicitly eerie ceremonies were designed to offer dazzling spectacle and stir wide-eyed amazement, thus cowing subjects into submission. Firing the public with awe concerning alleged doctrinal aberration was underhandedly

253

Origcn, deOr, 24.5.

Introduction

I 61

tantamount to re-affirmingpoliticalloyalty, and flaunting rituals subconsciously wedging this in the hearts of everyone were just one of the means to this end. Doctrinal dissent might spell trouble for the imperial authority and was

treated as nothing short of mutiny. And indeed occasionally trouble had been brewing in monasteries and religious classes, tensions rose and they came to a head, which sometimes triggered riots only because opposing parties made their muddled cases with gelignite, which in turn prompted imperial footwork in order to quell physical or intellectual insurrection. This is why the emperor allowed the clergy to imagine they were in charge, sometimes he let them exercise power behind the throne, although normally they

did not give command but only 'paternal advise', which though had to be taken at all events. There would be many promises made in order to enrapture the faithful (normally, promises about the enjoyment in the afterlife), as well as ones to ecclesiastical dignitaries (mainly, secular offers) - and just as many assurances were broken. Any delusions about this fact were dangerous: the fate of Origen in the sixth century and that of Gregoras in the fourteenth exposed such delusions in a merciless fashion and demonstrated how any idea that was seen as 'anomaly' was crashed. Nevertheless, head-on collisions with reality were all but rare, only

because old habits lingered on. Any actual or aspirant dignitary might begin with his personal ambitions; but (as if one could not quite let go of what one really was) the impression that this would last forever had all too often turned out an illusion, whereby the bluff of omnipotence was called and the power was instantly dismantled. Gregoras was treated not merely as a theologian who held different opinions on certain issues introduced by Gregory Palamas (which were confuted by the most astute intellectuals of the period): he was treated as a mutineer, and what was actually called to question was his allegiance to the emperor. When the

mob dragged his dead body through the streets of the capital, they made a great show of their loyalty to the Emperor, not to the Patriarch. For already during many centuries, heretics were regarded as insurrectionists against the State. And that which happened in the sixth century with Origen, it happened also in the fourteenth with Gregoras: the emperor felt that it was not enough to punish occasional 'aberration'; what is more, an example had to be made - and Origen

was the ultimate example, and the utmost had been made for the psychological impact of that to be massive. It could have been all but difficult to upend the prejudices of Justinian's era. That this did not happen is only one aspect of religion having become a matter of politics. For as theocratic as the regime liked to appear, the fact is

62

I Introduction

that a dangerous idea had overruled any possibility of reasonable argument: this

was the implicit postulate that the opinion of the Emperor and the will of God were one and the same - whereby, ipso focto there were two religions to be venerated: one, Christianity; second, the Emperor. Accordingly, not only had the protection of the empire begun to feel like a divine mission, but also complying with the emperor's theological views was seen as a commandment as sacred as those handed down by Moses at Mount Sinai. No Byzantine intellectual was a creative philosopher ever. For the Byzantines took it that 'philosophy' means only knowledge of the ancient philosophy, and did not grasp that the core of Greek spirit was its ingenious burgeoning, which is what the pagan Hellene commentators of those times struggled to revive, only to incur the wrath of the State. For too many Byzantines did seek to parrot the intellectual style of the ancient Greeks instead of going in quest of and inseminating the soul of their own epoch. Thus, they cared to stand close to the ancient language within a mindset that treated the ancient spirit as an enemy. With the single and conspicuous exception of Origen, Christianity and Hellenism were two worlds repudiating each other, and never did the intellectuals who wrote in Greek overcome the obsession that, to Christians, Hellas was a contaminating danger. In any case, the Byzantine sage was captive of the

Hellenic letter (while he felt encumbent upon himself to confront the Hellenic spirit when it came to expounding the Christian doctrine) on the one hand, and an internee of the preaching by Christian prelates, on the other. This is one of the reasons why the future of civilisation was not determined at Byzantium - it was determined in and by the West. Rome combined the stunning sense of jurisprudence and sense of Law with the high-class Greek dialectics. This was the foundation of the responsa prudentium - the resolutions of Roman connoisseurs oflegislation to questions posed by various persons and quarters concerned. I have argued that the Christian philological genre of 'Questions and Answers' is one that was developed during later times,254 and the Roman pattern should have played a role in this kind of instruction, which of course did not measure up in the least to its Roman paradigm. Byzantium broke ground in the areas of icon painting, ecclesiastical music, and historiography. However, during the critical era of the sixth century, routes were closed. Were it for such pathways not to have been banned and turned to

cui

de sacs, Byzantium could have been able to contribute to the configuration and

254

See my The Real Cassian Revisited, Lciden, 2012, pp. 280-282.

I ntroductio n

I 63

character of the European civilisation: instead, the horizons of philosophy were debarred, and so were those of poetic inspiration. During the times when Hellas as a spirit of historiography was restored into the Christian mindset, Hellas itself

was expelled and polemicised as philosophical spirit. For people such as Michael Psellus, or his pupil John Italus, were well aware of the ancient texts, and in general of the encyclopaedic lore, but actually they were not philosophers. This is why I am arguing 255 that there is no such phenomenon as 'Byzantine Re-naissance', since there was no 'naissance' in the first place: there is only a tragically belated 'enlightenment'.

Signs of decline were there, they only needed to be recognised. In the sixth century, almost simultaneously with the Haghia Sophia, the magnificent church of the Holy Apostles was built''' along with other monumental masterpieces, such as the Corpus furis Civilis ('Body of Civil Law') issued from 529 to 534 as per Justinian's order, the novellae (v« l\crKp~e.> ,">opa TO> ~ovcro~6p~TO», meaning Hesiod, from whom Syropulus quoted a couple of verses. 286 During the same period, another rhetor, namely, George Tornices addressing Patriarch George II Xiphilinus, quoted Hesiod's verses to a similar purpose. 287 Just like Syropulus, Tornices did not cite Hesiod by name: he only called him 'the man from Ascre' (napa T0 l\crKp~e.», as Pachymeres did. I believe, nevertheless, that Pachymeres took up this term from his teacher George Acropolites, who had used it in his own correspondence with another Tornices, namely, the sebastocrator John Tornices, who was the emperor's 'joint father-in-law' (crv~n.e.pO\). 288 Thus, a number of later Byzantine authors, who were more or less contemporary, felt they could use the designation 'the man from Ascre', or 'the poet from Ascre', instead of the name Hesiod itself 289

282 283 284 285

286 287

288 289

See infra, p. 77, Pachymeres identifying the 16 th of Poseideon with the 8 th of September. Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verse 640. Stephanus Byzantius (grammarian), Ethnica, book 1, lemma 480; Ethnica (epitome), p. 134. See, Aristotle, Fragmenta Varia, 8.44, fro 565 (i.e. Alcidamas, Fragmenta, fro 6), apud Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio, 9.48.4 (quoting an elegy for Hesiod, of which the original writer is unknown; see also Anthologia Graeca, book 7, epigram 54). Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 13.71. Eudoxus (astronomer), Fragmenta, fro 353. Theophilus of Alexandria (grammarian, pupil of Zenodotus, third century BC), Fragmentum (Montanari). The grammarian and commentator Manuel Moschopulus (thirteenth-fourteenth century) styled Ascre 'a miserable village' (xwftY] oinpCt). Scholia in Hesiodi Opera et Dies, scholion on verse 637. Namely, from Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verses 125-126. John Syropulus, Oratio ad Imperatorem Isaacum II Angelum, lines 225-227. George Tornices, Orationes in honorem Georgii Xiphilini, oration 2.23, line 489; quoting Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verses 255-257. George Xiphilinus was Patriarch of Constantinople during the reign of Alexius III Angelos (c. 1153-1211; emperor from March 1195 to 18 July 1203). George Acropolites, Epistula ad }oannem Tornicem, p. 76: xed ov-rw; i~ct('¥"y]; i».. oytftw-rct-ro;, w; ol-r6... AcrxpY]9~... ol TrCtActt ftv9dlw-rctt. George, Pachymeres, Historia [I. Bekker], p. 306: ol-r6... AcrxpY]9~... TrOtY]-r~ ... i~Y]yovft~... ot. So did Manuel Holobolus (rhetor, philologist, theologian, whom Pachymeres mentions abundantly in his History). Orationes in Imperatorem Michaelem Palaeologum, oration 1, p. 59: xct-ra -r6... AcrxpY]9~... TrOtY]-r~ ... (quoting Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verse 198).

72

I Introduction In any case, it is hardly coincidence that all those that made the aforemen-

tioned references to Hesiod and used the same vocabulary were intellectuals

that made a mark during the enlightened years shortly before and during the Palaelogean era. Moreover, I should note that the names for Athenian months are not the same in all sources: actually, of the twelve months, instead of AYj"YlXlw"Y and Kp6"YLO~, the names Mnayanw> and eapY~A'w>290 are attested, too. Although the latter were renowned (and had been used by famous men, such as Demosthenes, Aeschines, Aristotle, Theophrastus, et at.), Pachymeres himself did not use them at all. Instead, he used AYjWXlW"Y and Kp6"yLO~,291 as above. Is it mere coincidence

that these two names (instead of MnayaT'w> and eapY~A'w» are included in the list of Athenian months provided by the anonymous scholia on Hesiod?292 Would this author have been Pachymeres? Naturally, I leave the question moot. Even the title Progymnasmata normally ascribed to Pachymeres' pertinent treatise is not accurate: this is in fact 'Studies on the Progymnasmata' (M~)A'TlXl

.1\ TI< TIpoyv~Wtcr~aTa),293 which means that he did not claim originality: instead, he felt he carried on the ancient authors who wrote works under this title, particularly Aelius Theon,294 who had advised that not only the fledgling birds of rhetoric, but also their teachers, should imitate not just one author, but the best of the ancient ones.

290

291

292 293 294

See these in the catalogue of Athenian months by John Laurentius Lydus, De Mensibus, 3.22, and Herodian, De Prosodia Catholica, v. 3,1, p. 40, as well as partially (eight names of months) in the Lexica Segueriana, Glossae Rhetoricae (e cod. Coislin. 345), entry mu, p. 281. As a name of month, see this in Plutarch, Theseus, 12.2. The Etymologicum Gudianum informs that Kpo ... (w... was an earlier name for 'Exa-r0ft~atw..., because, during that, the sacrifice to Cronm used to take place. Additamenta in Ety mologicum Gudianum, entry epsilon, p. 440. So the Etymologicum Magnum, p. 321. It was the name Kpo ... (w... that Pachymeres used (at 12 points) while also using 'Exa-r0ft~atw ..., too (at 14 points). No other author after Plutarch and Pachymeres did ever use the name Kpo ... (w... for an Attic month. Anonymous Scholia in Hesiodum, Scholia in Opera et Dies, scholion on verse 502. Published in 1848, in Paris by J. F. Boissonade (Georgii Pachymeris Declamationes XIII), comprising 29 texts with didactic or juridical content (republished in Amsterdam, 1966). Cf. Adius Theon, Progymnasmata, p. 61 (ref. to Apollonius of Rhodes): n7rovft~"'Ot -r~ ... tvx~'" xaAw", 7rapa6~tyftc'nw... xCtMtCTT"a xat fttftl1cr6ft~9a. Op. cit. pp. 70-71: 6t67r~p xp~ 7rpO; -rot; dpl1fti... ot; xat al)-ro... -ro... 6tMcrxaAo... It...acrMvCt; -rt... a; xat xa-racrMvCt; [ftCtAtcr-raJ xCtMtcr-ra 7rOtl1crCtft~... o... 7rpocr-rCt~at -rOt; ... iot; Ct7ra1Y~tAat, 07rW; n7rwei...-r~; xa-ra -rrrv ixd... w... CtywrtJ ... fttft~cracr9at 6vv119wcrt.... Beside Theon of Alexandria (first-second century AD), some later authors used the title Progymnasmata, too: Libanius (fourth century AD), Aphthonius of Antioch (rhetor, fourth-fifth century), John of Cyprus (the Geometres, tenth century), the rhetor and sophist Nicolas (Athens, Constantinople, Myra of Lycia, fifth century A.D.), and perhaps also Hermogenes of Tarsus (the text is dubious, and perhaps a little later to him). Several commentators (usually anonymous) wrote commentaries on some of those authors.

yap

cmo

Introduction

I 73

Pachymeres was aware that interchange of loans between Christians and Greeks was not anything new: at all events, influence was a two-way process. 295

The philosopher Olympiodorus of Alexandria, in his commentary on Plato's Gorgias, conveniently copied (actually, slightly paraphrased) a hymn to God by Gregory of Nazianzus, although he did not cite his source 296 The scholar and 'lawyer' (crxoAacrTlKO\, so self-styled in title) Zachariah, who later became bishop of Mytilene, wrote a polemic treatise, which he entitled Ammonius [of Alexandria], arguing against Platonic theories about the world (beginninglessness, etc.). Upon concluding that, he wrote a sort of epilogue, which was a hymn 29 ? to the Trinitarian God, addressing Him -[2 t:., he ninth month of the Attic year (from ya~.w, because it was

the fashionable time for weddings to take place), the last half of January and first of February. 312 10. 'EAa~~ ~OA[W>, the tenth month of the Attic year, in which the Elaphebolia were held, answering to the last half of March and first of April. 313 11.

MOU-VUXlW-V,

the eleventh Attic month. 314

12. LK[PPO~op[pl [00>, the twelfth Attic month, the latter part ofJune and former part ofJuly, so called because the festival LKlpO~6p[a took place. The origin of the name is somewhat mysterious. To Clement of Alexandria, this was celebrated by women along with ei ~"YOiKct-ro"Y, -ra HetKa, ~-rot -ra Ntxoftax~tct. commCael, title: IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~x6lxOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflvActxo; -rov ITctxvftipl1' Bt~AtO>i -rpt-ro"Y, -ro IT~Pt Ovpct"Yov. commAfeteor, title: cDtAocro¥ct. IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~K6(XOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; -rov ITctXqtipl1' Bt~AtO>i TriftTr-ro"Y, -rw"Y M~-r~WPtKW"Y.

I ntroductio n

I 79

To be both a deacon and 7rPW'T4K611CO~ was a usual case,333 and so was being both 7rPW'T4K6[KO~ and 'T1X~OUMaplO~.334 Sometimes, the office of 7rPW'T4K6[KO~ was held by a 'priest',335 even by an inferior layman, who at most would have been a monk (a capacity never declared in the signatory's title).336 This means that the

titles which Pachymeres proudly declared in several titles of his works (including his commentaries on Aristotle's works) were but lowly ones. The title 'deacon' appears in Pachymeres' History (in the full version of that, he styles himself a 'Levite'), as well as in his commentaries on Aristotle's Meteors)

Parts ofAnimals) Metaphysics) Nicomachean Ethics, and On Heaven, -and precedes those of protekdikos and dikaeophylax, except the abbreviated History, in which 'deacon' follows those titles, and advises that he was deacon of 'the Great Church

of God', which (normally, after Justinian, and exclusively in late Byzantine times) meant the church of Haghia Sophia. 337

333

334 335

336

337

Sec Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Joannes Rhabdocanaces Monasterio Campum VnMit (anno 1235); also, Document 117; Diploma De Donatione (post anna 1265), line 68. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Decisio Synodi (anno 1249), line 50; Decisio Protosecretae Manuelis Neocaesareitae (anno 1294), p. 137. Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Diploma De Donatione Vineae et Agri (anno 1298), line 38. Acta Monasterii Caracalli, Document 3, version 1, line 96. Acta Monasterii Dionysii, Donatio Annuorum (anno 1414), line 52. Sylvester Syropulus, Historiae, book 11, chapter 18, p. 538. Acta Graecorum Concilii Florentini Pars II, chapter 12, p. 467. Dositheus II, Patriarch, L1w3hdplpAo~, book 8, p. 394. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Document 127. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Documents 98; 99; 105; 107; 108; 140. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Declaratio Ecclesiarchi (c. anna 1290), line 31. Acta Monasterii Lembiotissae, Acta De Possessione Praedii Dicti Sphurni (anno 1234-1239), Document 6, line 78; Joannes Rhabdocanaces Monasterio Campum Vendit (anno 1236), line 70; George Metropolita Smyrnae Donat Monasterio Campum Situm in Loco Ommata (anno 1236), line 47; Descriptio Duorum Camporum, line 61. Acta Monasterii Cutlumusii, Diploma De Venditione Vtneae (anno 1304), line 46. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Venditio Domus Patrimonialis Theodosinae (anno 1308-1309), line 31. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Actum Donationis Georgii Contostephani Calameae (anno 1308), line 50. Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Pactio inter Manuelem Curticem et Monasterium Vatopedii (anno 1323), line 83. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Document 146. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Declaratio Ecclesiarchi (c. anno 1290), line 31. Acta Monasterii Sancti Joannis Prodromi In Monte Menoecio, Epistula Tradita Monachae Hypomonae (anno 1339), line 58. Acta Monasterii Cutlumusii, Actum Tribunalis Ecclesiastici Serrarum (anno 1347), line 32. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Venditio Joannis et Manuelis Dishypati (anno 1365), line 29. Acta Monasterii Esphigmeni,Judicium Tribunalis Serrarum (anno 1365), line 80; Acta Monasterii Pantocratoris, Acta Diploma Patriarchae Antonii IV (ann 1396), p. 156. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Constantini Lascaris Renuntio Bonorum Patrimonialium (anno 1377), line 64. Cf. Chronicon Paschale, p. 687; Acta Conciliorum, Documenta Concilii Constantinopoleos, 3.2. George Monachus, Chronicon Breve, PG.11O.1132.7-8. Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 257, p. 475b. Basilica, Ecloga Basilicorum, 5.2.2; 5.2.6; 5.3.17. Patria Constantinopoleos, L111r'7-rI~ 7rfpi 7q~ ;tr!ct~ Z0'f!ct~, title: L'lt~Y11(n; 7r~Pt -r~; OtKO;0ft~; -rov "aov -r~; ft~raA1']; -rov e~ov iXxA1']crta;, -r~; i7ro"0fta~0fti'V1']; arta; LO00> loas 01>0,) citing Philochorus' name,369 and at another, he quotes the same maxim citing only 'as one of the sages said' (~cpY] 'Tl~ (J"o~w». 370

'TC)"y

Where did he find this proverb?

F. Jacoby picked this up from Athenaeus,371 whereas D. Young (post E. Diehl) ascribed this to Theognis of Megara (sixth century BC) without evidence whatsoever. 372 Later, Eustathius of Thessaloniki assured that this was a maxim by

Aeschylus, wherefore H. J. Mette made this a 'fragment by Aeschylus' (allegedly, from the lost play Athamas)373 while citing Theognis' fragment as evidence and

367 368 369 370 371 372

373

Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 13. Orationes ad Imperatorem Andronicum II Palaeologum, oration 2, p. 511. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 115. Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.2, p. 249. Philochorus, Fragmenta, fro 170. Theognis, Fragmenta Dubia, fro 7, apudAthenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 2.6. Aeschylus, Fragmenta, fro 1h.

88

I I ntroductio n

quoting Eustathius ofThessaloniki, who though, at that point, did not mention

Theognis at all, but simply wrote, 'Aeschylus said'.374 This evidence makes Gregoras the sole author who quoted Philochorus' maxim twice, and the important point is that, although certainly he would have read Eustathius of Thessaloniki's commentaries on Homer's poems, unlike

Eustathius (who spoke ofAeschylus), he confidently cited 'Philochorus'. Therefore, the only conclusion we are left with is that Gregoras had read this in the sophist Athenaeus of Naucratis (second to third century AD), but Gregoras never mentioned him at any point of his work. The case is not simply a matter of how frequently was a certain author cited: more importantly, Gregoras offers rare references, such as on Homer's cryptic remark about Zeus having 'urns' beside him,375 wherefrom he sends upon men both blessed favours and ills. Homer's passage set forth an occult truth, that has

been experienced by some gifted men throughout History, which is why Origen had been at pains to resolve on whether Homer conduced to virtuous action, or not. Porphyry reported that 'Origen groaned and screamed and very much sweated for a good three days, because he believed that it would be a highly crucial question for him to resolve on whether Homer's imageries could suffice to conduce to virtuous action'.37G Homer's passage by the end of IliaP7 is ambiguous, and so shall this remain forever, yet it is philologically interesting, since this could be translated in two

equally viable ways, depending on how the Greek text is punctuated. One (two urns), For there are two urns lying stored up on the floor of Zeus' abode,378 one corresponding to the ills that he sends, and the other to the blessings (60LOl yap

nlSol

374

375 376

377 378

KctTctKclctTctl

h f..l6~

OV6Sl

TC

6WPW'V oTct 6l6WOl, Kc(')cW'V, hspo~ 66 Mw'V).

Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii adHomeri Iliadem, v. 2, p. 672. In this vast work, Eustathius cited Philo chorus only twice, and in both cases his references were irrelevant to the present point. See Eustathius, op. cit. v. 2, p. 810; v. 4, p. 258. Ilias, XXIV.527-528. Porphyry, In Platonis Timaeum (fragmenta), book 1, fro 8, apud Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum, v. 1, p. 63 (comm. on Plato, Timaeus, 19d). D espite modern blathering about 'two Origem' (a 'pagan' and a 'Christian', allegedly being two different persons), and as to whether Porphyry referred to the one and realOrigen, compare Origen's respectful references to Homer, in Cels, 1.16; 1.66; 11.36; 11.76; IY.21; IV.36 (reprimanding Plato for expelling Homer from the ideal State); IV.91 (& Philocaua, 20.18: 'the admirable Homer'); IV.94 (&Philocalia, 20.21); VI.42-43; VII: 6; 28; 36; 41; 54; VIII.68. Homer, Ilias, XXIV. 527-528: 60tOl yap -r~ m90t xct-rctxdct-rctt h L'l.tO; Oil6~t 6WPW'" otct ;t6wcn xctxW..., t-r~po; 6~ ic'twv. Cf. Iuas, Y.734; VII1.385.

Introduction

I 89

Secondly, with different punctuation (which makes it three urns) For there are two urns lying stored up on the floor of Zeus' abode for bestowing ills, and another one for sending blessings (60LOl yap n: T(lSOl KctTctKSlctTctl h f'..l6~ OV6Sl 6WPW'V oTct 6l6WO"l KC(.)cW'V· hspo~ 66 Mw'V). Homer continues, 'wherefrom, Zeus who delights in sending thunders by mixing them: at one time he strikes with ill, and at another with good'. Question: how many were the urns at Zeus' disposal after all? Were those two or three? On this, the Greek and Christian authors who quoted Homer were split. Grammarians and paroemiographers 379 quoted Homer while caring for words rather than ideas (e.g. explaining that Homer's 601O[ stood for 6UO),380 thus indifferently speaking of two urns,381 and so did a few other intellectuals. 382 Some philosophers, starting with Plato, determined those as being twO. 383 Otherwise, no matter whether two or three urns (or jars, or vessels), Plato blamed Homer

for making God an author of evil. 384 In line with Plato, Plutarch (advising 'How youth should read poems) decided that 'it was absurd to say such things about Zeus'.385 However, the anonymous author who signed 'Plutarch' took Homer's statement as a 'most ingenious' one. 386 In a case of extraordinary concurrence with Plato, this is what Eusebius believed too, on the grounds that God cannot be an author of evip87 So did Themistius, toO. 388 As surprising as it would appear

379 380

381 382

383 384 385 386 387 388

Arscnius of Moncmbasia, Apophthegmata, 6.25a; 6.32a. Hcrodian, IIip! IIa3wv, p. 368. Gcorgc Chocroboscus, Prolegomena et Scholia in TheodosiiAlexandrini Canones Isagogicos De Flexione Nominum, p. 398. Scc also, Anonymous, Epimerismi Homerici, lcttcr cpsilon, gloss 92; and lcttcr kappa, gloss 168. Suda, lcttcr delta cntry 1562. Etymologicum Gudianum, cntry cpsilon, p. 390. Etymologicum Magnum, p. 308. Pscudo-Zonaras, Lexicon, lcttcr delta, p. 560. Pscudo-Zonaras, Lexicon (in fact, copying from thc Suda), lcttcr delta, p. 560. Anonymous Scholia in Hcsiodum, Scholia in Opera et Dies, on vcrsc 94a. John Italus of Constantinoplc (elcvcnth ccntury), Qytaestiones Qytodlibetales, scction 71. Nicctas Choniatcs, Orationes, oration 15, p. 155. Maximus Planudcs, Boethii De Philosophiae Consolatione in Linguam Graecam Translati, 2.16.13. Anonymous, Scholia in Aelium Aristidem (W. Dindorf), p. 259. Anonymous, Scholia in Iliadem (H. Erbsc), on Ilias, XXIY.528. Cf. Porphyry, De Antro Nympha rum, scction 29. Michael Psellus, Opuscula i, opusculum 45; Epistulae, scction 49, cpistlc 194. Anonymous, Scholia in Platonem (W.e. Grccnc), comm. on Republic, 379d. Respublica, 379d. Plato's quotation is a frcc paraphrasc and on no account could this bc takcn as tcstimony to Homcr's tcxt. Plutarch, Qytomodo Adolescens Poetas Audire Debeat, p. 24A-B. Pscudo-Plutarch, ConsolatioadApollonium, p. 105B-C. Euscbius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 13.3.12-13. Likewisc, Thcodorct, Curatio, 5.35. Thcmistius, E!~ Eho$J-rlov, T/~ i; pa-r/AlxwTdn? 7NY dpi7WV, p. 194; Err! tff 'fIAav3pwrr/17oii AV70Xpd70po~ Eho$o-r/o(!, p. 228.

90

I Introduction

to some (although it should not), Proclus saw this as an occult statement expressing a mystical truth that makes its mark on human affairs,389 perhaps because

this how the brilliant Porphyry had seen this, too.'90 This is why Proclus, commenting on Plato's pertinent reference in the Republic (through Socrates' mouth), commented pace Plato, toO. 391 Likewise, John of Sardis (rhetor and bishop, ninth century AD) quoted Homer's dictum as a formulation expressing an incontestable truth. 392 He supported this with the same adage written by Euripides,393

which was quoted also by the comic Philippides citing Euripides. 394 This was also quoted verbatim by Aristophanes,395 as well as by Aristotle. 3% So did Nicostratus, son of Aristophanes,397 Menander,398 and Chrysippus,399 and here is a Christian who did so too, namely, Gregory of Nazianzus.4oo By the same token, Synesius of Cyrene saw Homer's remark as a profoundly wise one that expresses a secret aspect of human life,401 and understood that as indicating two urns in an occult manner. 402 So did Dio Chrysostom. 403 Maximus of Tyre rebutted the idea that Homer spoke of three urns. 404 The Alexandrian grammarian Aristonicus, who lived in the turn of first century BC to first century AD, resolved that 'Homer referred to two urns, although some younger ones took this as suggesting one urn of goods and two ones of evils'.405

389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397

ProcitlS, In Platonis Cratylum, section 101. Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, section 2, comm. on Ilias, 111.65-66; so did John Tzetzes, Scholia ad Exegesin in Iliadem, section 36. Produs, In Platonis Rem Publicam, v. 1, p. 96. John of Sardis, Commentarium in Aphthonii Progymnasmata, p. 60. Euripides, Fragmenta, fro 661 (A. Nauck) (which is also fro 16 [D.L. Page], 'there is no man who is always happy'). Philippides, Fragmenta (T. Kock), fro 18, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 4.44.10; Aristophanes, Ranae, verse 1217. Aristotle, Rhetorica, 1394b. Nicostratus, Fragmenta, fro 28 (T. Kock: the same, fro 1 [A. Meincke]), apud Stobaeus, Anthologium,

4.41.48. 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405

Menander, Aspis, verse 407 and Sententiae e codicibus Byzantinis, line 596, and Sententiae, section 1, line 697 (A. Meincke). Chrysippus, Fragmenta Logica et Physica, fro 180 (citing Euripides). Gregory of Nazianzus, CarminaMoralia, col. 707 (citing no source). Synesius of Cyrene, Aegyptii sive De Providentia, 2.6. Synesius of Cyrene, De Insomniis, section 8. Dio Chrysostom, Orationes, oration 64. Maximus ofTyre, Dissertationes, 34.3: -rpCro... yap 7rt9av oV6ctftOV i ... L'ltO; ~r... ctt Aiy~t. Aristonicus, DeSignis Iliadis, comm. on Ilias, XXIY.527-528.

Introduction

I 91

Later, the erudite Eustathius of Thessaloniki recognised that 'the Homeric expression ... became a dubious one, since some people understood three urns, namely, two for evils and one for goods'.406 Nikephorus Gregoras considered Homer's phrase meticulously, and mentioned 'the offspring of Greeks' ('EM~>m naTo.,) upon remarking, 'and if the offspring of Greeks spoke also of a third urn existing in Zeus' palace, which is by no means unmixed with evil, this is not anything new'.407 In fact, in reference to Homer's text, Gregoras (granting three urns) wrote pace Eustathius of Thessaloniki408 (who had opted for two urns) although using the latter's vocabulary. Nevertheless, upon writing a commentary on Synesius of Cyrene's De Insomniis, Gregoras had to go along with Synesius' understanding of Homer as suggesting two urns, and so he did. 409 In any case, by reference to 'the offspring of Greeks' ('EM~>W> naTo.,) Gregoras suggested that the notion of 'three urns' was one of 01d,410 since there were Greek authors 411 who spoke of a 'third urn' in reference to Homer's passage. 412

Where did he find this? Presumably, Gregoras had in mind Pindar, who had propounded this notion of three jars, one for blessings, two for evils. 413 In order to get an idea of all this, we need to visit Pindar's commentators, and indeed Pindar's verse in Pythia (or, Pythionicae = On the winners of the Pythian Games), Ode 3, verses 81-82: ,> nap' €cr8AO> n~~aTa cru>ovo oalonal ~poToi, a8a"YIX'Tol.

In the anonymous scholia on Pindar, one commentator wrote that 'Homer

wrote of two urns at Zeus' court (napa T~> TOU I'llO, aVA~», but he adds, 'I myself,

406

407 408

409 410

Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 4, p. 948. See his analyses on this also in op. cit. pp. 943; 947-948; Commentarii adHomeri Odysseam, v. 1, p. 282; v. 2, p. 312; cf. De Capta Thessalonica, p. 16. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 107: Et 6~ KCtl-rpCro" Trt90" l'flctcrct,,'EM~"W" Trcti6~; d"ctt ftt]6ctftfi

-rw" -rov llto; Ct"ctK-rOPW" KctKw.,. Ctftty~, Kctt"O" ov6i". Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 4, pp. 943-944 (but he spoke of two jars): El-rct h OAtytcr-r'll ActAw" Kctt -ro 609~" fttyftct -r0 ITptc'tft'll iK -rw" Trctpa -r0 lltt 6VO Trt9w", 6t' w" ~ Kct-r' Ct,,9p,,'mov; ~v6cttftavtct ctt"tyftct-rW6W; 6t]AOV-rctt, ov Trct"-r~AW; d"ctt KctKW" Ctftty~; Aiy~t. See Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, pp. 50-52. Gregoras' contemporary theologian and philologist Manuel Gabalas (from 1329, Metropolitan of Ephesus), using the same vocabulary and exegesis as Eustathius ofThessaloniki, took Homer's phrase as suggesting two urns. Epistulae, epistle B24: Trpo-rpim-rctt iTrt -r~" Kct9ctpa" Kctt Ctfttyil KctKw.,. Kctt -rov;

6t7rAOV; Trt90v; -rw" Trctpo"-rw,, 411

6t~K'fl~VyOVcrct",

Presumably, he had in mind Aristonicus reported by the Anonymous, 5cholia in Iliadem (H. Erbse) (comm. on Ilias, XXIV.527-528a): TW~; 6~ -rw" "~w-ripw,, ["ct ft~" -rw" Ctyct9w", 6VO 6~ -rw" KctKW" i6i~ct,,-ro.

412 413

Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 196 (the selfsame phrase, in op. cit. v. 1, p. 322): Kctt -rpt-ro" ffi90" o{. 'flctcrt" 'EM~"w" Trcti6~; i" llto; ~r"ctt KctKW" Ctftty~. See Pindar, Pythia, Ode 3, verse 81-82: [" Trctp' icr9Ao" m1ftct-rct crv...6VO 6cttav-rctt ~po-roi; Ct9c't"ct-rot.

92

I Introduction

however, believe that even he [sc. Homer] spoke also of three urns', 'although some who fail to understand [Homer's text] say that he spoke of two ones' (~[ Ked

'l"tVl )Jym).414 Another anonymous scholiast of Pin dar dismissed this explanation byadducing plausible philological arguments, and, opposite Pindar's exegesis, denied that Homer suggested two urns. 415 Obviously, the anonymous collections that we currently have were not written by one commentator, but by different ones. This is why we come upon different resolutions at various points. Nevertheless, I could hardly imagine that the commentator who saw both Homer and Pindar as being at one concerning a

'third urn' was other than Gregoras. Actually, I believe that he is the author who determined that Homer and Pindar expressed the same occult truth, all the more

so, since not only did Gregoras himself say this about Homer, but also appealed to Pindar's wisdom at some points of his own work.416 In Gregoras' works, his admiration for the 'Attic language', or the 'Attic beauty', and the like, and for those who used that language, recurs. 417 By contrast, he saw Latin language as one having 'limited possibilities of expression' (crv>~>

yAw.,..,.a»418 and almost 'barbarous'

(inro~ap~ap(l;w». On that

account, he declared that the Latins came to know Aristotle through Latin translations of his works, which could hardly communicate Aristotle's ideas, let alone the notorious obscurity of the original. Hence, once Gregoras read a certain

414

415 416

417

418

Anonymous, 5cholia in Pindarum (D. Semitdos), ode Pythia (or Pythionicae = On the winners of the Pythia contests), Ode P 3, scholion 143. The commentator wrote that, just like Pindar, he himself also believed that Homer spoke of three jars, because evils are more numerous than goods (ITt"'6ctpo; 6~ -rpi). Anonymous, Scholia in Pindarum (A. B. Drachmann), on Pythia. 3, scholion 14la. In his Roman History (v. 1, p. 337), Gregoras uses Pindar's expression (citing the poet), 7rOAVcnp0'fl0'" yvwftct... KV~~P"'i.i; (see Pindar, Fragmenta, fro 214). Likewise (op. cit. v. 3, p. 391), he cites Pindar and quotes from the latter's Olympia, Ode 2, verse 87, 7rct/yAwcrtc.t dpctM;. Even the hackneyed epithet YAVMtct, so frequently used, reminded him of Pin dar too, so as to cite Pindar once more and quote the latter'syAVK~tct ol KctpMct... a-rc't».otcrct Y11po-rpo'flo; (Pindar, Fragmenta, fro 214, in Gregoras' Explicatio in

Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 76). Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 163: -ro... i ... -rctt; ypct'flctt; ~Vy~ ...~ -r~; 'EMa60; pv9fto... Kctt -r~ ... A-rndSovcrct... yAwnct.... Op. cit. v. 1, p. 477: -rYjv 7raw iftft~AW; anldsovcrct... yAwcrcrct... Kctt -ro YAVKV ... inctp iKd"Vl'];. Op. cit. v. 2, p. 601: ITAit-rw... o; Kctt llY]ftocr9i... ov; yAwnct... it~pa... Kctt ftaAct Actft7rpW; antdsovcrct .... Epistulae, epistle 25: -r~; yAwnY]; ctv-r~; ~60"'~'" -rt... ct A-rnK~'" Kctt Xapt-rct 7rct...-ro; YAVKctcrft0V Kpdnw. Likewise, op. cit. epistle 58: ctl cro'flctt -r~ ~t~AOt Kctt AntKctt. Op. cit. epistle 76 (lines 67-68); epistle 90, line 65: yAwnct... Aaft7rpa ... Kctt Actft7rpW; antdsovcrct.... Op. cit. epistle 115 (line 85): -r~; AntK~; iKd... y]; yAwnY]; -ro ~vy~... i;. Astrolabica B, p. 220: cro'flctt Kctt AntKctt yAwcrcrctt. Nikephorus Gregoras, Florentius, lines 352-359: -r~ ... 6~ cro'fltct...... -r~ ... Aptcr-ro-riAOV; ... Act-rt... ot; Kctt 'hctAtW-rctt; cr7n)Ms~-rctt .... ov Kct-ra -r~ ... Aptcr-ro-riAOV; 'flW>i~'" a».' iKd... W>i crtrV~cr-rctAfti... l'J" yAW-r-rct....

w; lX~t mtActt ft~-r~"'~X9~tcrct... i; -r~...

Introduction

I 93

account of Aristotle's ideas, to him, the clumsy language alone could suffice to betray those ideas, because the writer was a Latin one. 419 For Greek language, as used by Homer and Plato, was peerless in expressing the most abstruse and sublime ideas. 42o After a thousand years of Byzantium exorcising Hellenism as a daemon, it

belatedly sought to restore Hellenism on a pedestal by honouring scholars who had a penchant for imitating the Attic dialect and called attention to Greek wisdom. But

this was too little and came too late: the decline of Byzantium had already began, and, as it happened with the Roman empire, 'fall' was not an event, but a process

caused from within. Byzantium collapsed and fell to the Ottomans, and (worse still) no one was left to mourn its extinction. Pachymeres and Gregoras were two diametrical characters and hardly could their temperaments have been more irreconcilable with each other. Gregoras dissented from Pachymeres and Acropolites - which is why he never mentioned them, as neither his favourite teacher Theodore Metochites did. In turn, Patriarch Dositheus in his twelve-volume History mentioned Metochites' father George as having been a 'Papist', and he never mentioned Theodore at all. Pachymeres saw Aristotle as an authority that expounded the absolute

truth, indeed as the apogee of all philosophy - just as Aristotle saw himself 421 Gregoras was Pachymeres' counterpoint. Actually, he did not even follow his beloved teacher Metochites' mild attitude towards Aristotle, since Metochites admired Aristotle, despite some criticism, such as pointing out Aristotle's obscu-

rity,422 or speaking about 'Aristotle pretending to wisdom' (TIi. Likewise, folio 36r: 'Ocr'll yap rrpo; 6la... otct... ~p91']crct... t:1\1'1']Ao-ripov -rl... O;, ~h' OUK irriyvwcrct ... CtA1']9w; i~ ctunv -rO ... -rov-rov 111']ftlovpy&v, -rocr'll ftUMO ... &~tol ftiftt~w;, OTt iK -rW... rrpo 0'fl9ctAftW'" ov-rw Mlfti... w... (oupct... ov 'fl1']ftl nA ~ .1 "TW\ itJlco>, nA~> ToD ~aKap[cr~oD TOVTOV· (laxuplOl 01 xaJapo! T,~ xctp3tq,) OTt ctvToi TOV eEOV 0YOVTctl. 27

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64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71

On God's 'irritation' and 'wrath' at human sins, see Num. 16:30; 20:24; Deut. 9:7-8; 9:19; 29:27; 32:16 (Odae, 2:16); 32:19 (Odae, 2:19); Psalms 9:25; 9:34; 73:18; 77:41; 105:29; 106:11; Psalmi Salomonis, Psalm 4:21; Hosea, 8:5; Zachariah, 10:3; Malachi, 2:17; Isaiah, 5:24; 37:23; 47:6; 63:10; Jeremiah, 39:37; Baruch, 4:7Cod. itpPt;~AW;. Cf. Luke, 8:17LXX: ITO p~vcr~-rctt. Wis. 1:11. Cf. Matt. 21:28; Luke, 13:6. Cf. Luke, 15:23-32. Cf. Susana, 35a. Cf. Gen. 28:12; 32:2; Job, 1:6; 2:1.

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103 104 105 106 107 108

Cod. KYJPO;. Cod. CtTrWAOnO Kcd. Cf. 1 John, 5:17Cf. Provo 24:9; 6:16; 6:23; 1 Cor. 15:56; James, 1:15. Cf. Wis. 2:24. Jer. 9:20; Rom. 5:12-14; 7:11-13; 8:2. Cod. TrctArvSwlct;.

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110 111 112 113

LXX: h ..... ~6-r1']-rt. LXX: lctpo;. But !'tipo; in codices Sinaiticus [corr.l and Vaticanus. Wis. 2:6-11. Cod. dcr~ctAovcrw....

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tXMa TOU, aKOAaO'Tov, atKW> €~nlnTOna, Kat

'TW)'TYl7r~lpw[l4)1ou~ 7rlXl607rOl~T)I.

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295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303

Cf. Ezekiel, 33:11; Wis. 1:13. Cf. 2 Tim. 4:8. An acceptable alternative to CTtr... -riAwt.... iJ.cfticrot! is a later Byzantine form, meaning 'in the middle of. Isaiah,57:1-2. Cf. Rom. 8:4; 2 Cor. 10:2-3. Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 42:11; Isaiah, 17:12. Wis. 4:15. Wis. 3:10.

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EltTEAEVITOVTct,305

tv

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304

TiAWT~V lTorpoiJ xed

LXX: Kctftdrv. iA~vcro ... -rctt.

305

LXX:

306

Wis. 4:16-20.

307

Cod. itfl'flt~ctAonct;.

308

Eph.3'9.

309

312

An expression coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, pp. 92; De Divinis Nominibus, p. 124; et passim. Then, Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones ad Thalassium, 21; Ambigua adJoannem, 60.2 (actually quotingAreopagites). Gregory of Agrigentum used this formula abundantly. Commentarius in Ecclesiasten, 3.18; 3.20; 4.3; 4.4; 10.12; 10.14. Cf. Rom. 8:2; cf. 5:13; 6:7. Cod. -r0-rct'fl'{l. Cf. Matt. 27:64-65.

313

Eph.3'9.

310 311

'AJJ..rx 'Tl 7r)jcrKOn UCPlo"'TrX[1HOl'Trx .1a-vrX.

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314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323

Cod. m1crO>iTW. Psalm 2:4. Cf. Job, 18:12; 20:5; 37:16. Cod. i~6A~t; Kctl7rpo6A~t;. Psalms 9:27; 76:9; 84:6. Cod. 'flptct~afli... w.... Cf. 1 Peter, 3:15. Cod. 7rp0'flacr~t;. aUTo... not in LXX. LXX: crwTYJpta;. ipovcrt....

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w; ITXla xu! w; CtrrEAfu 7(upuTpixoVlTu. w;

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324 325 326

327 328 329 330 331 332

i7rD.ctftt~...

is a known alternative to the LXX O.ctftt~.... 6txcttOCTVv1'];, not in LXX. LXX: imY"wft~.... But gY"wft~... was used only by Pseudo-Athanasius, Sermo ad Antiochum Ducem, PG.28.593.5-6, and Ephraem Syrus, Attende Tibi !psi (capita xii), chapter 8, lines 40-41 (quoted also by John of Damascus, Sacra Parallela, PG.95.1364.37-38). -rp67r~w;, instead of -rp6mo;, in Codices Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus (corrector). Wis. 5:1-14. Cf. 4 Mace. 9:9; 10:11. Cod.701"lxct. Matt. 24:30; Mark, 13:26; Luke, 21:27. Matt. 26:64; Mark, 14:62. -r~;

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IiTPUJrOV TpOJrEW; UVT~; tv X"fUITlv. l\.p~oi;onwI npocraTo> yap Tl TO [OVTO> Aa~8>, OUO< npOI ~paxv Kv~al>onOI uoaTOI, Xap, €~li;a>o>, ~acrTli;o~OI Kat crx,i;o~OI Tfi nA~Yfi TW> TUPITWV TW>

361 362 363 364 365 366

Cf. Luke, 11:46. Cf. Job, 42:12. Cf. Gen. 45:13. Cod. Tripct.... Cod. t. Cod. dTrOl.

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418 419 420 421 422 423

Cod. Ctyct7rW-rwv. Cod. Ct'fllic6ft~$ct. Cod. 7rp0Y"wcr$~ ... ctt. But on folio 15v, the author wrote the biblical portion npo -rovY"wcr$~ ... ctt, too. Supra and LXX: npo;. The present in' appears in codices B [VaticanusJ and S [SinaiticusJ [AJ. Cod. CtnOAt7rofti...Y]. That is, ignorance of wisdom.

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433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442

Cod. 7rat;~v~cr$at.

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Wis. 4:6. Cod. 'frvY]. Cod.l1crct. Cod.l1crct. Wis. 6:24.

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509 510 511 512

Luke, 12:12. Cod. sic. Cf. Heb. 4:12 (ref. to the Logos of God). Cod. )'(6ct.

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555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565

Cf. Tit. 2:11. Cf. Wis. 19:22. Wis. 7:27; cf. James, 2:23. Cod. AaA~crJ1Cf. Exodus, 33:11. Cod. ~u;0ft~KOnct. Cod. ~U;0ft~KOnct. Cf. Num. 11:24-26. Cf. Joel, 3:1; quoted in Acts, 2:17Cf. Lev. 26:3&43; 3 Kings 8:61; Ecclesiasticus, 6:37; Jer. 39:23; 51:23; Ezekiel, 11:20; 18:9; 20:13&16&19&21; 33:15; 37:24; et passim. Psalms 118:16&23; 118:48&80&117; Luke, 1:6. Cf. Gen. 26:5; Exodus, 15:26; 24:3; Lev. 25:18; Num. 30:17; 36:13; et passim.

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791 792 793 794 795 796 797 798 799 800 801 802

Gen. 30:37-31:10. LXX: htK'"fav ~2t Trp6~cmt 6tCtAwKct. Gen. 30:39. Cod'1IT]"tKct. Gen. 31:23. Gen. 31:24. Gen. 32:6. Gen. 32:7Gen. 32:22. Gen. 32:24-31. LXX: tW6~i; ~~. Wis. 10:13-14.

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812 813 814 815 816 817 818 819 820 821 822 823 824 825

LXX: -ro avofw -ro &yt6... (Tot!. LXX: fr¥Ot~~. Wis. 10:15-21. Cf. Exodus, 1:11-14. Exodus, 1:11; 5:14; Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 2:1; 2:16-17. Cf. Gen. 50:24; Exodus, 2:24; 6:3; et passim. Cf. Wis. 10:5; Gen. 17:1; Phil. 2:15; 1 Thess. 3:13. Cod. i~ct7rOAvvctt. Cf. Judices, 8:34. Cf. Acts, 7:22. Cf. Wis. 9:3; Luke, 1:75. Cf. Exodus, 8:2-3; Psalm 104:30; Wis. 19:10. Cf. Exodus, 8:17-27; Psalms 77:45; 104:31. Cf. Exodus, 9:9-11.

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838 839 840 841 842 843 844 845 846 847 848 849 850 851

Cod. aTro(J'M~~"'. Exodus, 15:1; 15:21 (Odae, 1:1). Exodus, 15:21. Cod. aTr06~tAto...-rW"'. Cf. Exodus, 14:20; 14:24. Exodus, 14:10-11. Exodus, 13:21. Cod. EM6w(J'~. So LXX: EM6w(J'~"" But the grammatically correct Aorist is Ked not in LXX. Cod. 6tW6W(J'~"" w; not in LXX. LXX: amtov. LXX: -rctpctX·9iwo;. Cod. Vaticanus: -rctpctx$in~;. LXX: 6d~ct; 6ta -rov -r6-r~.

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852 853 854 855 856 857 858 859 860 861 862 863 864 865

Cod. i~~T"l1(J'ct;. LXX: O.ct~~.... Wis. 11:1-14. Now, the erudite commentator (or the scribe) wrote the correct ~vw;w(J'~, not the grammatically erroneous ~v6;w(J'~", of the LXX. Cod. ipya~onctt. Exodus, 16:35; cf. Num. 14:33-34 (quoted also in Heb. 3:17); 32:13; Deut. 2:7; 29:4; Psalm 94:10 (quoted also in Heb. 3:10); Amos, 2:10; 5:25 (quoted also in Acts, 7:42); Acts, 7:36; 13:18. Cf. Exodus, 2:11; 11:3; 11:24. Cod. ~VO;OVvT"o. Cf. Exodus, 15:22. This is the AO.'tft of Exodus, 15:27 (a stopover of thcJcws in the desert); 16:1; Num. 33:9-10; Judices, 12:12; Isaiah, 15:8. SecJesus of Nave, 15:26. Cf. Exodus, 16:1. Cf. Exodus, 17:8-11. Cf. Exodus, 3:8; 3:17; 13:5; 23:23; 23:28; 33:2; 34:11.

BIX0"1X-V)cdou~.866,cc KlXtnii-v gS-vo~ KIX'TOlKOU-V 'T~-V r~V Xctvctdv. 867

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866 867 868 869 870 871 872 873 874 875 876

Cod. BctcTctlov;. Cf. the land of BctcTa... in Num. 21:33-35; Deut. 1:4; 4:43-47; 29:6-7; Jesus of Nave, 9:9-10; 12:4-6; 13:30; et passim; Psalms 134:11; 135:20. Cf. Exodus, 12:40-42. Cf. Exodus, 17:6; Num. 20:11; 21:16; Psalms 77:15-16; 135:16. Cf. Deut, 8:15; 2 Esdras, 19:15. Cod. ;tw;d)O>i"~;. Cod. ~m1rO>i-ro. Cf. xAYJpo",ofltct ... 8w6 in 2 Mace. 2:4; Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 14:5; Jer. 3:19. Cf. Exodus, 7:17-20; Psalms 77:44; 104:29. Cod. "t flh Wis. 16:5. w; not in LXX.

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Cod. imtpa$l'yTct.... Cod. MXPtflhot;. Cf. Matt. 25:35-46. Cf. Exodus, 7:24. Cod. i'tppVOfl6"'Ol. Cod. opwYn;. Cod. 0pWYf6;.

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906 907 908 909 910 911

Cf. Psalm 2:4. Cod. Cod. Cod. Cod. Cod.

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1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 1414

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1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1484 1485 1486 1487 1488 1489

Cod. Trct... ~$ ../l. LXX: ;t~(ndp-rl']CTct.... So in codices Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus {corr.}. LXX: CTx...iTrct. Cod. O-r~. Cod. Trctptonct;. Cf. Gen. 19:1-11. Cf. Exodus, 1:12-14. LXX: ixaxwCTct .... Cod. TrO>ioi;. Wis. 19:8-17. Exodus, 13:22. Exodus, 14:21. Exodus, 14:27.

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1501 1502 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507

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612 613

Cf. Num. 21:9. Psalm 106:20.

524

I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon

widv tIzofiod&I'~ and.reFlb tknvfio= Izeavav 6readfre!=red widwub ~!abour;

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~iW=jwwer; 8&tluwtlzo~ cou/d60~614

Who could possibly be able to escape the hand of God,615 once one has offended against it? For wheresoever this lies open, it fills full any living being with the uprightness that flows from it, and this alone caused all of them to live and exist forever. Once [this hand] brought death upon them because of their falling away from rectitude, it did not dismiss them altogether, so that they should subsequently die, but hereafter it summons them back to endless life, which is by far a fuller life than the present one. Naturally then, this [hand] rules both f!lianddeaLlt, which is why he [sc. Solomon] says, [y~~rub=-bothf!li and deadv. Nay, on them both, because, in the matter of deaLIt, this is possible for humans, too. This is why he points out the difference, by adducing the subsequent arguments, but prior to them all, he forthwith says, and~!eaddoa"vw tIzo~&I'~andred0r06advuF~ Therefore, to God, the capacity to engender life applies twice as much, since this also belongs to God's nature; but He exercised His power to impose death only once, which happened to us as a consequence of our FalL Therefore, whereas both of those are possible to God, in contrast, ,,"FJUlFV /U/k iFv Iu& malice, and sometimes he /U/k out of zeal for [doing] good, such as Phinees,616 or even David [who killed] Goliath.617 However, this was a rare [phenomenon] and involved people such as Elias, or those both prior to and after him, who had been zealous for defending God's laws. Otherwise, almost all of the others [who act] amidst strife and quarrels, and, in short, indulging iFv their own malice, kill their homogeneous people, whom they are unable to redor0 6adv to life. Neither are they able to make "" dej=rted ~ revert to the place whence it dej=rted (namely, this sensorial life), nor have they the power to ~,,".wu£tluwluz&6eavtahov.

=-

614 615 616 617

Wis. 16:13-23. 2 Esdras, 12:18; cf. 7:6; 7:9; 7:28; 8:18; 8:22; 8:31 ; 12:8; Deut. 2:15; Psalm 18:2; Ecclesiastes, 2:24; Isaiah, 62:3; Wis. 3:1. Reb. 10:31. Num.25:1-9. 2 Kings, 17:4-54; cf. 21:2; Ecclesiasticus, 47:4.

Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon

I 525

For this is what human things are, and so much for the natural [human] incapability to make anything alive. Moreover, ib i& ~ for anyone sinning against your [ordinances] and seeking to counteract You, and being prompt to kill although he is unable to give life, to-euado~1uuui. The case of Egyptians attests to this, too: for once they ~to-achwwt. e40 your more-than-infinite power, and believed that your divine signs against them through your servant'518 [Moses] were art [of magic] rather than acts of ~Iumd, they wer0wiz#ed&tIzo~&I"~~ The same goes for the odd Izauty rain& and Izaik and dwwer&; which were out of the ordinary not only to those that inhabited Egypt and saw such [phenomena] as rare ones, but also to those who dwelled other places of the earth and were familiar with such ferocious phenomena. Moreover, the signs sent from God did not stop at that: for a fourth one along with those [three, namely, rains and hails and showers] wa& tIzo concomitanyife; whereby four [factors] concurrently burned with fire and deluged with waters. {j(Jttbtlzo~j=rado-=wa& tIud; iFvtlzo~tIzab~ aI1~ tIzo fotfXl&FJWr0~ For this sort of God's wrath against them was threefold: for one, tIzowaler; violent as this was, overwhelmed everything from the roots as it moved whirlingly; for another, tIzolzad smashed anything that stood out; as for tIzospreadingjife; ib6unzedeverything, thus contributing to both of the foregoing ones [sc. water and hail]. 619 From these it is possible to see tIzoworfd; and indeed the nature of the elements, being ""~&I"tIzo~620 For although these elements themselves are contrary, and when one of them prevails it destroys the other, upon defending tIzo~ they become cognate and [mutually] friendly and akin. Actually, this happens not only with respect to each other, but also in relation t'lfo'o par excellence. g;-~ ttb limo [the fire] was deprived of its natural attribute, hence maintaining unharmed tIzo aninuzk8efib ~ tIzo ~ so that the miracle involvin~ should be made manifest to the those [sc. the Egyptians] who beheld it, 45r I namely, tlzabt/ucPW'0c1ta.red&§od'~ not by means of [practices of] witchcraft boasting that their power sterns from thorough knowledge of phenomena. h ~time, when [fire] was mixed with that ferocious water and the violent hurricane, and poured from heaven (}flO

618 619 620

Num. 12:8; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40. Cf. Exodus, 9:18-26. Cf. Wis. 2:16; 3:1; 5:20; 16:17; 18:7; 18:20; 19:16.

526

I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon

along with both of those, this [fire] blazed contrary to the nature of the ordinarV'ifo, and consumed all of tho~&flhe~!and. Thus, ~ this punishment and the fruits that paradoxically were destroyed in this way, Yo'lfid~=electj>eopfowdlvthoJi7ode/~. By saying so, he does not suggest that angels receive any nutriment; for the incorporeal and immaterial [beings] are in no need of any food whatsoever. Instead, as they are fed without labouring with thoughts and sublime conceptions of God, by analogy, these [sc. the Jews], being exempted from all the usual [pertinent] toil, enjoyed the free use offre!>aredcfood, which was poured from above 621 This is what David also says prior to him [sc. Solomon]: Bread of angels man ate; provisions he sent them in abundance. 622 For not only was such a bread causing indescribable ~ once eaten, but also it satisfied their ~ for [communicating with] God, as well as whatever else they might have yearned for, as for example, fish or goat or chicken, or any of the kind, which are considered as worthy by those who seek wantonness and engage in relevant magical arts - wherefore this [bread] proclaimed the philanthropy of God who poured this down. And its nature itself was full of~,623 since this had been prepared from above by an affectionate Father for his ~to eat; and while it served m-~thota&IDofthose to whom this was offered, it tfXl&~to whatever they longed for. Therefore, both of these miracles were operated in a supernatural manner, so that they should be confirmed as [works] by God, who also created ex nihilo the natures of all beings and who alone transmutes them to whatever He might will. As regards the Egyptians, their punishment, in addition to being strange in manner, contained also a weir~t/vthoblazing warer-being poured down concurrently, each of which, in accordance with its own specific attributes, consumed their fruits. Instead, the benefaction upon the Israelites was paradoxical,624 not only because of the pouring down from above, which took place daily for approximately forty years,625 and they enjoyed it and were fed by without any toil, but also (which is more paradoxical than the foregoing one), a single and the selfsame species [sc. the manna], as if unmindful of its own mandatory function, manifested itself through all sorts of tastes to those who enjoyed it. 621 622 623 624 625

Exodus, 16:14-23; Num. 11:6-9. Psalm 77:25. Exodus, 16:31. Cf. Exodus, 8:18; 9:1-4; 11:7; Wis. 16:17; 19:5. Cf. Exodus, 16:35; Deut. 2:7; 8:3-4; 29:4-5; 2 Esdras, 19:21; Amos, 2:10; 5:25.

Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon

I 527

%(H=ed~ Because, on the one hand, it was entire households thatj>=ed ~ while, on the other, this was about all of the tribes, each of which was as numerous as one nation. Thus, once tIzowlwlonaLioFvj>=ed~ ~~&~all-too­ powerful kuut, and ~ 6eIteId those ~ and unprecedented WOFb~ that had been performed for their sake, tiucP ~ ~ certain accommodating ~ which are not curbed with bridle and muzzle?39 ..And capered ~ ~ By means [of metaphors] from both of those animals, he depicts the cheerfulness of them [sc. the Israelites] and their pleasantly leapings done with light heart. ~:J/ou, 0 ~ wIw- delivered tknv. He implies the ode, Let us sing to the Lord, for he has triumphed gloriously/40 thus recollecting both everything they suffered during tIzeif~ iFv ~!and and the things they did against those who had trampled upon them, andbw, indeadff~­ ~ ~ tIzo eartIv ~firtlvJle=, that is, the most paltry and deleterious of insects, which were not created since the beginning, when the command was that the earth and the air and the water should produce individual animals,741 but they were produced later, because of a certain putrefaction, and, following the curse, these turned out causes of both grief and troublesome life. Therefore, it was natural for this wise man [sc. Solomon] not to consider these as animals, by saying, indeadff~~ tIzo eartIv ~firtlvJle=, For these are born neither though the natural birth from a male and a female; instead, most of them are produced out of a certain irregular humidity combined with something else, such as dryness or mud . ..Andindeadff/~.1~iFvwaTo~ q,anacria),18 they wrote also of t[A~

cfl lX"Y-rlXo-lrx.. 19 Origen styled unreality (or misconceived reality) which claims reality, 7r~P[AY]7r'T[K~ cflIXYTrx.o-lrx..20 And it is quite impressive that the only intellectual that

took up this formulation was Origen's devout follower Gregory of Nyssa, who

used Origen's selfsame words in the selfsame context. 21 No other author did ever

use this designation at all.

16

17

Cf. Euripides, Ion, verses 1443-1444: ft"'iA, w ttAl'] ftOt ft~-r~p, i)! X~poi... crie~ ... b xct-r9ct",,'rv -n MV ect... ~YV tanasoftctt. Thcodorct, Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG.80.1241.17-18: Kcd wnwp o...~tpOTrOAW, Kcd fl~9' ~fl~Pct... tavrc't~oflctt.Accordingly, later, this was explained as meaning 'being attributed acts or thoughts that I never dreamt of, therefore, 'to be slandered'. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter phi, entry 147 & Photius, Lexicon, letter phi, p. 639 [R. PorsonJ &Lexicon, letter phi, entry 56 (c. Theodoridis) &Suda, letter phi, entry 82 (A. Adler): tctvrc't~oflctt = crvKOtctvrovflctt (apudAristophanes, Acharnenses, verse 823). Cf. Anonymous, Scholia in Acharnenses (N.G. Wilson), comm. on verse verse 823. See this entertained by Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion, v. 1, p. 459; v. 3, p. 139; Theodoret, Interpretatio in xiv Epistulas Sancti Pauli, PG.82.696.19-20 (in the Catena in epistulam ad Hebraeos [catena Nicetae, cod. Paris. gr. 238J, p. 408, this is ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria). John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Libros De Anima Commentaria, p. 488: o-r~ fl~'" yap -ra 6...-rct w; 6...-rct tctnc'tsoflctt, ou 6&vctflctt d fl~ w; lxovcrt ta ... -rc'ts~cr9ctt ctu-rc't, oto... -ro... LWKpc't-rJ1" d Trp09wflctt tctnc'ts~cr9ctt, ou 6&vctflctt ctu-ro... tctnctcr9~ ... ctt itcr-r~to ... Kctt AWKO ... Kctt KOflw... -rct, itMa Trc't ...-rw; tctActKPo... Kctt fl~Act... ct Kctt Trpoyitcr-ropct. Cf. Philostratus, VIta Apollonii, 6.19. Longinus, De Sublimitate, 15.12. Corpus Hermeticum, Fragmenta, fro 2A4, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 3.11.31: O-rct... 6' c't... we~ -r~ ... imppotct... lXl1 ~ tctnctcrtct, -r~; itAYJ9dct; ytY"~-rctt fltflYJcrt;. Aristotle contrasted tct... -rctcrtct with indisputable perception of reality, and saw that as different from imcr-r~flYJ' ... OV;, 6tc't... otct. De Anima, 427b14: tct... -rctcrtct yap t-r~po ... Kctt cttcr9~cr~w; Kctt 6tct... otct;. Op. cit. 428a. 'YtA~ tct... -rctcrtct or M"'~ tct... -rctcrtct means creating an absolutely imaginary mental image of something that does not exist at all. Cf. Sententiae Pythagoreorum, scntentia 45: ·o...dp'lllotM'" 0 -rW... itTrctt6~V-rW'" ~to;, M ... a; lXW\! ta ...-rctcrtct;. Op. cit. sententia 163: Ot fl~'" 9ctvflct-roTrOtOt -rctt; M ... ctt; tctnctcrtctt;, ~ 6~ -rvXYJ -rctt; iAmcrt... ~fla; i~ctTrct-ri.i. Produs, commRep, v. 1, p. 121: ou M ... a; tct... -rctcr1ct; OtYJ-r~av d ... ctt Kctt flv9tKa; -r~pct-rdct;. In Platonis Alcibiadem i, section 288, line 22; 32; In Platonis Cratylum Commentaria, section 68, line 5. Damascius, In Parmenidem, p. 311: c'tAOYav -ra; ~fl~-r~Pct; tct... -rctcrtct; M"'~fl~ct-rovcrct;. Simplicius, commPhys, p. 619: flc't-rcttO;~'" ~ tctnctcrtct Kctt 6...-rw; M"'~. Cf. Philo, Qytod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat, section 97; De Cherubim, section 69; De Somniis, 2.105. Albinus, Epitome Doctrinae Platonicae (L1IBal7XaAlxo yap q,Ucrl> 7rmOi~K< T~> >o Kat

aim" crV"yy~)114 By styling God's creation of logoi &q,8apTo> (incorruptible), Origen had in mind Jesus words, in Matt. 24:35; Mark, 13.31; Luke, 21:33: "For we know that even

if heaven and earth, and the things in them, pass away, yet the logoi about

each thing, being like parts in a whole, or forms in a species, of the Logos who was in the beginning with God, namely, of God the Logos, will in no wise pass away."115

The logoi, which gave (and keep on giving) rise to the world, came to be out of God's untrammelled decision, not out of any sort of necessity, far less of an ontological one whatsoever; it will last for a certain period of time -at the end of which!16 the Body of Logos will be restored to its primal 'unwounded' state as a result of the rational creatures' free action - whereby human nature will have become not only 'according to the image of God'

(KIX'T' ~[K6-YIX),117

but also

'according to God's likeness (Ka8' 6~oiwcrl». Therefore, Origen's doctrine of creation has nothing to do with Platonism, and certainly not with Neoplatonism. This means that all those (both ancient and modern) authors, who saw Origen's statement positing that the end will be like (which they distorted to 'the same as) the beginning as 'Neoplatonism' were nonplussed fanatics.

Quite simply, Origen's propo-

sition was formed in the context of his clear and consistent Philosophy of History,118 within which the axiom of free creaturely action 119 is fundamentally

113

Origen, expProv, PG.17.181.1-4: A6~Aq,~ ~ftCrv crotlct icr-r(, 6tO-rt b rrot~crct; -r~ ... acrwftct-ro ... q,vcrt... rrct-r~p Kctt -rctv-r}P rrmol1']M .... crotlct... 6~ h-rctvElct Air~t ov -ro... Yl6... -rov e~ov, aMCt -r~ ... e~wplct ... -rW... crWfLc't-rw... Kctt acrwftc't-rw..., Kctt -r~; h ctv-rfi KPlcr~w; Kctt rrpo ... olct; iyxdft~... ct.

114 115

Origen, Prine, III.1.13 (Philocalia, 21.12). Origen, eels, Y.22. See discussion in Anaxagoras, pp. 486; 814; 917-918; 1088; 1329-1330; 1438;

116 117 118 119

Cf. Origen, Prine, III.5.1. Gen. 1:26-27; 5:1; Ecclesiasticus, 17:3. See my Origen: Philosophy ofHistory and Eschatology, passim. Origen's eclectic adoption of the Stoic theory of successive worlds only means that Origen sought to preserve creaturdy freedom. It was on account of this that he excoriated the Stoics for maintaining

1450; 1486.

576

I Appendix

operative 120 - but of this fact both ancient and modern detractors of Origen have

never had any inkling of. Moreover, when Proclus spoke of restoration Capokatastasis'), his ideas involved

therein could not be more alien to Origen's theory. Beyond the fact that Proclus commingles a lot of Pythagorean ism and appeals to Plato's ideas about intermittent

'restorations of souls', in him, this notion has nothing to do with any concept of historical process or pattern, least of all, with any eschatology whatsoever.

When Proclus spoke of Hercules having been 'restored in companion with the gods' he certainly had in mind Hercules' personal mythological peripeteia, not any end of History.121 Besides, he saw 'restoration' not as an ultimate end,

but only as an intermittently recurring one. He styled this phenomenon 'dance'

(xop.ia),122 which is why Proclus coined the far-distended etymology of Time (XPOVO\) allegedly meaningxopovOV\ ('dancing nous'), he used it just once, but noone else did so either before or after him: Time is the manifestation of an imma-

terial dancing intellect (actually a number), and the cause of the world's 'dance' in a cyclic course, at the end of which 'restoration' of the world takes place, which restoration is called 'dance' (XOp~[IX) for that matter. 123 Proclus believed that he

descried this idea 'in the Seventh Book of the Republic' (namely, 529dl-5), and argued that the real 'speed or slowness' (ro aVTOTaxO\ Kat T~V aVTO~pa()VT~Ta) should be sought for in 'the real number', not by measuring those of the visible heavenly bodies, as astronomers did. 124 1his 'restoration' (anOKIX'TGWTIXOTV) Proclus also denominated through its synonymous ncD'['YYH~o-[IX, and argued that this takes place under the command of 'the one god of all restoration' (uno 'TO"Y hlX'T~~ nGw)l~

120

1Xl'T1O"Y

nIXA['YYH~o-[lX~ e~6"Y): for every sort of counting hinges on that god /

the idea of identical recurring worlds (Cf. Cels, Iy'67-69; Y.20-21.). In any event, this theory plays no essential role in his overall theory. This is what Origen's notion of 're-crucifixion of the Body of Logos' (after Heb. 6:6) means. See my The Concept of Time in Origen (Peter Lang, 1991, text of my PhD Thesis 1983-87), p. 242-243; 299; PHE, p. 110; Anaxagoras, pp. 947; 1371; Origen: New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew, pp. lxxxv; Origen and Hellenism, pp. 30-31; Guilty of Genius, pp. 6; 72; 157; 167; 199-200; 203; 257;

260; 289; 329; 346; 354;408-409;413. 121 122 123

124

ProcitlS, commRep, v. 1, p. 120. He makes his point by quoting Homer, Odyssea, XI.602-603. Cf. Produs, commTim, v. 3, p. 149 (appealing to Phaedrus, 250b; 252d): OVKOVv xopilal ft~... den -rW... '¥vxw", cd mpt -ro ",o1']-ro... PaxXi/ci/ Ked cd mpt060t Ked itTrOKct-rctcr-rCteM; ctl ... o~pctL Produs, op. cit. v. 2, pp. 17-18: d 6~ itpt9fto; ftwo ... it~t w... ctl-rto; -rot! Kct-r' itpt9fto... Kvdovft~... ov Xpwov, itpt9fto; w... ctv-ro; ... o~po; Kctt ov-rw XP6 ... 0; w; xopwov; -rt; w..., -rot! xop~vm ctl-rto; -r0 dcrft'll (-r~; Kct-ra KUdo ... itTrOKct-rctcr-rc'tcr~w; xopdct; A~r[0ft~... 1'];]). Produs, commRep, v. 2, p. 18; commTim, v. 1, p. 41; v. 3, p. 19.

Appendix number (ro-v KUpLO"Y -rC)"y a[1a-vo-vw-v Ked

I 577

X~[p6-yw-y 'TOU a-yepW7r~[ou )'HYj'TOU 7r~p[6.1w-Y

"p[e~6»125

The fact is, nevertheless, that Proclus' analyses about restoration are mainly referred to the soul, and there is no notion of any teleological process whatsoever. 126 Hence, 'asoul's life is counted by means of its intermittent restorations'.127 However, this process is not associated with any historical significance at all, and certainly, unlike Origen, this does not relate to any teleological concept of

History. Proclus went some way along with his champion Origen, but he did not (and could not) go far enough, since to him any notion of Philosophy of History was absent, and he had no reason to create such a philosophy, given his presuppositions combined with external influence. This point alone could foretoken Origen's abyssal difference from Neoplatonism. Nevertheless, a few more points can be made, since those who anxiously seek to discover 'Platonism' and 'Neoplatonism' in Origen would perhaps appeal to Proclus, who wrote that 'the conclusions of divine progressions end up becoming like their that have a divine

origin become like their beginnings', but this 'cycle is both beginningless and endless'.128 However, when Proclus extolled the One as being the origin and the ultimate destination of all things,129 he could have hardly written this without

125

Op. cit. v.2, p.20. Cf. Produs, TheologiaPlatonica, v. 4, p. 87 (appealing to Respublica, 546b5: 7rpoi)7rctPX~t -r~" -r~; Kct-r' itpt9ftov; OtctKocrft~cr~W; itPX1']ytK~" ctl-rtct". And to Phaedrus, 249a, Socrates speaking about 'three-thousand years-long restorative periods). commTim, v. 1, pp. 54; 101; 103; v. 2, pp. 264; 289-292; v. 3, pp. 54-57; 75-78; 87-95; 127; 129; 138; Cf. op. cit. v. 2, pp. 20-21: this number it7roKct9tcr-r1']crt -ro" xOcrfto" KWfa -rov; olKdov; opov; ... ~crn" OVv itpt9fto; SW--rlKO; Kl"OVft~"o; 7r~PtOOtKGi;, itftm6"wv ~ XHp6"w". Also, pp. 23; 45; 66. In v. 2, p. 130, he quotes and appeals to Timaeus, 42b and Phaedrus, 249a, in order to argue that a 'restored' soul finds a blissful abode in the 'star befitting it' (d; -ro cr&V"ofto" &cr-rpO>! it7rOKct-rctcr-racrct" ~uOcttfto>!ct ~to" Aiyw" ~~~t" - see the same argument in Theologia Platonica, v. 6, p. 34). Likewise, op. cit. v. 2, pp. 161; 168-169; 185; 236-237; 267; 328; v. 3, p. 308; Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum, 1.30 (-ra; 7r~ptOOtKa; it7rOKWfctcr-rctcr~t;); 3.53-54; 3.60. Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 3, p. 33: Kctt ~ tvx~ -r0 ft~" it7rOKWfctcr-rctcr~crt Kctt 7r~pt6oot; ft~-rp~i" -r~" ictv-r~; sw~", Likewise, in op. cit. v. 4, pp. 74; 101; Institutio Theologica, sections 199-200: ITacrct tvx~ iyx6crftto; 7r~Pto;Ot; Xp~-rctt -r~; olKdct; sw~; Kctt it7roKwfctcrdcr~crt", commTim, v. 1, p. 54; v. 2, p. 89; v. 3, pp. 149-150 (appealing to Phaedrus, 250b; 252d); 291; 306 (ref. to 'the firmament and any worldly god'). Produs, Institutio Theologica, section 146: ITctcrGi" -rGi" 9dwv 7rp06ow" -ra -riA1'] 7rpO; -ra; ictv-rGi" itpxa; 0ft0tov-rctt, KUdo" &"ctpxo" Kctt it-r~A~V-r1']-rO>! crwso,,-rct ota -r~; 7rpO; -ra; itpxa; imcr-rpo¥J;. Cf. Theologia Platonica, v. 4, p. 112: Kctt -ro -riA~tO>! ctu-ro -ro -r~; -r~A~t6-r1']-ro; ityct96", itpX~" ~XO>! Kctt fticro" Kctt -riAO; Kctt crv"ct7r-ro" -ro -riAO; -rfi itpxfi Kct-ra -r~" lot6-r1']-rct -r~; imcr-rpot~;. Produs, In Platonis Parmenidem, book 6, p. 1115: Kctt yctp icr-rt" itpx~ fth 7rct"-rw,,, o-rt it7r' ctu-rov 7rct,,-rct· -riAo; oi, o-rt i7r' ctu-ro 7rctnct. Op. cit. p. 1092: ctu-ro o~ -ro ,,01']-r0... 7rA~90; -r~Aw-rctio" ittcttp~cr~t -rov i,,6;, -riAo; itpxfi crVVct7r-rw". On this, Damascius followed Prod us. See Damascius, In Parmenidem, p. 234: A~yicr9w o~ Kctt YVV -r6 y~ -rocrov-ro" o-rt Kl"OVV~Vo>! -rov-ro -ro ~" -ra &Mct ~r"ctt oOMi", ota -rov-ro

-rov-rw" Ct7rctnw" 0 9~io; itpt9fto; 0 -roi; miem i"otoov;

126

127

128

129

578

I Appendix

influence by his Christian readings,!30 notably, Rom. 11:36. Of course, there is always the argument that the idea of form being both the origin and the end of everything could be attributed to Aristotle,131 which is what Basil Bessarion mentioned believing that he came upon this idea 'at several points of Aristotle's works', but he cited none of those. 132 1he fact is that Plotinus also embraced the

idea that any principle (perfect as it is by definition) is the same as the effect produced by that principle l 33

It goes without saying that Plotinus seized on Aristotle's analyses. For when he says that 'it has been well said that one should not ask for a cause of a principle

(ro ~~ i;~ni> aiTia, "PX~' oi!TW ]((tAW, A€rnal), since any principle is perfect and it is itself realised in and through its result and it is the same as its end result (Ked T~, TOlau~, "PX~' T~, nAi TrpO; ~O «Kae' 0flolwcrlW, Kat O~l a... ar~rpaTr~al dp1']K~... al 0 e~6;, dlol~crwfl~'" &... epWTro... Ka~' dKwa Kat 0flolwcrl... ~fl~~ipaw, iTrol1']cr~ 0' 0 e~o; ~o... &... epWTro... «KaT dx6wt-> e~ov aM' ovXt Kat «Kae' 0flolwcrlW ~o1'], OVK &... iTrol~l ~fla; A~rO ... ~a; on Trc't"'~l1 oflolo1 icrfl~'" ~0 e~0. Much earlier, Origen had written that 'we shall be also according to the likeness of God, once we have foresaken every passionate desire for matter and bodies, even once we have abandoned desire for some of those

Appendix

I 581

creative work, to which man will have made a critical contribution. To see this as 'Neoplatotism' would be simply a token of nescience. Therefore, unlearned allegations aside, one thing is for sure: upon composing

my doctoral thesis in the mid-1980s, which was published in 1991, and appeared in the augmented form of two volumes in 2006 and 2007, whereby I introduced the disturbing theory that Origen was an anti-Platonist in many respects, and kept on sustaining this in my subsequent books, my proposition was deeply rooted in Origen's own texts and crystal-clear considerations. Nevertheless, I can understand the despair of all those theologians who are unable to stomach this revelation of truth,

by reason of which they see everything that their teachers have taught them lying in ruins, and themselves being at a loss because of lack of philosophical training. The points of my books at which I have demonstrated that Maximus was a humble follower of Origen are legion. 150 But when Maximus asserted that 'the end is the same as the beginning',151 on this point he was not Origen's counterpoint as uninformed modern theologians keep on claiming. Moreover, just like Origen, Maximus averred that 'the Lord Jesus Christ is the essence of all virtues',152 which was just an aspect and corollary of Origen's notion 'the Body of Logos'153 comprising all the logoi that were created in the beginning. 154 Furthermore, Maximus took up Origen's notion of evil being in itself essentially non-existent, whereby he went along with Origen's doctrine

who are according to likeness' (italics are mine). See commjohn, XX.22.183: d;~ crtrV~ ...'n; -ro TrOll']e~... Ka-r' dxb ... a Kat -ro Al']te~... it7rO -rov xov -r~; yi1;, OAOl TrpocrW&Olft~... i7rt nvn..., ov KaT dxb ... a y~yo ... aft~..., icr0ft~ea Kat Kae' OftOtWcrl'" e~ov, 7rucra... -r~ ... 7rpO; VAl']'" Kat crwfta-ra 7rpocr7rC'te~l.Ct ... Kat -r~ ... 7rpO; -rl... a -rw... Kae' OftOtWcrl'" it7roAdta... -r~;. That is, men should devout themesleves and worship God Himself, not

150

151

His angels. See my COT, 261-262; PHE, pp. 30; 107; 110; 360; 369; NDGF, pp. 155; 396-397; 438-439; RCR, pp. 178; 195; Scholia, pp. 218; 230; 254; 256; 332; 404; Anaxagoras, pp. 874-875; 890; 896-897; 1031; 1292; 1460; Origen: New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew, pp. lxiv; clxxxvi-clxxxvii; 409410; 414; 419-420; 423; 427; 466; 484; 491; 499; 516; 518-519; 538; 544; 546. Origen and Hellenism, pp. 13; 22; 28; 82; 95; 163; 189; 217; 220; 229-230; 233-234; 241-242; 246-247; 249-250; 430; 432433. Guilty of Genius, pp. xi; 33; 91; 177; 179; 252; 317; 388; 394. Maximus Confessor, loc. cit. Kat -rav-ro ... ;d~a; -rfi itpxfi -ro -r~AO; Kat -r~ ... itpX~'" -r0 -r~A~l, ftu:0.m ;~

-rav-ro... itpX~'" ovcra... Kat -rno;. 152

Maximus Confessor, Ambigua ad joannem, 7.21: El yap ovcrta -r~; i ... ~Kacr-r'll itp~-r~; 0 ~t; uTrapxw

Aoyo; nv Xplcr-rO;. 153

154

e~ov ft~ itfttl~~~Al']-ral

-

ovcrta yap Tra... -rw ... -rw... itpm,rv av-ro; icr-rl'" 0 K&plO;

~ftw... 'Il']crov;

See a succinct exposition of this in my "Origen and Philosophy", in Mark Edwards (ed.), The Routledge Handbook ofEarly Christian Philosophy, pp. 397-425 (especially, pp. 400-409). For a fuller exposition see my Anaxagoras, vol. 2, Part III, pp. 827-1095. Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones et Dubia, section 191: Lwfta oVv -rovAoyot! icr-rt... ~ -rW... itp~-rw... ovcrta. Origen, Cels, Y.39: K&... ;~v-r~pO>i oVv A~ywp.~ ... e~o..., tcr-rwcra ... O-rl -ro... ;~v-r~po ... e~o ... OVK &:0..0 -rl A~Y0ft~... ~ -r~ ... 7r~Pl~K-rlK~'"

Tracrw...

itp~-rw... itp~-rYrv

Kat -ro...

mpl~K-rlKO'"

7ra...-ro; OU-rl... OcrOVv AOyOt! -rw... Ka-ra tVcrl'"

582

I Appendix

positing the final abolition of evil.155 Origen wrote that 'in God, there is none of the attributes of which we know' (OV6€1r €O"n

'T0

e~0 eIrv ~[1~T~ lrr[1H).156 Maximus

followed this suit. 157 He likewise wrote that notions such as 'beginning, state between, or end, are inapplicable to God Himself,158 since 'beginning, state

KCtl7rp01']rot)ft~... w; Y~r~"'1']flh. w... Ked d; XP~(Tlfw'"

-ro Kct9'

155

156 157

158

~fta; 7rctpa e~0 i"

-rov Trct""o; A6yo.... Cf. op. cit., 111.81: Ked Ctwt7rctpa9h'w

XptCTT"0, -rwricrTl -r0

).0Y'll Ked

-rfi

(Tott~ Ked rrCtcrl1 itp~Tfi, "no;.

Op. cit.

VIII.17: Ayc'tAftct-rct;~ KctlTrpbrav-rct e~0 it... cte~flct-rct, ovx UITO ~ct... ctV(Tw'" -r~X"'l'rw... Kct-r~(TKwct(Tfli ... ct aM' UITO AOYOV e~ov Tpct... OVp.~",ct Ked floptoVp.~",ct h ~fli..., ctl itp~Tcd, fltfl~flct-rct -rVYXc't"ovcrctt -rov rrpw-ro-roxov 7(dm7~ xd-roAO; Kat itcrwfta-ro; ... o~pc't -r~ Kat AoytK~). Praeparatio Evangeliea, 3.10.16; cf. 2.6.11; 6.6.26; 6.6.31; 7.10.9; 7.17.3; 7.18.3; Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23: 564.14-15; 984.2-3; PG.24.556.30-32; Fragmenta in Lueam, PG.24.556. 52-54; Demonstratio Evangeliea, 1.10.11; De Eeclesiastiea Theologia, 1.8.4; 3.5.17; Commentarius in /saiam, 2.28; De Laudibus Constantini, 4.2. Didymus, Fragmenta in Psalmos (e commentario altero), fro 620: -r~ ... -r~; tvx~; ovcrtct...... o~pa... ovcra... Kat AoytK~"'. So Pseudo-Macarius,

i;

171

172

173

586

I Appendix This was a definition that stood closer to Aristotle, who had defined soul as

'a substance, a sort of natural body which potentially is alive' whereby he meant 'substance' as 'actuality'174 - although Aristotle (not without some wavering) did not grant that the soul itse/fmoves. 175 1his notwithstanding, quite clearly Origen took his cue from Aristotle, not from Plato, who did not style ousia the soul itself,

but only dignified it by relating it to the real Essence l76 That Maximus Confessor followed several of Origen's analyses to the letter is a point that I have made already in my previous books, but some reminders l77 need to be adduced for the sake of uninformed detractors, all the more so since later Byzantine theologians employed Origen's formulations to the letter. 178 Gennadius Scholarius argued that, according to Plato (so understood by Thomas Aquinas), the rational soul is the essence of the composite man. 179 However, Plato

174 175

176 177

178

179

Sermones 64 (collectio B), homily 52.1.1: ;ta -r~ ... ~wcra... Kat ... o~pa... ovcrla... -r~; tvx~; -r~; AoytK~; -r~; Ka-r' dx6 ... a 9~ov 7rotY]9dcrY];. Op. cit. 52.1.2; Sermones 1-22, 24-27, homily 25.3-4. John Philoponus, De Opificio Mundi, pp. 21; 24. Euthymius Zigabenus followed suit. Panoplia Dogmatica ad Alexium Comnenum, chapter 6, column 205: IMcra AoytK~ Kat ... o~pa ovcrla ;Q1Py]-rat ~t; -r~ -rYjv it1Y~AtK~'" Kat -r~ ... it... 9pW7rl... Y] ... tvcrt.... Aristotle, De Anima, 412a19-21; C£ op. cit. 406a-b; 412blO-13; 415blO-12; De Generatione Animalium, 738b26-27; Metaphysica, 1035b14-15; 1037a5-6. Aristotle, De Anima, 403b-411a; 415b; 432a; 433a-b; cf. Ethica Eudemia, 1220a; 1248a; De Motu Animalium, 700b; 702a-703a; Analytica Priora et Posteriora, 9h. However, see Magna Moralia, 2.7.8; Metaphysica, 1046b; 1068b; 107la; De Partibus Animalium, 641b; 652b; Physica, 223a; 226a; 265b; Politica, 1337b42; Problemata, 916b-917a; 956b40-95735; Rhetorica, 1369b33-34; 1399a7-8; Topica, ll1b5-8; 120b; 123a; 127b; 140b; De Virtutibus et Vitiis, 1251b26-28. Cf. Plato, Sophista, 248all; 248d12-13; Phaedrus, 245c2-4; 247c7-8; Leges, 892a4-9. Maximus Confessor, op. cit. 4.13; Epistulae xlv, epistle 7, column 436, lines41-44: M..w; -r~ ;~, ~ tvx~, ~ ;t' ~av-r~ ... icr-rt AoytK~ -r~ Kat ... o~pc't, ~ ;ta -ro crwfla. Kat d flh ;t' ~av-r~ ... , ~-rOt -r~ ... ~av-r~; owla... icr-rt AoytK~ -r~ Kat ... o~pc't, Kat aV9v7rona-ro;, 7rc'tnw; icr-rl.... Ambigua ad joannem, 15.8: ~ tvx~, ovcrla ... o~pc't -r~ Kat AoytK~ tmc'tpxovcra, Kat ... o~t Kat Aoyls~-rat, ;&vaflt... lxovcra -ro...... 00, xt... Y]crt... ;~ -r~ ...... oY]crt... , i... ~py~tct... ;~ -ro ",oY]fla. Pseudo-Maximus, Opusculum De Anima, section 8: AoytK~ &pa ~ tvX~' Ovcrla itcrwfla-ro;, ... o~pc't, i ... crwfla-rt 7rOAt-rwofl~"'Y]' sw~; 7rapat-rla. Anastasius of Sinai, Viae Dux, 2.5, lines 57-59: 'YvX~ AoytK~ int... ovcrla ... o~pc't, it",wwflO; Kat ityvwptcr-ro;, AoytK~, crwfla-ro; SW-rtK~ Kat crvcr-ra-rtK~. Qytestiones et Responsiones, Question 21.6, lines 6062: tvx~ ;~ it... 9pw7roV int... ovcrla hovcrto;, AoytK~, it9c't... a-ro;, ... o~pc't, OVK iK notxdwv, itM' iK e~ov -r~ ... v7rap~t... lxovcra. Anastasii Sinaitae in Hexaemeron Anagogicarum Contemplationum Libros Duodecim, book 7b: iN'tnw -rov e~ov Aoyov owla... ~ ... o~pa Kat AoytK~ tvx~ t~p~t. Meletius of Tiberio polis, De Natura Hominis, p. 5: ~ tvx~ Kat o-rt ovcrla int... itcrwfla-ro;, AoytK~, ... o~pa Kat it9c't... a-ro;, micrt -rOt; d; tpo ... oVcrt yvwcr-ro .... Nicetas Stethatus, Orationes, oration 2.48: K-rlcra; b e~o; -r~ ... tvX~"" ovcrla... ~wcra... , it7rA~"', itcrwfla-rav, AoytK~"', ... o~pc't... , av-r~~ovcrto ..., 9~AY]nK~'" -r~ Kat i... ~pyY]-rtK~'" i7rolY]cr~... av-rYjv. Nicolas of Methone, Refutatio Institutionis Theologicae Proc/i, section 188: -ro ;~ Kat sw~ ... Ct7rAW; Kat it;tatopw; 7rucra... A~yW tvX~'" -rov crotov &... dY] -rov-rov Kat -rW... ocrOt Ka-ra -roV-ro... 7rucra... tvX~'" itcrwfla-ro... ovcrla... d ... at Kat XWPtcr-r~ ... crwfla-ro; -rov-r~cr-rt AoytKYjv -r~ Kat ... o~pa... ;oyfla-rlsovcrt.... Michael Choniates, Orationes, v. 1, oration 12, p. 190: 'YvX~;~ icr-rt... ovcrla ... o~pa, AoytK~, it9c't... a-ro;, itcrXY]flc't-rtcr-ro;, dKw... 9~ov Kat -rV7rO;, SW-rtK~ -rov crwfla-ro; Kat crw-ra-rtK~. This was copied to the letter by Germanus II of Constantinople, Orationes et Homiliae, homily 2, pp. 220-221. Gennadius Scholarius, Commentarium Thomae Aquinae De Ente et Essentia, chapter 28 (title): "Orrw; b rrN't-rwv hte~t -r~ ... tvX~'" oA1']" ~r... at -r~ ... ovcrla... -rov d;ov;.

Appendix

I 587

posited the rational soul as the means through which communication with the true Essence is possible. 180 In any event, the claim that Origen 'saw the whole of reality as subject to the circular sequence of rest-precessions turn' is ridiculous -and I have demonstrated Origen's accurate theory in my Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time

and Origen: Philosophy of History and Eschatology. In view of this, to speak of 'rejection of Origenism'

by Maximus is no less ridiculous and deserves not too

much of argued rebuttal. As for the allegation

by minor scholars or clergymen supposedly representing

Maximus Confessor as confuting 'the Origenists' who 'start from rest', whereby

they 'manifest their fundamental affinity with Neoplatonism' - all of this is sheer nonsense from start to finish. First, never did Maximus mention either Origen or 'the Origenists', simply because Maximus was one of the most ardent admirers of Origen and picked up several ideas from his ingenious predecessor. Secondly, any attempt to represent Origen as being one of the Presocratics so as to classify him as having began his cosmology from either 'rest' or 'motion' is absurd - simply because Origen saw God's creation as having taken place out of God's untrammeled decision and ex

nihilo. 181 Thirdly, and more importantly, Maximus spoke of initial 'rest', as his authoritative commentator explained: if there is to be an 'end', of necessity there should be a 'beginning', and this beginning is inexorably 'rest'.182 However, the confusion involved in such statements is all too evident: Maximus' considerations concerning 'beginning' and 'end' had to do the nature of the Trinity herself, not with God's creative act. Quite simply, Maximus was out to explain what was unexplainable in Christian context, namely, Gregory of Nazianzus' plain Pythagorean statement. Unfortunately, Maximus saw this 'process' as making sense -actually, he made much of that. 183

180

181 182

183

See Sophista, 248all: 6ta Aoytcrp.OV 6~ tvxfi TrpO; -r~ ... 6...-rw; ovcrtct.... Op. cit. 248dl-2: -r~ ... fth tvx~'" ytyvWcrMt..., -r~ ... 6' ovcrtct... ytyvwcrMcr9ctt. Nevertheless, see Phaedrus, 245e: it9ctw'tnv 6~ mtctcrft~ ... ov -rov ut' ~ctvnv Kt"'OVft~... ov, tvx~; ovcrtct... -r~ Kctt AOyO'" nvn... ctV-rO ... -rt; A~yW'" OVx cttcrXtrV~i-rctt. Op. cit. 247cd: ~ yap itXpwftct-ro; -r~ Kctt itcrX1']ftit-rtno; Kctt it ... ctt~; ovcrtct 6...-rw; ovcrct, tvx~; KV~~P"~-rl1 ft0"''!> 9~ct-rfi "'0, Tr~pt~ ... -ro -r~; itA1']90v; imcr-r~ft1']; y~... o;, nv-rav lX~t -rO ... -rOTro .... See my Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time, throughout. Anonymous Scholia in Maximum Confessorem, Scholia (incertum), section 55: -rno; Kt"'1']9dcr1']; ft0 ... it6o; icr-r't... ~ ftvptit;, Kctt itpX~ ft~ Kt"'1']9dcr1']; ftVptit60; int... ~ fto ... it;. ApX~ yap Trct ...-ro; -rnov; ~ Kct-r' ctv-ro crctte:.; itKt"11crtct Kct9~cr-r1']M, Kctt -rno; Tritcr1']; itpx~;~ -r~;Kct-r' ctv-r~ ... Kt... ~cr~W;UTritPX~t crVftTrA~pwcrt;. See Maximus Confessor (quoting and 'explaining' Nazianzen), Qjtaestiones et Dubia, section 105; Epistula Secunda ad Thomam, section 1. Maximus was as fascinated by this sort of ratiocination as

588

I Appendix If it had been for Origen to make such un-theological and un-philosophical

statements, everyone could have been happy to throw him to the beasts. Instead, Gregory's statement, which was propounded in a treatise which was theologically

doctrinal par excellence,184 was deemed worthy of being reflected upon. However,

Michael Psellus was the intellectual who overcame his inhibitions and pointed out Nazianzen's grossly heretical points involved in that statement. 185 Hence, concerning the point made as to who 'started from the rest', this was in fact Gregory of Nazianzus. Actually, he did so not in reference to creation, but to God's nature itself Moreover, to contend that Maximus 'rejected Origenism' was nothing short of preposterous. As for the allegation that Origen saw reality as 'circular sequence of rest-precessions turn', this is unworthy of any consideration whatsoever, since I have expounded Origen's Philosophy of History and Eschatology in the clearest terms possible. Maximus drew extensively on Origen, yet he deliberately chose to remain reticent. Certainly he was an admirer, who though opted for being tacit, because he did not want to confront openly the ecclesiastical establishment, which only recently had branded Origen a damned heretic. However, as a scholar, Maximus was not prepared to ingratiate baleful fanatics either, or risk meeting with unnecessary controversy. Moreover, in order to see Origen's (non-existent) Neoplatonic rationale per-

sistently alleged by uninformed scholars parroting a sixth-century list of allegations, I should remind a statement quoted by Epiphanius of Salamis, supposedly made by Origen, in which Origen's Anaxagorean (and subsequently, Stoic'86) conception of generation taking place by means of acting and interacting logoi, could not have been more clear.187

Obviously, philosophical schools are not distinguished by their terminology, or even by their tenets alone, but by the principles (itpxai) on which they hold

184 185 186 187

to use that at other points, too; see Ambigua adJoannem, 10.97; 23.1&4; Qjtaestiones ad Thalassium, section 55, lines 143-158. Perusing Maximus' Neoplatonism has been out of my scope, since this could involve analyses of his influence by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, or reverberations from Plotinus and Proclus. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Filio (orat. 29), section 2. See supra, p. 579, and discussion in my Guilty of Genius, pp. 26-32. The spermatic logoi are not Plato's Ideas, and, in fact, there is no counterpart of the Platonic Ideas in Stoicism. Epiphanius informed that he quoted from 'an epitome composed by Methodius' [of Olympus]. Panarion (Adversus Haereses)' v. 2, pp. 426-427: Tr~Pt ov tvcrtOAoyoVv-r~;-rampt '"fOV d6ov;Kctt -rOVTrpw-rov il7rOMtfl~"'oV dp~Kctfl~"" ... d yap KctAw; iAa~ofl~'" -ro Trctpa6~tYflct, -r1']P1']-r~o ... o-rt b crTr~Pflct-rtKO; A&yO; i ...

-r0 xOKK'll'"fOV crt-rov 6 pct~afl~"'o; -r~; TrctPctMtfl~"'1']; vA1']; Kctt 6t' oA1']; ctlh~; xwp~crct;, Tr~pt6pct~afl~"'o; ctlh~; -rOV ctlhov d60V;, w... lX~t 6trVafl~w'" im-rte1']CTt -rfi Tro-r~Yfi Kctt v6ct-rt Kctt idpt Kctt TrVpt, Kctt ... tK~crct; -ra; iKd... wv TrOto-r1']-rct; fl~-rct~aM~t iTrt -rctv-r1']"'~; icr-rt... ctv-ro; 61']fltovpyo;. Kctt ov-rw; crvflTrA1']pOV-rctt b cr-raxv;,

Appendix

I 589

these tenets. And it goes without saying that one does not automatically become a Platonist because of using the word 'participation' or

by believing in a separa-

ble soul. The point is, however, that Origen dismissed Plato's most fundamental

principles, starting vvith the Ideas. Moreover, he never saw 'generation' as 'participation', or the soul as a separable entity: instead, he saw the generative principles as act-

ing within any thing or phenomenon, in a Stoic rationale enriched by his own Christian convictions and vocabulary. Moreover, never did he say that 'reality' is ontologically a 'shadow' of the imaginary Ideas - instead, the Nature, rational creatures and all phenomena are all too real. To praise Plato does not make one a Platonist. Origen did

S0188

upon con-

sidering ethics and Plato's idealism. Nevertheless, his devastating criticism of the Platonic ontology made a strong mark, too. Likewise Eusebius' praising Plato and treating him as the best of ancient philosopher does not make Eusebius a Platonist for that matter. Besides, it was Eusebius replying to Marcellus of Ancyra, who had claimed that that the opening phrase of De Principiis was a loan from Plato's

Gorgias) and Eusebius retorted that 'Origen's fundamental premisses were sheer different', and exclaimed, 'what has Origen to do with Plato?'189

As for Origen's similarities with Plotinus and Porphyry, I have arguably shown that Plotinus always held Origen in the highest regard and Porphyry was an admirer and pupil of Origen, from whom sometimes he copied to the letter. 19o Origen converted to Christianity when he was about fifty years of age. To

argue that, because Origen placed a high value on philosophy, he 'would not have known whether to call himself a Christian or a Platonist' is entirely groundless, once Origen's severe criticism of Plato's ontology is identified in the first place, and subsequently mulled over. In any case, if one were asked to explain consistently what 'Platonist' means, there could be no universally acceptable explanation, no

188 189 190

d; U7r~p~OA~'" 6lctt~pW'" -rov ~~ itpx~; xOKKOV fl~yW~l Kctt crX~flctTl Kctt 7rOlKlAlc.t. See my analyses of this in RCR, pp. 342-345, Guilty of Genius, p. 131, andAnaxagoras, pp. 1375-1376. Migne made this passage part ofOrigen's commentaries on the Psalms. See selPs, PG.12.1097.13-35. However, there is no indication as to which was the treatise in which Origen made that analysis. Origen himself says that he made this in a treatise about 'form and the first substratwn' (mpt -rov d60V; Kctt -rov 7rpw-rov U7rOK~lfl~"'ov), See discussion of this in my "Origen and Philosophy", in Mark Edwards (ed.), The Routledge Handbook ofEarly Christian Philosophy, pp. 397-425 (pp. 405-407). Eusebius, Contra Marcellum , 1.4.26-27. See for example, Origen,frPs, on Psalm 41:10-11 & selPs, PG.I2.1420.26-27 & excPs, PG.I7.136.55, & Porphyry, Sententiae ad Intelligibilia Ducentes, sententia 27: 6YK'{l yap crtr\ivt1cr-rct-rctl -r67ro;. Later, Nemesius of Emesa copied this to the letter, too. De Natura Hominis, chapter 3, p. 41: oyrc'{l yap -r&rro; crtr\ivq,lcr-rct-rctl.

590

I Appendix

matter what that would be. The designation was more of one that subsequent

scholars who aspired to 'render' Plato's thought wanted to be adorned with, rather than one that could have ever had any clearly defined import, from the First to the Fifth Academy - let alone later intellectuals. In any case, Origen was not one of them, since his disclaiming fundamental Platonic premisses that I have

expounded in several books of mine leaves no room for any claim of the sort. Stobaeus classified those who maintained that the 'essence of the soul is a mathematical one', but otherwise they explained that doctrine differently,191 and David of Alexandria (sixth century) reported that, concerning the critical issue of what Ideas are ontologically, 'the difference of explanations of the Platonic doctrines was by no means small' (6llXcfl0Pa. 'TC)"y TI'AIX'TW"YlKC)"y

60r[1Ct.'Tw"Y OUK o'A1rY] r€ro"y~).l92 Likewise, Damascius considering the range of beings whose soul was posited as immortal, reports and assorts the Platonists who held different views as to that extent, and describes it. 193 Little wonder that later intellectuals did not lump all of the supposed 'Platonists' together; instead, normally they spoke of 'some of the Platonists' (m.\ TW> TIAaTW>lKw» holding a particular tenet. 194

191

192 193 194

Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.49.32, contrasting the views of'Scverus the Platonist' (second century AD) and Spcusippus. Syrianus blamed Scverus because, upon explaining Plato, he had overused Aristotle's analyses. commMetaph, p. 84. David of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen Commentarium, p. 115. Damascius, In Phaedonem, 177: (1) Numenius; (2) Plotinus; (3) Xenocrates and Spcusippus; (4) lamblichus and Plutarch; (5) Proclus and Porphyry. Cf. Galen, QytodAnimi Mores Corporis Temperamenta Sequantur, p. 805. Pseudo-Galen, Ad Gaurum Qytomodo Animetur Fetus, 11.2. Porphyry, commCateg p. 137; De Abstinentia, 2.36 (rCYv ITAa-rw... tKCyV -rt... ~;, quoted by Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Julianum Imperatorem, 9.28). lamblichus, De Anima, section 5 (TrOMOt ;~ -rt... ~; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKW... Kat ITv9ayopdw... TrpOKpt... ovow); op. cit. section 24 (:0; ;' iyw -rt... w... itK~xoa ITAa-rw... tKw... , oto... IToptvptov Kat CtMW ... TrOMW...); op. cit. section 46 (WCT7r~p n ... ~; ITAa-rw... txot); op. cit. section 50 (WCT7r~p -rt... ~; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKW... UTr~tA~tacTw). Proclus, commTim, v. 1, p. 59 (Ao)Yi... o; ... h;~tKY&fl~"'o; d; -rt... a; ITAa-rw... tXOv;); op. cit. v. 1, p. 162 (ITa... atno; flhKat CtMOt n ... ~; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. v. 1, p. 435 (w; -rm; dWElacrt Aiym -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw ...); op. cit. v. 2, p. 155 (o-rt -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... n ... ~;); op. cit. v. 3, p. 33 (w; 0~-ro IToptvpto; Kat -rm; CtMOt ITAa-rw... txot); In Platonis Parmenidem, Book 3, p. 833 (w; -rt... ~; -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW...); commRep, v. 1, p. 15 (w; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... -rt... ~;). Ammonius of Alexandria, In Aristotelis Analyticorum Priorum Librum i Commentarium, p. 8 (Kat -rt... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. p. 10 (-rt... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... dp~Kacrt... o-rt Ka-ra ITAc't-rw... a ... w; ol L-rWlXOt tacrt... Kat -rt... ~; -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW...). Simplicius, commPhys, p. 618 (w; -rt... ~; tacrt -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. p. 618 (otot -rt... ~; ol TrOMOt -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw ... ttAOCTotW'" y~y&vacrt); commCael, p. 297 (w; -rt... ~; tacn -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... ). John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Libros De Generatione et Corruptione Commentaria, p. 27 (n... ~; -rW... it~tOV¥T"w'" ITAa-rw... tKw...); De Aeternitate Mundi, p. 213 (w; -rt... i; tacrt... -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW ...). Anonymous, Commentarius in Platonis Theaetetum (P. Berol. inv. 9782), section 2 (H. Dids - W. Schubart). Also, Justin Martyr, Dialogus cum Tryphone, 5.1. Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, 1.19.5 (n... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...). Photius, Bibliotheca, Codex 251, p. 460b (-rw... ITAa-rWVtKw... -rt... ~;, quoting from Hierocles).

Appendix

I 591

Among other things, Anaxagoras was known as a pupil of Anaximander

(and ultimately of Anaximenes), who decamped to Athens and urged Archelaus to engage in study of philosophy, and it was from him that Socrates emerged on the scene of History.195 Subsequently, Plato's successors came one after another

(Speusippus, Xenocrates, and so on). However, although the name 'Academy' remained the same, this legacy ended up in five Academies, all of which proclaimed allegiance to Plato, but in fact those were different schools. Already with Xenocrates, Pythagoras' premisses (especially on the issue of generation) were

more predominant than Plato's. After that, the school fell under the spell of an inconclusive scepticism, which was moderated by Philo of Larissa (c. 154 - c. 84 BC), a pupil of Clitomachus, predecessor of Carneades of Cyrene, the Academic sceptic, scholarch of the Third Academy. In c. 90 BC, Philo of Larissa's student Antiochus of Ascalon began teaching his own rival version of Platonism, rejecting Scepticism and advocating Stoicism,

which initiated a new phase known as Middle Platonism. This means that entrapment into Scepticism lasted for more than two centuries and a half Antiochus of

Ascalon (c. 130 - c. 68 BC) was a member of the Academy under Philo of Larissa (c. 154 - c. 84 BC) at a period when Philo had allowed his Platonism to degenerate into an arid Scepticism. He struggled to show that the Stoic doctrines were present already in Plato. But when he argued that talk of an immaterial substance

(such as the Platonic Ideas) was 'unintelligible',l96 and that he saw 'no possibility of existence ... of anything immaterial or transcendent or external to the material universe', he himself actually moved into Stoicism, instead of forcing the Stoa into the Academy,197 as Sextus Empiricus had claimed somehow mourning the eviction of Scepticism from the later periods of the Academy.198

Obviously, Greek philosophers cannot be entirely categorised (or indeed tagged) in accordance with any (real or imagined) division of epochs. Actually, it is impossible to discern aspects of Greek philosophy being there without more or

philosopher) Origen was an Anaxagorean fascinated by the notion of Nous being the

less revision, adjustment, qualification, or refinement. As a formerly Greek

195 196

197

198

Pseudo-Galen, De Historia Philosophica, section 3. Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrhoniae Hypotyposes, 1.235: Ot 6~ mpt cD1Aw... c't tctcm iSCTO>! ft~... i7d -r0 L-rwtx0 Xpt-rY]pl'lJ, -rOV-r~CT-rt -rfi xct-rctAY]7r-rtXfi tct... -rctCT1~, CtxctdAY]7r-rct 6i... ctt -ra 7rpc'tyftct-rct, iSCTo", 6~ i7rt -rfi tVCT6t -rW... 7rpctyftc't-rw... ctlhw..., xct-rctAY]7r-rc't. Sextus Empiricus, loc. cit.: CtMa xctt b Anloxo; -r~ ... L-roa... ft6-r~ycty6'" d; -rYjv Axct6Y]ftlct... , w; xctt dp~CTectt i7r' ctlh0 is-rt i ... Axct6Y]ftl~ ttAOCTot6i -ra L-rWtxc't· i7r66dxw6yap is-rt 7rctpa ITAc't-rW... t Mi-rctt -ra -rw... L-rWtXW... MYftct-rct, w; 7rp66Y]AO>! d ... ctt -r~ ... -r~; CTM7r-rtX~; Ctywy~; 6tcttopa... 7rp6; -r6 -rYjv -r6-rc'tp-rY]... xctt -r~ ... 7Thft7r-rY]... xctAovfti... Y] ... Axct6Y]ftlct.... See more in my Anaxagoras, pp. 202-203; 1216-1217.

592

I Appendix

Supreme Principle, and interpreted Plato accordingly (i.e. he argued that the One is an invention, and this One is absolutely non-existent (rrlX-Y'T~AW~ a"YVrrlXplcro-v 'TO

g-y Ked

a:YUnOOTIX'TO-V).

This was the claim that Proclus took exception to, whereby

he argued that 'Plato could have never included Origen among his pupils', because 'this is a doctrine entirely alien to Plato, and replete with the Peripatetic novelty'199 In other words, although Proclus styled Origen 'one of Plato's exegetes' (roD TIAUTWVO\ €S~Y~T"\), he forthwith determined that on no account could Origen be considered as a Platonist. 20o There is nothing strange about this, since during several centuries after Plato's death those who posed as his genuine interpreters advocated profoundly different theories. From Plato's nephew and successor Speusippus, who made Plato's

supreme principle (the Good) a secondary one, and embraced a Pythagorising mode of reflection, which his successor Xenocrates advanced further, to the Academic Scepticism of Arcesilaus (c. 266-241 BC), which Carneades (c. 155 BC) followed, too, down to the Stoicism of Antiochus of Ascalon (c. 130-c. 68 Be), who claimed that that the Stoic doctrines were present already in Plato, we come upon dissenting scholarchs of the Academy, each of whom fancied himself as the only genuine interpreter of Plato's thought. 201 Therefore, although Proclus spoke of 'Plato's exegetes', he did not hesitate to discredit some of them at the points he thought that intellectuals, who in fact interpreted Plato in accordance with their own philosophical convictions, had misrendered Plato. 202 In any case, he saw 'the disagreement between Plato's exe-

getes' (~ TWV €S~Y~TWV o[aq,wvia) as a fact that he took for granted. 203 Therefore, from the First Academy (which allows us to know only 'the Platonic Socrates') down to the Fifth Academy, everyone claimed to be Plato's genuine exponent. In the end, however, the designation 'Platonist' was attributed rather lightheartedly and with little care to peruse the extent to which one remained consis-

tent with all of Plato's principles.

199

200 201 202

203

Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31. Subsequently (up to p. 65), Produs set out to 'remind' that, 'according to Plato, the One is senior to the Intellect and Essence'. Op. cit. p. 37: 'AJ)..' on ft~" Kwra ITAct-rwwt -ro ~" -rov "ov KCtl-r~; ovcrla; 7rp~cr~v-r~po" 6ta -rov-rw" umft,,~cre1']. Produs, loe. cit. See my Anaxagoras, pp. 196; 2020-203; 1216; 1347Produs, In Platonis Alcibiadem i, sections 227-228: t"a 6~ -rov ITAc't-rw"o; wft~" i~l')Y11-rat Kat ft~ 7rpO; lOla; U7rwEh/vwft~" -ra; -rov r{>tAocr6r{>0v p~cr~t;. Cf. Theologia Platonica, v. 5, p. 44: 8avftctsw -rOlVtrV -rGi" ITAc't-rwvo; i~1']Y1']-rGi" ocrOt -r~" 61']fttovpYla" ov ftla" 7rOtOW'W, CtMa 7rOMct;, Kat -rp~i; 61']fttoVPYOV; -rGi" OAW" Ct7r0tal"otxn. Produs, commTim, v. 2, p. 212; cf. op. cit. v. 3, p. 112.

Appendix

I 593

Origen was perfectly aware of this wide diversity of opinions, which is why he spoke of the profound differences between the exegetes of Plato. Besides, it should not elude anyone that he spoke of himself as one who had spent a lot of time mulling over this phenomenon and indeed Plato's thought (~~8, 01 TOUTOl, €V()laTp"f'an! omAov; b &... epW7rO;, is -r~ dcrw Kat b tat"'0ft~ ... o;. The reference is made to Paul, who saw an unceasing tension between the 'inner' and 'outward' man. Rom. 7:21-23. Elias of Alexandria, commCateg pp. 122-123. On this attitude by Alexander of Aphrodisias, see also Simplicius, commCael, p. 297; commPhys, p. 702. See comments on this phenomenon by Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, 1.20.4. Nemesius of Emesa, De Natura Hominis, chapter 2, p. 30. John Philoponus, De Aeternitate Mundi, p. 32. David of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen Commentarium, pp. 193-194. Arethas of Caesarea, Scholia in Porphyrii Eisagogen, scholia 148 & 150; Michael Psellus, Opuscula Psychologica, Theologica, Daemonologica, p. 40. George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 1, p. 282. Bessarion, In Calumniatorem Platonis, 2.11.1. Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31. Origen, Cels, 1.17 & Philocalia, 18.6: :0; ouo' ~ft~i; ol-rov-rot; i... otct-rpl,¥an~; d7rotft~ ... &.... 'Truna rap olBa, riA,! rap i; dA13f1a. Origen, homIer, 4.5: Kat ~ft~i; o~ OVK ~ft~... OOVAOt -rOV e~ov, aMa dOWAw... Kat Oatfto... w..., ie ... tKol, iXe~; Kat 7rPWl']'" 7rpocr~Al']AMaft~... -r0 e~0. He speaks of himself having been 'a servant of daemons' once he made much of Psalm 95:5 ('all the gods of the nations are daemons'), which he quoted frequently. See Cels, III.2; 111.37; IY.29; VIII.3; Homiliae in Exodum, p. 226; frPs, on Psalm 62:2; homPs, homilies 15.5; 28.3. Likewise, he quoted phrases of Paul which pointed to his own pagan past - and I have argued that Origen saw himself quite similarly to how Paul saw himself as a former non-Christian. For example, from the epistle to Titus, 3:3, "For we were also once foolish, disobedient, deceived, serving various lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy, hateful, and hating one another", quoted by Origen in Cels, 1.64 (&Philocalia, 18.10); homIer, 5.1; InIesu Nave homiliaexxvi (fragmenta e catenis), p. 305; selPs, PG.I2.1608.26-30; commMatt, 15.27.

Appendix

I 595

to Christianity not only simple people, but also erudite philosophers,219 while assuring them that, if there was something well said by the Greeks, he could have no hesitation to embrace it,no as for example, the idea of the earth being at long intervals destroyed

by either fire or flood. 221

The fact that Origen was a formerly renowned illustrious Greek philosopher was intolerable to the fundamentalists of his new religion, who cencured him

for 'his profound knowledge of the Greek letters' (Kai n~» res-

urrection. 246 This is the account on which the Church is regarded as the place for progressing towards salvation. This is why she is the 'temple',247 and 'body' of Christ 248 For the body of Jesus was but a 'prefiguration' (npOTtJ71:w(m),49 of the Church. 250 This is also whi51 the construction of the temple of Solomon is understood to pertain to the Church. We shall attempt, however, to refer each of the statements, which have reference to the temple, anagogically to the Church. 252

Thus, 'Restoration' means both 'restoration of Christ's bride Church with Body ofChrist. 255

Christ,253 her Bridegroom',254 as well as restoration of the

For the time being, everything is placed and understood within the context of the metamorphotic course within the Church. This is the locus where the Uncreated and the Created reality encounter each other; it is there that the 'mystery of the Church' (TO ~vcrT~pLO> T~\ €KKA~cria\)'56 takes place as a reality which 246 247 248

249 250

251 252 253

254

255

256

Origen, commJohn, X.35.232. He refers to the temple of Solomon, as inJohn, 2:19. Origen, commJohn, X.41.286: -ro crwflct Xplcr-roV ~ iKxAl1crtct. Cels, VI.79 (quoting Eph. 5:23): X?I-r70~ Xf'fci).1 icrTl 7~~ iXXAr;-r!Ci~, w; ~r... ctl~'" crwflct XplCTT"O'" Kctt -rYr-' iKxAl1crtct.... commMatt, 14.17 (quoting 1 Cor. 12:27): ov yap icrn n t6t~ crGip.ct XplCTT"OV t-r~pO>i Trctpa -r~ ... iKxAl1crtct... oVcrct... -rWf4Ci ctv-rOV xai f4iAr; ix f4i?ov~. commEph, fro 9 (on Eph. 1:23): crwflct Xplcr-rOV ~uptcrKO>i-r~; A~yofli... YJV -r~ ... iKxAl1crtct...... ~ iKKAl1crtct ovcrct crwflct Xplcr-roV 7rA1pwf4d icr-rl 700 7d: 7rdV7Ci Iv 7ram 7rAr;povf4ivov. Scholia in Canticum Canticorum, PG.I7.265.39-40: crGip.ct yap ~ V&fltrl'EKxAl1crtct XplCTT"OV. homPs, homily 1.3: ITanct OVv ia... TrOlwfl~'" -r0 XplCTT"OV crWflct-rl, -rfi iKxAl1crt~, Kctt -roi; Xplcr-roV fliA~crl, -roi; it6~A0i; ~flw"', Xplcr-r0 TrOlovfl~"" Op. cit. homily 7.6: w; -ro-r~ dTr~i... &... O-rl it... icr-rl1 iKKAl1crtct, -ro cr-roflct -rov Xplcr-rOV Kctt crGip.ct, Kctt it... iCTT"l1 b Xplcr-rO;. fdohn, fro 140. commJohn, X.35.228: Afl0-r~Pct flinol y~, -ro -r~ l~po ... Kctt -ro crGip.ct -rov'Il1crov, Kct-ra fltct ... -rW... iK60XW'" -rVTrO; flOl ~r... ctl ctt... ~-rctl -r~; iKKAl1crtct;, -r0 iK AleW'" sw...-rw... OtK060fl~icr9ctl ctv-r~ .... Cf. 3 Kings 6:27. commJohn, X.39.267: "EKctcr-ro... db -rw... Kct-ra -rO... ... ctO ... iTrt -r~ ... iKKAl1crtct... it... ay~l'" Tr~lPctcrofl~9ct. Origen, selEz, PG.13.816.1-3: Kai 7d: XA1f4Ci7Ci CirhoO d7rOXCi7CiIT71-rf7CiI [h. 17:23], ATrOKct-rctCTT"~cronctl iTrt -r0 Xplcr-r0. Tov-r'!> Kct-rctTrctVcr~l ~ Trpol1-rdct. commMatt, 17.15: bd -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~l-r~; iKKAl1crtct; TrpO; Xplcr-ro.... frMatt, fro 430 (Klostermann): raflov; b Trct-r~p TrOl~i, -r~ ... ~vpocrVvYJV -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-rc'tcr~l -r~; iKxAl1crtct; TrpO; Xplcr-rO .... Cf. op. cit. fro 439 & New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew (Tzamalikos) fro 56, folio 174r. commMatt, 15.17: ~ itTrOKct-rc'tcr-rctcrl; -r~; ",vfll1; iKxAl1crtct; Xplcr-roV TrpO; XplCTT"O'" -ro... wfltio", ctv-r~;. iTrt -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-racrH -r~; iKKAl1crtct; TrpO; Xplcr-rO"'.frPs, on Psalm 119 (proem) & selPs, PG.12.1629.910: TYr-' 6~ -r~crcrctp~crKctl6~Ka-r11"" mpt itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~w; -r~; iKKAl1crtct;. Origen, frPs, on Psalm 119 (proem) & selPs, PG.I2.1629.8-9: T~ ... 6~ -rPlcrKctl6~Ka-r11'" Tr~Pt itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~w; ~VXO>i-rctl Xplcr-roV. homJer, homily 18.5: -rO... XPlCTT"O"', -ro flW-r~plO'" -r~; iKxAl1crtct;. commSerMatt, p. 147: -ro Tr~Pt XplCTT"OV Kctt iKKAl1crtct; flVcr-r~plO"'. commMatt, 16.21: -ro -rl1AlKOv-ro... -r~; iKKAl1crtct; flVcr-r~plO"'. Homiliae in Job, PG.I2.1036.2-5: [Ha -rov-ro Trpocrixwfl~'" ~ctv-roi;, fl~Tro-r~ i... m9ct",oAoytctl; crvA119wfl~'" itTrO ctlp~-rlK~; 6l6ctcrKctAtct;, Kctt iKmcrwfl~'" -rOV flvcr-rl1ptov -r~;·EKKAl1crtct;.frLuc, fro 58a.

Appendix

I 601

is both historical and eschatological; it is there that everyone can participate in this encounter through the action of sacraments. 257 When Paul says, 'you are labourers together with God', he means those people, in whom 'all the mysteries

and ineffable doctrines' are built (€v '" yap OiKO()O~8Ta[ Ta ",otl Ma>,aO'O'~ fLow86tal 7r~Pt 'tOU 8awt'totl N lKl14'6poti KOfL>'l1>'ou,' Vizantijskij Vremennik 17 (1910), pp.290-322. - Orationes, Th. L. F. Tafel, Eustathii metropolitae Thessalonicensis opuscula, Frankfurt, 1832. - Prooemium Commentarii in Pindari Opera, A. Kambylis, Scholia vetera in Pindari cannina, v. 3, Gottingen, 1991. Sennones, S. Schonauer, Eustathios von Thessalonike. Reden auf die Grose Quadragesima. Meletemata: Beitrage zur Byzantinistik und neugriechischen Philologie 10. Frankfurt am Main, 2006, pp. 67-219. Eustratius of Nicaea (eleventh-twelfth century AD a disciple of John Italus), In Aristotelis Analyticorum Posteriorum Librum Secundum Commentarium, M. Hayduck, Eustratii in anaIyticorum posteriorum librum secundum commentarium, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 21.1, Beelin, 1907. - In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea i Commentaria, G. Heylbut, Eustratii et Michaelis et anonyma in ethica Nicomachea commentaria. Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 20, Berlin, 1892. - Orationes, A. Demetrakopoulos, Exxl'7rYtarY7tx1 Bt~Ato31x'7' v. 1. Leipzig, 1866 (repr.) Hildesheim, 1965. Eustratius Presbyter of Constantinople (pupil ofEutychius), Vita Eutychii, C. Laga, Eustratii presbyteri vita Eutychii patriarchae Constantinopolitani. Corpus Christianonun. Series Graeca 25. Turnhout, 1992. Euthymius Zigabenus (monk and commentator on the Bible, died after 1118), Commentarius in Psalterium, PG.l28.41-1325. - Commentaria in Quattuor Evangelia, PG.l29.107-1501. - Panoplia Dogmatica adAlexium Comnenum, PG.130.20-1360.

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