The Trobriand Islanders' Ways of Speaking 9783110227994, 9783110227987, 2010022932

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The Trobriand Islanders’ Ways of Speaking

Trends in Linguistics Documentation 27

Editor

Volker Gast Advisory Editors

Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock Matthias Schlesewsky Founding Editor

Werner Winter

De Gruyter Mouton

The Trobriand Islanders’ Ways of Speaking

by

Gunter Senft

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-022798-7 e-ISBN 978-3-11-022799-4 ISSN 0179-8251 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Senft, Gunter, 1952⫺ The Trobriand islanders’ ways of speaking / by Gunter Senft. p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics. documentation; v. 27) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-022798-7 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Kiriwinian language. I. Title. PL6252.K5S47 2010 4991.5⫺dc22 2010022932

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2010 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Typesetting: OLD-Media OHG, Neckarsteinach Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ⬁ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Pela latugu vivila nabweligu FRAUKE Pela latugu tau tobweligu SEBASTIAN

Preface …the goal of ethnographic field-work must be approached through three avenues: 1. The organisation of the tribe, and the anatomy of its culture must be recorded in firm clear outline. The method of concrete statistical documentation is the means through which such an outline has to be given. 2. Within this frame, the imponderabilia of actual life, and the type of behaviour have to be filled in. They have to be collected through minute, detailed observations, in the form of some sort of ethnographic diary, made possible by close contact with native life. 3. A collection of ethnographic statements, characteristic narratives, typical utterances, items of folk-lore and magical formulae has to be given as a corpus inscriptionum, as documents of native mentality. These three lines of approach lead to the final goal, of which an Ethnographer should never lose sight. This goal is, briefly, to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realise his vision of his world. (Malinowski 1922: 24 f.)

Bronislaw Malinowski’s famous programmatic introduction to his monograph “Argonauts of the Western Pacific” that culminates in the maxim quoted above is probably one of the best known reminders of how important the collection of a broad variety of texts produced by members of the researched speech community is for every ethnographic – and ethnolinguistic – field research. The insight that the documentation of a specific ethnic group’s oral traditions represents this group’s “native mentality” – to use Malinowski’s expression – has a rather old tradition. It was especially important for European classic philology for “which texts constituted the basis for the study of languages and texts and languages together constituted an essential frame of reference for the study of culture history” (Bauman 1992a: 145). Influenced by the German ‘Sturm und Drang’ literary movement and its enthusiastic reception of “Ossian”, a (faked) collection of traditional English and Scottish folk songs which James Macpherson claimed to have rediscovered in 1762, Johann Gottfried Herder also collected folk songs from various cultures. He understood this collection of folk songs (“Volkslieder”) that were published in two volumes in 1778–79 and that became famous under their later title “Stimmen der Völker in Liedern” (peoples’ voices in songs) as the expression of the dynamic relationship between the peoples of the world and their environment and thus as the verbal

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manifestation of their mentality (or “Denkart” in Herder’s words)1. And under the influence of Herder’s ideas on folk poetry Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm not only collected folk songs for their friends Achim von Arnim and Clemens von Brentano2 but also folk tales which they published in 1812–1815 as “Kinderund Hausmärchen” (Grimms’ Fairy Tales) in two volumes. For the Grimms these fairy tales represented to a very high degree their tellers’ culture, their feelings, joys, hopes and fears. With this collection and with the notes on the collected tales the Grimms laid the foundation for the science of the folk narrative and of folklore. At about the same time linguists like Sir William Jones (1786) and Franz Bopp (1816) worked with Sanskrit text documents and realized that this Indian language was related with other European languages. The important role these Sanskrit texts together with the Vedas – the Old-Indian sacred books – had for establishing Indo-European studies and Indo-European as a linguistic subdiscipline in its own right is well known. Jacob Grimm played also an important role in the founding of this new discipline. In his linguistic research, in particular in what was to become known as “Grimm’s law” he demonstrated the principle of the regularity of correspondence among consonants in genetically related languages, a principle also observed earlier by Rasmus Rask; this finding had an enormous influence on the study of Indo-European languages. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century the importance of texts not only for linguistic but also for ethnographic studies was recognized by scholars like Franz Boas and Edward Sapir. However, it was Malinowski’s “ethnographic theory of language” (see Malinowski 1920; 1923; 1935; also Senft 1996a; 1999a; 2005), his “pragmasemantics” (Schmidt 1984) which – with its claim that the meaning of of a word lies in its use in a given situational context – equates meaning with pragmatic function that was highly influential for the development of the “ethnography of speaking” paradigm in the 1960s (see, e. g., Hymes 1964; Bauman 1992a: 147; Senft 2005). Malinowski developed his ethnographic theory of language mainly in connection with his attempts to translate the Trobriand Islanders’3 magical formulae. In 1

2

3

See e. g., Herder (1978a; 1978b, Vol. 1: “Volkslieder”: 105 ff; Vol. 2 “Auszug aus einem Briefwechsel über Ossian und die Lieder alter Völker”: 229 ff; “Volkslieder. Zweiter Teil. Vorrede”: 295 ff). These songs were included in Achim von Arnim’s and Clemens von Brentano’s collection of songs that was published in 1805–1808 under the title “Des Knaben Wunderhorn” (‘The boy’s wondrous horn’, my translation, GS). The Trobriand Islanders belong to the ethnic group called ‘Northern Massim’. They are gardeners, doing slash and burn cultivation of the bush; their most important crop is yams. Moreover, they are also famous for being excellent canoe builders, carvers, and navigators, especially in connection with the ritualized ‘Kula’ trade,

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his second volume of “Coral Gardens and their Magic” he not only explicitly presents this theory together with “some practical corollaries” (Malinowski 1935 Vol II: 3–74) but also documents his “Corpus Inscriptionum Agriculturae Quiriviniensis” (Malinowski 1935 Vol II: 79–342). However, with the exception of a few examples of actual Kilivila4 utterances that are scattered over his Trobriand œuvre and that illustrate some other Kilivila speech genres (see e. g. Malinowski 1922: 455 ff; 1929: 240 ff, 265 f., 333 ff, 401 ff, 529, 555 ff) he himself did not come up with a ‘corpus inscriptionum’ that documents, illustrates and analyses the Trobriand Islanders’ various ways of speaking. One of the main aims I have been pursuing in my research on the Kilivila language and the Trobriand Islander’s culture is to fill this ethnolinguistic niche.5 This book pursues this goal, too. For the first time it presents, documents and illustrates the Trobriand Islanders own indigenous typology of their non-diatopical registers – which I have called ‘situational-intentional’ varieties – and their constitutive genres.6 The monograph is based on empirical research and relies on the corpus of Kilivila data which I have gathered during my by now 39 months of field research on the Trobriands in 1982/83, 1989, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 2001, 2003, 2004 and 2006. However, it goes without saying that it also

an exchange of shell valuables that covers a wide area of the Melanesian part of the Pacific (see Malinowski 1922). The society is matrilineal but virilocal. 4 Kilivila, the language of the Trobriand Islanders, is one of 40 Austronesian languages spoken in the Milne Bay Province of Papua New Guinea. It is an agglutinative language and its general unmarked word order pattern is VOS (Senft 1986). The Austronesian languages spoken in Milne Bay Province are grouped into 12 language families; one of them is labeled Kilivila. The Kilivila language family encompasses the languages Budibud (or Nada, with about 200 speakers), Muyuw (or Murua, with about 4,000 speakers) and Kilivila (or Kiriwina, Boyowa, with about 28,000 speakers); Kilivila is spoken on the islands Kiriwina, Vakuta, Kitava, Kaile’una, Kuiawa, Munuwata and Simsim. The languages Muyuw and Kilivila are split into mutually understandable local dialects. Typologically, Kilivila is classified as a Western Melanesian Oceanic language belonging to the ‘Papuan-TipCluster’ group (Ross 1988:25, 190 ff, Senft 1986:6; for an outline of the grammar of Kilivila see Appendix III). 5 See Senft 1985 a–c; 1987a,b; 1991 a,b: 1992b; 1994; 1995a; 1998a 1999b, c; 2000a; 2001b, d; 2003a; 2004; Senft, Senft 1986. 6 There is no metalinguistic expression in Kilivila that can be compared with this etic concept of ‘situational intentional varieties’. However, it is obvious that the Trobriand Islanders differentiate these varieties metalinguistically (see also Senft 1991a: 246; also Agha 2004).

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refers to Bronislaw Malinowski’s oeuvre and to a few other published materials on Kilivila7. The introductory chapter first discusses briefly the technical term ‘genre’, its research history, its usage and the functions genres are claimed to fulfill. It then points out that this study is rooted in ‘the ethnography of speaking’ paradigm (Hymes 1962, 1964) as it has been integrated and further advanced in the ‘anthropological linguistics’ / ‘linguistic anthropology’ approach (Foley 1997, Duranti 1988; 1997). It ends with a critical summary of Malinowski’s classification of Trobriand ‘folklore’. Chapter 2 gives a general overview of the non-diatopical registers or the what I have called “situational-intentional varieties” (Senft 1986; 1991a) the Trobriand Islanders themselves differentiate with indigenous metalinguistic labels; it also briefly lists the metalinguistically labeled genres that constitute these registers. The following chapters then present the emic typology of genres or text types in Kilivila that constitute these ‘situational-intentional varieties’ of Kilivila and provide illustrative examples of these genres. I would like to point out once more that this typology is exclusively based on the indigenous Kilivila labels – the Trobriand Islanders’ metalinguistic terms – for the ‘situational intentional varieties’ of Kilivila and the genres that constitute them. Chapter 3 presents the two ‘paramount’ varieties ‘biga bwena’ – ‘good speech’ and ‘biga gaga’ – ‘bad speech’ in detail and discusses their relevance for the Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking in general. It also presents the ‘matua’ – the ‘swear words’ of Kilivila as a specific genre that co-constitutes the paramount ‘biga gaga’ register. Chapter 4 presents the ‘biga baloma’ or ‘biga tommwaya’ register, the ‘speech of the spirits of the dead’ or the ‘old peoples’ speech’ variety and the ‘wosi milamala’, the ‘songs of the harvest festival’. These songs that are also sung at certain mourning ceremonies represent the genre that constitute this situational intentional variety. 7

In 1996 Scoditti published a selection of what he calls ‘Kitawa Oral Poetry’ or ‘Nowau poetic formulae’. Chapter 3 of his book presents these ‘poetic formulae’. Unfortunately, Scoditti is unable to differentiate the genres presented there (Scoditti 1996: 56). His ‘poetic formulae’ represent magical formulae (see 5.2 below), songs that are sung during the harvest festivals and during a certain period of mourning (see 4.2 below) and the ‘vinavina’ type of mocking verses (see 9.2.6 below). However, because Scoditti does not differentiate these ‘poetic formulae’ with respect to genres, I will not use them for illustrating the various genres of Kilivila. For other published Kilivila texts – with and without comments and accompanying analyses – see Baldwin (1945, 1950); Hutchins (1980); Kasaipwalova (1978; 1979), Kasaipwalova and Beier (1978a&b; 1979), and Leach (1981).

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Chapter 5 discusses and illustrates the ‘biga megwa’, the ‘magic speech’ variety and presents actual ‘megwa’, i. e., magical formulae that constitute this register. Chapter 6 presents the more recent ‘biga tapwaroro’ register, the ‘language of the church’. This variety is constituted by translations of the bible and the catechism and by prayers and songs. Bible, catechism, and prayers, blessings, etc. are subsumed under the genre label ‘tapwaroro’ – ‘church (matters)’ and the Christian hymns constitute the genre ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – the ‘songs of the church’. Chapter 7 illustrates the ‘biga taloi’, the ‘greeting and parting’ speech variety and presents the ‘taloi’, the greeting and parting formulae as the genre constituting this register. Chapter 8 presents the ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokwita’ register, the ‘heavy speech’ or ‘true speech’ variety and its constituting genres ‘yakala’ – ‘litigations’, ‘kalava’ – ‘the counting of baskets full of yams’, ‘kasolukuva’ – ‘the mourning formulae’, and ‘liliu’ – ‘the myths’ that are believed to have happened in former times. Chapter 9 illustrates the ‘biga sopa’, the ‘joking or lying speech’ or the ‘indirect speech’ variety with its constituting genres ‘sopa’ – ‘jokes, lies’, ‘kukwanebu sopa ‘ – ‘jokes in form of a story’, ‘kukwanebu(1)’ – ‘tales’, ‘kasilam’ – ‘gossip, rumour’, ‘wosi’ – ‘songs’ (with four subgenres), ‘butula’ – ‘personal mocking songs’ ‘vinavina’ – ‘ditties’ (with four subgenres), and ‘sawili’ – ‘harvest shouts’. Chapter 10 presents genres that combine features of the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ varieties, namely ‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’, ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speeches’ and ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’, and ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’. It is indeterminate whether these genres belong to the ‘biga sopa’ or to the ‘biga mokwita’ variety – the Trobriand Islanders themselves classify these genres as ‘kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita’ – ‘either joking speech or true speech’. Chapter 11 gives a final summarizing overview over the situational-intentional varieties of Kilivila and the genres and subgenres that constitute these registers and discusses the relevance of genres for researching the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction. Moreover, it presents an attempt to assess the contribution of this study to the ‘the ethnography of speaking’ paradigm. Appendix I presents other metalinguistic expressions for ‘speech action patterns’ and Appendix II presents an example of a mother’s verbal interaction with her 3 ½ months old baby. And Appendix III outlines central grammatical features of Kilivila to ease the reader’s understanding of more complex grammatical structures in the texts presented.

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The interested reader of this book has the opportunity to access the internet and listen to the original data presented in the various chapters of this book. In some cases the genres presented here are also video-documented. The reference to the URL (www.mpi.nl/trobriand) is given in a footnote after every genre that is documented in this way. The website mirrors the structure of the book, i. e., the various audio- and video-data are listed under the respective chapter, section and subsection numbers. It is compulsory to first read the metadata description that goes with each of these audio- and/or videodocuments. The readers’ computers must have a modern browser, a Java and a Quicktime plug-in.

Acknowledgements This book is the result of 25 years of researching the language and culture of the Trobriand Islanders in Papua New Guinea. Writing this book would have been impossible without the help of many people and institutions. First I would like to thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG: Ei-24/10-1-5; Se-473/2-1-2) especially Ursula Far Hollender and Manfred Briegel; the Research Unit for Human Ethology of the Max-Planck-Society and its director Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt; and the Cognitive Anthropology Research Group (now: Department of Language and Cognition) at the Max-Planck-Institute for Psycholinguistics and its director Stephen C. Levinson for their support during and after my field research. The technical group of the MPI for Psycholinguistics, especially Herbert Baumann, Reiner Dirksmeyer, Alex Dukers, Dieter van Uytvanck, Romuald Skiba and Peter Wittenburg made it possible to combine the data presented in this book with the Internet access to the original audio and video documents. I very gratefully acknowledge their excelllent cooperation. I am also indebted to my colleagues at the MPI for Psycholinguistics for the general stimulating atmosphere of research and I especially thank Ellen Basso, Steven Roger Fischer, Ad Foolen, Helmut Gruber, Bill Hanks, Christian Meyer, Don Niles, Ger Reesink, and Eric Venbrux for their critical reading of first drafts of this monograph; their extensive comments were extremely valuable to me in the preparation of this book. I also want to thank Walter Bisang for insightful comments as series editor and I thank Anke Beck, Birgit Sievert, Wolfgang Konwitschny and the team at Mouton de Gruyter for their helpfulness and expertise. I want to thank the National and Provincial Governments in Papua New Guinea, the Institute for PNG Studies – especially Don Niles, and the National Research Institute – especially James Robins, for their assistance with, and permission for, my research projects. I express my great gratitude to the people of the Trobriand Islands, and above all the inhabitants of Tauwema and my consultants for their hospitality, friendship, and patient cooperation over all these years. Without their help, none of my work on the Kilivila language and the Trobriand culture would have been possible. I would also like to thank Serah Kalabaku and Rod Clark as well as Lydia Kalabaku for their generous support of my research and for their hospitality and friendship over the years. I want to thank my wife Barbara for her patience and perseverance in discussing my research with me, criticizing it, and living and working with me in the field in 1983 and in 1989.

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Last but by no means least I would like to thank our children for their understanding that their father almost annually left the family to do his field research and for living with their parents in Tauwema in 1989. I dedicate this monograph to Frauke and Sebastian.

Contents Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii xiii xix

1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

1.1

Three central questions with respect to the technical term ‘genre’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Malinowski’s classification of Trobriand ‘folklore’. . . . . . . . . . .

2 7

Non-diatopical registers or “situational-intentional varieties” and genres in Kilivila. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9

1.2 2 2.1

2.2 3 3.1 3.2

Situational-intentional varieties and genres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 ‘Biga bwena’ – ‘Good speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 ‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3 ‘Biga tommwaya / Biga baloma’ – ‘Old people’s speech / Speech of the spirits of the dead’ . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.4 ‘Biga megwa’ – ‘Magic speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.5 ‘Biga tapwaroro’ – ‘The language of the Church’ . . . . . 2.1.6 ‘Biga taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting speech’ . . . . . . . . . 2.1.7 ‘Biga pe’ula / Biga mokwita’ – ‘Heavy speech, hard words/true (direct) speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.8 ‘Biga sopa’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.9 Other genres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10 10 10 11 11 12 12 13 13 14 15

‘Biga bwena’, ‘biga gaga’ and ‘matua’ – ‘Good speech’, ‘bad speech’ and ‘insults, curses, swear words’ . . . . . . . . . . .

17

‘Biga bwena’ – ‘Good speech’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 ‘Matua’ – ‘Insults, curses, swear words’. . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1.1 The worst insults . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1.2 Other abusive expressions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 17 18 19 21

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4.1 4.2

Contents

‘Biga baloma / Biga tommwaya’ and ‘Wosi milamala’– ‘Speech of the spirits of the dead / Old peoples’ speech’ and ‘songs of the harvest festival’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Biga tommwaya / Biga baloma’ – ‘Old people’s speech / Speech of the spirits of the dead’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs of the harvest festival’ (– ‘songs for mourning’) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

26 26 28

‘Biga megwa’ and ‘megwa’ – ‘Magic speech’ and ‘magical formulae’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

40

5.1 5.2

‘Biga megwa’ – ‘Magic speech’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Megwa’ – ‘Magic, magical formulae’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

40 40

6

‘Biga tapwaroro’ and ‘tapwaroro’ as well as ‘wosi tapwaroro’– ‘Language of the church’ and ‘Christian texts’ as well as ‘church songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

5

6.1 6.2

‘Biga tapwaroro’ – ‘Language of the church’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Tapwaroro’ and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘Christian texts’ and ‘church songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60 61

‘Biga taloi’ and ‘taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting speech’ and ‘greeting and parting formulae’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

72

7.1 7.2

‘Biga taloi’ – ‘greeting and parting speech’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘taloi’ – ‘greeting and parting formulae’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

72 72

8

‘Biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ and ‘yakala’, ‘kalava’, ‘kasolukuva’, and ‘liliu’ – ‘Heavy speech / true speech’ and ‘litigations’, ‘counting baskets full of yams’, ‘mourning formulae’, and ‘myths’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

‘Biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ – ‘Heavy speech / true speech’ . . . Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 ‘Yakala’ – ‘Litigations’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75 77 77

7

8.1 8.2

Contents

‘Kalava’ – ‘Counting baskets full of yams’ . . . . . . . . . . ‘Kasolukuva’ – ‘Mourning formulae’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Liliu’ – ‘Myths’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78 80 81

‘Biga sopa’ and ‘sopa’, ‘kukwanebu (sopa)’, ‘kukwanebu(1)’, ‘kasilam’, ‘wosi’, ‘butula’, ‘vinavina’, and ‘sawila’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’ and ‘jokes’, ‘jokes in the form of a story’, ‘tales’, ‘gossip’, ‘songs’, ‘personal mocking songs’, ‘ditties’, and ‘harvest shouts’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

149

8.2.2 8.2.3 8.2.4

9

9.1 9.2

xvii

‘Biga sopa’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 ‘Sopa’ – ‘Jokes, lies’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.2 ‘Kukwanebu (sopa)’ – ‘Jokes in the form of a story’ . . . 9.2.3 ‘Kukwanebu(1)’ – ‘Tales’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.4 ‘Kasilam’ – ‘Gossip’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5 ‘Wosi’ – ‘Songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5.1 ‘Wosi gugwadi / wosi gita’ – ‘Songs of the children, songs (accompanied by) guitars’. . . . 9.2.5.2 ‘Wosi tauwau topaisewa’ – ‘Songs about workers’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5.3 ‘Vilowosi’ – ‘Songs of the village’ . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5.4 ‘Wosi gilikiti’ – ‘Cricket songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5.5 ‘Wosi kapoka’ – ‘Songs sung during the launching of a new canoe’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.6 ‘Butula’ – ‘Personal mocking songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.7 ‘Vinavina’ – ‘Ditties’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.7.1 ‘Vinavina ninikula’ – ‘Ditties that go with string figures’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.7.2 ‘Vinavina sesuya’ – ‘Ditties children sing playing ring-a-ring-a-roses’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.7.3 ‘Vinavina magi’uya’ – ‘Ditties chanted spinning the top’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.7.4 ‘Mweki wosi / tapiokwa wosi’ – ‘Mweki or tapiokwa songs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.8 ‘Sawila’ – ‘Harvest shouts’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

149 151 152 153 158 162 228 229 231 232 233 235 236 237 238 240 241 241 243

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Contents

‘Kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita’ – ‘Either joking speech or true speech’: ‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’, ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speeches as well as ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’, and ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10.1 ‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speeches’ and ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

Concluding remarks: Genres, their functions and their relevance for researching the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction and an attempt to assess the contribution of this study to the ‘ethnography of speaking’ paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

244 244 267 271

274

Appendix I

Other metalinguistic expressions for speaking about speaking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix II An illustrative example of mother – child interaction Appendix III Outline of Kilivila grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

288 290 297

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

306 322

Abbreviations 1. 2. 3. CP

first person second person third person Classificatory Particle, classifier Dem Demonstrative Dir Directional Emph Emphasis excl exclusive

Fut incl Loc [P] PL PP IV

Future, Irrealis inclusive Locative Pause Plural fourth series of possessive pronouns indicating inalienable possession Redup Reduplication

Chapter 1 Introduction Ever since 1982 I have been researching Kilivila, the Austronesian language of the Trobriand Islanders, and the culture of their speakers. One of my first publications of a Kilivila text was titled “How to tell and understand a ‘dirty’ joke in Kilivila” (Senft 1985a). Hartmut Haberland accepted this paper for publication in the Journal of Pragmatics; however, in the same volume he published a reply to it with the title “Kilivila sopa a joke?”, in which he questioned my classification of the text genre presented in my article (Haberland 1985). In my short repartee to this reply I emphasized that I completely agreed with his arguments – from an etic point of view. However, I also pointed out that I completely disagreed with his arguments and had to refute them from an emic point of view (Senft 1985b). This example reveals that it is highly problematic to classify text genres for non-Indo-European languages like the Austronesian language of the Trobriand Islanders, especially if this classification is based on the tradition of, and the technical terms defined in, European philology and text and discourse analysis. Thus, this scientific argument illustrates a clash between two classification systems. With their complex system of “Classificatory Particles” in Kilivila (Malinowski 1920; Senft 1996) the Trobriand Islanders have a powerful linguistic means for categorization at their disposal which is very important for the morphosyntax and the semantics of Kilivila. This system represents one type of classification devices that are relevant for communication. However, in Kilivila – as in any other natural language – we also find other classification systems, for example systems that are relevant for the categorization of texts within a language and systems that classify varieties within a given language. The Trobriand Islanders do not only distinguish local varieties or dialects in their language – and refer to them with specific metalinguistic labels (see Senft 1986: 6–10), they also differentiate non-diatopical varieties or registers that are used in a given, special situation and that are produced to pursue certain intentions. I refer to these varieties – which the Trobriand Islanders also differentiate with specific metalinguistic expressions – as “situational-intentional varieties” of Kilivila (Senft 1991a). In this monograph we will deal with the Trobriand Islanders’ indigenous classification system with which they categorize various text categories or “genres” within their language. However, as will be shown in chapter two,

2

Chapter 1

these text categories or genres themselves are the basis for the Trobriand Islanders’ classification of a specific type of varieties within their language, namely for the categorization of the above mentioned situational-intentional varieties in Kilvila. Before we look at the various genres of Kilivila and at the situational-intentional varieties which they constitute, I will first discuss and define the technical term ‘genre’ (1.1) and then present a brief summary of Malinowski’s classification of what he called ‘Trobriand folklore’ (1.2) 1.1

Three central questions with respect to the technical term ‘genre’

‘Genre’ was originally a literary term. Ever since Aristotle’s ‘Poetics’ which proposes a classification of literary forms into the three genres ‘drama’, ‘narrative’, and ‘lyric’ the literary concept of ‘genre’ has been under continuous attack (see László, Viehoff 1992: 5). In general, all criticism so far has been dealing with the following two questions: 1. How is a ‘genre’ defined? – and 2. What functions do genres fulfill? Moreover, when the concept and the technical term ‘genre’ saw its extension into anthropology, ethnography, sociolinguistics, discourse analysis and anthropological linguistics, a third question became central for the critical discussion of this concept, namely 3. What is the relevance of genres for researching the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction? This chapter attempts to give a rather general, summarizing overview on the answers proposed to these central questions. Malkjær (1991: 176) defines a ‘genre’ as “a text or discourse type which is recognized as such by its users by its characteristic features of style or form, which will be specifiable through stylistic and text-linguistic discourse analysis, and/or by the particular function of texts belonging to the genre”. However, as Bauman (1987: 5; see also 1992: 138) points out correctly, definitions like this one “are influenced by the canons of scientific taxonomy which leads to the conception of genres as mutually exclusive classificatory categories”. It is quite obvious, though, that genres are “fuzzy categories” and should therefore better be conceived as “cognitive schemata” (László, Viehoff 1992: 5). Hanks treats “genres as historically specific elements of social practice, whose defining features link them to situative communicative acts” (Hanks 1986: 668), and he defines them as

Three central questions with respect to the technical term ‘genre’

3

the historically specific conventions and ideals according to which authors compose discourse and audiences receive it. In this view, genres consist of orienting frameworks, interpretative procedures, and sets of expectations that are not part of discourse structure, but of the ways actors relate to and use language. (Hanks 1986: 670)

On the basis of Bakhtin’s (1981, 1986) work, Foley (1997: 358) points out that … genres consist of historically transmitted, relatively stable frameworks for orienting the production of discourse. While strongly conventionalized and grounded in the social practices of language production and understanding in the community, they are still nonetheless flexible and open to creative manipulation by performers.

Moreover he emphasizes that “genres are not so much inherent in the text forms themselves, but in the frameworks and interpretative procedures that verbal performers and their audiences use to produce and understand these texts” (Foley 1997: 360). Seitel (1999: 3) elaborates this idea defining genre “as a specific, concrete, yet often changing body of texts, as a framework for creating and interpreting them, and as a ‘form-shaping ideology’ through which both creator and critic enter into dialogue with the collective wisdom of tradition”. Both Foley and Seitel define ‘genres’ referring to the functions they fulfill. Hanks already emphasized that the “conventions of genre help define the possibilities of meaning in discourse and the level of generality or specifity at which description is cast”. For him “speech genres have value loadings, social distributions, and typical performance styles according to which they are shaped in the course of utterance” (Hanks 1986: 670); moreover, they also correspond to different conceptions of the addressees (Hanks p. c.). One of the most important functions of genres, however, is that they “contextualize talk” (Goodwin, Duranti 1992: 8). Seitel points out that with this contextualizing function genres serve as orienting frameworks guiding the addressee’s perception. Genres help interpreting talk by providing information with respect to how texts that constitute talk can or are to be categorized, how these texts refer to other texts, how texts are to be interpreted, and what texts can be produced by whom in what kind of social situations or contexts for strategically achieving certain means and ends (see Seitel 1999: 4, 14 f.). Thus, genres fulfill the function of “a collective memory for how to do important, recurrent things with language” (Seitel 1999: 15) and for how to understand these actions. In sum, genres “shape what is said and what is understood in situations that happen frequently in society” (Seitel 1999: 222; see also Bergmann 1993: 26–32). If we look at the definitions of ‘genre’ given above and the functions genres fulfill succinctly mentioned in the previous paragraph, it is evident that this

4

Chapter 1

research topic co-constitutes the interface between language, culture, and cognition. However, this is nothing new. Philips (1987: 25) points out that … Boas emphasized the value of myth texts, both in the determination of cultural historical relations among North American Indian groups and as a necessary companion to the grammar and the dictionary of a language for its complete description. Malinowski (1936 [= 1923; GS]) conceived language as the instrument of social action, and his texts of garden magic as the instantiation of social action. And while myth remained the primary example of verbal genre in which culture was embodied in language until the 1960s, accounts of genre-specific linguistic style as early as Sapir’s (1949) established anthropological awareness of genre divinity within a single cultural tradition.

Since the 1960’s the notion of genre has played a crucial role in the “ethnography of speaking” paradigm as defined by Gumperz (e. g., 1968) and Hymes (e. g., 1962, 1964; 1972; 1981) and was later also important for Labov’s analyses of narratives of personal experience (Labov 1972). Thus, at least since the days of Boas ‘genre’ has been an important research topic in folklore, anthropological linguistics, pragmatics, and sociolinguistics, probably because ever since the early days of genre research in North American Indian folklore it has been known that this kind of research provides insights into … (1) the context of cultural meaning, that is, what it is one needs to know about a culture to make sense of its folklore [read: genres (GS)]; (2) the functional context, social or psychological, that is, how folklore [read: genre (GS)] operates to validate social institutions, maintain social solidarity, socialize children, alleviate psychological conflict, and the like, and (3) the situational context, focusing on the social use of folklore [read: genres (GS)] in the conduct of social life, within culturally defined scenes and events. (Bauman 1992b: 142)

Anthropologists and linguists have been emphasizing the importance of researching and documenting genres of different languages and cultures for years. However, just recently Foley (2003: 1) complained about the fact that many fieldworkers will … through the filter of their own native language ideology value some text types over others as sources of data, narratives over conversations, ritual language over gossip, songs over curses… It is truly remarkable how most text collections in the languages of traditional communities around the world have such a high percentage of narratives, sometimes only these. Clearly the linguists recording these have valorized them on the basis of their close analogy with literate texts in their own cultural tradition… Whether the native community shares this differential evaluation is for the most part never discussed (or perhaps not even asked?). Woodbury… warns us about this trap in linguistic fieldwork and argues that the main goal should be the direct documentation of discourse, the full range of local genre types…

Three central questions with respect to the technical term ‘genre’

5

Indeed, studies that attempt to describe the inventory of genres for specific speech communities are still relatively rare. Among those attempts to describe, illustrate and analyse (at least parts of) the genre inventory of non-Indo-European cultures and speech communities we find, for example, Vicedom and Tischner’s (1943–1948) studies of the Mbowamb of Eastern-Central New Guinea, Strauss and Tischner’s (1962) work on the “Mi culture” in the same area, Feld’s (e. g., 1990) publications on the Kaluli of Papua New Guinea, Vorbichler and Brandl’s (1979) study of the Balese-Efe in Zaire, Merlan’s (e. g., 1995) and Merlan and Rumsey’s (e. g., 1991) research on the Ku Waru in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, Heeschen’s (1990) study of the Eipo in West-Papua (Irian Jaya), E. Basso’s work on the Kalapalo in Brazil, Seitel’s (1999) research on the Haya of Tanzania, and especially Sherzer’s (1983, 1990) work on the Kuna in Panama.1 More recently, documentation projects on endangered languages have also tried to document a broad variety of different speech genres (see, for example, the Marquesan corpus built by Gabriele Cablitz and her colleagues (http://corpus1.mpi.nl/ds/imdi_browser/?openpath=MPI80685%23), and the Teop corpus built by Ulrike Mosel and her colleagues (http://corpus1.mpi.nl/ ds/imdi_browser/?openpath=MPI81336%23); for further information visit the website of the DoBeS Archive: http://www.mpi.nl/DOBES). In his seminal contribution to the field which is based on more than a decade of fieldwork, Sherzer explicitly attempts to describe and illustrate “the complete range of forms of discourse in a nonliterate society” (Sherzer 1983: 10). His study starts with the general (maybe trivial) insight that “[t]he nature and the role of speaking are not universal, not everywhere the same” (Sherzer 1983: 8). This becomes obvious when linguistically interested anthropologists or anthropologically interested linguists make use of ‘the ethnography of speaking’ approach in researching the relationship between language and culture and language and society. Sherzer (1983: 16) emphasizes that this approach “is concerned with community members’ conceptions and representations of their own culture and with their formalized frames for communicative action and interpretation”. On the basis of this paradigm he made the following observations with respect to the Kuna language:

1

It goes without saying that this list is not exhaustive at all, and I am aware of the fact that contributions like those by Frake (1980) and Malinowski (e. g., 1922; 1929; 1935), of course, should not be neglected in this context. However, this does not affect the general argument put forward here. For further literature see also Hanks (1986; also 1989), Duranti (1988) and Philipsen and Coutu (2005).

6

Chapter 1 There is the use of a set of sharply distinct yet related linguistic varieties and styles, with subvarieties and substyles within them, marked by grammatical and lexical differences, the latter intertwining with metaphor and other forms of symbolism. … There is the extensive and incredibly varied set of forms and genres of speaking and chanting, from everyday greetings and reports to the public and ritualized performance of myths, stories, tribal history, and personal experiences and dreams…. (Sherzer 1983: 9)

These observations can easily be supported by researching the metalinguistic vocabulary used in a speech community. With respect to his research on Kuna ways of speaking Sherzer (1983: 16) emphasizes that it is indeed absolutely necessary to pay attention “to the rich Kuna terminology for forms of discourse as well as for components of speaking, as one analytical tool in the analysis of Kuna language and speech which is most relevant for an understanding of their own theory of speaking” (see also Stross: 1989). In the meantime ‘the ethnography of speaking’ paradigm has seen its integration and further advancement in the ‘anthropological linguistics’ / ‘linguistic anthropology’ approach (see Duranti 1997, Foley 1997)2. Rooted in this paradigm the present study attempts to present and illustrate the emic typology of Kilivila ways of speaking. This typology of text types or categories is based on Kilivila metalinguistic terms for these genres (Senft 1986) and considers the relationship they have with the Kilivila ‘situational-intentional varieties’ which are also metalinguistically distinguished by the native speakers of this language (Senft 1991a). Thus, the explicit aim of this book is to provide a framework for, and at the same time illustrate, the “corpus inscriptionum Kiriwiniensium” Malinowski asked for (and partly founded himself) as a prerequisite “to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realise his vision of his world” (Malinowski 1922: 24f). However, before I present the Trobriand Islanders emic typology of their ways of speaking, I will briefly summarize what Malinowski already contributed to this topic.

2 I use and understand the term “anthropological linguistics” as synonymous with the terms “ethnolinguistics” and “linguistic anthropology”. It goes without saying, however, that these terms can be used to signal different starting points for approaching the interdiscipline and for indexing the status of both disciplines within the interdisciplinary enterprise.

Malinowski’s classification of Trobriand ‘folklore’

1.2

7

Malinowski’s classification of Trobriand ‘folklore’

Discussing the ‘Mythology of the Kula’ in his famous masterpiece ‘Argonauts of the Western Pacific’ Malinowski (1922: 299) – trying to ‘grasp the native’s point of view’ – poses the following questions: “[W]hat is myth to the natives? How do they conceive and define it? Have they any line of demarcation between the mythical and the actual reality, and if so, how do they draw this line?” These are of course questions that refer to the Trobrianders’ ideas of genre. On the basis of his epochal ethnographic field research on the Trobriand Islands the master of Trobriand ethnography answers these questions as follows: Their folk-lore, that is, the verbal tradition, the store of tales, legends and texts handed on by previous generations, is composed of the following classes: first of all, there is what the natives call libogwo, ‘old talk’, but which we would call tradition; secondly, kukwanebu, fairy tales, recited for amusement, at definite seasons, and related avowedly untrue events; thirdly, wosi, the various songs, and vinavina, ditties, chanted at play or under other special circumstances; and last, not least, megwa or yopa, the magical spells. All these classes are strictly distinguished from one another by name, function, social setting, and by certain formal characteristics… ….the ‘old talk’, the body of ancient tradition, believed to be true, consists on the one hand of historical tales, such as the deeds of past chiefs, …. stories of shipwreck, etc. On the other hand, the libogwo class also contains what the natives call lili’u – myths, narratives, deeply believed by them, held by them in reverence, and exercising an active influence on their conduct and tribal life. Now the natives distinguish definitely between myth and historic account, but this distinction is difficult to formulate, and cannot be stated but in a somewhat deliberate manner…. (Malinowski 1922: 299)

Malinowski elaborates on this latter point, the difference between myth and historic account and points out that the Trobriand Islanders themselves realise this difference, although they do not mark it metalinguistically. He comes to the following conclusion: To sum up, the distinction between the lili’u and actual or historical reality is drawn firmly, and there is a definite cleavage between the two. Prima facie, this distinction is based on the fact that all myth is labelled as such…. A further distinctive mark of the world of the lili’u lies in the super-normal, supernatural character of certain events which happen in it. The supernatural is believed to be true, and this truth is sanctioned by tradition… … [T]here is one point on which the cleavage between myth and present reality… is bridged over in native ideas. The extraordinary powers which men possess in myths are mostly due to their knowledge of magic. … Myth has crystallized into magical formulae, and magic in its turn bears testimony to the authenticity of myth. …

8

Chapter 1 Thus we can define myth as a narrative of events which are to the native supernatural, in this sense, that he knows well that to-day they do not happen. At the same time he believes deeply that they did happen then… (Malinowski 1922: 303 f.)3

In conclusion, Malinowki differentiates the following three groups of ‘mythical folk-lore’: 1. The Oldest Myths, referring to the origin of human beings…. 2. Kultur myths… stories about ogres and their conquerors… [and] 3. Myths in which figure only ordinary human beings, though endowed with extraordinary magical powers. (Malinowski 1922 304 f.)

This brief presentation of Malinowski’s ideas with respect to genres in Kilivila indicates that we are dealing with a rather complex topic here. In the following chapters many of the Kilivila metalinguistic terms for genres and speech varieties will surface again. However, the following chapters also document that the Trobriand Islanders’ understanding of genre is much more complex than Malinowski suspected.

3

Steven Roger Fischer (p. c.) criticizes Malinowski’s point with respect to a clear “distinction” between myth and historical account among the Trobriand Islanders. He points out that in all the world’s societies such a distinction only obtains once there is writing. Thus, for him Malinowski was interpreting a ‘modern’ phenomenon, and not ‘true’ Trobriand behaviour in this regard. All myth was history, and all history myth. Fischer emphasizes that no division obtained in this domain and claims that this held everywhere in pre-contact Pacific Islands. I do not agree with this position, but I think this hypothesis can stimulate the general discussion of the topic. Ellen Basso (p. c.), however, points out that there is still a very ‘positivist’ or ‘idealist’ view of myth and other narrative genres that continues within folklore and linguistics, namely, a scholarly anxiety about whether people think the myths they tell are ‘true’ or not (in some empiricist sense). This goes along with earlier emphases upon ‘beliefs’ as connected to particular ‘levels’ of understanding/thinking as seen in the work of many 19th century thinkers who tried to put this in a Darwinian framework (hence, ‘fetishist’, ‘animist’, etc. categories versus ‘philosophy’ and ‘history’). Following this line of reasoning, myths, though about ‘the past’, were seen to be distinct from ‘history’ (as a category of thought) and the ‘history’ of non-literate people was (still is in some circles) thought essentially different from those with writing because written texts could someone substantiate people’s stories about the past.

Chapter 2 Non-Diatopical Registers or “Situational-Intentional Varieties” and “Genres” in Kilivila In 1923 Malinowski pointed out “that language in its … original form has an essentially pragmatic character, that it is a mode of behaviour, an indispensable element of concerted human action” (Malinowski: 1923: 316). A closer look at the metalinguistic vocabulary of the Trobriand Islanders provide the emic support for this insight. The salient relevance of the concepts codified by these metalinguistic terms is so important for the Trobriand speech community that it is one of the most important characteristics of the language to be recognized in anthropological linguistic field research. Whoever wants to learn and speak Kilivila properly has to grasp them, because the understanding of these concepts is compulsory for the pragmatically adequate use and understanding of this language. As already mentioned above, the Trobriand Islanders distinguish not only local varieties – or dialects – of Kilivila (see Senft 1986: 6ff), but also nondiatopical registers that I have called “situational intentional varieties”. As I have pointed out elsewhere (see Senft 1986: 124ff.; 1991a) I refer with this label to registers or varieties of Kilivila that are used in a given special situation and produced to pursue (a) certain intention(s).1 To my knowledge, Kilivila native speakers differentiate and metalinguistically label eight of these varieties, two general and six specific ones. They form the basic framework necessary for adequately describing genres in this Austronesian language, because the various genres that the Trobriand Islanders differentiate and also label metalinguistically are – generally speaking – constitutive for these situational-intentional varieties. In what follows I will briefly present these registers or varieties (see Senft 1986: 124ff.; 1991a) and assign the various genres to these situational intentional varieties. This chapter provides the outline for the detailed description and discussion of the eight Kilivila situational-intentional varieties and their constitutive genres given in chapters three to ten.

1

I would like to point out here that my use of “register” and “genre” differs from the use of these terms by researchers working within the framework of systemicfunctional linguistics like, for example Saukkonen (2003).

10 2.1

Chapter 2

Situational intentional varieties and their genres

This subsection lists and briefly characterizes the eight registers differentiated by the native speakers of Kilivila and mentions the genres that are constitutive for these situational intentional varieties. 2.1.1

‘Biga bwena’

‘Good speech’

The general situational-intentional variety ‘Biga bwena’ – ‘good speech’ subsumes quite comprehensively all utterances in all but one of the Kilivila language varieties that adequately match in style and lexicon the respective speech situation in which interactants are involved. Thus, with the exception of its antagonistic variety ‘biga gaga’ (‘bad speech’; see 2.1.2), the ‘biga bwena’ concept applies to all other Kilivila speech varieties, emphasizing the adequate use of language in a given communicative context. Therefore it can be argued that this superordinate register is constituted by the appropriate production of all genres that are themselves constitutive for all other situational-intentional varieties except for the ‘biga gaga’ register and especially except for the specific genre ‘matua’ (‘insults, swear words’) that co-constitutes the ‘biga gaga’ variety. The basically aesthetic label ‘biga bwena’ is used to qualify speakers’ utterances with respect to a given standard norm of appropriate speech behaviour. Someone who is famous for using ‘biga bwena’ enjoys a good reputation and much social prestige, irrespective of the status within the otherwise highly stratified clan and subclan hierarchy of the Trobriand society (see Malinowski 1929; 1935; Weiner 1988; see chapter three). 2.1.2

‘Biga gaga’

‘Bad speech’

As already mentioned above, the ‘biga gaga’ variety is just the opposite of the ‘biga bwena’ register. With the exception of its antagonistic variety ‘biga bwena’ (see 2.1.1) but also with the exception of (almost all aspects and constitutive genres of) the ‘biga sopa’ variety (see 2.1.8), this second general situationalintentional variety applies to all other Kilivila speech varieties, emphasizing the inadequate use of language in a given communicative context. The basically aesthetic label is also used to qualify speakers’ utterances with respect to a given standard norm of speech behaviour. The use of this variety generally implies the distancing of speakers from their addressees. It is aggressive and insulting. Its use is – at least officially – not approved by the speech community and quite often sanctions are imposed against someone who produces such ‘bad speech’. Again, it can be argued that this superordinate register is constituted

Situational intentional varieties and their genres

11

by the inapproriate production of all genres that are themselves constitutive for all other situational-intentional varieties except for the ‘biga bwena’ and the ‘biga sopa’ variety. Moreover, this superordinate register is co-constituted by the specific genre ‘matua’ which subsumes all kinds of – seriously meant and produced – insults, swear words, obscene speech and the verbal breaking of taboos (see chapter three). 2.1.3 ‘Biga tommwaya / Biga baloma’

‘Old people’s speech / Speech of the spirits of the dead’

This archaic variety is very rarely used in everyday discourse and conversation. If words or phrases that are characteristic for this register are used in everyday interaction, they serve the function of sociolinguistic variables which indicate high status of the speaker. This situational-intentional variety is used in highly ritualized contexts. The register is constituted by specific songs sung during the harvest festivals and during a certain period of mourning; these songs are summarized under the specific genre label ‘wosi milamala’ – ‘songs of the harvest festival’. The majority of these songs describe the carefree ‘life’ of the spirits of the dead in their ‘underworld paradise’ on Tuma Island. Moreover, magical formulae also represent many features of the ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ register. However, because other features are also constitutive for these formulae, the Trobriand Islanders classify them as constituting a variety of their own, namely the ‘biga megwa’ – the ‘magic speech’ register (see 2.1.4). Both magical formulae and songs have been passed on from generation to generation with the immanent claim to preserve their linguistic form. The majority of the people citing these magical formulae and singing these songs do not or no longer understand their semantic content, their meaning (see chapter four). 2.1.4

‘Biga megwa’

‘Magic speech’

As mentioned above, this language variety is very similar and closely related to the ‘biga tommwaya / biga baloma’ variety. However, the variety not only encompasses archaic Kilivila words, syntactic constructions, and shades of meaning, but also so-called magical words and loan words from other Austronesian languages (see Malinowski 1935, Vol. II; Senft 1985d; 1997a, 2001a). Malinowski contrasts this variety which he calls ‘megwa la biga’ (‘magic its speech’) with ordinary speech, to which he refers with the label ‘livala la biga’ (‘speech its language, spoken (everyday) language’; see Malinowski: 1935, Vol.

12

Chapter 2

II: 225).2 This variety is highly situation dependent, of course, and very onomatopoetic and metaphoric. Trobrianders differentiate between various forms of magic. All these specific forms of magic have specific names, however, they are all subsumed under the genre label ‘megwa’. And it is this genre that constitutes the ‘biga megwa’ variety (see chapter five). 2.1.5

‘Biga tapwaroro’ ‘The language of the church’

This variety of Kilivila is used in church services and other Christian rituals. When the Overseas Missions Department of the Methodist Church commenced work in the Trobriand Islands in 1894, its headquarters was established in Kavataria on Kiriwina Island. Till 1989 this variety was heavily based on the language variety spoken in Kavataria and its neighbouring village Oyabia (the dialect called ‘biga galagoki’); moreover, it showed traces of archaic language and had borrowed a number of loan words from the Dobu language. The Methodists started their missionary work in Milne Bay on Dobu Island and used Dobu as their lingua franca in the area (Tom Dutton: p. c.). The Trobrianders use the label ‘biga tapwaroro’ to refer to the variety represented in Christian rituals and texts that are associated with the church service. Two genres are constitutive for this register: ‘tapwaroro’ refers to all forms of speech produced during various forms of church services, and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘ church song’ is the label for the genre ‘Christian hymns’. The ‘wosi tapwaroro’ sometimes represent hymns that are song in neighbouring languages like Dobu or Muyuw, and the ‘tapwaroro’ genre that co-constitutes this variety represents a formal language variety typically used by older Trobriand Islanders of high status which is slightly different from modern Kilivila used in profane, secular contexts. Nevertheless, the ‘biga tapwaroro’ label of this variety emphasizes the Christian context of these forms of speech and songs (see chapter six). 2.1.6

‘Biga taloi’

‘greeting and parting speech’

This variety just refers to the Trobriand forms of greeting and parting as well as to the formulae for politely opening and closing public speeches. These relatively few forms and formulae are subsumed under the genre label ‘taloi’ – and this genre constitutes the ‘biga taloi’ register (see chapter seven).

2

I have never heard this latter metalinguistic expression on the Trobriands.

Situational intentional varieties and their genres

2.1.7

‘Biga pe’ula / Biga mokwita’

13

‘Heavy speech / hard words / true (direct) speech

This variety is rather rarely used; but when it is used, the directness of the speakers indicate that they are completely aware of the fact that they have to take all risks of stripping away ambiguity and vagueness with which speakers normally can disguise their own thoughts – a feature characteristic for the ‘biga sopa’ variety (see 2.1.8) – and that they can stand to argue publicly in terms of the heavy (‘pe’ula’) dimension of truth (‘mokwita’). Thus, the use of this variety implies an important personal and social impact of what is said; moreover, its use is explicitly marked by speakers declaring that what they are going to say now or what they have said is not ‘sopa’ but ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokwita’. The speakers’ commitment in the marked sense finds its expressions in ritualized formulae, like, for example, ‘Besatuta balivala biga mokwita!’ – ‘Now I will talk true language! The following four genres are (co-)constitutive of this register: ‘yakala’ – ‘litigations’, ‘kalava’ – ‘counting baskets full of yams’, ‘kasolukuva’ – ‘mourning formulae’, and ‘liliu’ – ‘myth’ (see chapter eight). 2.1.8 ‘Biga sopa’

‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’

This variety is absolutely characteristic for the Trobriand way of speaking – it constitutes the default register of Trobriand discourse, so to speak. It is based on the fact that Kilivila, like any other natural language, is marked by features that include ‘vagueness’ and ‘ambiguity’. Both these features are used by its speakers as stylistic means to avoid possible distress, confrontation, or too much and – for a Trobriand Islander at least – too aggressive directness of certain speech situations. If hearers signal that they may be insulted by a certain speech act, speakers can always recede from what they have said by labelling it as ‘sopa’, as something they did not really mean to say. Thus ‘sopa’ represents the speakers’ “unmarked non-commitment to truth” (Hanks, p. c.; see also Senft 2008a). Trobriand etiquette then prescribes that hearers must not be offended at all by those utterances that were explicitly labelled as ‘sopa’. The Trobriand Islanders employ this variety in everyday conversation, in small talk, in flirtation, in public debates, in songs and stories as a means of rhetoric to avoid possible conflicts and to relax the atmosphere of the speech situation. The ‘biga sopa’ variety also contributes to put forward arguments because it allows speakers to disguise their thoughts verbally and to disagree in a playful way without the danger of too much personal exposure. Moreover, the ‘biga sopa’ variety is used for mocking people. As a means of irony and parody it can be used to criti-

14

Chapter 2

cize certain forms of sociologically deviant behaviour, relatively mildly asking for immediate correction. Finally, the ‘biga sopa’ variety offers the only license for the verbal breaking of almost all taboos and thus for the licensed use of ‘biga gaga’ (see 2.1.2) – not only for adults but also for children. The following genres constitute the ‘biga sopa’ variety: ‘sopa’ – ‘joke, lie, trick’, ‘kukwanebu sopa’ – ‘story, joke in form of a story’, ‘kukwanebu(1)’ – ‘tale’, ‘kasilam’ – ‘gossip’, ‘wosi’ – ‘songs’, with a number of separately named subvarieties, ‘butula’ – ‘personal mocking songs’, ‘vinavina’ – ‘mocking ditty’ – with a number of named subvarieties, ‘matua’ – ‘some insults and swear words as well as obscene speech’, and ‘sawili’ – ‘harvest shouts’ (see chapter nine below). 2.1.9 Other genres The Trobriand Islanders also differentiate a number of genres that oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ register and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety. They classify them as ‘kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita’ – ‘either joking speech or true speech’.These genres are ‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘story’ (fiction and non-fiction), ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speech’, ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speech’, ‘-kasemwala-’ – ‘(actions of) propositioning and/or seduction’, and ‘-nigada-’ – ‘(actions of) requesting’ (see chapter ten below). Moreover, I have to note here that ever since I started my field research a few people also wrote letters to me in which they asked me for money or some other kind of support. These letters are still a rather recently introduced genre on the Trobriands. The Trobriand Islanders refer to them with the English loan word ‘leta’. I will not discuss them as a genre in their own right here. However, for the sake of illustration I present a very polite one of such letters which was written by Mota’esa, the present chief of Tauwema village, my place of residence on Kaile’una island (the letter was written in capitals – as presented here): DEAR KUNTER Dear Gunter LUBEGU BWENA KAUKWAU Lube-gu bwena kaukwau Friend-my good morning My friend good morning. MAGIGU TOI BUKULAU LOSUIA Magi-gu Toi Wish-my Toi (name of one of Motaesa’s sons)

buku-lau 2.Fut-take (to

Summary

15

Losuia Losuia (village on Kiriwina Island) My wish: you will take Toi to Losuia. BIGIMWALA AGU SUGUR. GALA BAKAREWAGA Bi-gimwali agu sugur gala ba-karewaga 3.Fut-buy my sugar not 1.Fut-have responsibility He will buy my sugar. I will not have the responsibility (for this), TAGA LAKATUPOI. PLEASE KUNITA LUBEGU TAWEMA. taga la-katupoi please Kunita lube-gu but 1.Past-ask please Gunter friend-my but I just asked (you). Please Gunter my friend in Tauwema.

2.2

Tawema Tauwema

Summary

In this chapter I have listed the eight situational-intentional varieties that are differentiated by the Trobriand Islanders together with the genres that constitute these registers. Figure 1 presents this typology of registers and genres once more. The following chapters then illustrate these varieties and present examples of their constituting genres. For convenience the descriptions of the registers given in this chapter will be repeated (and sometimes slightly expanded) at the beginning of these chapters.

16

Chapter 2 biga bwena good speech

biga gaga bad speech

matua* all insults and swear words

biga tommwaya biga baloma

biga megwa

biga biga taloi biga biga sopa tapwaroro pe’ula / biga mokwita

kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita

old people’s speech / speech of the spirits of the dead wosi milamala songs of the harvest rituals

magic speech

language greetof the ing and church parting speech

megwa tapwaroro taloi magical Christian greeting formulae texts forms and wosi tap- forms for waroro opening church speeches songs

hard words / true speech

joking or lying speech, ‘indirect’ speech

either joking speech or true speech

yakala litigations kalava counting baskets full of yams kasolukuva mourning formulae liliu myths

Sopa joke, lie, trick kukwanebu sopa story as joke kukwanebu(1) tale kasilam gossip wosi songs butula mocking songs vinavina ditty sawila harvest shouts matua* some insults

Kukwanebu(2) story kavala personal speech luavala admonition -kasemwalapropositioning seducing -nigadarequesting

Figure 1: Situational-intentional varieties and their constituting genres

Chapter 3 ‘Biga bwena’,‘biga gaga’ and ‘matua’ – ‘Good speech’, ‘bad speech’ and ‘insults, curses, swear words’ This chapter first describes and characterizes the two situational-intentional varieties ‘biga bwena’ – ‘good speech’ and ‘biga gaga’ – ‘bad speech’ again (see 2.1.1 and 2.1.2); then all the Kilivila ‘matua’, the Trobriand Islanders’ ‘swear words and insults’ are listed and briefly explained. All these ‘matua’ represent the genre that co-constitutes the ‘biga gaga’ register.

3.1

‘Biga bwena’ – ‘Good speech’

As mentioned above (2.1.1) this situational intentional variety is constituted by any utterance in all but one Kilivila register that adequately match in style and lexicon the respective speech situation in which interactants are involved. Thus, with the exception of its antagonistic variety ‘biga gaga’, the ‘biga bwena’ concept applies to all other Kilivila speech varieties, emphasizing the adequate use of language in a given communicative context. Therefore it can be argued that this superordinate register is constituted by the appropriate production of all genres that are themselves constitutive for all other situational-intentional varieties – except for the ‘biga gaga’ register and especially except for the specific genre ‘matua’ (‘insults, swear words’) that co-constitutes the ‘biga gaga’ variety. The basically aesthetic label is used to qualify speakers’ utterances with respect to a given standard norm of appropriate speech behaviour. Someone who is famous for using ‘biga bwena’ enjoys a good reputation and much social prestige, irrespective of the status within the otherwise highly stratified clan and subclan hierarchy of Trobriand society (see Malinowski 1929; 1935; Weiner 1988). Examples for the use of ‘biga bwena’ are given in Senft (1986: 145–153; 1987b; 1991b; see also 1985a; 1992b; 1995a).

3.2

‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’

As already mentioned above, the ‘biga gaga’ variety is just the opposite of the ‘biga bwena’ register. It refers primarily to swear-words, obscene speech and the verbal breaking of taboos. These forms of talk are subsumed under the

18

Chapter 3

Kilivila genre label ‘matua’ – and these ‘matua’ (co-)constitute the ‘biga gaga’ variety (see 3.2.1). With the exception of its antagonistic variety ‘biga bwena’ but also with the exception of (almost all aspects and constitutive genres of) the ‘biga sopa’ variety (see chapter 9), this second general situational-intentional variety applies to all other Kilivila speech varieties, emphasizing the inadequate use of language in a given communicative context. The basically aesthetic label is also used to qualify speakers’ utterances with respect to a given standard norm of speech behaviour. The use of this variety generally implies the distancing of speakers from their addressees. It is aggressive and insulting. Its use is – at least officially – not approved by the speech community and quite often sanctions are imposed against someone who produces such ‘bad speech’. Again, it can be argued that this superordinate register is constituted by the inapproriate production of all genres that are themselves constitutive for all other situational-intentional varieties except for the ‘biga bwena’ and the ‘biga sopa’ variety. As mentioned above, this superordinate register is also co-constituted by the specific genre ‘matua’ which subsumes all kinds of – seriously meant and produced – insults, swear words, obscene speech and the verbal breaking of taboos. The following subsection illustrates this genre. 3.2.1

‘Matua’ ‘Insults, curses, swear words’

The Trobriander Islanders refer to these insults, curses, swear words and to obscene speech with the metalinguistic genre label ‘tua’, ‘matua’, or – more archaic – ‘matova’. The verbal expression for ‘to swear, to curse ’ is ‘-matua-‘ or ‘-matova-‘, e. g., ‘e-matua’ 3.-swear ‘s/he-is swearing’

‘ku-matova-si 2.-swear-Pl ‘you are swearing’1

The verbal expressions for ‘to insult’ are ‘-vitaki-’ which can also be glossed as ‘to scold, to quarrel’ and ‘-katilakeya-’ which also means ‘to shout angrily’. In what follows I give a list of Trobriand insults. This list presents Kilivila insults and swear words in a hierarchical order. First the worst insults are given, and then other abusive expressions are listed that refer to various forms of stigmatized sexual behaviour and sexual disfunctions, to illegitimate birth, to excrements, to body parts, and to animals. 1

Note that not all examples used to illustrate the various genres of Kilivila are presented in a morpheme-interlinear transcription.

‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’

19

3.2.1.1 The worst insults The following six insults represent the worst insults for Trobriand Islanders. They are hierarchically ordered according to the ranking of these insults by my consultants (who obviously had to overcome some scruples in discussing this matter with me). 1. yokwa gala ka-m you no food-yours ‘you have no food (no yams)’ The Trobriand Islanders are first and foremost yams gardeners. A good and abundant yams harvest is the pride of everyone, because such a harvest proves that a man is hard working, busy and a skilled garden magician: All this indicates the status he has and may claim to have within his community. This insult denies all this – and it results in fighting or even in war between two villages no matter to whom it is addressed. It is the worst insult possible on the Trobriands (see section 9.2.4 utterance 234). 2. kweya m kwava (kweya shortened for: kukweya, kwoi = archaic for: kweya) ku-kweya m kwava 2.-fuck your wife ‘fuck your wife’ (man to man) kweya m mwala ‘fuck your husband’

(woman to woman)

As Malinowski already stated, this is almost unmentionable to the Trobriand Islanders. He points out that “their attitude to [these phrases] is correlated with the rule that the erotic life of husband and wife should always remain completely concealed” (Malinowski 1929: 486; see also Malinowski 1925: 206 f.). Moreover, Malinowski’s (1929: 112) observation that one “will never surprise an exchange of tender looks, loving smiles, or amorous banter between husband and wife in the Trobriands … married couples… push their etiquette to a point which would seem unnaturally exaggerated and burdensome to us” still holds! 3. kweya lumta (archaic: kwoi lumta) ‘fuck your sister’

(man to man)

20

Chapter 3

kweya lumta/bwadam ‘fuck your younger brother/older brother’

(woman to woman)

akeya lumta ‘I fuck your sister’ These insults are still taken as “unpardonable offences” (Malinowski 1929: 486). They represent a serious break of the extremely strict brother-sister taboo. This taboo prescribes that siblings must not know about each others erotic engagements or love affairs (see Malinowski 1929: 36, 84 f., 433–451; Senft 1995b: 222 f.). The following insults also topicalize acts of incest (see also Malinowski 1925: 206 f.): 4. kweya inam ku-kweya ina-m 2.-fuck mother-your (inalienable possession) ‘fuck your mother’

(man to man)

kweya tamam ‘fuck your father’

(woman to woman)

akeya inam ‘I fuck your mother’ 5. migim lumta ‘your face your sister’, i. e., ‘you look like your sister’

(man/woman to man)

This insult is for a man as bad as the insult ‘kweya lumta’ – ‘fuck your sister’. It breaks the “dogma … that a child never resembles its mother, or any of its brothers and sisters, or any of its maternal kinsmen… it is … a great offence to hint at any such similarity (Malinowski 1929: 204; see also 173 f., 205 f.; see also Senft 1995b: 221) 6. kukwam popu ‘(you) eat shit’ This insult breaks another rather strong rule of Trobriand etiquette. Malinowski (1929: 446) already noted that “[s]ocial distinctions influence considerably

‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’

21

the way in which natives are allowed to speak about” excrements and acts of excretion. They never use the respective noun or verb in presence of a chief. If this insult is addressed to a chief – and if the chief’s name is mentioned, too, this is still one of the deadliest insults on the Trobriands (see Malinowski 1929: 447; Senft 1985a: 821–823; see subsection 8.2.4 line 088 below).

3.2.1.2

Other abusive expressions

The following curses and insults are ordered according to their reference to various forms of stigmatized sexual behaviour and sexual disfunctions, to illegitimate birth, to excrements, to body parts, and to animals. 1. other expressions referring to incest (including clan incest): tosuvasova nasuvasova to-suvasova na-suvasova CP.male-incestuous CP.female-incestuous ‘incestuous man’ ‘incestuous woman’ These expressions refer to persons who break the rule of clan-exogamy. kesovasova kwim/vim kesovasova kwi-m / vi-m incestuous prick-your / cunt-your ‘(it is) incestuous your prick / your cunt’ 2. expressions referring to miscellaneous sexual acts: kukweya titolem ku-kweya titole-m 2.-fuck self-you ‘fuck yourself’

eketa titolela e-keta titole-la 3.-fuck self-her/him ‘s/he fucks him-/herself’

esilumomona e-silumomona 3.-masturbate ‘he/she masturbates’ kukweya popu ‘you fuck shit’, i. e., ‘you have anal intercourse’

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Chapter 3

kukweya vivila/tauwau ‘you fuck girls/men’ kukwegu ku-kwe-gu 2-fuck-me ‘fuck me’ tokaylasi ‘adulterer’

nakaylasi ‘adulteress’

tokakayta ‘fucker (male)’

nakakayta ‘fucker (female)’

tokaytabwa ‘fucker (male)’

nakaytabwa ‘fucker (female)’

3. expressions referring to socially stigmatized homosexual behaviour: kusukwani kwigu/kwim/kwila ku-sukwani kwi-gu / kwi-m 2.-smell prick-my / prick-your ‘smell my prick / your prick / his prick’ kusukwami vigu / vim ‘smell my cunt / your cunt / her cunt’ kuviyuvali pwagu/poala ku-viyuvali pwa-gu 2.-kiss ass-my ‘kiss my ass / his ass’ kukweya pwagu / ‘(you) fuck my ass / his ass’ akeya pwam ‘I fuck your ass’ ketakusi homosexual male

/ /

poala

/ /

/

poa-la ass-his

kwi-la prick-his

vila

‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’

23

keta’usi homosexual female Malinowski (1929: 447 f.) pointed out that “the dissociation between sex and excretion … is very pronounced in native sentiment… sodomy is repugnant to natives”. This is still true these days. 4. expressions referring to bestiality: kukweya ka’ukwa/bunukwa/lekolekwa/pusa ‘fuck (a) dog/(a) pig/(a) cock/(a) hen/(a) cat’ There is no difference or gradation with respect to the seriousness of the respective insult. However, I would like to point out that these phrases are only used to insult men. 5. expressions referring to sexual disfunctions: totona kwila to-tona kwi-la CP.male-weak prick-his ‘his prick is weak’, i. e., ‘ he is impotent’ gala am mwomwona gala am mwomwona not your secretion ‘you do not get wet’, i. e., ‘you are (your vagina is) dry’ 6. expressions referring to illegitimate birth welova ‘bastard’ gala inala gala tamala gala ina-la gala tama-la not mother-his/her not father-his/her ‘s/he has no mother and no father’ latula ka’ukwa/bunukwa s/he is the child of a dog/pig

24

Chapter 3

I would like to emphasize here that these insults are not based on any missionary influence. As Malinowski (1929: 21; 195 ff) already pointed out, fatherless children are regarded as “unfortunate” or “bad” because they miss a father’s nursing and hugging, his general care. 7. expressions referring to excrements: kukwam popu ‘(you) eat shit’ (see 3.2.1.1 insult No. 6 above) popu okuva shit empty ‘shit empty (nothing else)’, i. e., ‘(you are) just shit’ apwesi kumum a-pwes ku-mum 1.-piss 2.-drinkl ‘I piss you drink’

kupwesi amum ku-pwesi a-mum 2.-piss 1.-drink ‘you piss I drink’

8. expressions referring to body parts: yokwa kwim mtona kwila ‘you (are) your prick’ ‘this man, he (is) his prick’ yokwa vim minana vila ‘you (are) your cunt’ ‘this woman, she (is) her cunt’ yokwa pwam mtona/minana pola ‘you (are) your ass’ ‘this man, he/this woman, s/he (is) his/her ass’ inam vila tamam kwila ‘your mother her cunt’ ‘your father his prick’ lumta vila bwadam kwila ‘your sister her cunt’ ‘your older brother his prick’ mwomwona kwim mwomwona vim ‘fluid/secretion (of) your prick’ ‘fluid/secretion (of) your cunt’ kenau kwim/vim ‘stale secretions (of) your prick/your cunt’ kepwasa kwim/vim ‘rotten (with sores is) your prick/your cunt’ (see Malinowski 1929: 482) kwepatu wim/kwim ‘closed your cunt/your prick’, i. e., ‘old female/male virgin’ kweibolabola wim ‘very big and large your cunt’

‘Biga gaga’ – ‘Bad speech’

25

kwim makala usi/nuya ‘your prick is like a banana/a coconut palm tree’ yokwa dakuna dabam ‘you stone your head’, i. e., ‘you are stubborn/stupid’ 9. expressions referring to animals: bunukwa pig

ka’ukwa dog

pusa cat

lekolekwa cock/hen

There is no difference or gradation with respect to the seriousness of the respective insult and these animal names are used to insult both men and women. All these insults are still known (and used) on the Trobriands. As Malinowki (1929: 487, see also 447, 567) pointed out, “[i]n all swearing the addition of the name of the person abused … adds considerably to the strength of the insult”. Besides the worst insults mentioned in 3.2.1.1 above, many of the other insults are quite serious, too, because they break important social and cultural taboos (see Malinowski 1929). There is only one context in which most of the insults and swear words mentioned in subsection 3.2.1.2 can be used without any serious consequences for the parties involved, namely in mocking insults and fights labelled as ‘sopa’ (see chapter 9).

Chapter 4 ‘Biga baloma/Biga tommwaya’ and ‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Speech of the spirits of the dead / Old peoples’ speech’ and ‘songs of the harvest festival’ This chapter first describes and characterizes the ‘Biga tommwaya/Biga baloma’, the ‘speech of the old people’ the ‘speech of the spirits of the dead’ and then illustrates this situational-intentional variety with the ‘Wosi milamala’, the ‘songs of the harvest festival’ that constitute this register.

4.1

‘Biga baloma / Biga tommwaya’ – ‘Speech of the spirits of the dead / Old people’s speech’

As mentioned in subsection 2.1.3, this archaic variety is very rarely used in everyday discourse and conversation. If words or phrases that are characteristic for this register are used in everyday interaction, they serve the function of sociolinguistic variables1 which indicate high status of the speaker. This situational-intentional variety is used in highly ritualized contexts. The register is constituted by specific songs, subsumed under the specific genre label ‘wosi milamala’ – ‘songs of the harvest festival’. They are sung during the harvest festivals and after the death of a Trobriander and during the first mourning ceremonies. The majority of these songs describe the carefree ‘life’ of the spirits of the dead in their ‘underworld paradise’ on Tuma Island (Malinowski 1916; Baldwin 1945; 1950). The Trobriand Islanders believe in an immortal ‘spirit’ – the ‘baloma’. After the death of a person the ‘baloma’ – together with another ‘spirit’ called ‘kosi’ – stays at her or his village until the dead body is buried. The ‘kosi’ monitors 1 Labov (1972: 237) states, “We may define a sociolinguistic variable as one which is correlated with some nonlinguistic variable of the social context: of the speaker, the addressee, the audience, the setting, etc. Some linguistic features (which we will call indicators) show a regular distribution over socioeconomic, ethnic, or age groups, but are used by each individual in more or less the same way in any context. If the social contexts concerned can be ordered in some kind of hierarchy (like socioeconomic or age groups), these indicators can be said to be stratified. More highly developed sociolinguistic variables (which we will call markers) not only show social distribution, but also stylistic differentiation”.

‘Biga baloma / Biga tommwaya’

27

the first mourning ceremonies; if the deceased is bewailed appropriately, this spirit also dies; however, if the ‘kosi’ finds some fault with the mourning ceremonies, the spirit will become immortal and punish the responsible people by playing nasty tricks on them or by even frightening them to death. After the burial the ‘baloma’ spirit – who resembles the deceased as an adolescent – has to leave her or his former village. The ‘baloma’ then swims to Tuma Island – following a route that is specific for the island where s/he lived. These routes come together at a relatively high coral reef at the southern tip of Tuma – they can be seen as breaks in the coral cliff. The routes end at a hole (with a diameter of approximately 25 cm), and this hole is the entrance to the Tuma underworld. The entrance is guarded by Topileta. Malinowski (1974: 121; 156) characterizes Topileta as a ‘culture hero’ and as ‘the headman of the villages of the dead’. According to my late consultant Tokunupei Topileta is one of the four children of the primordial father Tudava and his wife Moyetukwa. Every ‘baloma’ has to meet Topileta who will take her or him to a nearby coral stone that looks like a stalagmite. This stone is called ‘gilela va sopi’. There is a tiny mould on top of this stone which is always filled with a little bit of water. Topileta wets his finger with this water and wipes his wet finger over the eyes of the ‘baloma’ who then can see the Tuma underworld and may enter it. However, Topileta first asks for a small gift, usually a betelnut (that is put under the tongue of every deceased before the burial); if the guardian deals with a very beautiful female ‘baloma’, he may also ask her for some sexual favours. The ‘baloma’ enjoy a carefree ‘life’ in eternal youth; in the Tuma underworld food is available in abundance – the ‘baloma’ do not have to work for it; like the unmarried young people the ‘baloma’ enjoy an extremely free sexual life always ready, willing and able to have a new love affair (see Malinowski 1929). Moreover, the male ‘baloma’ also engage in Kula expeditions where they ritually exchange Kula-valuables – like the living Trobriand Islanders do (see Malinowski 1922). If a ‘baloma’ is bored with this kind of living, he or she may swim back to the Trobriand Islands and enter the body of a carelessly bathing clans-woman who will give birth to the child she conceived in this way.2 The ‘baloma’ speak their own language variety –the ‘biga baloma’ or ‘biga tommwaya’. Magical formulae also represent many features of the ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ register. However, because other features are also constitutive for these formulae, the Trobriand Islanders classify them as constituting a variety of their own, namely the ‘biga megwa’ – the ‘magic speech’ register (see chapter 5). Both 2

For a different account of the ‘baloma’ and the role of Topileta see Malinowski (1974); for the discussion of the ‘virgin birth’ controversy see Senft (1999a: 15 ff; 2006).

28

Chapter 4

magical formulae and songs have been passed on from generation to generation with the immanent claim to preserve their linguistic form. The majority of the people citing these magical formulae and singing these songs do not or no longer understand their semantic content, their meaning.

4.2

‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs (of the) harvest festival’ (‘songs for mourning’)

The ‘wosi milamala’ – the songs of the harvest festival that are also sung after the death of a Trobriander and during the first mourning ceremonies – constitute the ‘biga baloma/biga tommwaya’ variety. These songs are sung in this archaic variety of Kilivila.3 Only very few of the elderly living on the Trobriand Islands still know the meaning of these songs; however, they are still passed on from members of the older to a few interested members of the younger generation. Thus, this genre is highly in danger of getting lost in – and for – the Trobriand culture. For the Trobriand Islanders, the most important event in the course of the year is still the period of the harvest festivals that were first described by Malinowski (1935; see also Senft1996c: 385 ff). This period is called ‘milamala’ and – according to my observations on Kaile’una Island up to the mid 1990s – it may last for almost three months. Till then, the actual time in which the Trobriand Islanders celebrate the ‘milamala’-period differed in four geographical districts. The ‘milamala’ is first celebrated on Kitava Island, then – one month later each – in the Northern part of Kiriwina Island, then in the Southern half of Kiriwina and the outlying islands, and finally on Vakuta Island. However, since the mid 1990s the ‘milamala’ harvest festival has been cut down by the Milne Bay Government to just one day (and one night) only! After getting in the yams harvest, the Trobriand Islanders open the ‘milamala’ period of harvest festivals with a cycle of festive dances accompanied by drums and songs – the ‘wosi milamala’. Based on the decision of the village chief, the important garden magicians, and the expert dancing instructor the villagers – in a food distribution called ‘katukaula’ – formally present yams, taro, sweet potatoes, fish, sugar-cane, and betel-nuts to the ‘baloma’, the ‘spirits of the dead’ (Malinowski 1916) just be-

3

I would like to note here that Barwick et al. (2005) also report about a “song” language in Iwaijda, (an Australian Aboriginal language) that is different from everyday spoken Iwaijda.

‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs (of the) harvest festival’ (‘songs for mourning’)

29

fore sunrise. They believe that the ‘baloma’ leave their ‘underworld paradise’ on Tuma Island and visit their former villages. Then most men and some girls dress up carefully in their traditional clothes. The girls wear their so-called ‘grass-skirts’ (‘doba’) that are made out of fibres of banana leaves. The men wear their traditional loin-cloth (mwebua), made out of the bark of the betel-palm; however, in addition they also wear ‘grass-skirts’ which were given to them by the female kinsmen of their wives. Although the men in this matrilinear culture are not related whatsoever with these persons, they wear the skirts to honour this group and to show that their marriage has created a bond with these people. Thus, this skirt can also be understood as a sign indicating the good marital relationships between the respective men and their wives – as a woman’s ability to contribute bundles and skirts to every exchange during a certain mourning ritual is a public statement of her husband’s support and wealth (Weiner 1976: 198) – because the “major responsibility of a man to his wife is to provision her with additional wealth” in ‘doba’ (Weiner 1976: 197). All the dancers – the ‘towosi’ – decorate their faces with asymmetrical ornaments in red, white and black colours which are made out of betelnuts, chalk and charcoal respectively. They anoint their bodies with coconut oil and an essence made out of fragrant herbs and afterwards sprinkle their torsi with yellow leaves taken from the blossoms of a certain tree. They all wear white feathers of cockatoos in their carefully combed hair and armlets made of natural fibres on their upper arms which emphasize the men’s muscles and frame the girls’ breasts – thus increasing the physical beauty of the persons. Some of the dancers also wear necklaces – the so-called ‘bagi’ made out of the red parts of the spondylus shell -, tortoise-shell earrings (paya), and boars’ tusks (doga). Moreover, some men also wear belts made of small white kauri-shells around their waists, knees and/or foot-ankles (bunadoga, luluboda, kwepitapatila). Most of these adornments do not only mark the wealth of their bearers but also their status within the highly stratified Trobriand society with its clans and subclans (see Weiner: 1976, 237 f). After some final magical rites, where the dancers’ relatives or the dance master of the village whisper magical spells on their body to make them dance more gracefully, the dancers gather at the centre of the village, where in the meantime a group of mostly elderly men, some with drums and some with long sticks, has gathered. As soon as this group starts to sing and drum, the dancers start dancing in circles around them. The drummers – the ‘towosi kesosau’ – have three different types of drums: small ones, the ‘katunenia’, which signal changes in drum rhythms and dance movements, drums of medium length, the ‘kupi’, and long drums, the ‘kesosau’. The ‘wosi milamala’ are intoned and

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ended in a very specific way. They consist of verses with two or up to 9 lines each; they are repeated ad libitum and they have a very characteristic melody. The singing and dancing may last for more than three hours. As already mentioned above, the ‘milamala’ songs are sung in the language of the ‘baloma’ (which represents the speech of the ancestors, the ‘old people’) as a salute to the ‘spirits of the dead’ and to honour and celebrate them (see Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Senft 1991; Senft 2003). The songs are a verbal manifestation of the Trobrianders’ belief in an immortal spirit – the ‘baloma’ – that lives in a kind of ‘paradise’ in the ‘underworld’ of Tuma Island (see 4.1 above; also Malinowski 1916). The songs very poetically and quite erotically describe the ‘life’ of the spirits of the dead in their Tuma Island ‘paradise’. As stated above, the Trobriand Islanders believe that these spirits can be reborn; moreover, they can also visit their former villages, and they all do this regularly during the ‘milamala’ period. During these visits the ‘baloma’ control whether the villagers living there now still know how to garden, how to celebrate a good harvest, and how to behave even while celebrating exuberantly. “Depending on whether or not they are pleased with what they see, the spirits enhance or hinder the next year’s production” of yams (Damon 1982: 231). Together with the above mentioned ‘katukaula’ food distribution for the spirits of the dead, the ‘wosi milamala’ and the song-accompanying dances mark the official beginning of the ‘milamala’ period of harvest-festivals. However, till the mid 1990s the ‘wosi milamala’ were not only sung to open the harvest-festivals, but they were also sung in the late evenings, and sometimes they formed the transition from one day to the other in the course of the (traditional, i. e. pre-mid 1990s) ‘milamala’ period. This period was characterized by conviviality, flirtation and amorous adventures. During such festive periods, social norms, rules and regulations were interpreted in a more liberal and generous way than otherwise. This may have led to jealousy and rivalry that – in escalation – may even have threatened the community. However, as my consultants told me, the ‘wosi milamala’ served the function to prevent such a development. The songs reminded the Trobrianders of the presence of the ‘baloma’ and of the social norms that are valid even for the spirits of the dead ‘living’ in their ‘paradise’. Thus the guardians of the norms of the past are present – checking whether this past is still present in their former villages. The ‘baloma’ must not be offended by unseemly and indecent behaviour – and this includes, e. g., jealousy amongst bachelors. Keeping this in mind, the Trobrianders must control their behaviour – especially their emotions, because nobody would dare to offend the spirits of the dead. Thus, the ‘past’ is present during the ‘milamala’-period, and the ‘present’ during this period is deeply anchored in, and needs to be similar to, the ‘past’. The singing of the ‘wosi milamala’ as-

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sures the community that there is a virtually transcendental regulative controlling its members’ behaviour and thus warding off developments that may turn out to be dangerous for the community. If we define “ritual communication” as a type of strategic action that serves the functions of social bonding and of blocking aggression, and that can ban elements of danger which may affect the community’s social harmony – within the verbal domain, at least – just by verbalizing these elements of danger more or less explicitly and by bringing them up for discussion (Senft 1991: 246), then these songs can be regarded – from an etic point of view, of course, – as a special form of “ritual communication”. The important function of the ‘wosi milamala’ with respect to rituals in the Trobriand society becomes evident if we take into consideration that they are also sung – without the song accompanying drumming, though – after the death of a Trobriander and during the first mourning ceremonies (see Weiner 1976; Senft 1985c). As mentioned above, the Trobriand Islanders believe that the ‘baloma’ of dead persons stay with their relatives until the burial of the corpse before they go to Tuma Island. This eschatological ‘fact’ is the link between mourning ritual and harvest festival. On the basis of this belief the function of these songs in the mourning ritual can be interpreted as follows: The songs – especially those songs that describe the carefree ‘life’ of the spirits of the dead in their Tuma ‘paradise’ – may ease the ‘baloma’s’ grief of parting; moreover, the songs should also console the bereaved, reminding them of the fact that dying is just a “rite de passage” (van Gennep 1909), a transition from one form of existence to another. Here the songs remind the Trobriand Islanders that the ‘present’ as well as the ‘future’ is anchored in the ‘past’; moreover, for the ‘baloma’, the spirit of a dead person, the ‘future’ is not at all different from the ‘past’. Life in the Tuma underworld is always the same. There is just a ‘present’. After a few days in the Tuma underworld the ‘baloma’ forget their ‘past’; and it is only when the ‘baloma’ get tired of their carefree life in Tuma and think of getting reborn that a ‘future’ opens up for them. Referring to this common knowledge coded in the community’s religious superstructure, the songs sung in the ‘biga baloma’ variety of Kilivila contribute to channel and control emotions during the mourning ceremonies and to maintain the bonds between members of the community that is stricken with a case of death, because they permit a “distanced reenactment of situations of emotional distress” (Scheff 1977: 488). This last quote summarizes Scheff’s attempt to define the concept ‘ritual’, by the way. We can summarize that the ‘wosi milamala’ are not only sung at extraordinary occasions, but that they themselves can also be regarded as an extraordinary form of ritual communication which secures the construction of the society’s social reality (Berger, Luckmann 1966) on the basis of its norm-controlling and bonding functions.

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Moreover, this form of ritual communication also preserves in a very specific way culture in oral tradition. Before I present examples of these songs, I just want to finish the description of the ‘milamala’-festival with a brief remark on how the end of this period is still officially and publicly marked. As to my observations of the complete ‘milamala’-period in Tauwema village on Kaile’una Island the festivals end with the villagers’, especially the youngsters’, chasing the spirits of the dead back to their Tuma underworld by throwing stones, sand, and even rotten coconuts and yams towards the invisible ‘baloma’. The ‘past’ which was present up till then in the conscience, in the life, of the Trobriand Islanders is thus chased away. This rite that finishes the festive ‘milamala’ period (or rather: the festive ‘milamala’ day and night these days) clearly signifies that ordinary time with its clear separation between ‘past’, ‘present’ and ‘future’ will take over again. In my corpus of Kilivila data I have documented 22 song cycles with 204 stanzas (including cycles with 2 and cycles with 33 stanzas). Till the middle of the 1960s the Trobriand Islanders also used this genre to communicate news to their deceased. However, as mentioned above, most of these songs describe the ‘life’ of the spirit of the dead in their Tuma underworld ‘paradise’. The following three ‘wosi milamala’ cycles illustrate this genre. In the examples given here I have ordered the stanzas in such a way that the story told in each cycle emerges. With the exception of one occasion when a few days after the death of Mwasei my consultants Bulasa, Bwetadou, Mobiliuya, Mokivola, Kalivabu and Kapatu came to my house in Tauwema in June 1997 to sing ‘wosi milamala’ for me, I never heard ‘wosi milamala’ cycles song with ordered stanzas – especially not during the actual period of the ‘milamala’ festival. The fact that the informed Trobriander immediately assigns a story to a stanza belonging to a specific ‘wosi milamala’ cycle further highlights the aspect of ‘insider knowledge’ that is intertwined with this genre. The first cycle illustrating the ‘wosi milamala’ is called ‘wosi pilugwana’; my consultants no longer know the meaning of ‘pilugwana’ (see Senft 2003: 292): ‘Wosi Pilugwana’ (1) Vadenisa Bwiyariga yakayobu yamvedoku. (2) Kapisina Kwe’ineoli gidiviligu Ne’oli.

‘Pilugwana’ Song They go with Bwiyariga, Yakayobu-herbs smell – and there’s humming. Pain causes Kwe’ineoli, the love magic, pain – and change in the course of time – the love magic Ne’oli.

‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs (of the) harvest festival’ (‘songs for mourning’)

(3) Kumidorigu mweyuva – mamidorim mweyuva – vana – simgeori. (4) Sogu Yaurivori ka’uvamapu – maka’i kakamapu mabwita. (5) Natokwabu ugwarai – nukulibusa Pilugwana. (6) Kemyovau, ugwenegu – bakana’ira o papala.

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My hot spice – how good is that, what a hot spice – and sweet smelling herbs – very fresh. Beloved Yaurivori we meet each other – words of love, we exchange our wreaths of flowers. Natokwabu goes there she halts – you push it out to the sea the canoe Pilugwana. New canoe, my canoe – soon I will lie on the outrigger platform.4

‘Bweyariga’, ‘Yaurivori’, and ‘Natokwabu’ are the names of deceased women who ‘live’ as spirits of the dead in the Tuma underworld ‘paradise’. In a very typical way this song describes the erotic affairs of the ‘baloma’ and the important role love magic and sweet smelling herbs and flowers play for getting engaged in these love affairs. The next song cycle is called ‘Wosi Oruvekoya’; ‘Oruvekoya’ is the name of a place which is near the fresh water grotto ‘Tuyabwau’ in the bush close to the village Tauwema: Wosi Oruvekoya (1) Kwatuyavesa waga, rakeda milaveta. (2) Igineda – igibwau, kwatura’ema tevau. (3) Kwatuyavesa waga, rakeda milaveta. (4) Isirara – Namgereva – budibudi. 4

‘Oruvekoya’ Song Turn round the canoe’s sail, its road is to the open sea. Our wind – it is very strong, it blows us off the land men. Turn round the canoe’s sail, its road is to the open sea. A girl with two men – Namgereva – island far away.

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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Kaugepwasa waga nagega milaveta. (5) Kusiunisa ina, bukagonusa buita. Bisuya, Namirumeru, biruveyem kunugu. (6) Kumnabegu ina, kusiunisa tau. Bukwasana guwosi. Bigoegu vaponu. (7) Mbutumgwa venu, miliobu – vaogu, bokone’isa tau, kusiunegu siporu. (8) Sikevai nubegu, mkwebwau urata, rokumavai va’ogu bidam valuekoya. (9) [Kaila: Sikevai nubegu kwatudelisa napunuponu kulimatusa biga. Basikemrura, bivanisegu tadou. Okunevotu bukwiyayema tevau. Mkwebwau urata, rokumevai vavogu bidam varuvekoya. [end of the ‘Kaila’] (10) Kwatupelemgwa venu, be’ura’emgwa nogu, okega’ila nogu, bimyegu unata.

The wrecking of the canoe we wonder about it at the open sea. You sit together girls. you make wreaths of flowers. She will string the flowers, Namirumeru, she will put it in her hair. You stay with me girls, you stay with the men. You will like my song. He’ll cry for me with joy between waves and sand. The noise of the village, Miliobu-yamshouse – my body, they will look for the man you sit and sing songs. Their flirting my friend, the singing of the young men, her liking of my body it will get quiet at Valuekoya. ‘Kaila’ (joining part of the song)] Their flirting, my friend you walk in line young girls, you use the (right) language. I will sit between the two points, she will refute me (Bwe-)Tadou. In front of the beach you will love the men. Your singing young men, her liking of my body it will be quiet at Varuvekoya.

You change the place of your village, it will open my mind, it will change my mind, she whispers to me young man.

‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs (of the) harvest festival’ (‘songs for mourning’)

(11) Kapisim gwadi, bakina koya. Yoyuvanogu varam, gunuvenu.

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I am sorry child, I will see the mountain. My mind remembers the crying, my village.5

This song cycle describes the grief of a young man’s ‘baloma’ having just arrived in a village in the Tuma underworld. The man’s name is Bwetadou. He died in a shipwreck and bewails the loss of his girl friend. He is still between the two worlds – the world of the living and the world of the dead. He knows that his girl friend cannot but refute him now as a lover and that she will have love affairs with other men. When she changes her village he will know that she has married another men. Then he will change his mind and turn towards the ‘baloma’ girls in the Tuma underworld. He feels sorry about what has happened and what will happen – and he still remembers how he was bewailed obviously only a few days ago at his village. The ‘kaila –part of the song that consists of a stanza of 9 lines can be glossed as ‘joining part’; it serves a function that can best be compared to the ‘refrain’ in European songs. The last example of a ‘wosi milamala’ song cycle is called ‘Wosi Onegava’ – ‘The songs of the canoe Onegava’: Wosi Onegava (1) Setoyegu inagu, ilamgu Bweyova, laveyami gukwauya. (2) Sana unumwedudu venu – magubweyava – yobu nitugwai. (3) Iyogibu tamagu, bavadara gubua, okasana bomatu. (4) Masaguma vana, okeoli nemya. 5

Songs of the canoe Onegava I wish my mother was here, I cry for Boyowa (= Kiriwina Island), you decorated my basket. Pointing to tobacco and venu-herbs – my belongings – and caring for my child. He is sad my father, I stroll around with my betelnut, we will reunite in the North. I put them in my armband, the herbs, the Keoli-herbs in the Nemya-armband.

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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(5) Vana bivoli vom. (6) Bavasaki gubwuita, egaega bomatu, vavoligu vivila. (7) Bwerara – magubwuita – bweyava o kunugu, bwenisi vivinai. (8) Iva’oli vivina, ivarara bomatu, ivatusi vagana. (9) Kominegu tamagu, mivetupa – unata – veyumegu nubegu. (10) Venubegu Voli, inubegu Voli! (11) Kasabava mwana migina ya’uverara. (12) Varara – To’unata – bikasa o migim. Bwenisi – kegayobu. (13) Rabige’utu bwadagu, rabigebwena rivana – bigideyobu – nuagu. (14) Bikamapu tabugu, bikatoi varam, vasanegu biponu.

Vana-herbs they will touch your body. I pick my wreath of flowers, the earth quakes in the North, my wife – a girl. Blossoming soon – my wreathe of flowers – he puts it on my head, they like him the girls. He goes to her, to the girl, she hides in the North, he knows her at the beach. I quarrel with my fate my father, unrequited love – this man – he comes back with my girl-friend. My friend Voli, my friend Voli! Get in rows for the dance, for the game faces – pandanus-leaves flutter in the wind. She is hiding – To’unata in the row with the others he will appear before you. He is beautiful – good words. His speech my brother, his well chosen words they will hurt me – I know. We two will be one my friend, her crying continues, he gives me the betelnut.

‘Wosi milamala’ – ‘Songs (of the) harvest festival’ (‘songs for mourning’)

(15) Ulivorigu bwena, m’kwegamya wosi. (16) Kegamya vivina, keganena vatova, nemvemya guwosi. (17) Kegamya Vevara, kegimwedudu Bomatu. (18) Mikevana verara, mikamya Bomatu – bukweganisa va baku. (19) Mikevana – vivina – mikamya – varam – kweganisa gu’osi. (20) Mikeyobu vina, kumisa wosi, yamwemya, vana. (21) Inekudu ineoli, titavagu – buva – banagisa Tuma! (22) Bigideoli, tau. Bigidemapu – vana. (23) Veyobu – kagu kauya – vadudu vivina, vetaki o migim! (24) Kuvadunu – tuagu – vasanegu kiyaya – bavetaki vamwana!

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My body is beautiful, you are humming a song. Humming girl, the air begins, she is practising my song. Humming in Vevara, whispering in the North. Your singing in Vevara, your humming in the North – they will not like it in the midst of their village. Your singing – girl – your humming – tears – they decline my song. You carry the children, you girls, you practise singing the songs, you sway your hips, herbs are in your armbands. To bind the bunch of herbs – they are moved, I long for her – my betelnut – I will go there and see: Tuma! She longs for him, for the man. He wants her – sweet smelling herbs in the armband. Veyobu – my little basket – walking with the girls, playing the game – your face is so beautiful! Come you two – you friends – I give what I have – I like playing this game!

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(25) Butula Onegova. M’yegu. Bonokum todeni, ivina’i tokasa okwadeva. (26) Basila o negova, bakipu keurata, bakau akwemya! (27) Vatoa kagu kauya – vadudu agu mwali – yevata o kwadeva.

This is the song of the canoe Onegava. The wind blows. With herbs in their armbands, there they are standing, the girls, in a row they are standing at the beach. I will sit in the canoe, I will count the crew, I will dare it and I hum my song! Putting down my basket – they come for my mwali-shells – they watch them there at the beach.6

Again, this song cycle describes the carefree, festive and erotic life of the ‘baloma’ in the Tuma underworld paradise and mentions a Kula expedition. I do not want to further interpret this ‘wosi milamala’ cycle. I want to emphasize though, that every native speaker of Kilivila hearing these songs (or reading a text like this one with the lyrics transcribed) will immediately recognize that these songs are sung in the ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ register of Kilivila – despite the fact that most of the native speakers can no longer understand what is said in these songs (– as pointed out in section 4.1 above). Thus, this genre and with it the ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ register of Kilivila as a whole is highly endangered – if not already moribund.7 The ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ variety is so different from the Kilivila spoken these days that I cannot give morpheme-interlinearized transcriptions of the texts. The English glosses presented here are the result of working together with consultants who sang these songs and those who still knew their meaning. They provided me with modern Kilivila paraphrases for each and every songline – and my English glosses of these songs are based on these paraphrases. Finally, I just want to note that the verbal expression ‘-keosi-’ – ‘to sing (and dance)’ refers especially to the singing of the ‘wosi milamala’ during the harvest festival, but also to other songs that are accompanied by dances, like, e. g., the ‘wosi gugwadi’, the ‘wosi gilikiti’ and the ‘mweki’ or ‘tapiokwa wosi’ 6 7

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand I want to point out again that ever since the mid 1990s the harvest festival – a period formally lasting between six weeks and almost three months – has been reduced by the local Kiriwina Community Council (in cooperation with the Milne Bay Provincial Government) to one day only (!).

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(see 9.2.5.1, 9.2.5.4, and 9.2.7.4 below). The verbal expressions ‘-osi-’ and ‘-usiwosi-’ – ‘sing’ refer to singing in general. At the end of this chapter I would like to point out once more that only the anthropological-linguistic reconstruction of the knowledge codified and narrated in a very specific register opens up the Trobriand Islanders’ collectively joint religious knowledge and their ‘weltanschaung’ for any outside observer. Trobriand eschatology is codified in a specific register, namely in the ‘biga tommwaya / biga baloma’; the insider with a true interest in, and knowledge of, the register constituting genre ‘wosi milamala’ will learn much more about the mythic and timeless connections that constitute the Trobriand meaning of life than someone who may have heard as a child about the existence of the ‘baloma’ and their ‘life’ in the Tuma ‘underworld’ but otherwise may be indifferent with respect to these eschatological matters.8

8

For further examples of ‘wosi milamala’ see Baldwin (1945; 1950), Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Senft (1991). I would also like to mention here that the ‘sawila’, the ‘harvest shouts’ are shouted in the ‘biga tommwaya’ variety, too; nevertheless, the Trobriand Islanders unequivocally classify them as one of the constituting genres of the ‘biga sopa’ variety (see section 9.2.8 below).

Chapter 5 ‘Biga megwa’ and ‘megwa’ – ‘Magic speech’ and ‘magical formulae’ This chapter first describes and characterizes the ‘Biga megwa’, the ‘magic speech’ and then illustrates this situational-intentional variety with ‘megwa’, with ‘magical formulae’ that constitute this register.

5.1

‘Biga megwa’ – ‘Magic speech’

As mentioned in section 4.1 above, this language variety is very similar and closely related to the ‘biga tommwaya / biga baloma’ variety. The variety not only encompasses archaic words and syntactic constructions, but also socalled magical words and loan words from other Austronesian languages the meaning of which is unknown to the layman (- and sometimes even to the magician); there are also many words and expressions the semantics of which are only known to the owners of these formulae (see Malinowski 1935, Vol. II; Senft 1985d; 1997a; 2001a). Malinowski contrasts this variety which he calls ‘megwa la biga’ (‘magic its speech’) with ordinary speech, to which he refers with the label ‘livala la biga’ (‘speech its language, spoken (everyday) language’; see Malinowski 1935, Vol. II: 225). This variety is highly situation dependent, of course, and the magical formulae – ‘megwa’ – that constitute this register are characterized by a number of stylistic features and devices like for example alliterations, anaphora, rhymes, repetitions, metaphors, allegro rules, onomatopoetic words, and by a very special rhythm of their own. Trobrianders differentiate between various forms of magic. All these specific forms of magic have their special magical formulae. Although these formulae quite often also have specific names, they are all subsumed under the genre label ‘megwa’. 5.2

‘Megwa’ – ‘Magical formulae’

The expression ‘megwa’ or its more archaic variant ‘migavela’ can be glossed as ‘magic, magical formula, spell’. There is another archaic noun – ‘kema’ – that can also be glossed as ‘magic, spell’. The Trobrianders differentiate between various forms of magic; they know weather magic, black magic, healing magic, garden magic, fishing magic, dance magic, beauty magic, love magic, sailing and canoe magic, smoke magic, carving magic and magic against theft,

‘Megwa’ – ‘Magical formulae’

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earthquakes, witches, and sharks. Most of the various forms of magic and most magical formulae have special labels in Kilivila, like, e. g., the death magic ‘tiginuvayu’, the love magical formulae ‘kasina, koivaga, sulumveyuva’, the smoke magic ‘kegau’, the carving magic ‘kwegiva’elu’, the magic to prevent the theft of betelnuts ‘silami’, the counter magic against sickness ‘yuvisa’, and the health magic ‘kaikakaya’. As pointed out elsewhere (Senft 1997b), the Trobriand Islanders have always been famous for being great magicians (see, e. g., Malinowski 1922, 1935, 1974; Powell 1957, 1960; Weiner 1976, 1983, 1988). Until recently all Trobriand Islanders used magical formulae to reach certain aims with the firm conviction that they can thus influence and control nature and the course of, and events in, their lives. The magical formula is the most important part of the magical rite(s). Besides the knowledge of how to perform the magical rite, the possession of the magical formulae guarantees that the desired effect of the magic will come true.1 There are specialists for certain kinds of magic. All magic is regarded as personal property. There is the basic belief that magic came to the Trobriand Islands together with the first ancestors of the four clans.2 In the matrilineal Trobriand society individuals inherit magic either, and most general, from their matrilineal relatives, or get it from their fathers or from specialists. In general, experts like for example master-carvers, weavers, canoe-builders, sail-makers, healers, etc., accept apprentices and pass their skills on to these apprentices together with the magic that goes or may go with their special skills. The Trobriand Islanders differentiate between – magicians in general, the ‘tomegwa’ – ‘male magician’ or ‘namegwa’ – ‘female magician’ or ‘towosi’ – male chanter of magic’ or ‘nawosi’ – ‘female chanter of magic’, – sorcerers, the ‘bwagau’ or ‘tobubwagau/nabubwagau’ – male/female sorcerers, the experts in ‘black magic’ in general, and – the flying witches, the ‘munukwausa’ the experts in ‘black magic’ in particular. The following phrases refer to the activities of magicians: epaisewa megwa s/he is working (with her/his) magic, emegwa s/he is doing magic, 1

I want to note here that this is completely in accord with what Malinowski (1974) and Cassirer say about magic (see e. g., Cassirer 1994a: 65; 1994b: 253, 265; see also 1994c: 79, 127, 142). For a discussion of Malinowski’s understanding of magic see Kippenberg (1987: 23–31); also Tambiah (1985: 33 f.). 2 For the intimate connection between magic and myth see subsection 8.2.4 below.

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ekasilam / ekapekwani / emigai megwa ekauke’ula megwa

s/he is whispering magic, s/he is carrying/wielding magic.

The first two phrases refer to the magical ritual as a whole and in general, and the last two phrases refer to the recitation of the magical formula in particular. Moreover, there are a number of expressions that refer to how the magicians and sorcerers perform their magic: among other things they can ‘emigamegwa yokwa’ s/he puts a spell on you; bewitch someone or something: ‘ebugwau yokwa’ s/he bewitches you; foretell something: ‘ekebigibogi yowai’ s/he foretells war; speak their magical formulae over leaves ‘eyopoi megwa’ s/he speaks magic over leaves; put a spell on a canoe whipping it with a string to make it faster ‘elepa waga’ s/he puts a spell on a canoe; perform wind magic spitting ‘epulapula yagila‘ s/he spits wind magic; heal with their magic ‘ekatumova’, s/he heals with magic, ‘evigikwalem’ s/he tries healing magic on you; pick leaves for health magic and then perform the magical rite with them ‘eyoudali’ s/he performs healing magic with leaves.

– put a spell on someone or something: – – – –

– –

–

While reciting – or rather whispering and murmuring – magical formulae, the magician’s accentuation of the words and phrases creates a special and characteristic rhythm. The short but clearly audible pauses the magician makes while reciting the formulae can be interpreted as text formation signals. Malinowski (1935: 213) and Weiner (1983: 703) rightly praised the phonetic, rhythmic, alliterative, onomatopoetic and metaphorical effects, the various repetitions and the thus prosodically so specific characteristics of the language of magic. It is especially the phonetic, suprasegmental and poetic characteristics that mark the special status of magical formulae as a genre of its own. Moreover, as pointed out in section 5.1 above, with the majority of these formulae we find socalled magical words (– magical and not ‘sacred’ words as Tambiah (1985: 25)

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refers to them in a strange mixing up of ‘paradigms’ –) , names (of the formula or its former owners), things (like feathers and spears) and references (to the moon, to animals, to rivers, and taboos) the meaning of which are completely unknown even to the magicians themselves. This is the reason why Malinowski pointed out the “two-fold character” of the language of magic characterized by “the coefficients of weirdness and intelligibility” (Malinowski 1974: 231). Thus Tambiah’s (1985: 35) claim that “Trobriand magical language is intelligible language” has to be refuted as only partly true (see also Malinowski 1935 II: 224, Schmitz 1975: 97 f.).3 It is true that there are parts in a magical formula that are easy to understand; however, this does not hold for the magical formula as a whole. This observation, the specific formal and stylistic characteristics of the magical formulae mentioned so far and the fact that the Trobrianders themselves differentiate the ‘biga megwa’ register from other situational-intentional varieties settles the issue “whether magical speech … is a different genre from ordinary speech” as it was raised by Tambiah (1990: 80). For the Trobriand Islanders the ‘biga megwa’ is certainly different from ordinary speech, otherwise they would not mark it explicitly in their metalanguage. Moreover, this concept also proofs what Tambiah (1985: 34) attempts to deny so vigorously, namely that “the primitive has … the magical attitude to words”. Malinowski rightly “affirmed the truth of this classical assertion” – and both linguistic and ethnographic facts here confirm Malinowski’s insights and at the same time contradict once more one of so many theories that finally aim to criticize the findings of the great pioneer of ethnography.4 3

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If the magical language reads intelligible for someone who is not familiar with Kilivila and therefore only reads and relies on the field researcher’s glosses, it is the merit of the field researcher and his (or her) familiarity with the language and his (or her) cooperation with the consultants that made it possible to come up with intelligible glosses. Tambiah’s argument that I am refuting here runs as follows: “The basic fallacy of linguists and philosophers who search for the origins of the magical attitude to words is their prior assumption and acceptance that the primitive has in fact such an attitude. This axiom they have derived principally from Frazer, and indeed from Malinowski, who had affirmed the truth of this classical assertion on the basis of his fieldwork” (Tambiah 1985: 34). I cannot refrain from thinking that here as well as with his rather unqualified statement quoted and already refuted above that “Trobriand magical language is intelligible language” (Tambiah 1985: 35) Tambiah sounds like an “armchair” anthropologist who tries to criticize the fieldworker on the basis of an assumed better theory. Although we all know that this famous anthropologist can look back to long periods of field research in various and different fields and has contributed widely to anthropological theory, it remains a mystery to me why he – like so many outstanding anthropologists – tries to find faults with

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Expert magicians perform their rites on request and they expect betelnuts, yams, tobacco, and nowadays money for their services. Usually, magicians have to observe food taboos at least a day before they start with their rites and while they perform them. They get their compensation after they have finished their rituals. The fame of a magician depends on his or her success, of course. And this success is believed to basically depend on the magicians’ strict observance of taboos that go with their magic – the magical rites have to follow and obey clearly defined conventions and rules – and on the correct reciting of the respective formula which has to be stereotypically recalled, remembered, and literally reproduced by the acting magicians. The formulae inherited from the powerful ancestors will not have the desired effect if the magician does not always recite them in the same unchanged wording in which they were passed to the Islanders by their first ancestors. The only other possible and acceptable explanation for a magician’s failure is the fact that he or she may have worked unknowingly in competition with another magician’s more powerful magic. Thus; the effect of the formulae are based on the power and the will of the magician and his or her magical formula. Most formulae emphasize these powers explicitly. The magicians control the powers of nature by their own magical power and expertise which are manifest in the magical formulae they inherited from their ancestors. With respect to magic on the Trobriands Tambiah’s (1985: 81) statement that it “is inappropriate to subject these performative rites to verification” is completely off the point. The work of magicians, especially when they perform their magical rites for the community or for an individual, are minutely monitored – and status, prestige, and “face” of magicians are solely dependent on their success. The magicians direct all magical formulae towards specific addressees. Among these addressees are things, natural powers, substances, spirits, and animals, like, for example, water, magical- and whet-stones, bodies, clouds, yam-seedlings and -plants, sweet-potatoes, teeth of animals, pieces of wood, spirits, crocodiles, wild pigs, and wild dogs (see Senft 1997a). All these addressees are personalized in the respective formulae. Some of these addressees are mediating substances (Tambiah 1985: 41) that – like go-betweens – take up the verbal assertions of the formulae, pass them on, and convey them to, the final recipient of the magic. All formulae pursue certain aims which they will reach either by ordering and commanding their addressees to do or change something, or by foretelling changes, processes, and developments that are necessary for reaching these Malinowski by all means and at any costs. The master may have interpreted this as a kind of Freudian patricide…

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aims, or by just describing the conditions and effects at which the formulae aim. Malinowski (1974: 74) characterized this aspect of magic as follows: “… it is the use of words which invoke, state, or command the desired aim”. About 60 years later Tambiah (1985: 60, 78) connected this observation with Austin’s speech act theory (Austin 1962) and rightly called these verbal acts “illocutionary” or “performative” acts. The speech situation in which magicians on the Trobriand Islands find themselves engaged is special, indeed. According to my consultants and to all the magicians that presented me with, or sold me, their formulae, the act of “whispering, carrying, or saying the magic” (see above) is not a monological activity. On the contrary, the magicians engage in a kind of conversation with their addressee(s). For the Trobriand magicians the addressees of their formulae have to behave like partners in a conversation (see Senft 1985d: 88), at least they have to take over the function of listeners – because the power of the magical words just force them to do this. Thus, all formulae personalize their addressees. According to my Trobriand consultants the interactants in the communicative situation of magic are the magician on the one side and the intermediate and/or mediate addressees of the magical formula on the other side. The magicians address their ‘vis-à-vis’ verbally – and the addressees then have to react nonverbally. That is to say: the addressees of the formulae either have to support and to fulfill the orders and commands they hear in the formula and they have to see that the described aims of the formula will be reached, or they will not react to the magician’s formula because the addressees either have to obey the power and will of another magician’s stronger and more powerful formula or because the magician has broken a taboo or made a mistake in reciting the formula and therefore could not succeed to force the power of his or her magic on the respective addressees. Thus, whether the communication between the magicians and their addressees is successful or not – from the point of view of the magician, of course – is completely dependent on the nonverbal reaction of the verbally addressed. From the Trobrianders’, the emic, point of view, the performance of magic is always a communicative event characterized by a verbalnonverbal conversation between magician and personalized addressee (regardless whether the addressee is animate or inanimate). To summarize this – emic – view once more: the Trobriand magician talks to an addressee, the addressee listens and reacts, and therefore both are engaged in a special type of conversation. Thus, Trobriand magic uses language “as a symbolic means of inducing cooperation in beings that by nature respond to symbols” – as Burke (1969: 43) pointed out (see Tambiah 1990:82). However, for the Trobriander the definition of these “beings that by nature respond to symbols” encompasses a broader set of (animate and inanimate) entities than Europeans, for example, may include

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in the category of these so described “beings”. And for the Trobriand Islander it certainly is “a dialectical and dialogical pattern of activity” – as Tambiah (1985: 22) in his classic paper “The Magical Power of Words” (this time) so rightly points out. In another paper the same author also states – in agreement with Malinowski (1974: 90) – that “magical acts are ritual acts” (Tambiah 1985: 60). The – rather general – definition of ritual as “institutionalized, expressive action” (see Werlen 1984: 81) certainly encompasses Trobriand magic with its emphasis on speech-action. Like many other rituals Trobriand magic serves the function “to ritualize man’s optimism, to enhance his faith in the victory of hope over fear” (Malinowski 1974: 90) – especially with respect to his fear of nature and its forces. Given the fact that we take Trobriand magic as a form of ritual, then we can also characterize the magical formulae, the verbal manifestations of this ritual, as a form of ritual communication. So far I pointed out that the Trobriand Islanders themselves take the interactions of the magicians with their addressees as a communicative event, as a form of a special verbalnonverbal conversation. As I pointed out in subsection 2.1.8 (see also chapter 9), it is characteristic for Trobriand discourse and communication to use linguistic vagueness and ambiguity as a stylistic means to avoid possible distress, confrontation, or too much and too aggressive directness in everyday speech situations. The magical formulae, however, clearly contradict this observation. With their formulae Trobriand magicians attempt to force their will on their addressees – and even far-reaching requests are expressed verbally without any moderation. Such a directness that strips away ambiguity and vagueness with which one normally can disguise one’s own thoughts is characteristic for the ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokita’ register – the ‘heavy’ or ‘true, direct speech’ (see chapter 8). The use of this variety inevitably demands action that for either party involved in such a speech event may be dangerous or even fatal. However, as shown and pointed out in the preceding sections, the magical formulae themselves are regarded by the Trobriand Islanders as constituting the ‘biga megwa’ register, a language variety in its own right. The explicit stylistic marking of the magical formulae as something extraordinary is a means to signal the addressee that these speech acts are different from speech acts that constitute general everyday speech situations, that they will and inevitably must put a great strain on the communicative interaction between the magicians and the addressees of the magical formulae. Thus, as pointed out elsewhere (Senft 1997a: 389), the formal characteristics of the formulae serve the function of a pronounced signal: By the means of the formal verbal domain the license is sought to strain the communicative interaction in the verbal domain with regard to contents. The ‘biga megwa’ concept utilizes this license to relieve the tension in this critical situation of social interaction and to ward off any possible consequences of the

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strains that affect the communicative interaction which takes place in magic rites and rituals – according to the Trobrianders’ conviction, of course. If we define “ritual communication” as a type of strategic action that serves the functions of social bonding and of blocking aggression, and that can ban elements of danger which may affect the community’s social harmony within the verbal domain just by verbalizing these elements of danger more or less explicitly and by bringing them up for discussion (Senft 1991a: 246), then magical formulae are indeed a form of “ritual communication”. There is no metalinguistic expression in Kilivila that can be compared with this – etic – concept of “ritual communication”. But the preceding paragraphs have shown that the forms and functions of this concept are specially marked and even codified as metalinguistic expressions in Kilivila. I think the etic considerations that lead to the characterisation of magical formulae as a form of “ritual communication” have their emic equivalents – they are expressed in the meta-linguistic knowledge and in the situationally and intentionally adequate linguistic behaviour of the Trobriand Islanders (see Senft 1991: 246). To summarize, the speech situation between the Trobriand magicians and the addressees of their formulae is regarded by the Trobriand Islanders as a (special) form of conversation; and this conversational interaction constitutes a special form of ritual communication. When I first came to the Trobriand Islands in 1982, magic still played a dominant role and the power of magicians and their magical formulae clearly pervaded everyday life on the Trobriands. In 1983 the chief of Tauwema, Kilagola, gave me parts of his canoe magic as a present, when he adopted me as one of his sons. His brother Weyei made me a similar present consisting of five formulae of his weather magic as a sign of his friendship (see Senft 1985d). And Vaka’ila, one of the oldest men of the village, presented me with a number of formulae of his garden magic because I reminded him of his late brother Keyalabwala. These three men were the only persons who offered me such personal and secret information – and I was rather proud of being honoured by these men in this way. In 1989, however, more than 12 women and men approached my wife and me and offered to sell magical formulae for money and tobacco. We felt as if we were in the middle of a big closing-down sale for magic. This is clear evidence for the fact that the magical formulae have lost their importance for the majority of Trobriand Islanders. This is certainly the result of a fight between traditional magicians and Christian missionaries which started in 1894 when the Methodist church commenced work on the Trobriand Islands (see Senft 1992a; 1994a; 1997b). In 1983 Trobriand Islands Christians lived in an interesting form of syncretism that combined traditional belief in magic and Trobriand eschatology (Ma-

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linowski 1974) with Christian ideas. In 1989 these syncretic features of Trobriand Islands Christianity had decreased dramatically. Belief in magic was not denounced directly as something ‘heathenistic’. Instead, the strategy pursued to fight these ‘pagan’ customs – according to the village priests’ judgment – is much more subtle: the local village priests and catechists, the ‘misinari’, argue that there are two ways to live one’s life. One way is the old, traditional way which includes magic and the eschatological belief in the immortal spirits of the dead living in the underground paradise on Tuma island. The other way is the new Christian way of life with its specific Christian beliefs and its own eschatological ideas. Both ways are mutually exclusive, or, to say it in the local priests’ words: ‘one can either walk on the way of the ancestors or on the Christian way together with ‘Jesu Keriso, the Lord Jesus Christ’. If people want to ensure a good yams harvest, if they need rain or want to have more sunny days they are told to pray for it in the church (for European parallels in the 18th century see Wiemken 1980: 28, 95 f.). By now there are even some special public prayers for good harvests. Women especially accept this more recent way of Christian preaching and self-presentation, and the clear and simple alternatives – the traditional magicians with their formulae and rites on the one hand and the ‘misinari’ and their prayers on the other hand – cause much tension in families where the husbands of pious wives are expert magicians. Magicians, both female or male, are increasingly losing influence in the society, and accordingly the estimation of their magical skills and their knowledge of magical formulae decreases. Thus, magical formulae are also losing their value as personal property, and therefore many Trobrianders think that there is actually no need any more to bequeath the formulae to the members of the younger generation. In turn, the younger generation these days hardly sees any sense in learning these formulae in a number of long and tiresome lessons their elder (matrilineal) relatives, their fathers, or some experts used to teach them. This decrease in the importance of magic may indeed result in the loss of the genre and the situational intentional variety constituted by the magical formulae. Thus, ‘megwa’ and the ‘biga megwa’ will most probably share the fate of the ‘wosi milamala’ and the ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ (see 4.2). In what follows I present three of these magical formulae that were given or sold to me by my fellow villagers in Tauwema. The first magical formula is called ‘Kwisubiya’. It belongs to Tokunupei’s repertoire of garden magic; he used it when he planted long ‘kuvi’-type yams (see Senft 1997a: 379–381). This magic involves another object, particles of which have to absorb the power of the magical words and must ensure that the ‘kuvi’-type yams will grow long and big: the magician recites the formula over the tooth of a dolphin. This tooth is called ‘Tumadava’. The father of Tokunupei’s mother, Mokulayoyu, found it on Tuma Island. When the magi-

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cian plants the seedlings for the long ‘kuvi’-type yams, he scrapes off small particles from this tooth, rubs them onto the yams seedling and then plants the seedling in the garden. The magic (which I recorded in Tauwema in July 19th, 1989) runs as follows:

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Gala-anaga ganem ganem Mwe’uya kupipile Mwe’uya kupilakai nasayam gala-anaga ganem ganem nasayam kupilakai nasayam kupilakei Mweuya gana-asasona gana-asasona gana-akitaki gana yam gana bogi gana-apipila gala iveaka tapwala Kaga evakegaga tapwala agu kuvi Tobigabaga gala-asasona gala-asasona gala-asasona gana-akitakei gama yam gama bogi gama-apipilou gana matam matam pwayem gama matam matam matam sona gala tabwam tabwam tumadava ikalivi Dukumaga ([ikalivisi Dukumagi]) ikalipusagi Dukumelosi makena makena esoki-igowai.

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

I do not look out I see you, I see you, Mwe’uya, get big Mwe’uya, get very big day breaks I do not look out I see you, I see you day breaks, get very big, day breaks, get very big, Mwe’uya, I do not plant, I do not plant, I do not hold you, I see day, I see night, I do not come again and whisper magic, it does not grow big, its root Kaga-wood it gets hard and bad the root, my kuvi-yams, Tobigabaga-kuvi I do not plant I do not plant, I do not plant I do not hold you, I see day, I see night, I do not come again and whisper magic, I see your eye, your eye, your hair, I see your eye, your eye, your eye it climbs I see your fruit, your fruit like a dolphin it shoots into the ground Dukumaga-tooth (they find the Dukumaga-tooth) they track down the Dukumaga-tooth this (kuvi-yams) this (one) it goes inside it vanishes.5

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The reciting of this formula lasts for 38 seconds. The hyphens between similar vowels with which one word ends and the next word starts indicate that these vowels – and thus the two words involved – are contracted; this contraction follows specific allegro rules that can also be observed in everyday speech. I want to note here that Tokunupei’s first recitation of this formula did not include line 28. In the process of transcribing the formula from the tape the magician realized – with a mild shock – that he forgot this line; therefore it is given in brackets here. The magic starts with a kind of contradictory address to the seedling for the long ‘kuvi’-type yams: Although the magician does not look out for the ‘kuvi’yams, he sees it – this address implies that the yams just must obey the central order of the formula, namely to “get big” (see lines 1–4). The name of Mwe’uya precedes this order. Tokunupei informed me that Mwe’uya is the name of a village on Kiriwina Island, however, this must be either the name of an old village that no longer exists or a kind of secret or magic name, because today there is no such village on Kiriwina. The magician does not know why this village is mentioned here. In lines 5–9 the first part of the formula is repeated – with the addition that the order is combined with the statement: “day breaks” and the modification that the name of the village Me’uya is uttered only once after the order to grow which is addressed to the seedling. Again, Tokunupei has no idea what the reference to the new day implies – it may just refer to the time the process of growing will take. This interpretation is supported by lines 12 and 20 that also refer to time that is passing. Line 12, however, is preceded by a rather strange statement: The magician addresses the seedling stating that he does neither plant nor hold it (lines 10–11). With this the magician emphasizes that once he has put the spell on the tooth-particles and has rubbed them onto the seedling he is going to plant, things will take care of themselves, because the power of the magic is so strong. This fact is pointed out over and over again in the lines to follow. The formula states that it is not necessary to perform additional magical rites (lines 13 and 21), that the magician does not care whether the seedling may not grow or whether the root may get hard and bad as wood – he is sure that this will not happen (lines 14–15), and that he no longer looks after the yams (lines 17–19). Moreover, the seedling is addressed directly again in lines 16 and 17 with a special magical name (‘Tobigabaga’) and with a possessive pronoun that expresses the magician’s property rights for the yams-tuber that will grow out of the seedling. The magic ends with the description of what will happen to the seedling: its sprout (i. e. the seedling’s eye) will climb up its pole (line 22), and the hairy tuber (its fruit) will grow big – shooting into the ground like a dolphin. All the

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other seedlings planted with this magical formula will do the same (see lines 23–29). The formula here refers to the tooth of the dolphin with a different name: Tokunupei told me that ‘Dukumaga’ is the name the ‘Tumadava’ tooth has in the underworld of the ‘baloma’ at Tuma Island (see 4.1 above). The father of Tokunupei’s mother found this tooth on Tuma, and he took it as a gift of the ‘baloma’. The seedlings with the tooth particles rubbed on it will grow so big and go inside the ground because these particles will track down the place where the tooth from which they were scraped off came (lines 26–29). The seedling with the particles helps them getting inside the soil to finally reach the underworld – and magicians will perform this magical rite so long till the tooth has vanished and returned to the underworld of the ‘baloma’ (line 31). These comments on Tokunupei’s formula should suffice for the purposes pursued here. The second magical formula represents healing magic (see Senft1997a: 371– 373). I got this magic from Kasilasila, a man of about 65 years of age, in July 1989. Kasilasila lived in Tauwema; he was a member of the Lukwasisiga-clan. The name of the magic is ‘kema koda’ or ‘koda’ magic. The health magician is obliged to always observe certain food-taboos, so that he can immediately act whenever his services are necessary and requested. The ‘koda’ magic works for lacerations, stab wounds (especially if inflicted by a spear), cuts and sharkbites. The formula is first recited over the water with which the healer cleans the wound. This water is called ‘lalakwia’. Then the healer takes a special stone called ‘Dakwadakuna’ which is his (or her) personal property, whispers the magic on this stone, wraps leaves around it and then places the wrapped stone for a certain amount of time he (or she) thinks to be adequate on various areas below and above the wounded person’s heart (for the role of stones in magic see Frazer 1978: 43). The person with the wound(s) that have to be cured also has to sleep (at least) a night on this stone. If the wound does not close and heal fast enough, the rite will be performed so long until the magic shows the desired effect. I recorded the formula in Tauwema on July 29th, 1989; it runs as follows:

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matala dakwadakwa matala matala lalakwia matala keidauta matala kemakoda kemakoda kagu pwolala seidididididi aleipatu yatala o la kemakoda

its eye Dakwadakwa-stone its eye its eye Lalakwia-water its eye Kaidauta-feather its eye Kemakoda magic Kemakoda my scab seidididididi I close one in its Kemakoda magic

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yegula Kasilasila kanai sigulu beba bouna bouna bouna bouna sikeda sikeda sikedavau sikeda sikeda sikedamugwa atem buyai itamatem buyai itasuvalem buyai takadem buyai tagayem buyai kagu pwalala seididididididi mguvala bigogova bibwipam mguvala bigogova e’ulitaboda mguvala bigogwa epokonikani mguvala bigogova e i yoku mguvala bigogova kalusimalisi mguvala bigogova matala siyakaila matala kasiyakaila mguvala bigogova matala emiliukotu mguvala

I Kasilasila Kanai-fish dry banana-leaf butterfly good good good good their road their road their new road their road their road their old road I cut you blood it cures you blood it stops blood we clot blood we do not hurt you blood my scab seididididididi your well-being it will get well blood will run through your body your well-being it will get well the wound closes your well-being it will get well it hurts your well-being it will get well eh ih you your well-being it will get well we put a spell on you your well-being it will get well tip of the siyakaila-wood tip of the kasiyakaila-spear your well-being it will get well tip of the Emiliukotu-spear your well-being

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bigogova matala kemwayaka mguvala bigogova bouna bouna sikeda sikeda sikedavau sikeda sikeda sikedamugwa atem buyai tamatam buyai tamatam buyai itasuvalem buyai kagu pwalala seididididididi kanaiya akipatumai yegula Kasilasila o lu kemakoda kanai sigilubu beba gala mwolisala gala kwasala iputu iyausa tchchchch eee

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it will get well tip of the kemwayaka-wood your well-being it will get well good, good their road, their road their new road their road, their road their old road I cut you blood, we heal you blood, we heal you blood it stops blood my scab seididididididi (fast like) Kanaya-fish I hold it tight I myself Kasilasila in its kemakoda magic Kanai-fish dry banana leaf butterfly no pain nothing remains it closes, it stops tchchchch eee6

The reciting or better the whispering of this formula in its specific rhythm lasts for 1 minute and 26 seconds. In the first 2 lines Kasilasila refers to the “eye” of his magical ‘dakwadakwa’ stone with which he performs his health magic. ‘Dakwadakwa’ is the magical name of the stone Kasilasila refers to as ‘dakwadakuna’ in profane contexts. The very first lines reveal that this stone has a special status: it has an eye with which it sees the wounds it is used to close. However, the attention of the stone’s eye is also directed to the ‘lalakwia’ water with which the healer first cleaned the wound and over which he also recited this magical formula. In line 4 Kasilasila also mentions a feather called ‘keidauta’ – however, the magician does 6

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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not use this feather in his ritual and he himself does not know the meaning of this feather and its specific importance for the magic as a whole, either. In lines 5–9 Kasilasila first mentions the name of the magic twice and then foretells what he, Kasilasila, is going to do. He refers to his “scab” with which he will quickly close something flexible and open (ya-tala = “flexible-one”) which is not specified but must be the wound. The scab is in the ‘kemakoda’ magic that Kasilasila has put on the ‘dakwadakwa’-stone. The onomatopoetical expression ‘seidididididi’ indicates the swiftness of this action – in profane contexts it is generally used by children to describe a fast surf from the border of the reef to the beach. In line 9 Kasilasila mentions his own name and thus explicitly refers to his power that he has transferred to the magical stone. In lines 10–12 the formula refers to a fish, a butterfly and a dry banana-leaf – two animals and a material that are small, light and swift and quickly driven away by a strong current or a fresh gale. This is another means to emphasize the fastness of the healing process – and lines 12 and 13 point out 4 times that everything will be good again, soon. In line 14 to line 19 the magician refers to the blood stream (the roads of blood) pretending in line 20 that he is cutting his patient (implied here is that he does this cutting with his magical stone). In lines 21–26 the formula expresses that this causes a new stream of blood that cures the patient and lets the blood of his or her wound stop and clot. However, this new “cutting” does not hurt; on the contrary, Kasilasila’s scab put on the stone with the spell will quickly close the wound. Again, the expression ‘seidididididi’ indicates swiftness of the action. In the lines 27–53 the formula conjures the healing of the wound: the addressing of the patient’s well being (‘mguvala’) and the statement that “it will get well” (‘bigogova’ or ‘bigogwa’) is repeated 9 times. In lines 43, 44, 47, and 50 three spears are mentioned. Kasilasila only knows that ‘Emiliukotu’ was the name of his father’s spear – however, the magician again does not know anything about the meaning of mentioning these spears and about their specific importance for and in this magical rite. This part of the formula ends with line 53 that (like the lines 12 and 13 above) point out twice that everything will be good again. Lines 54–65 repeat almost identically the part of the formula that was already recited in the lines 14–26. The only difference here is that the curing, the clotting of the blood, and the pain free treatment is not mentioned again. What is mentioned here twice, however, is the fact that Kasilasila and his spell (he put on the water and the magical stone) will heal the wounded person. Moreover, this part of the formula emphasizes not only with the onomatopoetical ‘seidididididi’ expression but also with the additional mentioning of the quick

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and swift ‘kanaya’-fish (a small reef-fish I cannot determine biologically) the swiftness of the healing process. In lines 66–68 the magician again explicitly refers to himself and to the ‘kemakoda’ magic which he is holding tight in the magical stone. Mentioning the fish, the dry banana-leaf and the butterfly in lines 69–71 conjures the swiftness of the healing process once more, lines 72–74 assure the wounded person that there will be no pain and no permanent damage to his or her health and that the wound will close and stop bleeding. The formula ends with onomatopoetic sounds that seem to resemble the transition of the spoken magical word into the water and the magical stone – the intermediate addressees of this magical formula – and from there into the wound and the patient’s body – the immediate and direct addressees of the “kemakoda” magic. If we look at the formula as a whole again, we can summarize its text formation as follows: Part A: The magic, its components and the magician’s action Lines 1–13 Part B: The bleeding will be stopped swiftly Lines 14–26 Part C: The healing of the wound is conjured Lines 27–53 Part B’: The bleeding will be stopped swiftly Lines 54–65 Part D: The magician’s power and the effect of his magic: wounds will close and heal swiftly and completely Lines 66–75 I got the third and last magical formula which I present here on the 12th of September 1994 by Mokeilobu as a token of our long lasting friendship and cooperation (see Senft 2001a). 12 years after our first contact Mokeilobu came out into the open with the fact that he was the Tauwema specialist for magic against earthquakes (4 of which I experienced during my stays in Tauwema so far). Mokeilobu told me that he performs this ‘kevalikuliku’, i. e., this earthquakemagic either with the help of a big long drum or with a conch-shell on which he recites his formula repeatedly. After these first recitings he will blow the conch or beat the drum. These actions have a double effect: All of Mokeilobu’s fellow-villagers will get alarmed, leave their houses and seek for a safe place. However, the sounds of the conch shell or of the drum also address the earthquake itself both supporting and increasing the power of his magical words. The formula runs as follows (see Senft 2001a: 326–329):

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1 Boliku, boliku, boliku, – waga ugwawaga. Tremor, tremor, tremor – canoes (with their) crews (will come). Kaitotu kaitotu, kaitotu – ugwawaga, ugwawaga. Surprise, surprise, surprise – the crews, the crews. Gwasawa, gwasawa, gwasa – ugwawage, gwasi – ugwawage. Praise, praise, praise – the crews, praise – the crews. Baliku, baliku, baliku – kalibulibu. Tremor, tremor, tremor – boats (of the whites will come). 5 Baliku, baliku, baliku – Kemyuva. Tremor, tremor, tremor – (at) Omyuva village (on Woodlark Island). Baliku, baliku, baliku – Kegumagawa Tremor, tremor, tremor – (at) Gawa. Baliku, baliku baliku. Tremor, tremor, tremor. Baliku, baliku – Kegumaiwa. Tremor, tremor, tremor – Iwa. Baliku, baliku, baliku – Kekitava. Tremor, tremor, tremor – Kitava. 10 Baliku, baliku, baliku – Vayoya. Tremor, tremor, tremor – (in) South-East. Baliku, baliku – o bwalimila. Tremor, tremor – in the South. Baliku, baliku, baliku – o bomatu. Tremor, tremor, tremor – in the West. Baliku, baliku. Tremor, tremor. Baliku, baliku, baliku – o yavata Tremor, tremor, tremor – in the North. 15 Baliku, baliku – o kwebwaga. Tremor, tremor – in the South-East. Baliku, baliku, baliku, baliku. Tremor, tremor, tremor, tremor. Baliku, baliku, baliku – o taoli Tremor, tremor, tremor – at the horizon. Baliku, baliku, baliku, baliku – o popewa. Tremor, tremor, tremor, tremor – in the rubbish from the deep sea. Baliku, baliku, baliku – vaga… vagolina Tremor, tremor, tremor – (in the) big whi…. big white waves. 20 Baliku, baliku, baliku, baliku – vagana. Tremor, tremor, tremor, tremor – (at the) beach front.

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Baliku, baliku, baliku. Tremor, tremor, tremor. Baliku, baliku, baliku – o bukubaku Tremor, tremor, tremor – in the village-centre. Baliku, baliku, baliku. Tremor, tremor, tremor. Baliku, baliku – o kadumalaga Tremor, tremor – at the main road of the village. 25 Baliku, baliku, baliku. Tremor, tremor, tremor. Boliku, boliku, boliku – waga ugwawaga. Tremor, tremor, tremor – canoes (with their) crews (will come). Gwasawa, gwasawa, gwasi – ugwawaga, ugwawaga. Praise, praise, praise – the crews, the crews. Ketotu, ketotu, ketotu – ugwawaga ugwawaga. Surprise, surprise, surprise – the crews, the crews. Ugwawaga gala agu togigisa. The crews (are) not my spectators. 30 Agu togigisa nupiyagwa – galaga agu togigisa. My spectators (have) small breasts – oh no, my spectators. Agu togigisa nu’ulavola – My spectators (try to) enlarge their breasts holding them up in their hands – gala agu togigisa gisi no, my spectators’ sight. Agu togigisa mipipisi. (= nupipisi) My spectators have small underdeveloped breasts. Igovasi, igovakesi kadumalaga. They shout out of joy, they are noisy (on) the main road of the village. 35 Ituvasi, ituvakesi bukubaku They shout ‘ui’, they shout ‘ui’ (in) the village-centre. Yam biligalagisasi, bogi bipuvalisi. (During the) day they will celebrate, (during the) night they will sit together in circles. Bogi bipuvalisi, yam biligalagisasi. (During the) night they will sit together in circles, (during the) day they will celebrate.7

7

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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The formula begins with the repeated mentioning of the earthquake. In a kind of leitmotif the tremor is topicalized and addressed here – note that we find this kind of topicalization and addressing of the tremor in 23 of the 37 lines of the formula. In the first 4 lines the formula refers to canoes with their native crews and even to boats of white people who will be attracted by the force of the magic to the place where the magician recites it. These lines present already one of the results of the formula: it is so powerful that to the surprise of everyone it will save people who are at sea during an earthquake and might get in trouble if the quake also causes big waves. Line 3 also points out that these crews have to be praised because of their seamanship (and probably also for their confidence in the magician’s power). In lines 5 to 9 the repeated addressing of the quake goes with the names of four islands, Woodlark, Gawa and Iwa in the Marshall Bennett group, and Kitava, the easternmost of the Trobriand Islands. All these islands are southeast of Kiriwina and Kaile’una Island. It would be interesting to check whether there is any tectonic evidence indicating that earthquakes on the Trobriands originate in this area. The next seven lines present the formula’s leitmotif together with the mentioning of wind names that – so to speak – represent our compass directions (see Senft 1986: 467). This part of the formula – interrupted (line 13) and finished (line 17) with the mentioning of the tremor first twice and then four-times – emphasizes that once there is an earthquake tremors are to be felt everywhere. This topic is elaborated in the next nine lines. The quake comes from the horizon via the deep sea, it stirs up the deep sea and together with big waves it reaches the beach, the village centre, and the main road of the village. This description refers most probably to the gradually increasing intensity of tremors during an earthquake. The fright caused by the tremors advancing the village(s) is emphasized in lines 21, 23, and 25 – where the formula’s leitmotif is repeated again without any further reference to localities, directions or persons. Lines 26 to 28 present an almost identical repetition of the first three lines – and a confirmation of the magician’s and the formula’s lifesaving and protecting powers. From line 29 to the end the formula refers to spectators, the magician’s fellow villagers, that observe (and also rely on) the magician’s actions. After a repeated reference to the crews that managed to reach land during the earthquake, the formula mentions these spectators observing the magician. It is rather interesting to note that lines 30, 31, and 33 refer to the breasts of the spectators. All adjectives that are used here to describe the breasts refer only to the female breast – thus we can infer that these spectators are all females. In line 30 and 33 the spectators’ breasts are deplored (see the negative ‘oh no’ in

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line 30) as being ‘small’ and even ‘underdeveloped’ – however, line 31 points out that the women hold up their breasts trying to make them appear bigger – and now the ‘no’ in line 32 may indicate that the sight of these women presenting their breasts may either cause pity or even fright. Such an interpretation agrees with ethological studies with respect to breast display as a female appeasement gesture or as an apotropaic gesture (Devereux 1981, Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1984, Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Sütterlin 1992). If this interpretation is right than we can assume that the female spectators and their breast display mentioned in the formula help to either appease or to frighten away the powers causing the earthquake. In line 33 Mokeilobu actually made a mistake (as he confessed during translating his magic): He produced ‘mipipisi’ for ‘nupipisi’ – a mistake that would have doomed the formula to be useless: The power of the magic depends on the correct reciting of the formula: it will not have the desired effect if the magicians do not always recite it in the same unchanged wording in which it was passed to them by their first ancestors. At the end of the formula lines 34 and 35 describe the joy of the women who realize that they are not harmed by the earthquake and lines 36 and 37 point out that all villagers will celebrate the end of the tremors day and night, night and day. These examples should suffice for illustrating the ‘biga megwa’ variety and the genre ‘megwa’ that constitutes this register.8

8

For further examples of ‘megwa’ see Malinowski (1935 Vol. II); Senft (1985d; 1997a;).

Chapter 6 ‘Biga tapwaroro’ and ‘tapwaroro’ as well as ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘language of the church’ and ‘Christian texts’ as well as ‘church songs’ Chapter 4 and chapter 5 described and illustrated the situational-intentional varieties and their constituting genres which codify the Trobriand Islanders’ indigenous belief systems and their indigenous eschatology. This chapter now first describes and characterizes the ‘Biga tapwaroro’, the ‘language of the church’ and then illustrates this relatively recent situational-intentional variety with the genres ‘tapwaroro’, that is ‘Christian matters/texts’ (literally translated: ‘church’) and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – the ‘songs (of the) church’ that constitute this register.

6.1 ‘Biga tapwaroro’ – ‘The language of the church’ This variety of Kilivila is used in church services and other Christian rituals. When the Overseas Missions Department of the Methodist Church commenced work in the Trobriand Islands in 1894, its headquarters was established in Kavataria on Kiriwina Island. Till William Cunningham’s ‘Buki Tapwaroru’ (‘book of the church’) published in 1990 for the use in Catholic services on the Trobriand Islands, this variety was heavily based on the language variety spoken in Kavataria and its neighbouring village Oyabia (the dialect called ‘biga galagoki’); moreover, it used many archaic Kilivila word forms (see 6.2) and had borrowed a number of loan words, especially from the Dobu language. In June 1891 Reverend William Bromilow with a party of Methodist missionaries from Australia, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa landed on Dobu Island and started their missionary work in Milne Bay from this island (see Bromilow 1929). Lithgow (1992: 27) rightly points out that this “has been followed by the establishment of the Dobu language as a strong lingua franca throughout these islands and even further”. In 1935 Roman Catholic missionaries from Australia began their work on the Trobriands with mission stations in the villages Gusaweta and Wapipi (see K. McGhee 1982). Up to 1988 the Roman Catholic Church was represented by two Australian priests from the Mission of the Sacred Heart (MSC). Then the bishop of the Massim diocese allowed the Italian PIME mission (Pontificio Istituto Missioni Estere) to start their work on the Trobriands and moved the two MSC missionaries to Alotau. Till 2002 there was one Ital-

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ian priest and one priest from Bangladesh based on Kiriwina Island; between 2002 and 2005 no missionary stayed permanently on the Trobriands, but in 2006 the bishop has appointed another Italian missionary to work there. In the late 1970s the Seventh-day Adventists started to perform their missionary work in a few villages on the Trobriand Islands; however, so far they have only played a marginal role. The church encompassing most believers is the Methodist Church. Today all Methodist pastors on the Trobriand Islands are Papua New Guineans, and every village with a Methodist church has at least one local village pastor, the so-called ‘misinari’. The Catholics took over this policy of the Methodists and established a network of local catechists in the villages with Catholic inhabitants; these catechists are also called ‘misinari’ (see Senft 1997b: 45 f.). With the exception of the PIME priests, all missionaries spoke (and still speak) Kilivila fluently. The Trobrianders use the label ‘biga tapwaroro’ to refer to the just described and characterized variety of Kilivila that is used in Christian rituals and texts that are associated with and used in church services. This form of the ‘biga tapwaroro’ is represented in Methodist hymn books (Anonymous 1933, 1937, 1953, 1964) and catechisms, in the translation of the new testament (Lawton 1979; 1984) and in the translation of the bible (Lawton 1997). Older translations of excerpts of the Bible used in Catholic services and a Catholic catechism and prayer book published in 1966 (J. McGhee 1949a; 1949b; Anonymous 1966) also represent this form of the ‘biga tapwaroro’. More recent catechisms and prayer books published by the Catholic church (like, e. g., Cunningham 1990; Tierney 2000;) represent modern Kilivila, i. e., the ‘besa gala’ dialect of Kilivila that is spoken on Kiriwina – but not in the villages Kavataria and Oyabia (see Senft 1986: 6 ff). Nevertheless, the Trobriand Islanders refer to these texts also with the label ‘biga tapwaroro’, because they want to differentiate these religious texts from the ‘profane’ everyday use of their language. Two genres are constitutive for this register: ‘tapwaroro’ – ‘Christian texts’ (literally: ‘church’) and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – the ‘songs (of the) church’.

6.2 ‘Tapwaroro’ and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘Christian texts’ and ‘church songs’ With the general label ‘tapwaroro’ the Trobriand Islanders refer to all those oral and written – but not sung – text categories that are characterized by their Christian context transmitting or referring to Christian topics and to all forms of speech that are produced during various forms of church services like, for

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example, texts from the bible and the catechism, prayers, blessings, devotions, sermons, and so on.1 The label ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘ church song’, however, clearly refers to one specific text category, namely to ‘Christian hymns’. With the exception of the ‘wosi tapwaroro’ that sometimes represent hymns that are sung in neighbouring languages like Dobu or Muyuw, many text categories that are subsumed under the ‘tapwaroro’ label these days are no longer different from modern Kilivila used in profane, secular contexts (see 6.1 above). However, this does not hold for the translations of the Bible and the catechism done by Methodist missionaries. They represent a more formal variety of Kilivila that is typical of older Trobriand Islanders of high status, slightly different from modern Kilivila used in secular contexts. Note that this slightly archaic variety of Kilivila is different from the ‘real’ archaic variety represented by the ‘biga baloma’ and the ‘biga megwa’ registers. The Kilivila Bible is also used in Catholic church services. In what follows I will first illustrate two texts that are subsumed under the ‘tapwaroro’ label (in its traditional form). I first present the prayer ‘Our Father’ (Matthew 6, 9–13, see also Luke 11, 2–4) in chief Pulitala’s translation for the Methodist church: ‘tapwaroro’ ‘church [prayer]’ Tamamasi va labuma Ta-mama-si va 1.incl.father-Pl Dir Our father (who art) in heaven

labuma heaven

yagam bakatemamilasi. yaga-m baka-temamila-si name-yours 1.Fut.excl-bow.down-Pl hallowed be thy name. M karewaga bima, M karewaga Your reign Thy kingdom come,

bi-ma 3.Fut.-come

1 Note that the Kilivila metalinguistic label ‘tapwaroro’ does not refer to one specific genre in the European sense!

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nanom bakavagisi nano-m baka-vagi-si mind-your 1.-Fut.excl-make-Pl Thy will be done valu valu kumwedona valu valu village village on earth

kumwedona all

makauwala mina labuma ivagisi. makauwala mina labuma like people.from heaven as it is in heaven.

i-vagi-si 3.-make-Pl

Kamasi kusakemasi lagela. kamasi ku-sake-masi lagela our food 2.-give-us today Give us this day our daily bread. Bukuligeva mamitugagasi, buku-ligeva ma-mitugaga-si 2.Fut-forget 1.excl-bad.deed-Pl And forgive us our trespasses, makala matausina iligevesi si mitugaga matausina imitugagemasisi. makala ma-tau-si-na i-ligeve-si si mitugaga like this-CP.human-Pl-this 3.-forget-Pl their bad.deed ma-tau-si-na i-mitugage-masi-si this-CP.human-Pl-this 3-do.bad.deeds-(to).us-Pl as we forgive those who trespass against us. Taga kutalagua bitamnabemasisi, taga ku-talagua bi-tamnabe-masi-si not 2.-want 3.Fut-tempt-us-Pl And lead us not in temptation, mitugaga isisu baisa ikolemasisi. mitugaga i-sisu bad.deeds 3.-stay but deliver us from evil.

baisa here

i-kole-masi-si 3.-frighten-us-Pl

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Yokwa tokarewaga yokwa, Yokwa to-karewaga you CP.human(!)-authority For thine is the kingdom, yokwa tolipe’ula yokwa, yokwa toli-pe’ula you owner.of-strength and the power, yokwa toesaesa yokwa, yokwa to-esaesa you CP.human(!)-rich and the glory,

yokwa you

yokwa you

yokwa you

gala bivokwa. gala bi-vokwa not 3.Fut-finish for ever and ever. Emen. Amen.2 Pulitala uses in his translation the full form of the classifier or classificatory particle (CP) ‘tau’ to refer to ‘human beings’ in the demonstratives ‘matausina’ (‘these human beings) instead of the (more profane) CP ‘to’ (‘mtosina’) and the form ‘baisa’ for the exophoric demonstrative ‘here’ that is usually realized in its monophtongized variant ‘besa’. Both these archaic word forms indicate that the text represents a formal, elaborate form of speech in Kilivila. The next text is an excerpt from the former Methodist missionary Ralph Lawton’s (1997) translation of the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5: 1–16) – in his orthographic transcription (that often deviates from mine which is based on Senft 1986: 11–16): 1

Tutala Yesu igisi tobobawa, imwena wa koya, tuta-la Yesu i-gisi to-bobawa i-mwena time-his Jesus 3.-see CP.human-many 3.-climb

2

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

wa Dir

koya mountain

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And seeing the multitudes, he went up into a mountain: isili, e la toligalega imakaiasi matauna. i-sili e la to-ligalega i-makaia-si 3-sit.down and his CP.human-listen 3.-come-Pl and when he was set, his disciples came unto him.

ma-tau-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

2

Ivitouula, ivituloki matausina toligalega makawala baisa,. Ikaibiga. i-vitouula i-vituloki ma-tau-si-na to-ligalega 3.-begin 3.-teach Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem CP.human-listen makawala baisa i-kaibiga like this 3.-say And he opened his mouth, and taught them, saying, 3

”Yokomi kunamakavasi paila uula mi tapwaroru Yokomi ku-nanamakava-si paila uula mi tapwaroru You.(Pl) 2.-poor-Pl because reason your church bukumwasawasi, paila Labuma Karaiwogala baisa mi bu-kumwasawa-si paila Labuma Karaiwogala baisa mi 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl for heaven authority there your (Pl.) vavagi goli. vavagi goli thing only Blessed are the poor in spirit: for their’s is the kingdom of heaven. 4

Yokomi kuuvalamsi bukumwasawasi, paila Yaubada yokomi ku-uvalam-si bu-kumwasawa-si paila you.(Pl) 2.-cry-Pl 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because bivisimolaimi. bi-visimolai-mi 3.Fut-comfort-you(Pl) Blessed are they that mourn: for they shall be comforted. 5

Yaubada God

Yokomi kummanumsi bukumwasawasi, paila yokomi ku-mmanum-si bu-kumwasawa-si paila you.(Pl) 2.-be.gentle-Pl 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because bukusibwabwailasi ovalu watanawa. buku-sibwabwaila-si o-valu watanawa 2.Fut-sit .in.upright.position-Pl Loc-place below Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth.

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Yokomi ikau ninami bubunela duwosisia yokomi i-kau nina-mi bubunela duwosisia you.(Pl) 3.-take mind-your custom good.thoughts bukumwasawasi; paila bukubanaisi bubunela makwaina goli. bu-kumwasawa-si paila buku-banai-si bubunela 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because 2.Fut-find-Pl custom ma-kwai-na goli Dem-CP.thing-Dem only Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after rightousness: for they shall be filled. 7

Yokomi kunokapisaisi semia bukumwasawasi, paila yokomi ku-nokapisai-si semia bu-kumwasawa-si you.(Pl) 2.-have.pity-Pl your.friends 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl Yaubada binokapisaimi. Yaubada bi-nokapisai-mi God 3.Fut-have.pity-you Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy.

paila because

8

Yokomi imigileu ninami bukumwasawasi, paila yokomi i-migileu nina-mi bu-kumwasawa-si you.(Pl) 3.-be.clean mind-your 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl bukugisaisi Yaubada. buku-gisai-si Yaubada 2.Fut-see-Pl God Blessed are the the pure in heart: for they shall see God.

paila because

9

Yokomi kubuyoyusi vatai bukumwasawasi, paila yokomi ku-buyoyu-si vatai bu-kumwasawa-si paila you.(Pl) 2.-stop-Pl quarrel 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because Yaubada bidokaimi litula. Yaubada bi-dokai-mi litu-la God 3.Fut-think-you child-his Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God. 10

Yokomi leiyogagaimi tomota paila uula mi yokomi le-iyogagai-mi tomota paila uula you.(Pl) 3.Past-ill.treat-you person because reason mitukwaibwaila bukumwasawasi, paila Labuma Karaiwogala

mi your

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mitukwaibwaila bu-kumwasawa-si paila Labuma Karaiwogala doing.good.things 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because heaven authority baisa mi vavagi goli baisa mi vavagi goli there your (Pl.) thing only Blessed are they which are prosecuted for rightousness’ sake: for their’s is the kingdom of heaven. 11

”Yokomi bukumwasawasi kidamwa tomota yokomi bu-kumwasawa-si kidamwa tomota you.(Pl) 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl if person bibigigagaimi biyogagaimi e bitabinakaimi bi-bigigagai-mi bi-yogagai-mi e bi-tabinakai-mi 3.Fut-say.bad.things.about-you 3.Fut-ill.treat-you and 3.Fut-accuse-you kumwaidona vavagi gaga tuwoli tuwoli, paila uula yeigu. kumwaidona vavagi gaga tuwoli paila uula yeigu all thing bad different because reason I Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake. 12

Saina mwamwasila ninami bukumwasawasi, paila saina mwamwasila nina-mi bu-kumwasawa-si paila much modesty mind-yours 2.Fut-be.happy-Pl because kami mapu kwaiveka wa labuma, paila baisa makawala kami mapu kwai-veka wa labuma paila baisa makawala your prize CP.thing-big Dir heaven because this like tomota iyogagaisi matausina tovitoubobuta tomota i-yogagai-si ma-tau-si-na to-vitoubobuta person 3.-ill.treat-Pl Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem CP.human-be.on.right.track omitibogwa. omitibogwa long.ago. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad: for great is your reward in heaven: for so persecuted they the prophets which were before you. 13

”Yokomi makawala yonala valu watanawa; mitaga yokomi makawala yona-la valu watanawa you.(Pl) like salt-its place below kidamwa yona kakamwenala bitamwau, ammakawala

mitaga but

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kidamwa yona kakamwenala bi-tamwau ammakawala if salt taste 3.Fut-lose how bitavigaki biwaki makwaina? Gala bita-vigaki bi-waki ma-kwai-na gala Dual.incl-do 3.Fut-do Dem-CP.general-Dem not dimlela vavagi makwaina, mitaga biligaiwaisi dimle-la vavagi ma-kwai-na mitaga bi-ligaiwai-si reason-its thing Dem-CP.thing-Dem but 3.Fut-leave-Pl tomota, okaikesi bivapupoiyaisi. tomota o-kaike-si bi-vapupoiyai-si person Loc-feet-their 3.Fut-wipe.out-Pl Ye are the salt of the earth: but if the salt has lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted? It is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men. 14

”Yokomi makawala lumalamela valu watanawa. Kidamwa yokomi makawala lumalamela valu watanawa kidamwa you.(Pl) like (moon)light place below if valu itotu odabala koya gala gagabila valu i-totu odabala koya gala gagabila village 3.-stand on.top.of mountain not easy bitopepuni. bi-topepuni 3.Fut-hide Ye are the light of the world. A city that is set on an hill cannot be hid. 15

Kidamwa tomota ivakanotaisi kaitapa gala kidamwa tomota i-vakanotai-si kaitapa gala if person 3.-light-Pl torch not bikatubukolaisi wa peta, mitaga isailisi bi-katubukolai-si wa peta mitaga i-saili-si 3.Fut-cover-Pl Dir basket but 3.-put-Pl ola kabototu e itapi baisa komwaidosi o-la kabototu e i-tapi baisa komwaidosi Loc-its base and 3.-give.light here everybody isuaisi wa bwala. i-suai-si wa bwala 3.-be-Pl Dir house Neither do men light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick; and it giveth light unto all that are in the house.

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16

Makawala yokomi lumalamemi bititapi makawala yokomi lumalame-mi bi-ti-tapi like you.(Pl) light-yours 3.-Fut-Redup-give.light omitasi tomota, kidamwa mi mitakwai bigisaisi omita-si tomota kidamwa mi mitakwai bi-gisai-si in.front-their person in.order.to your good.manners 3.Fut-see-Pl e bikavisaisi Tamami wa labuma. e bi-kavisai-si Tama-mi wa labuma and 3.Fut-fascinate-Pl Father-your Dir heaven Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven.3 Again, this translation uses many archaic forms of Kilivila words. Like Pulitala Lawton uses the repeater form (i. e. a form where the noun itself is used as its own classifier) of the classificatory particle for ‘man, human beings’ – ‘tau’ – in the demonstrative ‘matausina’ (instead of ‘mtosina’ – ‘these (men/people)’), he uses the archaic form of the general CP produced to refer to all inanimates ‘kwai’ (instead of ‘kwe’ – (CP).thing’), he uses the archaic personal pronoun forms ‘yokomi’ and ‘yeigu’ (instead of ‘yokwami’ – ‘you.(Pl)’ and ‘yegu’ – ‘I’) and the archaic forms for the exophoric pronoun ‘baisa’ (instead of ‘besa’ – ‘here, this’), for the nouns ‘karaiwogala’ (instead of ‘karewaga’ – ‘authority’) and ‘mitukwaibwaila’ (instead of ‘mitukwibwela’), for the connective ‘paila’ (instead of ‘pela’ – ‘for, because’), for the adverb of degree ‘saina’ (instead of ‘sena’ – ‘very, much’) and for the adjective/adverb ‘kumwaidona’ (instead of ‘kumwedona’ – ‘all, everybody, thoroughly’). Moreover, he chooses the following archaic forms of verbal expressions that – like most forms presented above – preserve diphthongs that have been monophtongized in modern everyday Kilivila: ‘imakaiasi’ (now: imikeyasi), ‘ivitouula’ (now: ‘ivitoula’), ‘bivisimolaimi’ (now: ‘bivisimolemi’), ‘bukusibwabwaila’ (now: ‘bukusibwabwela’), ‘bukubanaisi’ (now: ‘bukubanisi’), ‘kunokapisaimi’ (now: ‘kunokapisimi’), ‘bukugisaisi’ (now: ‘bukugisesi’), ‘bidokaisi’ (now: ‘bidekesi’), ‘leiyogagaimi’ (now: ‘leyogagimi’), ‘bibigigagaimi’ (now: ‘bibigagagimi’), ‘biligaiwaisi’ (now: ‘biligevasi’), ‘isailisi’ (now: ‘iselisi’), ‘isuaisi’ (now. ‘isusi’), and ‘bikivisaisi’ (now: ‘bikivisisi’). It is quite interesting and striking to see that the missionaries rely on archaic word forms to convey authority and impact of the religious texts. As 3

I assume that these morpheme-interlinearized translations from the Bible give the reader an idea of how difficult it is to translate Christian concepts properly into another language – be it from Hebrew and Greek into English or be it from English into Kilivila. For an interesting discussion of some of these problems see, e. g., McElhanon 1975; 1977; 1982.

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we saw in the two previous chapters, the indigenous Kilivila genre constituting the ‘biga baloma’ – ‘the speech of the spirits of the dead’ represented an archaic variety of Kilivila and one of the characteristic features of the ‘biga megwa’ – ‘the speech of magic’ is its use of archaic Kilivila word forms. The ‘biga baloma’ guaranteed and enabled some forms of communication of the living with the spirits of the dead. The ‘biga megwa’ is constituted by the magical formulae that are defined as archaic texts which have been passed on from generation to generation with the immanent claim to preserve their linguistic form. It is this unchanged linguistic form that guarantees the Trobriand Islanders the power, strength and the effect of the formulae, because they inherited them in this form from the first ancestors of the four clans who commanded a powerful language with which they could control their life. Obviously, the missionaries relied on the Trobriand Islanders strong belief in the power of the language and speech of their ancestors in their preference for archaic word forms in their bible translations and other religious texts. And finally it seems that the ‘biga tapwaroro’ is in the process of superseding the ‘biga baloma’ and the ‘biga megwa’, usurping the role and position of these two indigenous and highly traditional registers within the Trobriand society and their construction of social reality. I will finish this section with an example of a very typical ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – a church song of the Trobriand Islanders (see Senft 1999b:24): Wosi tapwaroro

song (of the) church

Maria Maria e Maria e avaka peila kuvalam Maria Maria e Maria e avaka peila kuvalam Eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu itokaya

Mary, oh Mary, oh Mary, why do you cry? Mary, oh Mary, oh Mary, why do you cry? Eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – he rose to heaven.

Parisi ilukwesi tommota gala bukudousi osanna Parisi ilukwesi tommota gala bukudousi osanna Eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu itokaya

In the parish they say – the people: do not shout hosianna! In the parish they say – the people: do not shout hosianna! Eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – he rose to heaven.

‘Tapwaroro’ and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ – ‘Christian texts’ and ‘church songs’

Maria Maria e Maria e avaka peila kuvalam Maria Maria e Maria e avaka peila kuvalam Eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu eya iya ei ulo Yesu itokaya

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Mary, oh Mary, oh Mary, why do you cry? Mary, oh Mary, oh Mary, why do you cry? Eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus – eya, iya, ei, my Jesus he rose to heaven.4

The verbal expressions ‘-osi-’ and ‘-usiwosi-’ are used to refer to the singing of these and all other songs. This example should suffice for the purposes pursued here. I just want to note that this song alludes to the most important problem Christian missionaries had to overcome on the Trobriand Islands. They had to introduce and explain the concept of Jesus Christ being God’s son to members of a matrilineal society, in which the father is by no means related to his children. And here the Catholic missionaries – who, as mentioned above, came much later than the Methodists – were in a somewhat better position than their Methodist colleagues: they could present Mary, Jesus Christ’s holy mother! I have discussed the consequences of the Christianisation of the Trobriand Islanders for their language and culture in detail elsewhere (see Senft 1992a; 1994a; 1997b). However, I would like to emphasize here once more that the fact that the ‘biga tapwaroro’ is in the process of superseding the ‘biga baloma’ and the ‘biga megwa’ will have severe consequences for the Trobriand Islanders’ culture (see Senft 1997b: 56 f.). The loss of these registers and their constituting genres means a loss of indigenous forms of ritual language. In general, ritual language can be regarded as the recognized culmination of the learning of knowledge which is basic and fundamental for the social construction of a society’s reality. This reality, in turn, fosters the society’s stability with the help of the relative stability of ritual language (see Fox 1975: 127; 130). The changes induced by the Christian missionaries not only affect the social construction of Trobriand profane reality – a necessary prerequisite for gaining influence and power – but also the indigenous belief system of the Trobriand Islanders. These changes necessarily resulted in new European- and Christian-based systems of social and religious values and beliefs. The language change in progress that affects the traditional ‘biga baloma’ and the ‘biga megwa’ registers proofs that the missionaries have finally succeeded in replacing the indigenous Trobriand magic, science, and eschatological beliefs with Christian ‘magic’, ‘science’ and religion. 4

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

Chapter 7 ‘Biga taloi’ and ‘taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting speech’ and ‘greeting and parting formulae’ This chapter first briefly describes the ‘Biga taloi’, the ‘greeting and parting speech’ and then illustrates this very narrowly defined situational-intentional variety with the actual ‘taloi’, the ‘greeting and parting formulae’ that constitute this register.

7.1

‘Biga taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting speech’

This variety just refers to the Trobriand forms of verbal greeting and parting as well as to the formulae for politely opening and closing public speeches. These forms and formulae are subsumed under the genre label ‘taloi’ – and this genre, that is, just a few expressions, constitutes the ‘biga taloi’ register.

7.2

‘Taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting formulae’

On the Trobriand Islands, like everywhere else, people have developed many ways of greeting each other, like, for example, a friendly smile, a nod, an eyebrow flash, a handshake, bowing down, or even a sniff-kiss, and, of course, verbal formulae. The label ‘taloi’ refers to all verbal greeting – and parting – formulae used by Trobriand Islanders. The following formulae constitute the genre: ‘bwena kaukwa’ ‘bwena lalai’ ‘bwena kwayai’ ‘bwena bogi’ ‘kayoni’

good morning good day good afternoon good evening good bye, bye bye, farewell

I cannot decide whether these formulae are calques of English greeting formulae probably introduced by the missionaries and/or the Kiaps1; but my 1

The term ‘Kiap’ refers to patrol officers who performed general administration functions in colonial times and for some years thereafter. The term derives from

‘Taloi’ – ‘Greeting and parting formulae’

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consultants claim that these formulae represent traditional Kilivila forms of greeting. However, the question ‘Ambeya (bukula)?’ or its shortened version ‘Ambe?’– ‘Where (are you going) to?’ is definitely a traditional form of greeting2. It is usually addressed to people leaving their village. An adequate answer to such a question may run: Bala bakakaya baka’ita basisu bapaisewa batai waga kevau. ba-la ba-kakaya ba-ka’ita ba-sisu ba-paisewa 1.Fut-go 1.Fut-bath 1.Fut-return 1.Fut-be 1.Fut-work ‘I will go I will have a bath I will come back I will stay (in the village) I will work ba-tai waga ke-vau 1.Fut-cut canoe CP.wooden-new I will cut my new canoe’. This answer describes the intentions the addressee wants to pursue in the near future. Persons greeted and addressed with this question can be sure that the community cares for them. If anything may happen to them on their way, if they may have an accident (that may be caused by black magic or by bad spirits like, for example, the ‘kosi’ mentioned in section 4.1 above), other village people will know about their plans and look after them if they are missed. Thus, this greeting formula can be interpreted as serving the function of a binding ritual which indicates that the addressed are safe and secure within their community’s social network and that they can rely on it. In the last few years, however, this greeting formula seems to be getting more and more out of use, at least in the village Tauwema, my place of residence on the Trobriand Islands. This may have to do with the fact that within the last 20 years or so the number of inhabitants in the village has almost doubled, that due to the rising influence of Christianity many people gradually lose their fear with respect to the power of spirits, witches, magicians and their formulae, and that many more people regularly use the small paths that connect the villages and gardens on Kaile’una Island. German ‘Kapitän’. For a description of the life of a Kiap on the Trobriands see Saville (1974). 2 See also Malinowski (1935 Vol I: 314): “Whence comest thou?”. This form of greeting can also be found in many German fairy tales, like, for example in “Die 12 Brüder” (The 12 brothers) in Grimms’ Fairy Tales (Jakob und Wilhem Grimm: “Kinder und Hausmärchen” first published 1812–1815; see also Bougainville (1771: 348).

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But back to the actual greeting formulae. The loan word ‘agutoki’ from the Dobu language can be glossed in most contexts as ‘my thanks, thank you’. However, this loan word is also used in formulae for opening and closing speeches. Such a perfect form for opening a village meeting, for example, – and for closing it – is: ‘Agutoki guyau, agutoki misinari, agutoki tommota Tauwema’ Literally this meeting opening and closing formula translates as: ‘Thank you chief, thank you missionary, thank you people (from) Tauwema’. It certainly can be glossed as ‘Dear chief, dear missionaries, dear people of Tauwema!’.3 The verbal expressions ‘-boda-’ – ‘to greet, to welcome’, the loan ‘-sekani-’ – ‘to greet, to shake hands with s. o.’, and the verbal expression ‘-taloi’i-’ – ‘to bid farewell’ refer to forms of verbal greeting, and the verbal expressions ‘-tumapola-’ – ‘to assent, to greet by lifting the eyebrows’, ‘-kavagina-’ – ‘to honor a chief by crawling like a child in front of him’, ‘-kululu-’ – ‘to honor someone bowing deeply and bending one’s knees’, and ‘-temamila-’ – ‘to bow to a chief’ refer to nonverbal forms of greeting on the Trobriands (see Senft 1987a: 107 f; see also Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Senft 1987: 77–96). Moreover, children announce canoes or dinghies visiting their villages with shouts of joy; this shouting is called ‘-katugogova-’. Finally, I would like to mention here that the Trobriand Islanders also ask for the name of an unknown person that they have greeted. The question ‘Amyagam?’ am-yaga-m what-name-your ‘What’s your name?’ can be seen as an extension of the act of greeting that may signal real interest in and sympathy for the person just greeted. I just want to note here that when this person is a Trobriand Islander or if s/he lives in the Massim area (see Malinowski 1922: 26, Map III) than his or her name will provide a lot of personal information. Proper names are clan property. Thus any Trobriand Islander hearing the given name of another Trobriander or of an islander living in the Massim area can immediately identify the clan membership of – and thus even a possible clan-relationship with – the respective individual.

3

For other forms of address in Kilivila see Senft (1986: 129–131).

Chapter 8 ‘Biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ and ‘yakala’, ‘kalava’, ‘kasolukuva’, and ‘liliu’ – ‘Heavy speech / true speech’ and ‘litigations’, ‘counting baskets full of yams’, ‘mourning formulae’, and ‘myths’ This chapter describes and characterizes the important situational-intentional variety that is called ‘Biga pe’ula’ or ‘Biga mokwita’ – ‘Heavy speech’ or ‘True speech’ and then illustrates this register with the four genres that constitute it.

8.1.

‘Biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ – ‘Heavy speech / true speech’

The Trobriand Islanders take it for granted that this variety is used in, and also marks, very specific forms of speech that are used – during litigations, – at the beginning of the ‘milamala’ harvest festival (see 4.2 above) during the ‘dadodiga’ feast – the festive filling of the yams-houses when the baskets full of yams that will be put into the yams-houses are counted, and – during mourning ceremonies – bewailing a deceased person, and that it is constitutive for – myths. The metalinguistic label ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ – ‘heavy speech / true speech’ clearly indicates that whatever is said during these specific speech situations and in myths is true, that it can be taken for granted, and that people believe what they say to be the truth. Thus, in general this variety is not characterized by specific stylistic features, but by the fact that speakers produce statements they are convinced (or at least they claim) to be true.1 As pointed out in the subsections 2.1.8 and 5.2 above, it is characteristic for Trobriand discourse and communication to use linguistic vagueness and ambiguity as a stylistic means to avoid possible distress, confrontation, or too much and too aggressive directness in everyday speech situations. Weiner (1983: 693) summarized this observation as follows:

1 This general characterization also holds for ‘myths’; however, it goes without saying that they also have specific stylistic features (see 8.2.4 below).

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Chapter 8 In Kiriwina, formalized speech codes allow for the ritualisation of verbal interaction so that one’s thoughts remain disguised and cannot be controlled by someone else… Speaking what one truly thinks about something is called ‘hard words’ (biga peula). Even though the truth about something may be known to everyone, speaking the truth publicly exposes all the compromises and negotiations under which individuals operate in their daily lives. For this reason, saying ‘hard words’ is perceived to be extremely dangerous and produces immediate and often violent repercussions. ‘Hard words’ once spoken cannot be recalled…

Therefore, it is no wonder that in everyday contexts this variety is rather rarely used. However, when it is used, the directness of the speakers indicates that they are completely aware of the fact that they have to take all risks of stripping away ambiguity and vagueness with which they normally disguise their own thoughts – a feature characteristic for the ‘biga sopa’ variety (see chapter 9) – and that they can stand to argue publicly in terms of the heavy (‘pe’ula’) dimension of truth (‘mokwita’). Thus, the use of this variety implies an important personal and social impact of what is said; moreover, it is explicitly marked by speakers declaring that what they are going to say now or what they have said is not ‘sopa’ but ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokwita’. The speakers’ commitment in the marked sense finds its expressions even in ritualized formulae, like, for example, ‘Besatuta balivala biga mokwita!’ besatuta ba-livala biga now 1.Fut-speak language ‘Now I will speak (the) true language!’

mokwita true

or, ‘Alivala manakwa biga, gala aseva, aseva gala!’. a-livala ma-na-kwa biga, gala a-seva 1.-speak Dem-Dem-CP.general language not 1.-recant a-seva gala 1.-recant not ‘I speak this language, I won’t recant (anything), I won’t recant (anything)!’ This concept is the necessary complement to the concept of ‘sopa’ (see chapter 9). Its rare use signals the social significance of both concepts: The use of the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ variety on the one hand inevitably will demand uptake and action that for either party involved in such a speech event may be dangerous or even fatal (see Weiner 1983: 696). On the other hand, the concept

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of ‘sopa’ offers the only possibility to avoid such potential consequences that may turn out to be fatal not only for individuals but also for the society as a whole.2 Litigation speeches and discussions, the counting of the baskets full of yams during the ‘dadodiga’ feast, the mourning formulae, and the myths as well as all utterances that are explicitly marked by the speakers as representing ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokwita’ are the text categories that constitute this register.

8.2

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

The following subsections present and illustrate the text categories that constitute the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ variety. Examples where utterances or even parts of speeches are explicitly marked as ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ are hard to document. However, in my 1983 documentation of ‘luavala’, of ‘admonishing speeches’ on the Trobriands (see chapter 10 below) I have two instances were Kilagola, the former chief of Tauwema, explicitly marks parts of his ‘luavala’ in the way described above (Senft 1991b: 33, lines 199–202; 33, lines 206–207, 37). 8.2.1

‘Yakala’ – ‘Litigations’

I have never witnessed any litigations on the Trobriands and therefore cannot illustrate what is going on during such a ‘yakala’ with my own data. However, in 1980 Ed Hutchins published a book in which he presents a case study of a land litigation on the Trobriand Islands (see also Hutchins 1979; 1990). Hutchins points out that the litigations nowadays contain “elements of European court procedure” (Hutchins 1980: 44). Malinowski (1935, Vol. I: 103) already referred to the ‘yakala’ and defined them as “native litigations, arising out of disputes of cutting” new gardens. However, in his days there was no institutionalized forum for these litigations – and it may well be that “success in litigation must have depended upon verbal intimidation and force of character” (Hutchins 1980: 44). At present the court case like character of these litigations require from the parties involved that they produce the ‘biga mokwita’ to legitimize their claims – that they simply ‘tell the truth’ (‘-kamokwita-’). The party who can convince the members of the court that their claim is right have 2

Other Melanesian cultures also prefer vagueness and ambiguity, claiming that one should not know the mind of another and better keep one’s feelings hidden. See, e. g., Watson-Gegeo (1986), Schieffelin (1986), Strathern (1975).

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to anchor this claim in knowledge of lands they claim to control. Persons who try to cheat inevitably reveal that they lack this knowledge. And such a demonstration of lack of knowledge is a blow to a person’s prestige (see Hutchins: 1980: 109). Thus, all parties involved in litigations better try their very best to speak the ‘true language’. The heart of Hutchins monograph presents a detailed documentation of a case of land litigation which he recorded in July 1976 in the village Tukwaukwa on Kiriwina Island (Hutchins 1980: 62–109). He presents and analyses not only the arguments the litigants put forward during this local court case, but also a summarizing opinion on these arguments by a member of the court as well as the final decision of the powerful chief of Tukwaukwa who presided the court. He convincingly shows that the Trobriand Islander who lost this case lost it because of the lack of knowledge of the land he claimed – and Hutchins points out that – in the least charitable interpretation of his arguments – the arguments of this litigant could be interpreted as intentionally deceitful, because they were based on a central proposition which turned out to be wrong (see Hutchins 1980: 109, 118 f). To say it the other way round: Hutchins shows that this case of land litigation on the Trobriands was won by the litigant who not only spoke the ‘biga mokwita’ but also had the knowledge to base his arguments on ‘true’ propositions (see also Hutchins 1990, especially pp 440–458). 8.2.2

‘Kalava’ – ‘Counting baskets full of yams’

Another situation in the life of the Trobriand Islanders that requires the use of the ‘biga mokwita’ is the ‘kalava’, the counting of the baskets full of yams as part of the yams harvest. At various occasions when these baskets full of yams are counted (see Malinowski 1935, Vol 1: 90), but especially during the ‘dadodiga’ (‘fill in’) feast, the festive filling of the yams-houses when the baskets full of yams that are put into the yams-houses are counted, the counting (‘-kalava-’) is controlled with a ‘kalava’ counting stick. This stick consists of a coconut or a sago palm leaf. For every basket counted a leaf is torn off, and for every tenth basket only the tip of the leaf goes off (see Senft 1986: 434). Moreover, the numbers are often sung out – the verbal expression ‘-wina-’ – ‘to sing, to count’ refers to this singing out the counted numbers. With this controlled counting there is no cheating possible – thus, the counting represents a genre of the ‘biga mokwita’. For counting the baskets full of yams, the Trobriand Islanders still use their traditional ‘quinary decimal’ counting system that I will briefly illustrate below. However, before I do that, I have to emphasize the following: cardinal numbers in Kilivila represent one of three word classes in the formation of which classifiers or – as Malinowski referred to these forma-

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tives – classificatory particles (CPs) are involved. Cardinal numbers consist of the word stem and a prefixed CP that classifies the referent of the noun. To give an example: the word stem for ‘one’ is ‘-tala’; if speakers want to refer to ‘one man’ they produce the noun phrase: ‘tetala tau’ te-tala CP.male-one ‘one man’.

tau man

If speakers want to refer to ‘one woman’ they produce the noun phrase: ‘natala vivila’ na-tala CP.female-one ‘one woman’.

vivila woman

I have described 88 of these CPs that are used by the Tauwema speech community in detail elsewhere (Senft 1996b), however, it may well be that the inventory of these CPs exceeds 200 formatives. There is only one situation in which no CP is prefixed to the stem of the cardinal number, and that is when baskets of yams are counted! In what follows I briefly illustrate the Kilivila system of cardinal numbers: 1 -tala 2 -yu 3 -tolu 4 -vasi 5 -lima 6 -lima -tala 7 -lima -yu 8 -lima -tolu 9 -lima -vasi 10 -lumwatala 11 -luwatala -tala 12 -luwatala -yu etc. 16 -luwatala -lima -tala etc. 20 -luwayu etc.

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60 etc. 100 600 etc. 1000 6000 etc. 10,000

-luwalima -luwatala -lakatutala -lakatulima -lakatutala -lakatuluwatala -lakatuluwalima -lakatuluwatala -lakatuluwatinigesi

The cardinal number ‘-lakatuluwatinigesi’ also represents the infinite number’ (for further information see Senft 1986: 76–84). It is obvious that this counting system is complex and difficult. This is one of the reasons why the English counting system has almost superseded this traditional number system in everyday usage – but so far definitely not during the ‘dadodiga’ ritual. 8.2.3

‘Kasolukuva’ – ‘Mourning formulae’

Another genre that represents the ‘biga mokwita’ is the ‘kasolukuva’ formula and other formulae (for which I could not find respective metalinguistic labels) that are used for bewailing the dead (see Senft 1985c). In what follows I present a ‘kasolukuva’ formula together with other forms for the lamentation of a deceased person: In the ‘kasolukava’ formulae I recorded in 1983 in the village Koma on Kaile’una Island, Kaduvetaki and Bokenaba, the mother and the sister of the deceased Gionavana, bewail the loss of their son and brother. They praise him as a hard worker and excellent gardener. These formulae may be repeated over and over again (see Senft 1985c: 485); they are intense expressions of deep grief in a situation prevailed by communal crying and lamentations:3 Bokenaba: Akoveaka, lugute, akoveaka, agu kobau, agu kogugula ulisiyela, ulitabe’u, agu kema. Luguta, kaipe’ula kaimatua, kaitabwau – Gionavana – o, bwadage, a, a, o, o, e, e, bwadagu, bwadage, o, o, u, u… 3

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

My strong fire, my brother, my strong fire, my big heap [of yams], my heap of food, my everything, my collector of food, my axe. My brother, strong, vigorous, mighty – Gionavana – oh, my brother, ah, ah, oh, oh, eh, eh, my brother, my brother, oh, oh, uh, uh…

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

Kaduvetaki: Natugu, natugu, latuge gwadegu, tuda, toka’utu, tokabobu, toveyami, tomigile’u, igadegu, Gionavana, tokwebagula tokanoku, tobwetukula, igadegu, latugu, ulu bwetuduva, ulu bweka’utu, ulu bwekabobu, ulu bwetata i, e, igadegu, Gionavana, e…

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My child, my child, my child, they cry, my child, fine figure of a man, intelligent man, decorated man, honest man, it hurts me, Gionavana, best gardener, man with many garden plots, hard working man, it hurts me, my child, my beautiful son, my dear child, my caring child, my well educated son, ih, eh, it hurts me, Gionavana, eh…

Simpler mourning formulae that are referred to as ‘valam’ – ‘crying’ usually refer to the mourner’s kinship relation to the deceased. Thus, Nakwelua, Gionavana’s father’s father, bewailed his grandson (with whom he is not related in this matrilineal society) with the following formula (Senft 1985c: 475): Nakwelua: Tabugu tabugu e e e

My son’s son, my son’s son, eh eh eh

It is taken for granted that all these ritualized mourning formulae represent the ‘biga mokwita’ (– thus, the Trobrianders, too, follow the maxim ‘de mortuis nil nisi bene’). 8.2.4

‘Liliu’ – ‘Myths’

Finally, the ‘liliu’ – the myths which the Trobriand Islanders still believe to have happened at a time when their ancestors mastered the powerful magical formulae with which they could control nature – also represent the ‘biga mokwita’. These ‘liliu’ are different from what modern Trobriand Islanders take as ‘historical facts’; however, the supernatural events described in the ‘liliu’ are still believed to be true and continue to play an important role for the Trobriand Islanders social construction of reality4. These myths still justify the social stratification of the Trobriand society with its four clans and the various subclans within these clans; moreover, as Hutchins (1987) has shown, the knowledge of a myth can be brought to bear on the interpretation of experience. It is interesting to see that Lawton in his 1997 Bible translation uses the term 4

See also footnote 10 above. I just want to note here that I never heard the metalinguistic term ‘libogwo’ Malinowski used in connection with the ‘liliu’ (see 1.2).

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‘liliu’ to refer to the ‘Chronicles’. Malinowski presents in his œuvre a number of these ‘liliu’ (see, e. g., Malinowski 1935, Vol 2: 68 ff & 200 ff). I have published a ‘liliu’ a few years ago (Senft 1995a). Moreover, I have also collected the ‘liliu’ about ‘Imdeduya and Yolina’; however, so far I could not find the time to publish this text. In what follows I first present and then annotate and analyse a version of the ‘Tudava’ myth called ‘Dokonikani and his “companion” Tudava’. In 1983 Kilagola, the late chief of Tauwema, told this myth as part of a conversation he had with Ingrid (Nina) Bell-Krannhals, the anthropologist in our research team (see Bell-Krannhals 1990). This ‘liliu’ represents the version that is told in Labai, a village on Kiriwina Island (to save space I present only the morpheme-interlinearized Kilivila version)5: Dokonikani so-la Tudava Dokonikani companion-his Tudava Dokonikani and his ‘companion’ Tudava Ingrid: yegu magi-gu tuvela ba-nukwali *pela Dokonikani I wish-my again 1.Fut-know for Dokonikani I would like again to know (something about) Dokonikani yaga-la m-to-na, e bi-kam name-his Dem-CP.male-Dem and 3.Fut-eat that’s this man’s name, and he is said to eat people.

tommota. people

Kilagola: Dokonikani to-kwamla tau, – gala ‘pela’, gala ‘bi-kam tau’ Dokonikani man-eating man not ‘for’ no 3.Fut-eat man Dokonikani the cannibal, – (do) not (say) ‘for’, (do) not (say) ‘he will eat a man’. 005 Ingrid: Ambe? Where (did he live)? Kilagola: Silakwa, (In) Silakwa, 5

Silakwa, Silakwa,

beyo, there,

beyo! there!

Note that I did not transcribe all of Ingrid Bell Krannhals’s comments and reactions to Kilagola’s narration of the myth.

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Ingrid: Valu yaga-la? village name-its (Is this) the name of the village? Kilagola: E valu yaga-la Silakwa, la valu yaga-la Silakwa. yes village name-its Silakwa his village name-its Silakwa Yes, the name of the village is Silakwa, his village’s name is Silakwa. Ingrid: E e-sisu la bwala? And 3.-be his house And was his house (there)? 010 Kilagola: La bwala ala mokolu his house his Mokolu-tree His house and his Mokolu-tree was there, la bwala dubwadebula, bwala his house cave house his house is a cave, the house is like a cave,

beya there makala like

i-sisu, 3.-be dubwadebula, cave

e-sisu i-yaula la yim, bi-mema ala tau 3.-be 3.-roll his string.net 3.Fut-come his man he is (there) he rolls his string net, he will come his man (and) bi-kam-kwam beya o la bwala 3.Fut-eat-Redup there Loc his house he will eat (him) just there in his house.

wala. only.

Bi-masisi kaukwau bi-tokeya bi-la i-sunini, 3.Fut-sleep morning 3.Fut-get.up 3.Fut.go 3.-hunt He will sleep (and in the) morning he will get up he will go and hunt, 015 bi-la i-sunini, bi-bwadi tommota bi-katumati bi-ketakeva… 3.Fut-go 3.-hunt 3.Fut-meet people 3.Fut-kill 3.Fut-carry he will go and hunt, he will meet people, he will kill (them), he will carry (them)…

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Ingrid: Ta-kokola! Dual-incl-get.frightened One gets frightened! Kilagola: …taga – bi-ketakeva bi-sakauvali bi-weya …of course! – 3.Fut-carry 3.Fut-run.with 3.Fut-kill …of course! – he will carry (them) he will run with (them) he will kill (them) bi-toli odabala bwala bi-kile’i – tu!– o pwepwaya, 3.Fut-stand on.top.of house 3.-throw bang! Loc ground he will stand on top of his house he will throw (them down) – bang! – onto the ground, bi-tobusi bi-la bi-kam. Bi-kamkwam bi-vokwa 3.Fut-climb.down 3.Fut-go 3.Fut-eat 3.Fut-eat-Redup 3.Fut-finish he will climb down he will go and eat (them). Having finished eating 020 bi-siva bi-masisi. Bi-masisi eyam bi-la i-sunini 3.Fut-stay 3.Fut-sleep 3.Fut-sleep day.breaks 3.Fut-go 3.-hunt he will stay and sleep. He will sleep, day breaks (and) he will go hunting i-sunini i-sunini i-loki te-tala tau guma-Kapwaku. 3-hunt 3.-hunt 3.-go.to CP.male-one man from.Kapwaku he hunts he hunts he goes to (this) one man from Kapwaku village. Guma-Kapwaku toya bwada-la toya bwada-la From.Kapwaku with younger.brother-his with younger.brother-his (A man) from Kapwaku with his younger brother, with his younger brother i-pilipali-si kali bagula. Kwa-pekwatisi igau ba-kasitori! 3.-Redup-make-Pl fence garden. 2.-keep.quiet then 1.Fut-tell.story they make a fence (for the) garden. (To Ingrid:) Keep quiet, then I will tell the story! I-pilipali-si kali. I-sakaula-si bwada-la m-to-na-ga 3.-Redup-make fence 3.-run-Pl brother-his Dem-CP.man-Dem-Emph They make a fence. They run, his younger brother (and) this man

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025 i-pogudu-si. E-me-ma m-to-na Dokonikani e-weva, 3.-wrestle-Pl 3.-Redup-come Dem-CP.man-Dem Dokonikani 3-go.to they wrestle. He comes this Dokonikani he goes to (them), m-to-na tommotatola i-kimapu-si i-pogudu-si. Dem-CP.man-Dem real.man 3.-fight.each.other-Pl 3.-wrestle-Pl this man(Dokonikani(D)) (and) the (real) man fight with each other, they wrestle. I-pogudu-si i-pogudu-si, bogwa e-tokumgaga m-to-na, 3.-wrestle-Pl 3.-wrestle already 3.-win Dem-CP.male-Dem They wrestle, they wrestle, already he wins this man(D), tommotatola i-le’i i-la i-kanava, i-le’i real.man 3.-throw.down 3.-go 3.-lie.down 3.-throw.down the real man he(D) throws (him) down he goes (down) he lies (there), he(D) throws (him down) i-la i-kanava. E i-la-go i-luwai m-to-na 3.-go 3.-lie.down and 3.-go-Emph 3.-remember Dem-CP.man-Dem he goes (down) he lies (there). And indeed he(D) goes (there) he remembers (him) this 030 Dokinikani makala i-sivila, yama-la i-kauvali, Dokonikani like 3.-turns hand-his 3.-bite.off Dokonikani (is) like (this) he(D) turns, his hand he(D) bites (it) off, yama-la i-kauvala o-kudu-la i-kauvali, hand-his 3.-bite.off (binding.vowel)-tooth-his 3.-bite.off his hand he(D) bites it off (with) his teeth he bites (it) off, already

bogwa already

e-pani. I-kauvali kwe’i-yu-vela, i-tapopula i-mmwali 3.-faint 3.-bite.off CP.limb-two-Emph 3.-bend.down 3.-pick.up he faints. He(D) bites off the second hand, indeed, he bends down he picks (him) up i-sela o keyo-la, i-sakauvali i-lau i-sakauvali 3.-put Loc shoulder-his 3.-run.with 3.-take 3.-run.with he puts (him) on his shoulder, he runs with (him) he takes (him and) he runs with him

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i-le’i-wa: tu! E-va-vagi lu-le-ta, 3.-throw-only bang 3.-Redup-make sister-his-sister he just throws (him down): Bang! His sister looks after 035 e-va-vagi lu-le-ta 3.-Redup-make sister-his-sister His sister looks after – this girl –

–mi -na-na Dem-CP.female.Dem

la bwala – makala m-to-si-na his house like Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem his house – their house (is)

si their

vivila – girl bwala house

makala yokwa m bwala – e-va-vagi-ga like you your house 3.-Redup-make-Emph like your house – indeed she looks after (it) lu-le-ta. “Mwa-la avaka ku-vagi? sister-his-sister. boy-Emph what 2.-do his sister. “Boy, what have you done? You killed their vei-si-ya, si-mwaya! relatives-their-relatives their-friends relatives, their friends! Oh no! What

Ais! Oh no!

Ku-wa-weya 2.-Redup-kill

Avaka what

040 ku-kwamati! Butula bi-ma – ku-liga-lega – butula!” 2.-bit.to.death rumour 3.Fut-come 2.-Redup-listen rumour have you bitten to death? Rumour will spread – listen – rumour!” “Agu tau ba-kam-kwam!” I-tobusi e i-siva i-koma my man 1.Fut-Redup-eat 3.-walk.down and 3.-stay 3.-eat “My man I will eat (him)!” He walks down and he stays he eats i-kam-koma i-vinau. Ke beya bita-livali. 3.-Redup-eat 3.-finish well this Fut.Dual.incl.-told and eats he stops eating. Well, this is told. He will finish

Bi-vokwa 3.-Fut-finish

i-kam-koma i-vinau. I-sakaula e i-suna i-masisi. 3.-Redup-eat 3.-finish 3.-run and 3.-go.to.the.bush 3.-sleep eating he finishes (it). He runs and he goes to the bush and sleeps (there).

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

Kaukwau i-la i-sunini. E m-to-na-ga morning 3.-go 3.-hunt and Dem-CP.man-Dem-Enph In the morning he goes hunting. And this Tudava indeed,

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Tudava Tudava

045 Labai mesisiki Labai mesisiki bogwa e-toveaka Labai living.place Labai living.place already 3.-grow up who lives in Labai, who lives in Labai, he had already grown up sena makala. I-kam-kwam tau mna, Dokonikani i-kokola-si very like 3.-Redup-eat man hm Dokonikani 3.-be.scared-Pl very much. He (who) eats men, hm, Dokonikani, they are scared (of him) and (so is) lu-si-ta. Eseki i-libu-si waga i-tamvau-si. sister-their-sister whatever 3.-push-Pl canoe 3.-be.out.of.sight-Pl their sister. Whatever, they push the canoe (into the sea) and they get out of sight. E alumaguta i-ligeve-si o kovalava Labai. Bwena. and herself 3.-leave-Pl Loc beach(name) Labai good And she (is) on her own – they left – on the Kovalova-beach of Labai. Good. E-sisu e-sisu i-vilulu Tudava i-vilulu Tudava. I-vatu, 3.-be 3.-be 3.-give.birth Tudava 3.-give.birth Tudava time.passes She is there she is there she gives birth to Tudava she gives birth to Tudava. Time passes, 050 bogwa e-toveaka sena sena e-toveaka. E-sunini. E-vavagi already 3.-grow.up very very 3.-grow.up 3.-hunt 3.-say already he grew up, he really became a big and strong man. He goes hunting. She says ina-la: “Mwa ku-la ku-mema te-ta(la) tau tokwamla”. mother-his chap 2.-go 2.-come.to CP.male-one man man.eating his mother: “Chap go and come to a man-eating man!”. Tau e-kebiga: “O ina(-gu) ba-gisi”. I-kebiga: “Gala man 3.-say oh mother(-my) 1.Fut-see 3.-say No The man said: “Oh mother, I will see (him)”. She said: “No,

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gala ta-gi-gisi”. E-kebiga: “Ga(la) ba-gisi-wa(la)” no Dual.incl-Redup-see 3.-say No 1.Fut-see-only no, we two will see (him)”. He said: “No, I will see him only”. I-komikikina i-tagwala. Ina-la I-ma i-teya la keyala 3.-persuade 3.-agree mother-his 3.-come 3.-cut his spear He persuaded (her and) she agreed. His mother came and cut his spear, 055 i-tateya la keyala i-vokwa. I-seli i-migai 3.-cut his spear 3.-be finished 3.-put.down 3.-whisper she cut his spear it is finished. She put it down and whispers magic (over it) ina-la i-vokwa. I-gigabu i-vokwa i-semwa. mother-his 3.-be.finished 3.-burn 3.-be.finished 3.-put.aside his mother, it is finished. She hardens it in the fire, it is finished, she puts it aside. I-migai, mna, vana i-migai vana 3.-whisper hm aromatic.herbs 3.-whisper aromatic.herbs She whispers magic over, hm, his aromatic herbs, she whispers magic over his herbs, i-vokwa. I-kapwali i-vokwa, i-seki. E i-ma 3.-be.finished 3.-pack 3.-be.finsihed 3.-give and 3.-come it is finished. She packs (them together) it is finished, and she gives (them to him). And she comes i-teya ya-ta(la) bisila, bisila 3.-cut CP.flexible-one pandanus.streamer pandanus.streamer she cuts a pandanus streamer, (the) pandanus streamer 060 i-sipu yama-la beya i-visoni 3.-tie hand-his there 3.-put.in.“kwasi”-bracelet (on his upper arm) she ties it around his hand there, she put it in his “kwasi”-bracelets on his upper arm ye-kekita makala valola. E-kebiga: “O CP.flexible-small like armlength 3.-say Oh a small one as long as an armlength. She says: “Oh, you walk

ku-lilola 2.-walk

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89

buku-suma wala, buku-kile’i mi-ya-na 2.Fut-go.through.bush only 2.-Fut-throw.away Dem-CP.flexible-Dem you will go through the bush only, you will throw this bisela, igau ku-gisi ku-vogwali. E-lola pandanus.streamer then 2.-see 2.-shout 3.-walk pandanus streamer, then you see (him) and you shout (at him)”. He walks (away) m-to-na Tudava i-lola i-la m-to-na-ga, Dem-CP.male-Dem Tudava 3.-walk 3.-go Dem-CP.male-Dem-Emph this Tudava, he walks (away) he goes to this man indeed, 065 i-yaula im i-yaula la im o la 3.-roll string.net 3.-roll his string.net Loc his he(D) rolls (up) his string net, he rolls (up) his string net in his bwala i-lola-go. Bogwa bi-suna-wa i-kile’i house 3.-walk-Emph. already 3.Fut-go.through.bush-only 3.-throw.away house (and) indeed he(T) walks away. Already he will go through the bush he throws away mi-ya-na bisila eee Dem-CP.flexible-Dem pandanus.streamer and and and this pandanus streamer – and and and – nothing

gala nothing

i-katuyumali. E i-toili i-le’i gala i-katuyumali. 3.-throw.back And 3.-turn 3.-throw nothing 3.-throw.back it comes back. And he turns he throws (it away) – nothing – it comes back. I-le’i makawala i-kalituvitoi mi-ya-na 3.-throw like 3.-hover.down Dem-CP.flexible-Dem He throws it like (this and) it hovers down this 070 bisila. Bogwa mala keda i-suna pandanus-streamer. already his path 3.-go.through.bush pandanus-streamer. And there (is) his path, he goes through the bush, i-suna wala, i-sakaula i-sakaula i-kanobusi 3.-go.through.bush only 3.-run 3.-run 3.-come.out he goes through the bush only, he runs he runs he comes out –

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yaga-la valu Kwepukoya. E i-toli i-toli. E name-its village Kwepukoya. And 3.-stand 3.-stand and the name of the village is Kwepukoya. He stands he stands (there). And beya bogwa la keda Dokonikani mokwita, i-toli. there already his path Dokonikani true 3.-stand there already is his right path (to) Dokonikani, he stands (there). I-tola bogwa i-kile’i mi-ya-na 3.-stand already 3.-throw.away Dem-CP.flexible-Dem He stands (there), already he throws away this 075 bisila, i-la beya, gala i-kile’i, i-mwa beya, pandanus-streamer 3.-go there not 3.-throw.away 3.-come.to here pandanus-streamer, he goes there, he does not throw (it) away, he comes to this place, gala i-kile’i, i-va beya. I-vagi makala, not 3.-throw.away 3.-go.to there 3.-make like he does not throw (it) away, he goes to this place. He does it like (this), i-suna i-kabi i-la i-kabi-kabi i-va-la 3.-go.through.bush 3.-hold 3.-go 3.-hold-Redup 3.-go.to-Emph he goes through the bush he holds (it) he goes, he really holds (it) he goes there i-kanobusi o la valu la 3.-come.out Loc his village his he comes out at his village the village of this

valu village

m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

Dokonikani. O rebwaga i-kanobusi o la Dokonikani Loc coral.garden 3.-come.out Loc his Dokonikani. At the coral garden he(T) comes out, at his(D’s) place.

valu. place

080 I-lela o kulumwala. Ivatu, i-mwa i-mweki 3.-walk.on Loc roof time.passes 3.-come.to 3.-come.straight.to He walks on to the roof (of his house). Time passes, he comes he comes straight to

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Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

ma-ke-na mokolu e-basi. E-va Dem-CP.wooden-Dem Mokolu-tree 3.-grow 3.-go.to where this Mokolu tree grows. He goes there he jumps (up)

i-topela 3.-jump

i-toli i-tola o bwadaga i-mwena i-la o dogina. 3.-stand 3-stand oh guys 3.-climbs 3.-go Loc top he stands he stands there – oh guys! – he climbs up to the top. I-kululu i-gi-gisi: A m-to-ne 3.-look.down 3.-Redup-see ah Dem-CP.male-Dem He looks down he sees: Ah, this man rolls his

e-yaula 3.-roll

la his

yim, a e-yaula yim. I-si(su) wala e-kokolulu: string.net ah 3.-roll string.net 3.-stay only 3.-look.down string net, ah, he(D) rolls a string net. He stays there he looks down: 085 I-yaula i-yaula yim i-yaula. I-kiuya 3.-roll 3.-roll string.net 3.-roll 3.-pick He rolls and rolls his string net he rolls (it). He(T) picks ma-na-kwa Mokolu. I-kiuya i-vagi Dem-Dem-CP.thing Mokolu.fruit 3.-pick 3.-make this Mokolu fruit. He picks (it) he makes like (this)

makala, like

i-vagi makala i-vokwa i-kile’i i-va. 3.-make like 3.-finish 3.-throw.away 3.-go.to he makes like (this) he finishes (it) he throws it away there it goes. “Ei (ku-)koma-si ami hey (2-)eat-Pl your(pl) “Hey, eat your shit! Ah, consume

popu! shit

Ke well

ku-yomadi-si 2.-consume-Pl

kauveluva!” m-to-na Dokonikani food.but not.yams Dem-CP.male-Dem Dokonikani (all kinds of) food but not yams!” this Dokonikani said,

e-livala, 3.-say

090 “Ku-yomadi-si kauveluwa. Ave mauna yokwami!” 2.-consume-Pl food.but.not.yams what animal you (Pl) “Consume (all kinds of) food but not yams! What animals you are!”

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I-simwa i-tutuli, e sena kasai, e-sisu. E-sisu 3.-stay 3.-wait yes very hard 3.-be 3.-be He(Tudava) stays (there) he waits, yes (it is) very hard, he is (there). He is (there) i-ki’uya kwe-yu-vela i-ki’uya kwe-yu-vela 3.-pick CP.thing-two-Emph 3.-pick CP.thing-two-Emph he picks another (fruit) indeed, he picks another (fruit) indeed, i-takimisi i-vokwa i-le’i i-yoyowa i-vai o keke-la, 3.-scratch 3.-finish 3.-throw 3.-fly 3.-hit Loc leg-his he scratches (it) he finishes (it) he throws (it) it flies it hits his(D’s) leg, o keke-la. Hui! I-gisi e-kanukwenu i-tapopula i-kau. Loc leg-his hui! 3.-see 3.-lie.down 3.-bend.down 3.-take his leg. “Hui!” He sees (it) it lies there he bends down he takes (it). 095 I-kau i-gisi: “A, sikwekwe-si tommota 3.-take 3.-see Ah fingernails-their people He takes (it) he looks (at it): “Ah (it’s) people’s fingernails, sikwekwe-si tommota, kena? E-vagi-si fingernail-their people, or 3.-make-Pl people’s fingernails, isn’t it? They make this

mi-ni-kwa Dem-Dem-CP.thing

kauveluva. I-kovana: “A ina to-manabweta yokwa! food.but.no.yams 3-look.up: Ah mother CP.male-beautiful you food without yams. He looks up: “Ah mother, (what a) beautiful man you (are)! Lube-da ambeya mokusisiki, ambeya friend-our (Dual.incl) where living.place where Our friend, where do you live, where do you live?”

mokusisiki? living.place

“A gala beya la-sisu” “Ku-sisu-ga, o iga ah not here 1.Past-be “2.-be-Emph oh then “Ah, I did not live here”. “Please stay (here), oh, then I bring

a-mweya 1.-bring

100 yeeem ku-sisu-ga o iga a-mweya yeeem string.net 2.-stay-Emph oh then 3.-bring string.net (my) string net, please stay (here), oh, then I bring my string net”.

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

I-suviya o la bwala la yim 3.-enter Loc his house his string.net He enters his house, his string net he put (it there),

i-seli 3.-put

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wala, only

i-doki e-seli yim. E-tota-ga m-to-na 3.-think 3.-put string.net 3.-stand-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem he thinks he put the string net (there). He is really standing (there) this man, i-suvi o la bwala. I-yuvetaula-go i-tola 3.-enter Loc his house 3. -jump-indeed 3.-stand he enters his house. He(T) jumps up he stands (there) on

o Loc

kulumwala. I-la i-seva-go yim. I-yovaga-si! roof 3.-go 3.-leave-Emph string.net 3.-ask.for.more-Pl the roof. He(D) goes he leaves with his string net. – They(audience) ask for more! 105 I-vatinava o pwepwaya i-loluva e-kanobusi i-veki, 3.-walk.down Loc ground 3.-dive 3.-come.out 3.-go.to He walks down to the earth underground, he dives (down) he comes out he goes there, i-gisi wala i-gebila i-vapala i-ma i-kanobusi-ga. 3.-see only 3.-carry.on.head 3.-move.on 3.-come 3.-come.out-Emph he only sees (it) he carries it on his head he moves on he comes he comes out, indeed. “A lube ku-toli igau bita-va a ah friend 2.-wait later Dual.incl-go.to ah “Ah my friend, wait, later we will go there, ah, come!” I-kau-go kudu-tala vana e-kudu 3.-hold-Emph CP.band.of.fibres-one herbs 3.-tie He(T) holds one wreath of herbs, she tied it his(T’s) mother

ku-ma!” 2.-come

ina-la mother-his

e-migai Kwegapani. I-kau i-lokoveki, i-koma, 3.-whisper Kwegapani.magic 3.-hold 3.-put. a.spell.on 3.eat (and) she whispered Kwegapani magic on it. He(T) holds it she(T’s mother) put the spell on (it), he(D) eats it,

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110 bogeokwa. I-vatubolola wala ikugwa, Tudava oluvi. already.finished 3.-walk.away only first Tudava after it is finished already. He just walks away first, (and) then Tudava. I-li-lola i-li-lola, ivatua, i-kalikuvi-go 3.-Redup-walk 3.-Redup-walk time.passes 3.-go.to.ground-Emph He walks and walks, time passes, he goes to the ground ekugwa so-la, otinava, i-loluva makala bwalita first friend-his down 3.-dive like sea first (together with) his friend, down, he dives as if he was in the sea, e e’-utunapula: gala-wala. I-loluva i-loluva, i-gisi-wa(la), and 3.-come.out: nothing-only 3.-dive 3.-dive 3.-see-only and he comes out: Nothing (has happened). He(D) dives and dives, he(T) sees (it), e-gebila i-topala i-kanobusi-la. I-kau ma-kudu-na 3.-emerge 3.-come.up 3.-come.out 3.-take Dem-CP.band.of.fibre-Dem he(D) emerges he comes up he comes out. He(T) takes this 115 vana, i-kau i-seki, i-koma. I-kanobusi: “Ku-toli herbs 3.-take 3.-give 3.-eat 3.-come.out 2.-stand wreath of herbs, he takes (it) and gives it (to him), he(D) eats (it). He comes out: Stay (there) lube-gu iga(u) bita-va.” friend-my later Dual.incl.-go.to my friend, later we will go (there)”.

“Ku-ma, la-tota wala, 2.-come 1.Past-stand only “Come, I was just standing here,

gala ba-la. Ku-ma bita-la not 1.Fut-go 2.-come Dual.incl-go I will not go. Come, we will go to my place

o Loc

gu my

valu place

ta-loki ina-gu e-sisu”. (short pause) I-sakaula-si Dual.incl-visit mother-my 3.-be. 3.-run-Pl we visit my mother who lives there”. (short pause). They run bogeokwa i-lola-si va keda, ekugwa so-la already.finished 3.-walk-Pl Dir path first friend-his they stop running they walk along the path, first his friend

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

120 oluvi-ga i-li-lola m-to-na after-Emph 3.-Redup-walk Dem-CP.male-Dem and after him walks this Dokonikani.

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Dokonikani. Dokonikani

I-li-loi i-li-loi bogwa wa(la), 3.-Redup-walk 3.-Redup-walk already only He walks and walks already only, he turns around so-la i-kau-wa(la) i-le’i kudu-tala friend-his 3.-take-only 3-throw band.of.fibres-one his friend he takes and throws one wreath of herbs,

i-tovila 3.-turn.round

vana herbs

i-kalukulaku-wa(la) i-vinau i-koma i-dumani. 3.-catch.with.teeth-only 3.-finish 3.-eat 3.-swallow he(D) catches it with his teeth he has done it he eats (it) he swallows (it). I-valova-si i-lola-si. (change of tape!). 3.-walk.on-Pl 3.-walk-Pl They walk on they walk. He(D) feels ‘ouch’,

I-yosi 3.-feel

‘eee’, ouch

125 bogwa e-gisi e-mwe’uni vovo-la e-goyona. already he-see 3.-get.slow body-his 3.-feel.weak already he(T) sees (that) his(D’s) body gets slow (that) he feels weak. E-kebiga: “Bogwa la-vakomati bogwa la-vakomati”. 3.-say already 1.Past-poisen already 1.Past-poisen He(T) says: “Already I poisoned (him), already I poisoned (him)”. I-lola-si i-me-si o valu 3.-walk-Pl 3.-come-Pl Loc village They walk they come to the village Labai.

Labai. Labai

I-vabusi-si-ii, ekugwemwa m-to-na so-la 3.-come.down.to.beach-Emph first Dem-CP.male.Dem friend-his They come down to the beach indeed, first his friend oluvi so-la. I-li-lola m-to-na after friend-his 3.-Redup-walk Dem-CP.male-Dem and then his companion. He walks this Dokonikani,

Dokonikani Dokonikani,

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130 i-vatu-si 3.-continue-Pl

i-valutu-si 3.-continue-Pl

i-laguva-si-wala i-laguva-si. 3-walk.up.to.village-Pl-only 3.-walk.up.to. village-Pl they continue they continue they just walk up to the village they walk up to the village.

Odabala i-vake-si mi-ya-na vatunu e-lebwadi keda, on.top.of 3.-go.up.to-Pl Dem-CP.flexible-Dem rope 3.-block path Up there they go up to this rope which blocks the path, ya-tabwabogwa, sena ya-tabwabogwa. i-yuvetaula CP.flexible-very.thick very CP.flexible-very.thick 3.-jump a very thick rope, a very very thick rope. He jumps up, Tudava,

Tudava Tudava

i-sila i-siva ma-ni-kwe-na, mna, ma-ya-na 3.-sit.down 3.-stay Dem-Dem-CP.thing-Dem hm Dem-CP.flexible-Dem he sits down on and stays on this, ehm, this vatunu. E-lola-ga e-lola-ga e-ma i-kovana rope. 3.-walk-Emph 3.-walk-Emph 3.-come 3.-look.up rope. He(D) really walks and walks he comes he looks up 135 i-gi-gisi: “A bwada amakauwala ba-va?” 3.-Redup-see ah brother how 1.Fut-go.to he sees (him): “Ah, brother, how do I go to (you)?” “Ah no,

“A ah

gala, no

ku-yosali yama-m ku-yosa kaike-gu buku-ma. 2.-raise hand-your 2.-hold foot-my 2.Fut-come raise your hand and hold my foot and you will come (up). E ki, (short pause) i-yosali yama-la i-doki bi-yosa And golly 3.-raise hand-his 3-think 3.Fut-hold And golly, (short pause) he(D) raises his hand he thinks he will hold kaike-la i-kau kaike-la, i-vavosi yama-la, i-sivila foot-his 3.-take foot-his 3.-draw.back hand-his 3.-turn his(T’s) foot he(D) takes his(T’s) foot, he(D) draws his hand back, he(D) turns

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i-kapituni yama-la titolela i-kapituni yama-la. 3.-cut.off hand-his himself 3.-cut.off hand-his and he himself cuts off his hand, he cuts off his hand. 140 “A bwada-gu amakavala?” e-va-vagi-go m-to-na Ah brother-my how.is.it 3.-Redup-say-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem “Ah my brother how is it?” he really said (this) this Dokonikani. “A bo(gwa) ku-sopa.” “Bogwala la-kapituni Dokonikani ah already 2.-joke already 1.Past-cut.off Dokonikani. “Ah, already you are joking.” “I already cut off yama-m, makiteki ba-kome-m!” “Bogwa-la e-pani hand-your soon 1.Fut-eat-you already-Emph 3.-be.confused your hand, soon I will eat you!” “Indeed, already it is confused nano-m.” I-kau-wa(la) kaike-la kwe’i-yu-vela i-vavosi wala mind-your 3.-take-only leg-his CP.limb-two-Emph 3.-draw.back only your mind.” He takes his leg the second limb he just draws back m-kweya-na makala, i-sivila i-kapituni kwe’i-yu-vela. Dem-CP.limb-Dem like 3.-turn 3.-cut.off CP.limb-two-Emph this limb like (before), he turns he cuts off (his) second limb. 145 Bogesopa gala, makala bi-vigaki, (pause) already.joke no like 3.Fut-do No joke at all, like (this) he will do (it), (short pause)

gala, makala no like no, like (this)

bi-vigaki. I-kaugwa kaike-la, e i-vakodali-wa(la) makala, 3.Fut-do 3.-take leg-his yes 3.-deceive-only like he will do (it). He takes his leg, yes he(Tudava) deceived (him(Dokonikani)) just like (this), i-sivila i-kapituni kaike-la, “u’utu” i-la i-kariga, i-la 3.-turn 3.-cut.off leg-his “whoom” 3.-go 3.-die 3.-go he(D) turns he cuts off his leg, “whoom” (the sound of a falling tree) he goes he dies, he goes

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i-kanava o pwepwaya. E-tobusi e-ma i-lituli 3.-lie Loc ground 3.-come.down 3.-come 3.-cut.off he lies on the ground. He(T) comes down he comes he cuts off keyo-la, i-lituli keyo-la e-katake’u. I-ligeva neck-his 3.-cut.off neck-his 3.-carry.on.shoulder 3.-leave his neck, he cuts off his neck he carries (his head) on his shoulder. He leaves 150 tomata i-bugabogina. Kunu-na-ga ma-na-kwa corpse 3.-rot.and.smell head-his-Emph Dem-Dem-CP.thing the corpse (behind) it rots and smells. This head e-katake’u, ekatake’u-wa(la), i-vabusiya, 3.-carry.on.shoulder 3.-carry.on.shoulder-only 3.-come.down.to.beach he carries it on his shoulder, he just carries it on his shoulder, he comes down to the beach, i-meyaki ina-la e-sisu. “Ki m-to-na! A 3.-bring mother-his 3.-be golly Dem-CP.male-Dem A he brings it to his mother who is (there). “Golly, this man! Ah boy

mwa boy

to-savali, yokwa o-ku-weya Dokonikani!” “Taga CP.male-smart.and.strong you binding.vowel-2.-kill Dokonikani but (you are a) smart and strong man, you killed Dokonikani!” “But Dokonikani gala ta-va-weya tokwamula tau. Kidamwa Dokonikani not Dual.incl-Redup-kill man.eating man If (this) Dokonikani, we did not kill (him, this) man eating man”. “If 155 o-ku-vagi, e bwena, o-ku-weya, binding.vowel-2.-make yes good binding.vowel-2.-kill you have done it, yes (it is) good, you killed him, if

kidamwa if

o-ku-yogagi yokwa. Gala tommota, bogwa-la binding.vowel-2.-do.evil you not person already-Emph you indeed have done evil to him. (He is) not a human being, soon, indeed,

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bi-kome-m i-simwa”. E bogwa ebogi i-migai 3.Fut-eat-you 3.-stay and soon night.falls 3.-whisper.magic he(D’s head) will eat you, he stays (alive)”. And soon night is falling, she whispers magic, ina-la ke-tala kenuya kaboma Mother-his CP.wooden-one plate bowl his mother, (over) a plate, a very big bowl.

ke-tabogwa. CP.wooden-very.big

E i-migai i-vokwa, i-kau ma-na-kwa And 3.-whisper.magic 3.-be.finished 3.-take Dem-Dem-CP.thing And (when) she has finished whispering magic she takes this 160 kunu-na i-didagi i-kau i-didagi i-kile’i. head-his 3.-put.in 3.-take 3.-put.in 3.-throw.away head of his, she puts (it) inside, she takes (it) she puts (it) inside (and) throws it away. Bogwa laka-iyopolu, i-kile’i, i-kile’i-si. already Dual.excl-work.hard 3.-throw.away 3.-throw.away-Pl Already the two of them worked hard, (then) she threw (it) away, they threw (it) away. Ivata i-loki kada-la ambe mesike-si gala Time.passes 3.-go.to uncle-his where living.place-their not Time passes, it(D’s head) floats to his(T’s) uncles, where they lived we do not ta-nukwali-si ambe mesike-si 1.excl-know-Pl where living.place-their know where they lived, either (in) Keli or

kena either

Keli Keli

kena or

ave valu, e-sisu-si kada-la. I-luavala which village 3.-be-Pl uncle-his 3.-give. a.speech in another village, they lived (there) his uncles. He(D) gives an admonitory speech 165 i-luvavai beya i-luvavai. I-lagi tuvela 3.-give.a speech there 3.-give. a.speech 3.-listen again he really gives an admonitory speech there he gives an admonitory speech. And he listens again

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wa(la) e kada-le to-kekita i-lagi i-kanobusi only yes uncle-his CP.male-little 3.-listen 3.-come.out only, yes his(T’s) little uncle he listens and comes out (of his house) i-gisi: “Ta(uwau) avakavooo?” “Ooo!” i-katubutu-butu 3.-look men whats.on Oh 3.-hammer-Redup he looks around: “Men, what’s on?” “Oh”, he(D’s head) hammers on

va Dir

naba otapwa(la) bwala. “Avaka?” I-kanobusi e-ma doorstep in.the.middle.of house what 3.-come.out 3.-come the doorstep in the middle of the house. “What (is it)? He(T’s uncle) comes out he comes i-gi-gisi, bogwa i-kau. I-kau i-suvi va bwala. 3-Redup-see already 3.-take 3.-take 3.-enter Dir house he sees (him(D)), already he takes (him). He takes him he goes into the house. 170 I-suvi va bwala i-seva i-ma-ga i-simwa 3.-enter Dir house 3.-put 3.-come-Emph 3.-stay He goes into the house he puts (him there) he(D) comes indeed (into the house) he stays i-sisu. Eyam i-luki tua-la: “Ku-lo-si 3.-be day.breaks 3.-tell older.brother-his 2.-go-Pl he is (there). Day breaks (and) he(T’s uncle) tells his elder brothers: “Go (and) ku-teya-si baleko!” I-lo-si i-takava-si la 2.-cut-Pl new.garden 3.-go-Pl 3.-clear.garden-Pl his cut a new garden!” They go and clear his his new garden.

la baleku. his garden

I-takeva-si la baleku, i-vanova-si e-me-si e-sulu-wa(la) 3.-clear.garden-Pl his garden 3.-finish-Pl 3.-come-Pl 3.-cook-only They clear his garden, they finish (it) they come (and) he cooks ka-si Ka-si e-sulu i-le’i i-la olopola food-their food-their 3.-cook 3.-throw 3.-go inside their food. Their food he cooks he throws (it)(D’s head) it goes inside,

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175 e-sulu-gwali. E-mes-i i-sideli-si. “O-ku-kwam-si!” 3.-cook-with 3.-come-Pl 3.-sit.around binding.vowel-2.-eat-Pl he cooks it (with the food). They come and sit around. “Eat!” I-kam-kwam-si i-mwake-si ma-na-kwa 3.-Redup-eat-Pl 3.-see-Pl Dem-Dem-CP.thing They eat they see this skull (and)

pwaneta head

i-butu-si [laughs] I-butu-si e-va-vagi-ga: “Aaa ku-sili-si 3.-run.away-Pl 3.-run.away-Pl 3.-Redup-say-Emph ah 2.-sit.down-Pl they run away. [Kilagola laughs]. They run away (but) he says indeed: “Ah, sit down, ku-sili-si ku-sili-si ku-koma-si Dokonikani 2.-sit.down-Pl 2.-sit.down-Pl 2.-eat-Pl Dokonikani sit down, sit down (and) eat Dokonikani’s head!

pwaneta-la! head-his

Bwena, lu-deta-si e-uni te-tala kada-desi, good sister-our.incl-sister 3.-give.birth CP.male-one nephew-our.incl Good, our sister gave birth to one nephew of ours, 180 o, e e-karosi Dokonikani e-katomata e e-mwa”. oh and 3.-trick Dokonikani 3.-kill and 3.-come.to oh, and he tricked Dokonikani he killed (him) and it(D’s head) came (to us)”. “Avela e-lukwe-m?” “Ga(la) gala who 3.-tell-you no no “Who told you?” “No, nobody told me,

avela who

bi-lukwe-gu, 3.Irr.-tell-me

beya nano-gu-wa(la) Nubyeya ta-katubaya-si bita-loke-si here mind-my-only tomorrow 1.incl-dress.up-Pl 1.incl.Fut-go.to-Pl here (it is) only (in) my mind. Tomorrow we dress up and we will go to vivila. Ta-gise-si lu-deta-si kada-desi bogwa girl 1.incl-see-Pl sister-our.incl-sister nephew-our.incl already the girl. We will see our sister and our nephew (who) already has e-katumati Dokinikani.” Eyam e-katubayasa-si 3.-kill Dokonikani.” Day.breaks 3.-dress.up-Pl killed Dokonikani”. Day breaks, they dress up, they board

i-gilugelu-si 3.-board-Pl

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185 la waga, i-gelu la waga. I-gelu la waga i-sila his canoe 3.-board his canoe 3.-board his canoe 3.-sit.down his canoe, he boards his canoe. He boards his canoe (and) he sits down. i-dobusi-si. I-dobusi-si i-mema Labai. I-sukwe-si 3.-sail.away-Pl 3.-sail.away-Pl 3.-come.to Labai 3.-take.path-Pl they sail away. They sail away (the canoe) comes to Labai. They sail into the reef-channel, em, i-sakaula-si-ee i-kota-si. I-kota-si i-kota ehm 3.-run-Pl-Emph 3.-arrive-Pl 3.-arrive-Pl 3.-arrive ehm, they sail fast indeed (and) they arrive (there). They arrive (and) he arrives tua-si. I-kota tua-si, bogwa e-meki older.brother-their 3.-arrive older.brother-their already 3.-come.to their older brother. He arrives their older brother, already he came there (and) e-sisu. Kada-si e-sisu o la kubudoga, e-kota. 3.-be uncle-their 3.-be Loc his veranda 3.-arrive he is (there). Their uncle is (sitting) on his veranda, he has arrived. 190 A tua-si e-gisi bogwa-la ah older.brother-their 3.-see already-Emph Ah their older brother already sees this man

m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

bogwa-la m-to-na e-weya Dokonikani. already-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem 3.-kill Dokonikani already this man who killed Dokonikani. She comes (to him)

E-meki 3.-come.to

latu-la e-sisu e-yosi yama-la. [short pause] child-his 3.-be 3.-hold hand-his his (uncle’s) child she is there she holds his(T’s) hand. (= they are married) [short pause]. Vegua i-kau, vegua i-kau, i-tagina tauya, Valuables 3.-carry valuables 3.-carry 3.-blow conch-shell Valuables he(T’s uncle) carries (them), valuables he carries (them), he blows the conch-shell,

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i-lau i-seki kada-la. I-kau mi-na-na la… 3.-take.away 3-give uncle-his 3.-take Dem-CP.female-Dem chi… he takes (them) away he gives (them to Tudava) his(T’s) uncle. He takes this chi… 195 latu-la i-kau i-seki la kwava. “Aaa ku-sili child-his 3.-take 3.-give his wife Ah 2.-sit down his daughter he takes (her) he gives (her to him as) his wife. “Ah, sit down, bi-sisu beya”. E bogwa e-sisu E-kota te-yu-vela, 3.Fut-be here And already 3.-be 3.-arrive CP.male-two-Emph she will live here”. And already she is here. He arrives, another man, indeed, e-kota te-yu-vela e-ma. I-vakoli latu-la. 3.-arrive CP.male-two-Emph 3.-come 3.-hold.hands child-his he arrives, another man indeed, he comes. He holds hands with his child. I-kau vegua i-tagina tauya i-lile’i. “M kwava 3.-carry valuables 3.-blow conch-shell 3.-throw your wife He carries valuables he blows the conch shell (and) he throws (the valuables to Tudava). “Your wife (is) mi-na-na. O bi-va i-siva Dem-CP.female-Dem oh 3.-Fut-go.to 3.-stay this girl. Oh, she will go and stay here she will go to

beya here

bi-veki 3.Fut-go.to

200 so-la”. E-kota te-totu-la sena budubadu. companion-her 3.-arrive CP.male-three-Emph very many her companion (Tudava’s first wife)”. He arrives, a third man, indeed, so many (men). Ingrid: Avaka vegua? What valuables? Kilagola: Vegua: mwali, solava, beku, Valuables “mwali”-armshells spondylus-shell-necklaces stone-axe-blades Valuables: “mwali”-armshells, spondylus-shell-necklaces, stone-axe-blades,

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e vegua. [short pause] yes valuables yes, valuables. [short pause – then Kilagola continues telling the myth] E e-kota te-totu-la i-yosi yama-la latu-la and 3.-arrive CP.male-three-Emph 3.-hold hand-her child-his And he arrives, a third man, indeed, he holds the hand of his child, 205 i-kau beku Gilivakuma, veee, solava 3.-carry stone-axe-blade Gilivakuma ah spondylus-shell-necklaces he carries the stone-axe-blade (named) ‘Gilivakuma’, ah, spondylus-shellnecklaces, e-tagina tauya i-le’i i-le’i. “O m kwava 3.-blow conch-shell 3.-throw 3.-throw oh your wife he blows the conch-shell he throws he throws (the valuables to Tudava). “Oh, your wife (is) mi-na-na. O-ku-seva Dem-CP.female-Dem binding.vowel-2.-stay this girl. You stay here. She will live

beya. here

Bi-sisu 3.-Fut-be

bi-sisu wala beya. Bi-lo-si i-utaota-si la kai 3.Fut.be only here 3.Fut-go-Pl 3.-collect her wood she will only live here. They will go and collect firewood for numwaya”. E bogwa wala i-mwake-si-ga old.woman and already only 3.-see-Pl-Emph the old woman”. And already they just see his mother,

ina-la, mother-his

210 i-mwe-si e-paisewa-si la paisewa ina-la e i-sisu-ga. 3.-stay-Pl 3.-work-Pl her work mother-his yes 3.-be-Emph they stay and do the work of his mother, yes she still is there, indeed. [pause] E-kota te-vasi-la. 3.-arrive CP.male-four-Emph He arrives, a fourth man, indeed. [aside to Ingrid Bell-Krannhals]

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A igau bita-yosi tuda sena kasai! a later Dual.incl.Fut-seize child very difficult Ah, we will continue later (my) child, (it is) very difficult! [but Kilagola continues] E-kota te-vasi-la, i-kau vegua. i-yosi mna 3.-arrive CP.male-four-Emph 3.-carry valuables 3.-hold hm He arrives, a fourth man, indeed, he carries valuables, he holds, hm, yama-la latu-la, i-komnigai i-veya i-le’i vegua hand-her child-his 3.-bring.up 3.-bring 3.-throw valuables the hand of his child, he brings (her and the valuables) up from the beach he brings (her and the valuables) and he throws (down) the valuables: 215 “Am lula e m kwava. Mi-na-na your dowry and your wife Dem-CP.female-Dem “Your dowry and your wife. This woman bi-veki numwaya bi-paisewa la paisewa. E bi-veki 3.Fut-go.to old.woman 3.Fut-work her work Yes 3.Fut-go.to will go to the old woman she will do her work. Yes she will go to ina-la bi-paisewa la paisewa”. E mother-his 3.Fut-work her work and his mother she will do her work. And he arrives

e-kota 3.-arrive

te-lima-la, bogwa e-boda paif CP.male-five-Emph already 3.-meet five the fifth man, indeed, already he has met five men!

te-lima! CP.male-five

Te-lima-la i-yosi yama-la latu-la, i-kau CP.male-five-Emph 3.-hold hand-her child-his 3.-carry The fifth man, indeed, he holds the hand of his child, he carries 220 vegua, i-tagina tauya, i-la i-seva. “A, valuables 3.-blow conch-shell 3.-go 3.-put.down. ah valuables, he blows the conch-shell, he goes and puts (the valuables) down. “Ah, am lula m kwava mi-na-na. your dowry your wife Dem-CP.female-Dem your dowry, your wife – this girl. Oh, she will go to

O oh

bi-veki 3.Fut-go.to

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numwaya, i-sisu-si”. E-sakaula bwada-si, sakaula old.woman 3.-be-Pl 3-run young.brother-their run the old woman, they will live (here). He runs their younger brother, run sakaula, i-kota. I-kota i-mita’ila i-gisi, run 3.-arrive 3.arrive 3.-look.around 3.-see run, he arrives. He arrives he looks around he sees, yes, oh,

e, o, yes oh

bogwa-la m-to-na e-wai Dokonikani. M-to-na already-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem 3.-kill Dokonikani Dem-CP.male-Dem already this man has really killed Dokonikani. This man 225 i-yosi yama-la latu-la, i-kau vegua, i-tagina 3.-hold hand-her child-his 3.-carry valuables 3,-blow he holds the hand of his child, he carries valuables, he blows tauya, i-tagina tauya, i-sakau(la)-wa(la), [Kilagola laughs] conch-shell 3.-blow conch-shell 3.-run-only the conch-shell, he blows the conch-shell, he just runs, [Kilagola laughs] i-sakau(la)-wali i-lau eee: “O m lula” I-lau. 3.-run-only 3.-take and and and: “Oh your dowry 3.-take he just runs he takes (the valuables and his daughter) and and and (says): “Oh, your dowry!” He(T) takes (it). “M kwava mi-na-na!”. E-kebiga: your wife Dem-CP.female-Dem 3.say “Your wife (is) this girl!” He(T) says: “Oooh mi-na-we-na, la-nene’i Dem-CP.female-dist.Dem 1.Past-look.for that girl, I looked for this girl,

“Ooo ooo

mi-na-na, Dem-CP.female-Dem

230 la-tulatula mi-na-na! O-ku-meya, 1.Past-wait Dem-CP.female-Dem binding-vowel-2.-bring I waited for that girl! Bring (her to me), already e-manum vovo-gu”. I-simwe-si. E: “Ku-ve-si, ku… 3.-be.gentle body-my 3.-stay-Pl yes 2.-go-Pl 2.– I have gentle feelings!” They stay. And (he says): “You go, you…

bogwa already

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ku-sive-si beya, ku-sive-si beya, igau bi-manum vovo-gu! 2.-stay-Pl here 2.-stay-Pl here then 3.Fut-be.gentle body-my you stay here, you stay here, then I will have gentle feelings! Ba-karevaga i-mwe-si i-simwe-si!” Kada-la: 1.Fut-be.responsible 3.-come-Pl 3.-stay-Pl uncle-his It will be my responsibility that they come and stay!” His uncle (says): “Mwa ave(la) tau yokwa? Mwa gala hey.guy who man you hey.chap not “Hey guy, who are you? Hey guy, do not disturb (us)!”

buku-yobosa!” 2.Fut-disturb

235 [Sibwesa – to Ingrid Bell-Krannhals: Tabu-m ma-tau-na ke! Grandfather-your Dem-CP.man-Dem well! This man (is) your grandfather, you know!] I-mwe-si, i-simwe-si kada-la Gala kwe-ta(la) livala. 3.-come-Pl 3.-stay-Pl uncle-his not CP.thing-one language They come and stay, his uncles. (They did) not (have) one (common) language. I-luki kada-la ave biga. Bi-luki kida pela 3.-talk uncle-his what language 3.-Irr-talk right why (If) he talks to his uncles – what (kind of) language (should he use). He wants to talk, you see, (about) why ina-la i-yogagi-si i-ligemwe-si i-lo-si-ga. U’ula mother-his 3.-ill.treat-Pl 3.-leave-Pl 3.-go-Pl-Emph reason they ill-treated his mother, left (her) and went (away), indeed. (But) because nano-la ala gaga gala i-luki kada-la u’ula beya mind-his his bad not 3.-speak uncle-his reason here he thinks this is bad (behaviour) he does not speak about why his uncles here 240 ina-la e-ligemwe-si, bogwa ku-nukwali. mother-his 3.-leave-Pl already 2.-know left his mother, you know (this) already. And

E And

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i-kanukwenu-(w)a(la) lubulatola. I-luki ina-la e-kebiga: 3.-lie.down-only midday 3.-tell mother-his 3.-say: he just lies down at noon. He tells his mother (the following) he says: “Ka besatuta besatuta ba-silave-mi. Lu-m-ta yokwa Look now now 1.Fut-help-you sister-your-sister you Look, now now I will help you. Your sisters and you buku-sisu-si, yegu ba-ne’i valu. Gala ba-sisu 2.Fut-be-Pl I 1.Fut-look.for village not 1.Fut-be you will stay, I will look for a (new) village. I will not stay here”. [short pause]

beya.” here

I-masisi-si-wa(la). I-gila-gela lekolekwa, i-doke-si 3.-sleep-Pl-only 3.crow-Redup cock 3.-think-Pl They just sleep. The cock is crowing, (and) they think 245 e-masisi o la bwala. E-vabusi i-libu 3.-sleep Loc his house 3.-go.to.beach 3.-push he sleeps in his house. He goes to the beach, pushes his

la his

vaga i-tola “Avaka?” Bi-viguli la kwava. canoe 3.-punt what 3.Fut-wake.up his wife canoe (into the water) and punts (the canoe on the reef). “What’s on?” She will wake up his wife. I-ligemwa-wa e-katupili-pili, kumwedona gola beya, vegua 3.-leave-only 3.-be.alone-Redup all also here valuables He just leaves, she is alone, everything and everybody there, the valuables and m-to-si-na vivila i-ligemwa i-seki Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem girl 3.-leave 3.-not.matter these girls he leaves (them) it does not matter he goes away.

e-va. 3.-go.to

Ina-la “Ka”, i-luki ina-la e-kebiga: “Ka, Mother-his well 3.-speak mother-his 3.-say Well (To) his mother he speaks: “Well”, he speaks (to) his mother he says: “Well, 250 m-to-si-na e-meye-si i-doke-si ulu kukwava. Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem 3.-bring-Pl 3.-think-Pl my wives these people who brought (everything) they will think about (care for) my wives.

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M-to-si-ta to-paisewa-la, m paisewa, Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem CP.human-work-Emph your work These hard working people indeed, (they will do) your work, bi-kasopi-si, bi-tutaota-si kai, bi-kava’i-si ka-m, 3.Fut.fetch.water-Pl 3.Fut-chop-Pl wood 3.-Fut-fetch.food.in.garden yams-your they will fetch water, they will chop firewood, they will go the the garden and fetch your yams, e yokwa-ga bu-kusisu. E yegu-la-ga and you-Int 2.Fut-be and I-Emph-Int and you will just be (here). And as to me, indeed, gala buku-nukwali-si ula keda ambe ba-suki,” e-kebiga not 2.Fut-know-Pl my way where 1.Fut-take.road 3.-say you will not know anything about my journey about the roads I will take”, he spoke 255 makala. E-gila-gela lekolekwa, i-vabusi i-libu like 3.-crow-Redup cock 3.-go.to.beach 3.-push like (this). The cock crowed, he went to the beach he pushed la waga. E-masisi-si kada-la, i-tola-ga i-va his canoe 3.-sleep-Pl uncle-his 3.-punt-Emph 3.-go.to his canoe (into the sea). They slept his uncles, and he indeed punted (the canoe) he went to Kaibola. I-veya-wa, bogwa, bogwa la-somata, bogwa Kaibola. 3.-float-only already already 1.Past-be.tired already Kaibola. It floated only, already, already I were (would have been) tired, already la-somata, sena kaduanogwa. 1.Past-be tired very far.away I were (would have been) tired, (it is) so very far away.

[Pause] [Pause]

I-to-tola i-to-tola Kaibola. E Kaibola 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt Kaibola And Kaibola He punts and punts he punts and punts to Kaibola. And to Kaibola

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260 i-veki. Gugwadi e-ki-kakaya-si e-kakaya-si i-gise-si-ga go.to children 3.-Redup-swim-Pl 3.-swim-Pl 3.-see-Pl-Emph he goes. The children swim and swim they swim and they really see tega-la, i-tuali, kwe-tala e-vagi e-vagi ear-his 3.-different CP.thing-one 3.-do 3.-do his ears, one is different (from the other), he does (it) he does (it) e-pila-vaka-veaka tega-la i-mwa. E-vagi-si 3.-get-Redup-big ear-his 3.-come 3-do-Pl it gets bigger and bigger his ear it comes (out). They do (this) m-to-si-na gugwadi Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem children these children they laugh and laugh.

i-gigila-si 3.-laugh-Pl

i-gigila-si. 3.-laugh-Pl

“Aaa ava(ka) gugwadi? Avaka ku-gigili-si?” “Gale-ee!” ah what children what 2.-laugh-Pl nothing-Int “Ah, what (is it) children? What do you laugh (about)?” “(About) nothing (at all)!” 265 “Mwada-la mna ba-sili beya avaka ba-… ba-lukwe-mi If.only-Emph hm 1.Fut-stay here what 1.-Fut 1.Fut-tell-you.Pl “If I really, hm, will stay here, what will I … will I tell you? Gala-go, o-ku-gigile-gu-si Bwena ba-setaula”. No-Emph binding-vowel-2.-laugh-me-Pl good 1.-Fut-go.straight.on Nothing at all, you laugh at me. Good, I will go straight on”. E-setaula wala. I-tola i-tola i-la i-tola 3.-go.straight.on only 3.-punt 3.-punt 3.-go 3.-punt He just goes straight on. He punts he punts he goes he punts i-to-tola i-to-tola i-to-tola-aaaaa. (laughs) 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt-Emph he punts and punts he punts and punts he keeps on punting and punting (Kilagola laughs).

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M-kwe-we-na amyagala laita e-titoki Bomatu, Dem-CP.thing-dist-Dem what.name light 3.-stand Bomatu.point That thing there, what’s its name, the light it stands at Bomatu point, 270 Bomatu, bogwa va mapi o-ku-gi-gisi, Bomatu.point already Dir map binding.vowel-2.-Redup-see at Bomatu point, already at the map you have seen it, e, Bomatu e bogwa bogwa o-ku-gi-gisi yes Bomatu.point yes already already binding.vowel-2.-Redup-see yes, Bomatu point, yes already already you have seen it, Ingrid Bell-Krannhals: “hm, hm hm” Kilagola: Bomatu i-veki. I-ki-kakaya-si mi-Lageva, Bomatu.point 3.-go.to 3.-Redup-swim-Pl people.from-Lageva, to Bomatu point he goes. They swim the people from Lageva, gudi-si Lageva gudi-si Lageva e-kakaya-si. child-their Lageva child-their Lageva 3.-swim-Pl the children from Lageva, the children from Lageva they swim (there). 275 E e-luki-ga, kabulu-la ituali ka-tabwabogwa, and 3.-talk-Emph nose-his different CP.body.part-very.big And he talks (to them) indeed, his nose is different – it is very big, ka-tabwabogwa, e e-to-tola CP.body.part-very.big and 3.-Redup-punt it is very big, and he punts and goes to (them):

e-veki: 3.-go.to

“A gugwadi avaka ku-vagi-si?” Bogwa e-somata-si ah children what 2.-do-Pl already 3.-be.tired-Pl “Ah children, what do you do?”. Already they are tired (because of their) gigila m-tosi-na gugwadi, laughter Dem-CP.human-Dem children laughter these children, because his nose is so

pela for

kabulu-la nose-his

sena very

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ka-tabwabogwa. I-gise-si eee tega-la i-mwa CP.body.part-very big 3.-see-Pl yes ear-his 3.-come very big. They see yes yes yes his ear comes (out) only 280 makala. I-gigila-si. “Aaa gugwadi like 3.-laugh-Pl ah children like this. They laugh. “Ah, children, if

wala only

mwada-la if.only-Emph

ba-kalilagwa ba-sili beya, avaka ba-lukwe-mi? Gala-go, 1.Fut-punt.ashore 1.Fut-stay here what 1.Fut-tell-you.Pl No-Emph I really will punt ashore and stay here, what will I tell you? Nothing at all, pela ku-gi-gigila-si, bweni ba-mwa!” E i-tola i-la for 2.-Redup-laugh-Pl good 1.Fut-go.away and 3.-punt 3.-go because you laugh (about me), good, I will go away!” And he punts he goes beya, i-yagigila kabulu-la tega-la i-ki-ke’ita there 3.-get.smaller nose-his ear-his 3.-Redup-return there, it gets smaller again his nose and his ear comes back (gets smaller) i-mwa i-mili tommota. I-tola i-tola 3.-come 3.-change person 3.-punt 3.-punt it comes (back) he changes into (a real) person (again). He punts he punts 285 i-to-tola i-to-tola i-to-tola-aa, e 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt-Emph and he punts and punts he punts and punts he keeps on punting and punting, and Wawela, Wawela. I-gisi. i-ki-kakaya-si, i-kalinapula Wawela Wawela 3.-see 3.Redup-swim-Pl 3.-punt.arount.point Wawela (comes in sight), Wawela. He sees (that) they swim, he punts around the point i-gisi-ga i-ki-kakaya-si gugwadi. I-lukwe-m-wala 3.-see-Emph 3.-Redup-swim-Pl children 3.-tell-you-only he sees (that) they are swimming, the children. He tells you only yuvayovila-aa vovo-la-aa ituali wala, e. swollen.up-Emph body-his-Emph different only yes it is swollen up his body indeed it is just different, yes. But

Taga but

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bogwa e-ki-kau… [To his wife Sibwesa] aaa me-ni-kwa already 3.-Redup.take ah Dem-Dem-CPthing already he has taken…. [to his wife Sibwesa:] “Ah, this 290 igau! [Kilagola continues] later (comes) later! [Kilagola continues]

I-vagi mata-la kwe-tabogwa 3.-make eye-his CP.thing.very big He makes his eyes very big

kwe-vaka-veaka, mata-la kwe-tabogwa. I-tola i-va CP.thing-Redup-big eye-his CP.thing-very.big 3.-punt 3.-go.to really big, his eyes (are) very big. He punts he goes to i-veki gugwadi: “Gugwadi yokwami Wawela?” 3.-meet children children you Wawela he meets the children: “Children are you from Wawela?” “Eee,” taga bogwa e-somata-si gigila, taga! Yes but already 3.-be.tired-Pl laughter indeed “Yes yes yes”, but they are already tired (because of their) laughter, indeed, pela mata-la sena kwe-tabogwa tega-la for eye-his very CP.thing-very.big ear-his because his eyes are very very big and his ear is

sena very

295 pila-vaka-veaka. Bogwa e-somata-si gigila. E-ku-kokola-si, CP.part-Redup-big already 3.-be.tired-Pl laughter 3.-Redup-be.scared-Pl really big. Already they are tired (because of their) laughter. They are scared, te-vila e-valam-si wala gugwadi. “Ah CP.human-how.many 3.-cry-Pl only children ah some just cry – the children (do). “Ah his eyes!” “Mna ba-sili avaka ba-lukwe-mi? Mwada hm 1.Fut-stay what 1.Fut-tell-you.Pl if.only “Hm, I will stay (but) what will I tell you? If I stay

mata-la!” eye-his

ba-sili sena 1.Fut-stay very

ku-gi-gigila-si. Bwena, ku-sisu-si ba-tabusi”. E-pela 2.-Redup-laugh-Pl good 2-stay-Pl 1.Fut-paddle.out 3.-jump you will laugh all the time. Good, you stay I will paddle out”. He jumps up

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e-tola o kubulu-la valu. I-yagigila migi-la 3.-punt Loc point-its village 3.-get.smaller face-his he punts to the point of the village. It gets smaller his face 300 i-ki-ke’ita i-mili tommota. I-tabusi e-mema 3.-Redup-return 3.-change person 3.-paddle 3.-come.to it comes back he changes into (a normal) person. He paddles and comes to Kitava. I-kosusuki i-tabusi Kitava, i-tabusi Kitava. Kitava 3.-go.towards 3.-paddle Kitava 3.-paddle Kitava Kitava. He heads towards and paddles to Kitava, he paddles to Kitava. E-ulaola-aa i-talagwa, mna, ma-ni-kwe-na Kasibudi, 3.-paddle-Emph 3.-arrive hm Dem-Dem-CP.thing-Dem Kasibudi He paddles for a long time and arrives, hm, at this place Kasibudi beach, Kasibudi me-talagwa me-talagwa. O bwalita Kasibudi 1.Past-arrive 1.Past-arrive Loc sea at Kasibudi beach he arrived, he arrived there. At sea he paddles

e-ulaola 3.-paddle

i-gisi-ga gugwadi e-ki-kikaya-si e-ki-kakayasi. 3.-see-Emph children 3.-Redup-swim 3.-Redup-swim he sees indeed the children are swimming they are swimming. 305 E-lukwe-m-wa puva-la i-vayuvila kwe-tabwabogwa, i-luki, 3.-tell-you-only testicle-his 3.-swell CP.thing-very.big 3.-tell He tells you only (that) his testicles swell up and get very big, he tells (that), puva-la i-kikitaki waga, imwa-ga e-kasosewa o katala testicle-his 3.-get.stuck canoe come-Emph 3.-come.out Loc right his testicle gets stuck in the canoe, it comes indeed it comes out at the right (side) va lamila. [laughs] Gala gigila [laughs]. I-ulaola Dir outrigger No laughter 3.-paddle towards the outrigger. [laughs]. Do not laugh! [laughs]. He paddles i-ulaola i-talagwa gugwadi. “Ave gugwadi yokwami?” 3.-paddle 3.-arrive children Who children you.Pl he paddles he arrives at the children. “Who are you, children?”

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“Yakamesi gudimesi m Lalela e we children.from hm Lalela and “We are the children from hm Lalela and Kumageya,

Kumageya, Kumageya

310 Kumageya gudimesi”. A ki bogwa e-somata-si gigila Kumageya children.from ah well already 3.-be.tired-Pl laughter from Kumageya the children.” Ah, well, already they are tired (because of their) laughter, mimilisi to-valam e-valam-si-wa, some CP.human-cry 3.-cry-Pl-only some cry-babies cry, the small children

gugwadi children

to-kekita CP.human-small

e-kokola-si. E e-vavagi: “A gugwadi, avaka ku-gigili-si-wa? 3.-be.scared-Pl and 3.-say a children what 2.-laugh-Pl-only are scared. And he says: “Ah children, what are you just laughing about? Avaka-la ku-gigili-si? O mwada-la ba-sili beya What-Emph 2.-laugh-Pl oh if.only-Emph 1.Fut-stay here What are you laughing about, indeed? Oh, if I stay here, what ba-lukwe-m? Bwena ta-ligeva”. E-tola e-va 1.Fut-tell-you good Dual.incl-forget 3.-punt 3.-go will I tell you? Good, let’s forget it.” He punts he goes there,

avaka what

beya, there

315 i-yagigila vovo-la i-mili tomota. I-tola i-la 3.-get.smaller body-his 3.-change person 3.-punt 3.-go it gets smaller his body he changes into a (real) person. He punts he goes i-to-tola i-to-tola i-to-tola-aa m-kwe-na 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt-Emph Dem-CP.thing-Dem he punts and punts he punts and punts he punts and punts indeed to this m, amyaga, amyagala valu, m m-kwe-na, hm what.name what.name village hm Dem-CP.thing-Dem hm, what’s the name, what’s the name of the village, hm, this, hm

m hm

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Okobulula. Okobulula i-va i-to-tola i-gisi-ga, Okobulula Okubulula 3.-go.to 3.-Redup-punt 3.-see-Emph Okobulula. To Okobulula he goes he punts he sees, indeed, i-kalinapula i-gisi-ga gugwadi e-kakaya-si. “A kwe-ta(la) 3.-punt.around.point 3.-see-Emph children 3.-swim-Pl ah CP.thing-one he punts around the point and sees indeed the children are swimming. “Ah, one 320 buda-ta(la) boda ma-buda-na!” I-to-tola-wala. I-luki: CP.group-one group Dem-CP.group-Dem 3.-Redup-punt-only 3.-tell one group there”. He punts only. He tells: Tega-la i-vata i-valutu i-ma bogwa naya, Ear-his 3.-grow.big 3.-continue 3.-come already sail His ear grows big it grows and grows it comes up already (like) a sail, makawala. I-sakaula ma-ke-na like.this 3.-run Dem-CP.wooden-Dem it is like this. It runs fast this canoe, his ear

waga, canoe

kabubu-la ear-his

i-valutu. [pause] I-mwa i-to-tola i-to-tola-aa. 3.-continue 3.-come 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt-Emph continues to grow. [pause] He comes he punts and punts he punts and punts indeed. “Gugwadi ave gugwadi yokwami?” “Yakamesi children who children you.Pl we “Children, who are you children?” “We are the children from 325 Okubulula”. E te-vila Okubulula And CP.human-how.many Okubulula”. And some big boys try hard

toutona big.boys

e-livala-si deli i-gi-gigila-si: “Gugwadi 3.-say-Pl with 3.-Redup-laugh-Pl children they tell him laughing: “This group of children

gudimesi children.from

i-pe’ulake-si 3.-try.hard-Pl ma-buda-na Dem-CP.group-Dem

e-me-si i-valam-si e-kokola-si”. “Aavaka-ga ku-gigili-si?” 3.-come-Pl 3.-cry-Pl 3.-be.scared-Pl what-Emph 2.-laugh-Pl they come they cry they are scared”. “What are you laughing about?”

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“Bwada gala ka-gi-gigila-si-wa ituali ama younger.brother not 1.excl-Redup-laugh-Pl-only different our.Dual.incl “Brother, we are not just laughing, (it is) different one’s gigilasi.” “A gala ku-gigile-gu-si-wa, mwada laughter ah not 2.-laugh.about-me-Pl-only if.only laughter.” “Ah, do not just laugh about me, if I will stay

ba-sili 1.Fut-stay

330 beya, avaka ba-lukwe-mi? Bwena-go o-ku-gigila-si here what 1.Fut-tell-you good-Emph binding.vowel-2.-laugh-Pl here, what will I tell you? Good, ok, you laugh and ba-setaula ba-setaula ba-setaula-aa!” E-kalita’ina 1.Fut-go.straight 1.Fut-go.straight 1.Fut-go.straight-Emph 3.-punt.out I will go straight away I will go straight away I will go straight away, indeed!” He punts out e-ligemwa e-kalita’ina-ga Okobulela. I-yagigila tega-la 3.-leave 3.-punt.out Okubulela 3.-get.smaller ear-his he leaves he punts out (and away from) Okubulela. It gets smaller his ear kabulu-la i-kekita. I-dobusi igau i-mema i-va nose-his 3.-get.short 3.-sail.away then 3.-come.to 3.-go.to his nose gets short. He sails away then he comes and goes (here and there) i-suki. Aaa igau m mwedalela e igau bi-valutu 3.-take.road Ah then hm full.moon and then 3.Fut-go.on he takes (his) road. Ah, then hm (there) full moon and then he goes on 335 bi-la i-dobusi e-ulaola e-ulaola e-ulaola e-ulaola 3.Fut-go 3.-sail.away 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.-paddle he will go he sails away he paddles he paddles he paddles he paddles (and) bi-talagwa Iwa. I-gisi-ga gugwadi e-ki-kakaya-si 3.Fut-arrive Iwa 3.-see-Emph children 3.-Redup-swim-Pl he arrives at Iwa Island. He really sees the children they are swimming. Ingrid Bell-Krannhals: Ambe? Where

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Kilagola: Iwa, e, simla Iwa ma-pu-na-ga. I-gisi e-ki-kakaya-si. Iwa yes island Iwa Dem-CP.part-Dem-Emph 3.-see 3.-Redup-swim-Pl At Iwa, yes, the island Iwa, this part (of the world), indeed. He sees they are swimming E-luki-ga: Tega-la pwaneta-la kabulu-la mata-la 3.-tell-indeed ear-his head-his nose-his eye-his He tells: His ear, his head, his nose and his eyes (were) 340 ituali wala. Gala migi-la, tau to-magaga, e-seki-wa, different only no face-his man CP.male-ugly 3.-be.like.that-only just different. (He has) no (real) face, an ugly man, it is just like that, tega-la i-valutu. I-ma i-talagwa: “Guwadiave ear-his 3.-continue 3.-come 3.-arrive children who his ear continues (to grow). He comes he arrives: “Children, who gugwadi yokwami?” “E yakamesi m gudimesi Iwa”, children you.Pl Yes we hm children.from Iwa (are) you children?” “Yes we, hm, (we are the) children from Iwa” e e-livala-si toutona deli e-gi-gigila-si, gugwadi yes 3.-say-Pl big.boys with 3.-Redup-laugh-Pl children yes, they say (so) the big boys and they laugh, the (younger) children e-valam-si asi kokola. “A gugwadi, avaka bwadagwa 3.-cry-Pl their fear ah children what younger.brothers they cry (because of) their fear. “Ah children, what – younger brothers – 345 ku-gigili-si? “Gala- ta-kagigigila-si tua-masi, taga 2.-laugh-Pl not 1.incl-laugh.about-Pl older.brother-our.1.incl.Pl but are you laughing about?” “We do not laugh about our older brother, but ka-doke-si iga ku-valagua ku-la o valu iga 1.incl-think-Pl then 2.-go.up.to.village 2.-go Loc village then we think later you go up to the village you go to the village (and) then

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ku-gisa valu”. “O bweni, ba-valagua!” [pause] 2.-see village oh good 1.Fut-go.up.to.village you have a look at the village”. “Oh good, I will go up to the village!” [pause] I-valagua i-la [pause] e taga i-gisi valu ala gigisa 3.-go.up.to.village 3.-go yes indeed 3.-see village its sight He goes up to the village, he goes [pause], yes, indeed he takes a look at the village, i-vokwa. E-veye-si biga e-livali-si pela e-katuvilavila 3.-finish 3.-bring speech 3.-say-Pl for 3.-be.changed it is finished. They bring the message they say (it) because he was changed, 350 i-sili-wala. E-bogi i-vagi kwe-tala e-kebiga-si-ga: 3.-stay-only 3.-night 3.-make CP.thing-one 3.-say-Pl-Emph he just stays. Night comes he makes one thing (and) they say indeed: “Aaa bita-yabi-si.” I-yabi-si-wala e-yam kaukwau ah 1.incl.Fut-send.away-Pl 3.-send.away-Pl-only 3.day morning “Ah, we will send him away.” They just send him away the next day in the morning. I-silabusi i-sila i-la-wala i-luki mira-Iwa e-kebiga: 3.-start.to.go 3.-stay 3.-go-only 3.-tell people.from-Iwa 3.-say He starts to go, he stays, he just goes and tells the people from Iwa he says (the following): “Yokwami gala ami sopi gala you not your.Pl water not “You do not have your water nor your food! If

kami! your.food

Kidamwa if

buku-mumi-si buku-mumi-si yeyelu. Ku-vagi-si ku-lo-si 2.Fut-drink-Pl 2.Fut-drink-Pl small.stream 2.-make-Pl 2.-go-Pl you want to drink you will drink (from a) small stream. You make (the following) you go 355 mkukuna, ke-ta(la) pwana uuu… m banana.stem CP.wooden-one stem banaa… hm to (a) banana stem, one stem (of) banaa – hm – bananas,

usi, banana

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usi ke-ta(la) pwana, ku-tu-tutu-si banana CP.wooden-one stem 2.-Redup-hit-Pl one stem of bananas, you hit (it) and chew

ku-kuli-kuli-si 2.-Redup-chew-Pl

usi usi Mera’iwa”. Gala bi… bi-mum-si gala banana banana people.from.Iwa Not 3.Fut 3.Fut-drink-Pl not the bananas the bananas, people from Iwa”. They could not drink (and there was) not kasi budubadu, kasi i-bwadi-wala their.food much their.food 3.-fit-only much food, their food was just enough for them.

titolesi. [pause] themselves [pause]

Mera’iwa kasi, ka, makala vakavakela. people.from.Iwa their.food well like very.much The food of the people from Iwa, well, (there was) very much.

[pause] [pause]

360 Bogwa e-luki tokwa(i)-bogwa e-kebiga: “Tetu tetu kami Already 3.-tell mastergardener-old 3.-say yams yams your.food Already he tells them (this) the old master of a gardener: “Yams, yams (will be) your food makala vakavakela buku-kwam-si ami sopi. Bu-kulo-si like as.many.as 2.Fut-eat-Pl your water 2.Fut-go-Pl (there will be) as many yams as you will eat and (there will be) your water. Go (and) ku-tatai-si usi buku-me-si buku-kuli-kuli-si!” 2.-cut-Pl banana 2.Fut-come-Pl 2.Fut-chew-Pl cut bananas you will come and chew them!”

[pause] [pause]

I-dobusi i-dobusi i-ulaola-aa, bogwa-la bi-talagwa 3.-sail.away 3.-sail.away 3.-paddle-Emph already-Emph 3.Fut-arrive He sails away he sails away he paddles and paddles, indeed, already he will arrive at Gawa, Yarabu, igau Gawa, Iwa, Gawa, Yeguma, Yarabu, Gawa Yarabu then Gawa Iwa Gawa Yeguma Yarabu Gawa, at Yarabu then at Gawa, at Iwa, at Gawa, at Yeguma, at Yarabu

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365 Koivata, Bovagisa, Lasikwabu [pause] Koivatu Bovagisa Lasikwabu at Koivata, at Bovagisa, and at Lasikwabu. [pause]

I-ulaola i-ulaola 3.-paddle 3.-paddle He paddles and paddles

bi-talagwa-wala i-gisi-ga… Mna, a, bita-kapinaveaka 3.-Fut-arrive-only 3.-see-Emph hm ah Dual.incl.Fut-speak.loud he will just arrive and see (things)… Hm, ah, one may speak loud (about this) bita-livali taga bita-kapekwani gala Dual.incl.Fut-say but Dual.incl.Fut-be.silent not one may say it but one is silent one will not say (it),

bita-livala Dual.incl.Fut-say

sena kaduanau. I-gisi-ga gugwadi i-kakaya-si, e very long.time.ago 3.-see-Emph children 3.-swim-Pl and (it happened) such a long time ago. He really sees the children they are swimming, and e-lukwe-m-wa ma-na-kwa, puva-na 3.-tell-you-only Dem-Dem-CP.thing testicle-his he just tells you this, his testicle swells up

e-yuva-yovila, 3.-Redup-swell

370 e-ulikikitaki waga, i-memwa o katala, i-memwa 3.-get.jammed canoe 3.-come.to Loc right 3.-come.to it gets jammed in the canoe, it comes to the right, it come towards

va Dir

lamila, i-la okobununa waga i-ma omewaga, i-kaseva. outrigger 3.-go at.front.of canoe 3.-come back.of.canoe 3.-be.full the outrigger, it goes to the front of the canoe it comes to the back of the canoe, it is full. I-talagwa i-katupoi: “Gugwadi ambe gudimi?” 3.-arrives 3.-asks children where you.children.from He arrives and asks: “Children, where are you from?” Ah, gudimesi, m, Yarabu, Eguma, Eguma, Eguma, they.children.from hm Yarabu Eguma Eguma Eguma they are the children from, hm, Yarabu, Eguma, Eguma, Eguma,

A, ah

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Iwa, Gawa, gudimesi Gawa. E-gi-gigila-si e-li-livala-si Iwa Gawa they.children.from Gawa 3.-Redup-laugh-Pl 3.-Redup-say-Pl Iwa, Gawa, they are the children from Gawa. They laugh they speak (to him) 375 e-gigila-si, gugwadi e-valam-si boge e-kokola-si ala gigisa. 3.-laugh-Pl children 3.-cry-Pl already 3.-fear-Pl his sight they laugh, the children cry already they are scared (by) his sight. E-kebiga-ga: “A bwadagwa avaka ku-livali-si ku-gigili-si? 3.-say-Emph ah younger.brothers what 2.-say-Pl 2.-laugh-Pl He indeed says: “Ah, little brothers, what do you say and laugh about? Kena ku-gigile-gu-si? “Gala, ka-gi-gigila-si-wala”. or 2.-laugh.at-me-Pl no 1.excl.-Redup-laugh-Pl-only Or do you laugh about me?” “No, we are just laughing.” “If

“Mwada if.only

bita-lo-si o valu, avaka ba-lukwe-mi? Gala-go bogwa 1.incl-go-Pl Loc village what 1.Fut-tell-you.Pl no-Emph already we go to the village, what should I tell you? Nothing indeed, already o-ku-gigile-gu-si, bwena-go, ta-ligeva ku-sisu-si binding.vowel-2.-laugh.at-me-Pl good-Emph Dual.incl-forget 2.-be-Pl you laughed at me, so well, let’s forget it, you stay 380 ba-la-go.” E i-simwe-si-wa. I-setaula i-setaula 1.Fut-go-Emph And 3.-stay-Pl-only 3.-go.straight 3.-go.straight and I will go, indeed. And they just stay. He goes straight (away) he goes straight (away) i-dobusi i-vola i-ulaola bi-talagwa Yarabu. E-gisi-ga 3.-sail.away 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.Fut-arrive Yarabu 3.-see-Emph he sails away he paddles he paddles he will arrive at Yarabu. He indeed sees gugwadi e-ki-kakaya-si e-ki-kakaya-si. E-lukwe-m-wa: children 3.-Redup-swim-Pl 3.-Redup-swim-Pl 3.-tell-you-only the children they are swimming, they are swimming. He just tells you: Tega-la i-yuva-yuvila pila-ta(la) bwabogwa Ear-his 3.-Redup-swell CP.part-one very.big His ear swells up just like a part of a very big sail

naya sail

wa(la). only

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E-va-va e-talagwa: “Gugwadi avaka ku-vagi-si?” 3.-Redup.go.to 3.-arrives children what 2.-do-Pl He goes there he arrives: “Children, what do you do?” 385 E e-livala-si e-gi-gigila-si, bwadisiya and 3.-say-Pl 3.-Redup-laugh-Pl their.younger.brothers And they say (it) they laugh, their younger brothers are already

bogwa already

e-valam-si. “Gala ka-kakaya-si-wa(la)”. “A bwada avaka? 3.-cry-Pl not 1.excl.-swim-Pl-only ah younger.brother what crying. “We just do not swim (any more)”. “Ah, younger brothers, what (is it)? ku-gigile-gu-si kena?” “A gala baka-gigile-*gu!-si [= baka-gigile-m-si], 2.-laugh.about-me-Pl or ah not 1.excl.Fut.laugh.about-you-Pl You laugh at me, don’t you?” “Ah we do not laugh about you, a ituali ka-gi-gigila-si.” “Gala mwada-la, ah different 1.excl.Redup-laugh-Pl no if.only-Emph ah we laugh because of something else.” “No, if indeed, hm,

mna, hm

ba-sili buku-tubiyase-gu-si? E avaka ba-lukwe-mi? 1.Fut-stay 2.Fut-respect-me-Pl and what 1.Fut-tell-you.Pl I may stay will you respect me? And what should I tell you? 390 Taga ba-ma ba-ma, a-la beya i-kukuluve-gu, bala but 1.Fut-come 1.Fut-come 1.-go there 3.-drive.off-me 1.Fut-go But I will come, I will come (no) I go (the sea current) drives me off, I will go beya i-kukuluve-gu ku-sisu-si-ga.” I-kalita’ina-wala there 3.-drive.off-me 2.-be-Pl-Emph. 3.-punt.out-only there, it drives me off, you stay”. He just punts out (to the sea) e-tola e-va. I-luki beya: I-titalogusa tega-la e-pilikekita. 3.-punt 3.-go he tells there 3.-shrink ear-his 3.-get.short he punts he goes (away). He tells there: It shrinks his ear it gets short. I-tola e-ulaola e-ulaola e-ulaola bi-talaguva Bovagisa. 3.-punt 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.Fut-arrive Bovagisa He punts he paddles he paddles he paddles and he will arrive at Bovagisa.

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[pause] Bi-talagua Bovagisa [pause] i-va-aa, bogwa 3.Fut-arrive Bovagisa 3.-go.to-Emph already [pause] He will arrive at Bovagisa [pause] he goes and goes there, already 395 bi-talagwa i-katuvilavila tega-la pili-vaka-veaka kabulu-la 3.-Fut.arrive 3.-be.changed ear-his CP.part-Redup-big nose-his he will arrive, it is changed his ear (is) really big (and) his nose kwei-veaka, katabwabogwa, mata-la kwei-veaka-veaka. CP.limb-big very.big eye-his CP.limb-Redup-big (is) big, very big, his eyes (are) really big. Already bi-talagwa 3.Fut.-arrive he will arrive

[pause] [pause]

Bogwa already

i-veki gugwadi e-ki-kakaya-si. 3.-meet children 3.-Redup-swim-Pl he meets the children they are swimming.

[pause] [pause]

E-ki-kakaya-si, e-bigatona-si toutona bwadisiya-ga 3.-Redup-swim-Pl 3.-talk-Pl big.boys their.younger.brothers-Emph They swim, they talk the big boys (and) their younger brothers, indeed, bogwa e-valam-si pela asi kokola. E-bigatona-si i-vokwa. already 3.-cry-Pl for their fear 3.-talk-Pl 3.-finish already they cry because of their fear. They talk (and) it is finished. 400 “E ku-sisu-si sena ku-gigile-gu-si, bwadagwa, mwada yes 2.-be-Pl very 2.-laugh.about-me-PL younger.brothers if.only Yes, you stay, you laughed about me very much, younger brothers, if iga(u) a-sili a-vevasi gala-gola later 1.-stay 1.-rest not-only later I stay and rest do not laugh at me,

o-ku-gigile-gu-si, binding.vowel-2.-laugh.about-me-Pl

gala bwena, ku-sisu-si beya.” E-kalibusi-wa(la) i-vola not good 2.-be-Pl here 3.-punt-only 3.-paddle (it is) not good, you stay here.” He just punts (off), he paddles i-ulaola i-ulaola i-ulaola i-ulaola-aa, bogwa-la 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.-paddle 3.-paddle-Emph already-Emph he paddles he paddles he paddles he paddles and paddles and indeed, already

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

bi-talagua gudisi Yarabu, 3.Fut-arrive children.their Yarubu he will arrive at the children from Yarubu

[pause] [pause]

Tovata, Tovata from Tovata

125 [pause] [pause]

405 Bovagisa, Su… Su… Suroga. Bogwa bi-talagwa iga-aa Bovagisa Su… Su… Suroga already 3.Fut-arrive then-Emph from Bovagisa, from Su… Su… Suroga. Already he will arrive and then bogwa i-talagwa i-gisi gugwadi e-kakaya-si. already 3.-arrive 3.-see children 3.-swim-Pl already he arrives and sees the children they are swimming. Buda-ta(la) gugwadi ma-buda-ne CP.group-one children Dem-CP.Group-Dem This group of children they are all swimming.

[pause] [pause]

e-ke-kakaya-si kumwedona. 3.-Redup-swim-Pl all

I-siva i-katuvilavila i-katuvilavila bogeokwa. I-tola 3.-stay 3.-be.changed 3.-be changed already.finished 3.-punt He stays, he is changed, he is changed it is already finished. He punts i-loki i-to-tola. i-gise-si. Aaa ina, gaga 3.-go.and.arrive 3.-Redup-punt 3.-see-Pl ah mother bad he goes and arrives (there) he punts and punts (and) they see (him). Ah, mother, bad 410 ta(uwau). “Ave tau? Ina to-magaga!” E i-gi-gigila-si, boys. who man mother CP.male-ugly and 3.-Redup-laugh-Pl boys: “Who (is this) man? Mother, (what an) ugly man!” And they laugh, i-valam-si gugwadi. E e-katupoi i-li-livala-si. “O mwada 3.-cry-Pl children and 3.-ask 3.-Redup-speak-Pl oh if.only and they cry the children. And he asks (them) and they talk. “Oh, if ba-sisu beya. La-ma-gooo, boge e-tasopu ulu valu. 1.-Fut-stay here 1.Past-come-Emph already 3.-vanish my place I want to stay here. I came a long way, already it vanishes (at the horizon) my place.

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Ba-sili-ga, sena-go ku-gigile-gu-si. Bwena ku-sisu-si, 1.Fut-stay-Emph very-Emph 2.-laugh.about-me-Pl good 2.-be-Pl I want to stay, indeed, you laughed about me so very much. (It is) good (how) you are (together), ba-mwaga beya”. 1.Fut-come here I want to come here”. 415 i-ulaola 3.-paddles he paddles

[pause] [pause]

Ikabi.i-la, i-ulaola With.this.3.-go 3.-paddle With this he left, he paddles

i-to-tola i-to-tola i-totola, bogwa 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt 3.-Redup-punt already he punts and punts he punts and punts he punts and punts, already

e-kobusi. E-kobusi e-mema va ave valu. [pause] 3.-start.paddle 3.-start.paddle 3.-come.to Dir what village he starts to paddle. He starts to paddle he comes to whatever village (you can think of) [pause]. E-memo-wa, sena kaduanogwa e-vola beya, gala kukupi, 3.-come.to-only very far 3.-paddle there not short He comes to just every place, very far away he paddles there, (it is) not (a) short (way), iga bita-la-aa, bi-supani o Bweyova, bi-supani then Dual.incl.Fut-go-Emph 3.Fut-be.lost Loc Boyowa 3.Fut-be.lost then one will go and go, it(canoe) will get out of sight in Boyowa, it will get out of sight beya, beya-ga bita-sisakaula sena kaduanogwa. [pause] here here-Emph Dual.incl.Fut-sail very far here, (from) here indeed one would (have) to sail a very long distance. 420 E-ulaola e-ulaola e-ulaola-aa; ivatu ivatu 3.-paddle 3.-paddle- 3.-paddle-Emph time.passes time.passes He paddles, he paddles, he paddles indeed; time passes, time passes, ivatu-uu i-talagua m ma-ni-kwe-na time.passes-Emph 3.-arrive hm Dem-Dem-CP.thing-Dem time passes, indeed (and) he arrives, hm, at this, hm

m, hm

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127

amyagala valu e to-kwamsi nuya, Nadila what’s.the.name place eh CP.human-eater coconut Nadila what’s the name of the place, eh (of the) coconut-eaters, – Nadila, e [pause] Nadila. [pause] Nadila i-talagwa i-veki. yes Nadila. Nadila 3.-arrive 3.-go yes; [pause] Nadila. [pause] At Nadila he arrives he goes there. I-vabusi-si e-me-si e-lukwe-si: “Mwa amakava-m?” “Gala 3.-come.down-Pl 3.-come-Pl 3.-talk-Pl chap how.are-you Nothing They come down to the beach they come and they talk: “Chap, how are you?” “Nothing, 425 a-ulaola-wala”. “O ku-ma, igau ta-simwe-si”. [pause] 1.-paddle-only oh 2.-come then 1.incl-stay-Pl I just paddle”. “Oh come, then we stay (together)”. [pause] A bogwa i-katuvilavila, taga beya e-pe’ulake-si ah already 3.-be.changed but there 3.-try.hard-Pl Ah, already he was changed, but there they tried hard (not to laugh) m-to-si-na, bogwa bita-sili-si, bogwa Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem already 1.incl-Fut-sit-Pl already these people, already we sit together, already it is finished. “E-supani m (v)alu”. 3.-be.lost your village It is out of sight, your village

[pause] [pause]

eokwa. finish

“O ki, boge e-supani oh gosh already 3.-be.lost “Oh gosh, already it is out of sight

Kilivila, gala ambeya bita-bani” [pause] Kiriwina not where Dual.incl.Fut-find Kiriwina, one will not find it (any more)”. [pause]

I-vavila 3.-turn.round He turns around

430 i-sili i-sili. [pause] I-sisu-sa i-sisu-si e-masisi-si ebogina. 3.-sit 3.-sit 3.-be-Pl 3.-be-Pl 3.-sleep-Pl night.comes he sits down he sits down. They are (together) they are (together) they sleep as the night broke.

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[pause] I-tamwau, i-libu la waga. I-tamwau-wala, 3.-lose.way 3.-push.ashore his canoe 3.-lose.way-only [pause] He has lost his way, he pushes his canoe ashore. He has just lost his way, taga i-doke-si-wala e-sisu e-masisi, amgwa but 3.-think-Pl-only 3.-be 3.-sleep but but they think he stays and sleeps, but already

bogwa already

e-tamwau. [pause] E-tamwau i-weki kwe-tala simla, 3.-lose.way 3.-lose.way 3.-go.rush.to CP.thing-one island he has lost his way. [pause] He has lost his way he goes and rushes to an island, e-ee, i-weki gala simla dakuna [pause] E yes-Emph 3.-go.rush.to not island rock And yes indeed, he goes and rushes not to an island (but) to a rock. [pause] And 435 ma-ni-kwe-na i-vigaki la valu, Dem-Dem-CP.thing-Dem 3.-make his village this stone he turns it into his place, a stone will not bi-la [pause] 3.Fut-go go (away). [pause]

dakuna rock

E-va i-luki ma-na-kwa 3.-go.to 3.-arrive Dem-Dem-CP.thing He goes to and arrives at this rock.

gala not dakuna. rock

I-kapwagega i-kapatu olopola dakuna i-sisu. E 3.-open.wide 3.-close inside rock 3.-be yes It opens widely it closes (again) and he is inside the rock. Yes taga gala dakuna valu, la valu [pause] but not rock place his place but it is not a rock (it is) a living place, his place. [pause] kwe-veaka. CP.thing-big a big one.

[pause] [pause]

E dakuna yes rock Yes a rock

E bogeokwa beya mna And already.finished here hm And it is already finished here, hm

440 kalabiga livale-la E yaga-la makala, that’s.it news-its yes name-its like that’s it (the story’s) news. Yes his name (is) so,

[pause] [pause],

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

m-to-we-na, e, Tudava, e e-ve-si Dem-CP.male-dist-Dem yes Tudava yes 3.-go.to-Pl. that man’s (name), yes, Tudava, and they (who) go to Omyuva

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Omyuva Omyuva

e-kivili-si yaga-la Togereva, e e-kivili-si yaga-la 3.-turn-Pl name-his Togereva yes 3.-turn-Pl name-his they turned his name (into) Togereva, yes, they turned his name Togereva e-kebiga-si. Biga Tudava bogwa Togereva 3.-say speech Tudava already they say Togereva. The speech (about) Tudava (is) already e-vokwa beya. Makala e-korosi-si e-rigemwe-si. 3.-be.finished here Like 3.-cross.out-Pl 3.-forget-Pl finished here. (Things) like (this) they cross out, they forget (them these days). 445 E lagela ta-gise-si bakwe-la e wosi Togereva. and today 1.incl-see-Pl footprint-his and song Togereva And (even) today we see his footprint and (there is) the song Togereva. E bogeokwa. (Ku-)meye-si pwaka ba-kaui Yes already.finished 2.-bring-Pl lime 1.Fut-chew Yes it is already finished. Bring lime I will chew betelnuts,

buva, betelnut

bogwa e-kivi kega-gu already 3.-break voice-my already it is flat my voice.6 After Kilagola had finished telling the myth he told Ingrid that the title of the ‘liliu’ was ‘Dokonikani sola Tudava’ (line 1) and that he told the myth as it is told in the village Labai which is situated on the northwestern beach of Kiriwina Island7. In what follows I summarize, annotate and analyse the myth presented above. Ingrid asks Kilagola whether he would like to tell her the story about the cannibal Dokonikani (lines 1&2). Kilagola responds rather reluctantly, first 6 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand 7 Kilagola said: ‘manakwa liliu Labai esubusi’ (this myth comes out of Labai); see Malinowski (1974: 249): “the proper seat of the Tudava myth is Laba’i”.

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producing the adequate reference for Dokonikani and then correcting Ingrid’s Kilivila (she made two grammatical mistakes in her question, using an ungrammatical construction with a preposition and using the wrong Tense-Aspect-Mood-marker on the verb). However, Ingrid ignores these corrections and continues to ask about Tudava’s place of living. Still Kilagola answers in monosyllables (line 6) – although he gives the first piece of relevant information, namely that ‘Silakwa’ is the name of the village in which Dokonikani lived. After Ingrid continues with her questions Kilagola slowly gets in the mood for telling the myth (lines 10–15), and when Ingrid tells him that his narrative is frightening (line 16), and when he realizes that a number of bystanders have already been listening very carefully to what he has narrated so far, he really gets going. Dokonikani lives in a cave in Silakwa. Close to that cave he has planted a ‘Mokulu’ tree (syzygium malaccense). Dokonikani works on his string net. Then he hunts people, catches them and puts them in his net (lines 10–15). Before he eats his victims he smashes them from the top of the cave to the ground. This is his daily routine (lines 17–20). To further illustrate this Kilagola now starts to tell how Dokonikani killed a man from Kapwaku village who worked together with his younger brother in the garden (lines 21–44). When Ingrid tries to make further comments Kilagola tells her to keep quiet – otherwise he will not continue to tell the myth (line 23). Then he continues his narration and points out that this man from Kapwaku village and his younger brother made a fence around a new garden. When they saw Dokonikani approaching they ran away, however, the “ogre” (Malinowski 1974: 122) reached the older brother, fought and wrestled with him, bit off his hands, put him on his shoulders, and ran back to his house. From the top of his cave he smashed his victim down onto the ground. Dokonikani’s sister, hearing the sound of the body, came out of their house and scolded her brother that he had killed another man again and that soon everybody on the island would know that he is a man-eater (lines 35–40). Dokonikani was not impressed at all and announced that he will eat this man – and he did so (lines 41–43). This, as Kilagola points out once again, is his daily routine: hunting and eating men (lines 43–44). This first paragraph of the first part of the myth introduces the man-eating ogre Dokonikani. It is interesting that this version of the myth does not mention that Dokonikani is a member of the Lukwasisiga clan (see Maliinowski 1974: 122, 124); however, it may well be that Kilagola presupposes this to be common knowledge. After this brief but impressive introduction of one of the protagonists of the myth Kilagola mentions Tudava for the first time (line 44). We learn that he lives and has grown up in Labai (lines 44–45).

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The information given in lines 45–48 is somewhat cryptic and needs some elaboration. Kilagola just hints at the fact that all the people on Kiriwina Island feared the ogre and left the island. However, from Malinowski (1925: 210) we learn the following details: In Labai lived a family consisting of a sister and their brothers. They also decided to fly, but the brothers left their sister on Kovalova beach at Labai when they actually left the island on their canoes (lines 46–48). On the basis of the version of one of the Tudava myths that he collected, Malinowski (1925: 210) reports the following: “When Dokonikan ranged nearer and nearer the family decided to fly. The sister, however, at that moment wounded her foot and was unable to move. She was abandoned by her brothers…”. Kilagola continues his telling the myth with the information that this woman stays in Labai and gives birth to her son Tudava. In the course of the years Tudava grows up and becomes a strong man (lines 49–50). Again, if we compare Kilagola’s version of the myth with the information Malinowski (1974: 228) provides on the “mythological cyclus about the hero Tudava” it is interesting to note that the late chief of Tauwema does not say anything about Tudava’s mother and about Tudava’s birth. The name of Tudava’s mother is Mitigisi or Bulutukua. When her brothers left her behind, she lived alone in a grotto in the coral-ridge of Laba’i. From the version of the Tudava myth documented by Malinowski we learn the following: One day she fell asleep in the grotto, and the water dripping from the stalactites fell on her vulva and opened the passage. After she became pregnant, and gave birth in succession to a fish, called bologu; to a pig; to a shrub, called kuebila …; to another fish (the kalala …); to the cockatoo (katakela); the parrot (karaga); the bird sikauikua; to a dog (ka’ukwa); and finally to Tudava. (Malinowski 1974: 228)8

As mentioned above, Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth does not give this information at all. In Kilagola’s version of the myth Tudava is introduced as a big man who goes hunting in the bush. One day his mother talks to him about the ogre, she want him to help her meet and kill Dokonikani. Tudava convinces his mother that he will do this on his own. The woman cuts and makes a spear for her son, put a magic spell on it, and hardens it in the fire (lines 50–56). Then she puts 8

Malinowski took up the motive of “artificial impregnation”and its elaboration started the still ongoing controversy over Trobriand “virgin birth” (see Senft 1999a:15 ff; see also Senft 2006).

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another spell on aromatic herbs, packs them together and gives them to her son. And finally she cuts a pandanus leave, folds it into a pandanus streamer and ties it around her son’s hand and puts the arm-long streamer into the arm band on his upper arm. Then she tells him that he should stroll around the bush throwing the pandanus streamer away. Then he will see Dokonikani and he can make contact with him. (lines 57–62). Tudava follows his mother’s instructions and looks for Dokonikani – who is mending his net in his house. Tudava strolls through the bush and throws the pandanus streamer for the first time – however, contrary to what his mother had said, this does not help. So he does not use this pandanus streamer any more and just continues strolling through the bush until he reaches Dokonikani’s place at a coral ridge. Here it remains unclear whether ‘rebwaga’ (line 79) refers to a ‘coral ridge’ or to a ‘coral garden’ – I will come back to this observation in the next paragraph. Tudava stands on the roof of Dokonikani’s house, waits there for some time and then climbs up into the top of the Mokolu tree. (lines 63–82). He looks down and sees Dokonikani mending his net. He takes a fruit of the Mokolu tree (– this edible oblong or pear-shaped fruit is 5 to 7,5 cm long, either white splashed or stripped with pink or wholly crimson; it is also known as ‘Malay apple’ or ‘mountain apple’ –), cuts a pattern with his fingernails into the fruit (– Kilagola does not produce the adequate verbal expression ‘-takimsi-’ in line 86 (but in line 93); a gesture clarifies what he means) and throws it down towards Dokonikani (lines 83–87). The ogre reacts producing one of the worst insults on the Trobriands (see 3.2.1.1) together with a curse which should condemn its addressees – whom Dokonikani equals with animals – to eat everything except yams (lines 87–90). In connection with line 79 we noticed that Kilagola mentions the ‘rebwaga’ near Dokonikani’s house. It may be that the late chief of Tauwema refers here to a coral garden where Dokonikani plants yams – and not just to the coral ridge. As Malinowski (1935: 68) points out, “Tudava is known all over the district of the Northern Massim… Everywhere … stories are told of how the culture hero was a native of Kiriwina and was the first to institute gardening and garden magic”. Thus, Dokonikani’s curse had no impact at all on the Trobriand Islanders and on the other Massim. On the contrary, the addressee of this curse is just the man who institutes gardening in, and the importance of yams for, his whole ethnical group (see also lines 334–363). Producing this curse in his narration of the first encounter of Dokonikani and Tudava, Kilagola may allude to this well known fact. But back to the myth. Tudava does not react to these insults and curses – although it is difficult for him not to do this. After some time he picks another fruit, cuts a pattern with his fingernails into the fruit again and throws it so that it hits the

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ogre’s leg. This time Dokonikani takes up the fruit, notices the marks and realizes that they are made by someone belonging to these people who do not eat yams – another allusion to Tudava’s role as the founder of gardening yams on the Trobriand Islands and elsewhere. He looks up and sees Tudava in the tree – and is immediately charmed by this man’s beauty. When Dokonikani asks him where he lives, Tudava answers that he does not live on Kiriwina Island – this answer implies that he does not know about Dokonikani and his savage habits. Dokonikani invites this – in his eyes naive – visitor to stay with him and asks him to wait for him because he wants to fetch his net which is inside the house. While the ogre is in the house, Tudava jumps down the Maluku tree onto the top of Dokonikani’s house (lines 91–104). The monster comes out of his house – and here (line 104) Kilagola makes a short pause and states in a kind of aside: “They ask for more” – implying that his audience is not afraid at this crucial point of the myth, despite the suspense now with respect to what Dokonikani will do with Tudava. Kilagola elaborates on this crucial moment of suspense, telling his audience that Dokonikani, now outside of his house, walks down into the earth, that he walks around underground, surfaces again and comes out carrying his net on his head. He comes to Tudava, tells him that he will join him on such an underground trip later, and invites him to come with him for a walk (lines 104–108). In the meantime Tudava has taken the wreath of herbs that his mother tied and on which she also put the powerful ‘Kwegapani’ spell. It is (at least in 1983 it was) common knowledge on the Trobriands that the ‘Kwegapani’ magic causes amnesia in its victims, makes them insane and finally kills them. Dokonikani comes to him and not only takes the wreath of herbs but also eats them (thus intensifying the effect of the magic that even functions when its victims are only wearing the herbs on their hair or in the arm bands). It is interesting to note that this crucial scene of the first part of the myth is condensed in a sentence that just consists of a series of four verbs (lines 109–110). All these verbs are produced with just the subject-prefix for 3rd person, but each of these prefixes refers to a different subject – the first three verbs refer to the protagonists of the story so far – Tudava, Tudava’s mother, and Dokonikani –, and the prefix of the last verb to the state of the action described (‘bogeokwa’ is the shortened version of ‘bogwa e-vokuva’ which can be glossed as ‘already it is finished’). Having eaten the wreath of herbs, Dokonikani walks away and Tudava follows him. However, Kilagola’s version of the myth once more takes up the scene in which Dokonikani twice dives into the ground as if it was the sea, walks underground, emerges again, and comes to Tudava who gives him the wreath of herbs which the ogre then eats (lines 111–115). This repetition emphasizes the

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importance of this scene for the first part of the myth. The magic of Tudava’s mother now will have its effects on Dokonikani – actually it is the prerequisite for Tudava to kill the ogre! Thus, this crucial part of the myth – narrated twice – also emphasizes the importance of magic. Malinowski (1925: 213) pointed out this “intimate connection” between magic and myth: Most of the super-natural power displayed by heroes in myth is due to their knowledge of magic. Present humanity differs from the great mythical heroes of the past in that nowadays the most effective types of magic have been lost. Could the strong spells and the powerful rites be recovered, men could fly through the air, rejuvenate and thus retain their life for ever, kill people and bring them to life again, be always beautiful, successful, loved and praised. But it is not only myth which draws its power from magic. Magic is also dependent on myth. Almost every type of spell and rite has its mythological foundation. The natives tell a story of the past which explains how this magic came into man’s possession, and which serves as a warrant of the magic efficiency. In this lies perhaps the main sociological influence of myth. For myth lives in magic, and since magic shapes and maintains many social institutions, myth exercises its influence upon them. (Malinowski 1925: 213)

This strong interrelationship between myth and magic is explicitly expressed at this point in Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth (see also chapter 5!). After Dokonikani has eaten the wreath of herbs he invites Tudava to stay with him. However, Tudava declines this invitation but invites Dokonikani to visit his place where he lives with his mother. It may well be that Tudava mentions his mother here as a kind of additional bait for the greedy cannibal; if Dokonikani follows Tudava, he will find another victim whom he can kill and devour. And indeed, Dokonikani accepts ‘his friend’s’ invitation. Tudava leads and Dokonikani is following him on his way to Tudava’s place. First they run, then they just walk along a path in the bush (lines 116–120). On their way Tudava turns around and throws another wreath of herbs to Dokonikani (– we can safely infer that Tudava’s mother also put the powerful ‘Kwegapani’ spell on this wreath –) and Dokonikani is so greedy that he catches the wreath with his teeth and immediately eats it. They continue walking – but suddenly Dokonikani feels some pain – he even expresses this pain uttering ‘ouch’ – and he realizes that he is losing energy. Hearing and seeing this, Tudava realizes jubilantly that his poisoning the ogre already shows first effects (lines 121–126). Tudava and Dokonikani continue their walk, come to the beach of Labai and go up to the village. However, on their way there is a very thick rope that blocks the path (and we may assume that Tudava prepared this kind of ‘road block’). Tudava easily jumps on top of this rope and sits down there. Dokonikani asks

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Tudava how he could overcome the block and come up to him. Tudava tells him to raise his hand and to grab his foot – and Dokonikani indeed raises his hand, but then he retracts his hand, turns away and cuts off his own hand. He obviously does not realize what he is doing – because of the powerful ‘Kwegapani’ spell that Tudava’s mother put on the two wreaths of herbs Dokonikani had eaten – and, thinking that he has cut off Tudava’s hand, the brutal ogre asks Tudava how he feels now. Tudava answers that Dokonikani must be joking9, but the monster announces that after having cut off Tudava’s hand he soon will eat him. Tudava states that (– because of the ‘Kwegapani’ magic –) Dokonikani’s mind is already confused. Now Dokonikani raises his leg towards Tudava – as he did with his hand before. Again he retracts it, turns away and cuts off his leg (lines 127–144). This deed seems to be so unbelievable, that the narrator of the myth explicitly states that this is no joke or lie at all. On the contrary, he points out twice that Dokonikani really cut off his leg because Tudava deceived him when he gave the ogre the two poisoned wreaths of herbs (lines 145–147). When Dokonikani has cut off his leg he falls down – making a sound like a falling tree. The ogre is dying on the ground. Tudava quickly comes down from the rope and cuts off Dokonikani’s head. He leaves Dokonikani’s already smelling and rotting body where the ogre fell down, takes the head with him, carries it on his shoulder and brings it down to the beach to his mother. His mother admires Tudava and praises him for having killed Dokonikani. However, Tudava states that they have not really killed the monster – obviously, the cut off head is still alive! Nevertheless, Tudava’s mother is happy that he has killed at least the body of the monster and thus committed an evil deed to Dokonikani. Tudava points out that the ogre was not a human being and that he will try to eat his mother because the head is still alive! Night falls and Tudava’s mother – a very powerful magician, as we know by now – performs another magical rite. She puts a spell on a big bowl, puts Dokonikani’s head into this bowl – and then tries to throw it away. This is not an easy thing to do for her – the mother needs the help of her son – and together they finally manage to throw Dokonikani’s head away. Being at the beach this means that they throw the monster’s head into the sea – in the same way as the inhabitants of the coastal villages usually get rid of their waste (lines 147–161). This marks the end of the first part of Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth. This first part that only cryptically mentions the abandonment of Tudava’s mother by her brothers (lines 46–48) and then reports how Tudava and his mother killed Dokonikani is interpreted by Malinowski (1925: 211) as “a typical matrilineal drama”. Malinowski points out that “the figure of Dokonikan 9 For the concept of ‘sopa’ see chapter 9!

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is not altogether explained” and – despite the fact that in another one of his publications (see Malinowski 1974: 122, 124) he classifies Dokonikani as being a member of the Lukwasisiga clan – and thus as a being from the Trobriand Islands – he comes up with the strange hypothesis that the ogre “may be a figure handed from a patriarchal culture to a matriarchal one, in which case he might represent the father and husband” (Malinowski 1925: 211). This hypothesis – in which Malinowski also refers to the matrilineal culture of the Trobrianders as a ‘matriarchal’ one – invites for interpreting this part of the myth from a Freudian, psychoanalytic perspective. And this is exactly what happened: In his monograph ‘Oedipus in the Trobriands’ Spiro (1982: 50–57, 119–121) interprets Tudava’s killing of Dokonikani as a case of patricide. To defend the claim that Freud’s concept of the ‘Oedipus complex’ (see e. g. Freud 1969: 16) is a universal feature to be found in all societies, Spiro (1982: 53) defines the figure of Dokonikani as “a disguised representation of the father” and points out that then “the Tudava myth would seem to indicate that the Trobriand father is unconsciously viewed as (among other things) a dangerous and terrifying figure toward whom the son, in turn, harbors murderous wishes”. I mention this interpretation of the first part of the Tudava myth presented above just for the sake of completeness. I myself think that Spiro’s hypothesis is rather weird and off the point, but I do not want to further elaborate on this topic here. In the second part of Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth we learn about the fate of Dokonikani’s head. After floating in the sea for some time, the head finally drifts to where Tudava’s uncles live. Kilagola does not know where they lived, but offers the village Keli10 as their possible place of living. Dokonikani’s head delivers an admonitory speech (see 10.2 below) there which is heard by the youngest brother of Tudava’s mother. He comes out of his house, and sees Dokonikani’s head hammering at the doorstep of his house. He picks it up and brings the head into his house. The next morning Tudava’s youngest uncle asks his brothers to go to the bush and cut a new garden for him. While they do this he cooks a meal for them. He takes Dokonikani’s head and cooks it in a pot together with the food. When his brothers come they sit around the pot and eat the food – and when they see Dokonikani’s skull they take to flight in a horror (obviously much to Kilagola’s delight who laughs at this point of his narration). However, their youngest brother asks them to come back and finish their meal with Dokonikani’s head. The myth does not explicitly tell us whether they continued their meal or not, but obviously the brothers of Tudava’s mother ate (most, if not all of) the cannibal’s head! The youngest brother tells the others 10 In 1992 Tokunupei – in connection with the ‘Imdeduya’ and ‘Yolina’ myth – told me that Keli was a village on Kwaiyaluma Island, one of the Lusancay Islands.

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that their sister gave birth to a boy who deceived the ogre and killed him – and that Dokonikani’s head floated to their place. When his brothers ask him who provided him with this information, the youngest brother claims that he just imagined what must have happened. Nevertheless, he proposes to visit their sister and her son on the following day (lines 162–184). This second part of Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth again deviates from the version of the myth presented by Malinowski. In that version Tudava and his mother “prepared a taro pudding in which they hid and baked the head of the ogre. With this gruesome dish Tudava sailed away in search of his mother’s brother. When he found him he gave him the pudding, in which the uncle with horror and dismay found the head of Dokonikani. (Malinowski 1925: 210)

Malinowski’s version only refers to the eldest brother of Tudava’s mother at this point of the story. He interprets the fact that this brother is also tricked by his sister and Tudava into eating Dokonikani’s head as follows: Tudava’s maternal uncle left his sister and her son, despite the fact that in the Trobriand matrilineal society “the mother’s brother is the appointed guardian of her and her family” (Malinowski 1925: 210). For Malinowski the myth associates the man eating monster with the monstrous brother who abandoned his sister. Thus, besides the conflict caused by “the cannibalistic appetite of the ogre” the myth also presents the conflict manifest in “the abandonment of mother and son by the maternal uncle” (Malinowski 1925: 210). Malinowski continues his argument as follows: The whole setting of this incident and the emotion which underlies it, receive meaning only if we assume that there is some sort of association or connivance between the ogre and the uncle. In that case, to give one cannibal’s head to be eaten by the other is just the right sort of punishment, and the story contains then in reality one villain and one conflict distributed in two stages and duplicated in two persons. Thus we see that the legend of Tudava contains a typical matrilineal drama which forms its core, and which is brought to a logical conclusion. (Malinowski 1925: 210 f.)

It is interesting that in Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth the youngest of Tudava’s uncles takes over the function that Tudava performs in Malinowski’s version of the myth. Moreover, in the later parts of Malinowski’s version only one – most probably the eldest – of Tudava’s uncles is featured, contrary to the version of the myth presented here. I have no idea how to explain all these differences in these two versions of the Tudava myth. But back again to Kilagola’s narration.

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In the third part of the myth we learn that Tudava’s uncles indeed follow their youngest brother’s proposal. They dress up, board their canoes and sail back to Labai. The first to arrive and thus the first to see the man who killed Dokonikani is the eldest brother; he is accompanied by his daughter. This daughter goes to Tudava, sits down on his veranda and even holds hands with him. This means – in the cultural code of the Trobriand Islanders – that Tudava has married his uncle’s daughter.11 Tudava’s uncle has given valuables (see below) to his nephew – blowing the conch shell to emphasize the importance of the gift, but then throwing the gifts to Tudava in the typical Trobriand manner of gift-giving.12 Kilagola now more explicitly tells his audience again that Tudava also received his uncle’s daughter in marriage; she will live in Labai together with her newly wed husband (lines 184–196). Then the second and after him the third of Tudava’s uncles arrive at Tudava’s place – they are also accompanied by one of their daughters, give their nephew valuables and their daughters in marriage. At this point Ingrid interrupts Kilagola and asks him what kind of valuables Tudava received. Kilagola mentions the two valuables that are important for the highly ritualized ‘Kula’ trade, the ‘mwali’ armshells and the ‘soulava’ spondylus shell necklaces, as well as the very much valued ‘beku’ stone axe blades (see also Malinowski 1922: 86–91, 172 f., 510 ff). After this interruption Kilagola continues his narration – he explicitly mentions that the third uncle gives Tudava the ‘Gilivakuma’ stone axe blade – obviously a highly valued ‘beku’ in Labai (and probably elsewhere)! The second and third uncle both emphasize that their daughters will be companions for Tudava’s first wife. The women then go and collect firewood, that is to say, they accept and take over their duties as married women, and doing so they see their mother-in-law who is also their aunt. This implies that Tudava’s mother has not welcomed her brothers yet. (lines 184–209).

11 I would like to note here that this behaviour is rather unusual. In public life the interaction between husband and wife on the Trobriands is rather controlled. Loving married couples do not exchange any signs of tenderness like holding hands, kissing in public, or embracing each other (see Malinowski 1929: chapter 5.1 and chapter 10.3). 12 See Malinowski (1922: 352): “The native term “to throw” a valuable describes well the nature of the act. For, though the valuable has to be handed over by the giver, the receiver hardly takes any notice of it, and seldom receives it actually into his hands. The etiquette of the transaction requires that the gift should be given in an off-hand, abrupt, almost angry manner and received with equivalent nonchalance and disdain”.

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After a short pause Kilagola starts to narrate the arrival of Tudava’s fourth uncle – but then – in a kind of aside to Ingrid – he tells her that he wants to stop here and continue his narration later. Obviously the narration has tired him and he knows that he is just in the middle of this long and complex story (lines 210–211). Nevertheless, Kilagola then spontaneously decides to continue his narration. The third and the fourth of Tudava’s uncles arrive one after the other. The fourth uncle also gives his nephew valuables. Like the third uncle he explicitly declares them to be his daughter’s dowry and then he gives Tudava his daughter in marriage. The third and the fourth uncle also declare that their daughters should do their sister’s work and live together with her. This is the first time that two of Tudava’s uncles mention their formerly abandoned sister! The fifth – and youngest – uncle, that is the one who cooked Dokonikani’s head and who made his brothers eat the ogre’s head together with the food he had cooked for them, arrives at the beach of Labai, sees the man who ‘has really killed Dokonikani’, and – together with his gifts and his daughter – runs up to Tudava’s place, blows the conch shell and gives Tudava his daughter in marriage – together with valuables as her dowry. Tudava welcomes this girl, explicitly states that he ‘waited for that girl’ because he has ‘gentle feelings’ for her, and he marries his fifth maternal cross-cousin (lines 213–231). The repetitive structure of this part of the myth (lines 187–228) is very typical for this genre. The reports about the arrival of Tudava’s uncles and their (verbal and nonverbal) actions are more or less identical – with just a few changes and some additional information that is provided (as, for example, in the report about the arrival of the youngest uncle and his actions). Nevertheless, with these few changes the listeners’ attention is kept. The feature of repetitiveness is highly constitutive for the last part of the myth (see below). However, before we go back to Kilagola’s narration, I would like to compare his version of the myth again with Malinowski’s. In Malinowski’s version of the myth Tudava’s uncle, after he found the head of Dokonikani in the taro pudding, offers his nephew “all sorts of gifts in atonement for having abandoned him and his mother to the ogre”, but Tudava refuses everything and is “only appeased after he had received his uncle’s daughter in marriage” (Malinowski 1925: 210). However, as Malinowski points out, “in the [Trobriand Islanders’] present kinship system” such a marriage “is considered distinctly an improper thing, though not actually incestuous” (Malinowski 1925: 211, see also Senft 1995a). The fact that in Kilagola’s version of the myth Tudava actually marries five maternal cross-cousins exaggerates and emphasizes this improper behaviour. But back again to the Kilagola’s version of the myth.

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All of Tudava’s newly wed women and his five uncles stay in Labai, because Tudava, as a kind of countergift for his dowry, invites them to stay. He states that their staying will appease the hard feelings he has for his uncles because they abandoned his mother when they left Labai in fear of Dokonikani. However, one of his uncles (most probably the eldest) questions Tudava’s status and his right to be cross and angry with him and his brothers and tells him not to disturb them (lines 231–234). At this part of the story Sibwesa, Kilagola’s wife, tells Ingrid that Tudava is one of her ancestors (line 235). Kilagola adopted Ingrid (and me) a few months after our arrival in Tauwema. Ingrid was classified as belonging to the Malasi clan – the chiefly clan to which Kilagola belonged, too. Because of this kinship relation Kilagola actually told her the Tudava myth. Sibwesa, herself being a member of the Lukwasisiga clan, makes the claim here that Tudava also belonged to her husband’s and Ingrid’s clan. However, from Malinowski (1974: 121, 201) we learn that Tudava’s mother, and thus Tudava himself, belonged to the Lukuba clan – and not – as many Malasi claim – to the Tabalu, the most aristocratic subclan of the Malasi. It may well be that members of the Malasi clan come up with this claim to obscure the fact that according to the Trobriand myths of origin of the four clans the Lukuba clan had the highest rank at first but then lost it (see Malinowski 1974: 111 ff, 201). Kilagola is not detracted by this comment of his wife and continues his narration. Despite the unfriendly reaction of Tudava’s eldest uncle he and his other five brothers stay in Labai. However, Tudava cannot communicate with his uncles – he just does not know what kind of language, that is to say, what kind of register of Kilivila he should use to talk to them.13 He wants to talk with his uncles about why they abandoned his mother; however, because he thinks that this may be impolite, he refrains from doing it. Frustrated he lies down in the middle of the day and tells his mother that he will leave her and his wives – to whom he refers (charmingly for his mother) as his mother’s sisters – and look for a new place to live. He is convinced that this change of place will help her to develop a new relationship with her brothers. Tudava has decided to no longer live in Labai (lines 236–243). This decision marks the end of the third part of the myth. 13 It is inappropriate for Tudava to talk to his uncles about this serious matter claiming that he is using the ‘biga sopa’ variety of Kilivila. This would be a choice inadequate for such a severe communicative situation. However, using the ‘biga pe’ula/ biga mokwita’ variety for discussing this delicate matter may turn out to be too dangerous and most probably even fatal for Tudava’s and his mother’s relationship with his uncles and her brothers respectively.

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The fourth and last part of the myth describes Tudava’s journey and his search for a new place to live. Early next morning at cock-crow – when everybody else is still sleeping – Tudava goes to the beach and leaves Labai, punting his canoe to the edge of the reef. However, his wife – most probably the one for which he had tender feelings – wakes up and – from inside her house – inquires what is going on. Tudava does not respond to her question, but abandons her (together with his other four wives) and his mother; moreover, he also leaves all his valuables behind. However, on his way to the beach he tells his mother that her brothers will care for his wives – their daughters – and that all of them will do her work so that she just can stay in Labai and enjoy life. Moreover, he also tells her that none of them will learn anything about his journey – it can be assumed that this utterance is a hint to his mother – referring to her capacities as a powerful magician – not to use magic for enquiring about his whereabouts. The myth then sums up again that at cock-crow – when everybody except his mother was sleeping – Tudava went to the beach, pushed his canoe into the water, and left Labai. He first punts his canoe to Kaibola, a village in the north of Kiriwina Island (lines 244–257). With respect to the direction of Tudava’s journey (and journeys reported in other Trobriand myths), Malinowski points out the following: Laba’i lies on the northwestern beach, the only place open to sailors who would have come from the direction of the prevailing monsoon winds. Moreover, in all the myths the drift of migration, the trend of cultural influence, the travels of culture heroes takes place from north to south and generally, though less uniformly, from west to east. This is the direction which obtains in the great cycle of Tudava stories; this is the direction which we have found in the migration myths; this is the direction which obtains in the majority of the Kula legends… (Malinowski 1974: 123 f.)

This observation also holds for Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth. Tudava first punts his canoe and let it drift up north to Kaibola. Kilagola points out that this is a long and tiresome journey. Tudava reaches the village and meets the children of Kaibola swimming on the reef close to the village. However, as he approaches these children, one of Tudava’s ears grows and gets bigger and bigger. He looks rather funny and the children laugh at him. When he inquires why they do this, they say that they laugh without a special cause. Tudava doubts whether he and his wisdom and knowledge would be properly acknowledged and respected in a village in which the children deride him and decides to continue his journey (lines 257–266). The structure of this report of the first encounter of Tudava with children swimming in the sea in front of their village is taken up and repeated with minor

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differences in the following paragraphs of the fourth part of the myth. These highly repetitive elements of the myth certainly serve as mnemotechnical devices that make it easier for the narrator to memorize the long story. This kind of modular structure is very typical for the ‘liliu’. But back to the myth again. Tudava punts and punts his canoe away from Kaibola till he reaches Bomatu point, the northernmost tip of Kiriwina Island – nowadays marked by a light buoy, as Kilagola points out. There Tudava meets the children from Lageva village who are swimming in the sea. However, as soon as he approaches these children Tudava’s ear and his nose grow bigger and bigger and all the children laugh at him because of his funny looks. Again Tudava decides not to stay under these circumstances and continues his journey. As soon as he is out of the children’s sight, his ear and nose shrink back to normal size and he looks as normal as any other Trobriand Islander (lines 267–284). From Bomatu point and Lageva village Tudava now punts his canoe down south to Wawela. Before he sees the children of Wawela swimming in the marvelous lagoon of this village, his body swells up. At this point of Kilagola’s narration Sibwesa says something to her husband, but he tells her that the incident she obviously mentioned will happen later in the story. Kilagola then tells his audience that not only Tudava’s body has swelled; his eyes and one of his ears have become very big, too. Most of the children laugh at him, but some of them are also scared and cry. Again Tudava decides to continue his journey – and again, as soon as he is out of sight of the village his body parts regain their normal size (lines 285–300). Tudava now paddles the long way from Wawela over the open sea to Kitava Island which lies in the south-east of Kiriwina Island. He first comes to Kasibudi beach, the beach that belongs to Kadeva village. Before he sees the children of this village swimming there, his testicles swell up so that they not only get stuck in the canoe but also protrude towards the outrigger. When Kilagola tells this part of the story he starts laughing – and at the same time admonishes his audience not to laugh and continues his narration. Tudava comes to the children and asks them where they come from. They answer that they live in the villages Lalela and Kumageya – however, while answering this question most of the children are laughing their heads off – but some of the smaller children are also crying full of fear because of this weird looking stranger. Tudava is angry; he cannot understand why the children laugh at him and so he decides not to stay there but to continue his journey (lines 300–314). While he punts his canoe out of the children’s sight he regains his normal figure again. He punts his canoe on the reef of Kitava for a while until he reaches the beach of Okobulula village and sees a group of children swimming there in the sea. Before he reaches the children his ear grows again until

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it becomes as big as a sail – and indeed, the canoe moves faster and Tudava is kind of ‘sailing’ towards the children. When he reaches them he asks them who they are. Some of the big boys try hard – but in vain – to suppress their laughter when they answer his question telling him that they are from Okobulula village; they also tell him that some of the children cry because they are scared of him. However, all the older children are laughing at Tudava. When Tudava asks them why they are laughing some of the older boys who obviously do not want to insult him too much try to explain that they do not laugh because of him but because of some other reason. However, Tudava does not believe them and again decides to continue his search for a new place to live. As soon as he is out of the children’s sight his ear – and his nose, that obviously also swelled up – regain their normal size again (lines 314–333). Tudava sails and paddles further east, day and night – in the light of the full moon – until he arrives at Iwa Island. Ingrid interrupts Kilagola again, asking about the name of the island, the chief shows her on the map in her house where the island is and continues his story. When Tudava arrives at Iwa he again first meets some children swimming in the sea. His ear, his head, his nose and his eyes swell up again as he approaches the children – the features of his face are contorted and he really looks ugly. When he asks the children who they are they tell him that they are from Iwa Island. Most of the children laugh at him again, and some of the younger children cry because they are scared of this ugly stranger. Tudava asks the children again why they laugh at him. This time the older children answer that they do not laugh at him. In the meantime Tudava regained his normal features and now the older children address him with the polite though personal title ‘older brother’ and invite him to go up from the beach to the village and look at their place of living. Tudava accepts this invitation and decides to stay there for a night. During this night he does something – Kilagola does not specify what – however, the next morning the villagers decide to send this strange man away again. Leaving the village Tudava tells the Iwa Islanders that he understands their decision – and we learn that they have neither water nor proper food, that is to say: no yams! However, because they hosted him for a night Tudava tells them what to do about this. He announces that from now on they will be able to drink from a small stream – which he probably created at night using the magical powers with which he is familiar as a master gardener. With these powers he also brings them yams. He tells them that they should go to a banana tree, hit it and cut and chew the bananas. Then they will have yams and can start making yams gardens. If they follow his instructions they will always have many yams tubers to eat and there will always be enough water for them in the small stream that they will find on their island. With these words Tudava leaves Iwa Island and its inhabitants (lines 334–363). This part of Kilagola’s ver-

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sion of the Tudava myth picks up the motif of Tudava as the founder of gardening and garden magic that is elaborately reported in other parts of the Tudava myth cycles, like, for example, in the Tudava myth documented and described by Malinowski in his second volume of his “Coral Gardens and their Magic” (Malinowski 1935: 68–75 & 200–209). But back to Kilagola’s narration. From Iwa Island Tudava sails and paddles southeast to Gawa Island, to Yeguma Atoll and to Yarabu, Koivata, Bovagisa and Lasikwabu (lines 363–366). Kilagola emphasizes Tudava’s feat in making this long and tiresome journey, but at the same time the chief points out that he does not want to boast with Tudava’s deeds which he did such a long time ago (lines 366–367). Whenever he comes close to Yarabu, Eguma and Gawa – Kilagola here erroneously mentions Iwa again – his testicles swell up so that they completely fill the canoe, get jammed in it and protrude over to the outrigger platform. When he approaches the children swimming in the sea close to their villages and asks them where they come from they always laugh at him and tell him the name of their respective island or atoll. Many of the children are also scared of this weird stranger. When Tudava asks the children why they are laughing at him they lie and tell him that he is not the reason for their laughter. Tudava then always decides to continue his search for a new place of living (lines 367–381). Kilagola now elaborates on Tudava’s encounters with the children from Yarabu and Bovagisa again – in the same way as he did with the culture hero’s encounters with children from other places (lines 381–392 & 393–402). Then the chief continues mentioning Tudava’s encounters with the children from Yarabu again, and then with the children from Tovata, Bovagisa and Suroga. With all these children Tudava makes the same experience of being derided. When he meets the children from Suroga he realizes that Kiriwina Island and his village Labai have vanished at the horizon. He bitterly complains how much he wanted to stay on one of the islands and atolls he visited so far, and then punts, paddles and sails his canoe away from Suroga. The narrator mentions once more that Tudava visited whatever place the audience can think of and he points out how far away Tudava’s journey brought him from Boyowa14 – which is by now completely out of his sight (lines 403–419). Finally after a long time and a very long journey Tudava arrives at the place of the coconut eaters – at Nadila (also: Nada or Laughlan) Island. When he arrives there, the people living on the island come down to the beach, welcome him and inquire about his plans. When he tells them that he was just paddling they invite him to stay with them. During their encounter Tudava regained his normal features again – thus we can infer that he was weird looking as usual 14 Boyowa is the old name of Kiriwina Island.

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when he first encountered the people of Nada. However, they were so polite to suppress their laughter. They sit down together with Tudava who realizes once more that Kiriwina is out of his sight. Tudava stays at Nada and sleeps there for one night. The next morning he leaves the island and realizing that he has lost his way he hurries off with his canoe rushing to a rock in the sea. As soon as he is near this rock the stone opens widely, he gets into it, and the rock closes again. Tudava is inside this rock now – and this big stone in the sea will be his place of living (lines 420–439). This is the end of Kilagola’s Tudava myth and the narrator explicitly marks this end (line 439–440). He then mentions the name of the protagonist again and notes that the people from Omyuva refer to Tudava with the name Togereva. Again Kilagola explicitly marks the end of the myth and complains that the younger generation has forgotten these mythical stories – what remained of the big cycle of Tudava myths these days is just a song (a ‘wosi gita’ – see chapter 9 below). However, he points out that on the rock which is near Misima one can still see Tudava’s footprint. For the last time Kilagola states that his narration has come to an end. He asks for some lime to chew with his betelnuts again – and complains that narrating the myth was so strenuous that he has a completely flat voice by now. This myth is very typical of the Trobriand Islanders’ ‘liliu’. Kilagola’s version of the Tudava myth consists of four parts. Its structure can be summarized as follows: Part 1: Dokonikani and Tudava – The cannibal Dokonikani and his daily routines. – An illustrative example of Dokonikani’s daily routines: the ogre kills and eats a man from Kapwaku village. – Tudava and his mother at Labai and their plans and preparations to kill Dokonikani. – Tudava looks for Dokonikani, meets and kills him; cuts off the ogre’s head, brings it to his mother who puts another spell on the still alive head, and then they throw the head into the sea.

lines 4–161 lines 4–20 lines 21–44 lines 44–63

lines 63–161

Part 2: The fate of Dokonikani’s head

lines 162–184

– The head drifts to where Tudava’s uncles live, delivers a speech and Tudava’s youngest uncle takes the head into his house.

lines 162–171

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– Tudava’s youngest uncle asks his brothers to make a new garden for him, cooks Dokonikani’s head together with their food and lets them eat it. – The men realize what they have done and take to flight, but their brother calls them back, tells them about his vision with respect to their sister and their son, and proposes to visit them Part 3: Tudava’s uncles sail back to Labai and visit their nephew and their sister – The eldest uncle arrives, gives Tudava presents and his daughter in marriage. – The second uncle arrives, gives Tudava presents and his daughter in marriage. – The third uncle arrives, gives Tudava presents and his daughter in marriage. – The fourth uncle arrives, gives Tudava presents and his daughter in marriage. – The youngest uncle arrives, gives Tudava presents and his daughter in marriage. – Tudava explicitly welcomes this girl, expresses his tender feelings for her, marries his 5th cross-cousin and asks his uncles to stay with him, his wives and his mother to help him overcome his hard feelings. – Tudava’s uncle denies his nephew’s right to have these hard feelings with respect to him and his brothers. – Tudava cannot communicate with his uncles; he tells his mother that he has decided to leave her, his wives and his uncles to look for a new place to live. Part 4: Tudava’s journey and his search for a new place to live – Tudava leaves Labai saying farewell to his mother – Tudava and his experiences at the beach of Kaibola (Kiriwina Island) – Tudava and his experiences at the beach of Lageva at Bomatu Point (Kiriwina Island) – Tudava and his experiences at the beach of Wawela (Kiriwina Island)

lines 171–177

lines 177–184 lines 184–243 lines 187–196 lines 196–200 lines 204–210 lines 211–217 lines 217–228

lines 228–233 lines 233–234

lines 236–243

lines 244–439 lines 244–256 lines 257–266 lines 267–284 lines 285–300

Genres constituting the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’

– – –

– –

Tudava and his experiences at Kasibudi beach, the beach of Kadeva village (Kitava Island) Tudava and his experiences at the beach of Okobulula (Kitava Island) Tudava and his experiences at the beach of Iwa Island and in the village: Tudava presents the Iwa Islanders with water and yams tubers. Tudava and his experiences at Gawa Island, Yeguma, Yarabu, Koivata, Bovagisa, Lasikwabu and Suroga. Tudava and his experiences at Nadila Island and in the village and his decision to make the big rock in the sea his place of living

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lines 300–314 lines 314–333

lines 334–363 lines 363–419

lines 420–439

This myth shows the following features that are very characteristic for this text category: –

–

–

– –

–

Text modules are told over and over again but with tiny modifications (see part 3 of the myth that reports the arrival of Tudava’s uncles in Labai and part 4 of the myth that reports about Tudava’s journey). The use of serial verb constructions abounds (see, for example, lines 113– 114 where we have a sentence that consists of 5 different verbs, the first of which being repeated). ‘Tail-head linkage’, a textual construction in which a new sentence takes up the last word(s) of the preceding sentence (see for example line 020: ‘… bisiva bimasisi. Bimasisi eyam …’; see also lines 026–027, 172–173, 173–174, 177, 186 etc) – this feature is rather typical for many (Papuan and Austronesian) languages of New Guinea. The use of direct speech that enhances the vividness of the narration. The use of the third person prefix with verbal expressions without explicitly marking (with a fully realized subject) to whom of the protagonists the respective verb refers – this narrative style presupposes that the audience is more or less familiar with what is narrated (see, for example, lines 138, 146–148, 167–171 etc. and the subscripts that refer to the protagonist meant). The relatively rare occurrence of hesitation phenomena (like, for example, ‘mna’ – lines 46, 57, 133, 213, 265, 297, 302, 366, 439; ‘em’ – line 187; and ‘e’ – line 422).

Kilagola provides with his narration not only an excellent example of a Trobriand myth, he also demonstrates what it means to be a good story teller and narrator on the Trobriand Islands. The chief of Tauwema told me that he – like

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other men and women who knew mythical stories or even inherited them as clan property – told these ‘liliu’ to his children and other relatives usually after dinner either on the veranda or within his house close to the fireplace. He did this till the sixties of the last century. These days even the older people hardly ever tell myths to their grandchildren or to their relatives, and the younger people usually do not know or remember the ‘liliu’ any more.

Chapter 9 ‘Biga sopa’ and ‘sopa’, ‘kukwanebu (sopa)’, ‘kukwanebu (1)’ ‘kasilam’, ‘wosi’, ‘butula’ ‘vinavina’, and ‘sawili’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’ and ‘jokes’, ‘jokes in the form of a story’, ‘tales’ ‘gossip’, ‘songs’, ‘personal mocking songs’ ‘ditties’, and ‘harvest shouts’ This chapter describes and characterizes the important situational-intentional variety that is called ‘Biga sopa’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’ and then illustrates this register with the eight genres that constitute it.

9.1

‘Biga sopa’ – ‘Joking or lying speech, indirect speech, speech which is not vouched for’

This variety is absolutely characteristic for Trobriand forms of talk – it constitutes the default register of Trobriand discourse, so to speak. It is based on the fact that Kilivila, like any other natural language, is marked by features that include ‘vagueness’ and ‘ambiguity’. Both these features are used by its speakers as stylistic means to avoid possible distress, confrontation, or too much and – for a Trobriand Islander at least – too aggressive directness of certain speech situations. If hearers signal that they may be insulted by a certain speech act, speakers can always recede from what they have said by labelling it as ‘sopa’, as something they did not really mean to say. Thus ‘sopa’ signals the speakers’ “unmarked non-commitment to truth” (Hanks, p. c., see also Senft 2008a). Trobriand etiquette then prescribes that hearers must not be offended at all by those utterances that were explicitly labelled as ‘sopa’. The Trobriand Islanders employ this variety in everyday conversation, in small talk, in flirtation, in public debates, in admonitory speeches, in songs and stories as a means of rhetoric to avoid possible conflicts and to relax the atmosphere of the speech situation. The ‘biga sopa’ variety also contributes to put forward arguments because it allows speakers to disguise their thoughts verbally and to disagree in a playful way without the danger of too much personal exposure.1 Moreover, the ‘biga sopa’ variety is used for mocking people. As 1 How this is done is illustrated in Senft (1987b; 1991b)

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a means of irony and parody it can be used to criticize certain forms of sociologically deviant behaviour, relatively mildly asking for immediate correction. Finally, the ‘biga sopa’ variety offers the only license for the verbal breaking of taboos and thus for the licensed use of ‘biga gaga’ including the use of those insults and swear words (‘matua’) that are listed in chapter 3 in subsection 3.2.1.2 (i. e., excluding the worst insults!) – not only for adults but also for children. I want to point out here, that the various ‘biga sopa’ genres that include ‘biga gaga’ characteristics serve the function of so-called “safety valve customs” (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1984: 492 ff; Senft 1987a). This ethological concept needs some explanation: Every society puts some of its realms, domains and spheres under certain specific taboos. However, the stricter the society is in regard to its observance of these taboos, the more these taboos are ignored. But a society can secure its members’ observance of certain taboos, especially of taboos that are important for its social construction of reality, by allowing the discussion of its taboos – especially of the sociologically less important ones – as topics of discourse. It may even allow its members to imagine the ignorance of taboos – in a fictitious way, of course. And this is exactly how and why ‘safety valve customs’ develop. Genres of ‘biga sopa’ that clearly show features of ‘biga gaga’ are first of all classified as ‘sopa’ – as play, as something fictitious in Trobriand society. The ‘biga sopa’ thus generates a forum where the breaking of taboos – and thus the use of ‘bad language’ – is allowed, if it is done verbally! This forum permits a specially marked way of communication about something ‘one does not talk about’ otherwise. In sum, the ‘biga sopa’ variety channels emotions, it keeps aggression under control, and it keeps possibilities of contact open. This concept with it tensionreleasing functions secures harmony in the Trobriand society and contributes to maintaining the Trobriand Islanders’ “social construction of reality” (Berger, Luckmann 1966; see also Senft 1991a: 237 ff).2

2 Similar varieties can also be found in other cultures of Papua New Guinea and probably all over Melanesia; see e. g., Merlan, Rumsey (1991: 88 f.), Parkin 1984, Strathern 1975, Watson-Gegeo 1986. Eric Venbrux (p. c.) points out that Sansom (1980) describes the same phenonemon for the Aboriginal English of Aboriginal fringe dwellers in Darwin; the expression they use for this variety is ‘gammon’; the Tiwi use ‘gammon’ in this way, too. See also Haiman (1998: 83 f.) and Brown (2002); for more general remarks see also Arndt, Janney (1987: 201).

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

9.2

151

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

The ‘biga sopa’ variety encompasses – at least to my knowledge – the following genres: – ‘sopa’ – ‘joke, lie, trick’, – ‘kukwanebu (sopa)’ – ‘story, joke in form of a story’, – ‘kukwanebu (1)’ – ‘tale’ – ‘kasilam’ – ‘gossip’, – ‘wosi’ – ‘songs’, with a number of separately named subvarieties (see below), – ‘butula’ – ‘personal mocking songs’, – ‘vinavina’ – ‘mocking ditty’ – with a number of named subvarieties (see below), and – ‘sawili’ – ‘harvest shouts’. The verbal expressions – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

‘-sopa-, -sasopa-’ – ‘to joke’, ‘-sopaki-’ – ‘ to trick, to swindle’. ‘-sinapu-’ – ‘to cheat, to trick’, ‘-koila-’ – ‘to make fun (of someone, something)’, ‘-yosokana-’ – ‘to make a joke, to mock’, ‘-goi-’ – ‘to ridicule’, ‘-katudeva-’ – ‘to play, to trick’, ‘-koluvale-PPIV-’ – ‘to play a trick on someone, to fool someone’, ‘-ubuwabu-’ – ‘to trick’, ‘-vakodali-’ – ‘to lie, to deceive’ ‘-tiriki-’ – ‘to trick’ (a more recent loan word), ‘-sibubonu-’ – ‘to tease’, ‘-kwanebu-’ – ‘to narrate, to tell (a story, a joke)’, ‘-kasilam-’ – ‘to gossip, to whisper (behind one’s back)’, ‘-keyaku-’ – ‘to chat, to gossip’, ‘-osi-’, ‘-usiwosi-’ ‘ to sing’, and ‘-mwasawa-’ – ‘to have fun, to play’

represent not only a relatively sophisticated inventory of how to refer to the various instantiations of the ‘biga sopa’ concept, they also reveal how important this concept is for the Trobriand Islanders and their ways of speaking. In what follows I will briefly discuss the various genres of the ‘biga sopa’ variety and illustrate them.

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Sopa’ – ‘jokes, lies’

The general genre name ‘sopa’ refers to any ‘joke’ or any ‘lie’ or ‘anything that is not meant seriously’. Thus, people may stage a mocking fight with a broad variety of swear words and insults that may sound more and more threatening to an uninformed non-native speaker like a field researcher – and when they realize that the uninitiated novice is feeling more and more embarrassed, they may laugh their heads off and explain to the completely perplexed field researcher that this was just ‘sopa’ (see Senft 1995b: 219 f.). By the way, experiences like this one provide excellent proof for the fact that “… parody and irony presuppose genre knowledge” (Laszlo, Viehoff 1992: 5; see also Haiman 1998). For a Trobriand Islander the part of the meaning of ‘sopa’ that I have glossed as ‘lie’ above does not have the negative moral connotation that the label ‘lie’ has for Western Europeans. There is, of course, lying and there are rather blunt lies, as well, but Trobriand Islanders see them more as ‘tricks’ and means of ‘tricking’ – and such a behaviour is not necessarily socially sanctioned – at least in ordinary everyday interactions. Good and clever ‘tricksters’ can even be admired in certain situations and their behaviour may give them even social status within the community. Thus, during competitive harvests – the famous ‘kayasa’ – all men are listed with respect to their harvest results. A man who is mentioned late or even last on this list can save his face if he responds to the calling of his name with a piece of ‘sopa’ as an excuse for obviously being denounced as a lazybone, like for example uttering the following phrase – in the presence of both his parents: ‘E-kariga tama-gu, e-kariga ina-gu, e u’ula 3.-die ` father-my 3.-die mother-my and reason la-peki bagula’. 3.-past-dislike garden “He died, my father, she died, my mother, that’s why I did not want to go to the garden”. The genre that we call ‘joke’ is also covered by the metalinguistic genre label ‘sopa’. These ‘jokes’ follow the same structural principles as our jokes, i. e., they start with a short introduction and end with a punchline. In what follows I present such a typical Kilivila joke (see Senft 1985b): M-to-na Moyadi ke this-male-this Moyadi well This Moyadi, well, do you know

ku-nukwali 2.-know

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yaga-la kwi-la name-his prick-his the name of his prick? bi-gise-si vivila bi-gigila-si 3.Fut-see-Pl girls 3.Fut-laugh-Pl The girls will see it, they will laugh bi-kebiga-si ake inagwe 3.Fut-say-Pl oh mothers and say:”Oh, mothers, indeed!”3 9.2.2

‘Kukwanebu (sopa)’ – ‘Jokes in form of a story’

The metalinguistic label ‘sopa’ is sometimes also used to classify a ‘story’ that does not differ formally from other stories that are subsumed under the genre label ‘kukwanebu’. Malinowski (1922: 299) glossed the expression ‘kukwanebu’ as “fairy tales, recited for amusement, … and related avowedly untrue events”. However, the definition of this genre is a bit more complex. It is true that the genre ‘kukwanebu’ encompasses what we call ‘fairy tales’, ‘amusing stories’ and ‘stories about untrue events’, i. e. stories that we would subsume under the label ‘fiction’ (see, e.g, Senft 1992b). The Trobriand Islanders classify some of these ‘kukwanebu’ unequivocally as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ – but not all! With some of the ‘kukwanebu’ the Trobriand Islanders are no longer sure whether they can classify them in such a way. Moreover, the term ‘kukwanebu’ can also refer (at least these days) to amusing or not so amusing ‘non-fiction’ stories, to stories that report real events or to stories that resemble myths (‘liliu’ – see 8.2.4 above). Thus, this genre oscillates between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety, so to speak (see also section 10.1 below) – and the Trobriand Islanders themselves are no longer sure how to classify these ‘kukwanebu’ with respect to their genre-constituting function. To differentiate between those ‘kukwanebu’ that are classified as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ and those ‘kukwanebu’ that oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ register I index the two variants referring to the former with the term ‘kukwanebu(1)’ and to the latter with the term ‘kukwanebu(2)’. Moreover, I gloss the variant ‘kukwanebu(1)’ with the English term ‘tale’ and the variant ‘kukwanebu(2)’ with the English term ‘story’. 3

A more American English like translation would be “Oh my God!” – it goes without saying, of course, that this exclamation refers to the size of the object the girls see.

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However, when a ‘kukwanebu’ is additionally classified with the genre label ‘sopa’ – resulting in the explicit term ‘kukwanebu sopa’ – then this ‘story’ (in our terms) clearly belongs for a Trobriander to the general category ‘sopa’ to which we refer with the label ‘joke’ (see Haberland 1985 and Senft 1985a; b). Thus, not all ‘kukwanebu’ are ‘sopa’, but a ‘kukwanebu’ co-classified as ‘sopa’, that is to say a ‘kukwanebu sopa’, is first and foremost ‘sopa’ in the Trobriand emic typology of genres. The following story represents such a ‘kukwanebu sopa’ (for another example of this genre see Senft 1985a). Mokeilobu told me – and acted out – this joke in form of a story in July 2004: Mokeilobu: ‘kukwanebu sopa’ Ma-na-kwa stori makala sopa Dem-Dem-CP.thing story like joke This story is just like a joke, but for children

wala taga pela gugwadi only but for children

si mwasawa. E m-to-si-na their game Yes Dem-CP.male-Pl-Dem (its) their game. Yes these three boys te-tala to-pwasa e CP.male-one CP.male-ulcer and one Mr. Ulcer and one Mr. Scabies

gugwadi children

te-tala CP.male-one

vovo-la kumwedona kasikuli e te-tala body-his everywhere scabies and CP-male (with) his body full of scabies and one Mr. Snot.

te-tolu CP.male-three

to-kasikuli CP.male-scabies

to-punugogu. CP.male-snot

E ma-na-kwe-si kato’ula si paisewa makala: and Dem-Dem-CP.thing-Pl sickness their work like And (with) these sicknesses (they had) their troubles like this: M-to-na to-pwasa sena mdauvali e Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-ulcer very flies and (With) this Mr. Ulcer (there were) many flies and kumwedona e-paisewa mdauvali bi-obutu-wa. all 3.-work flies 3.Fut-chase.away-only all the time he worked and just chased away the flies. And

tuta time

E And

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

m-to-na to-kasikuni sena sumadakuna Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-scabies very itching this Mr. Scabies his body was itching very much, tuta kumwedona bi-kulikwali-wa bi-buyai e time all 3.Fut-scratch-only 3.Fut-bleed and all the time he will just scratch (himself) (till) he will bleed but

155

vovo-la, body-his

taga but

bi-kulikwali-wa. E m-to-na to-punugogu 3.Fut-scratch-only and Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-snot he will just scratch (himself). And this Mr. Snot – much

sena very

punugogu e-kalisau tuta kumwedona bi-valesa snot 3.-run time all 3.Fut-rub.off snot is running all the time (and) he will rub off his snot.

punugogu. snot

[short pause]

ala his

E ma-na-kwa tuta e-sisu-si asi-te-tolu, and Dem-Dem-CP.thing time 3.-be-Pl they-CP.male-three And this time the three of them are (together)

e m-to-na to-punugogu and Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-snot and this Mr. Snot set up their

e-sela 3.-put

asi their

karewaga makala: Bata-sisu-si kidamwa ada-punugogu-si law like 1.incl.Fut-be-Pl when our-snot-Pl rule as follows: We will be (together and) when our snot (is running) taga gala-wala bata-vesi-si. E kena bi-sumadakuna but not-only 1.incl-clean-Pl and or 3.Fut-itch we just will not clean (ourselves). And when it will itch kasikuni gala bata-kwali-si kena mdauvali bi-tola-si scabies not 1.incl.Fut-scratch-Pl or flies 3.Fut-stand-Pl the scabies we will not scratch (ourselves) or when flies will be va pwasa gala bita-uvi-si makala. Dir ulcer not 1.incl.Fut-chase.away-Pl like. on the ulcer we will not chase (them) away – like this (we will do it).

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Bita-giseda-si avela to-pe’ula-ki 1.incl.Fut-see-Pl who CP.male-strong-Emph Thus we will see who is the strongest or the

kena or

makala like

to-dubumi. E e-sisu-si-iii. M-to-na CP.male-well.educated and 3.-be-Pl-Int Dem-CP.male-Dem best educated (of us). And they are (together) for a long time. This to-pwasa sena mdauvli. Amakala bi-vigaki bi-obutu CP.male-ulcer very flies how 3.Fut-try 3.Fut-chase Mr. Ulcer (is bothered by) many flies. How will he try to chase (away) beya mdauvali? E i-vagi kwe-tala nanamsa here flies and 3.-make CP.thing-one idea the flies here? And he comes up with the following idea:

makala: like

E-kebiga: “Yakama so-gu tama-gu ka-libu 3.-say we.two friend-my father-my Dual.incl-push.into.sea He says: “The two of us, I and my father we pushed ma waga, ka-sila ka-tola ka-to-tola our canoe Dual.incl-get.in.canoe Dual.incl-punt Dual.incl-Redup-punt our canoe into the sea, we got into the canoe and we punted punted and punted (until) ka-seli ma-ke-na Dual.incl-put.ashore Dem-CP.wooden-Dem we put this canoe ashore and we wanted to go

waga e baka-la canoe and Dual.incl.Fut-go

o buyagu. Ka-lilola e i-vavagi Loc garden Dual.incl-walk and 3.-appear to the garden. We walked and there appeared a

na-ta(la) CP.animal-one

mwata makala, ka i-luapela”. E beya e-ui snake like well 3.-jump.out and there 3.-chase snake just like this, well it jumped out”. And (with this) he chased [at this point of the ‘kukwanebu sopa’ Mokeilobu illustrates with a gesture how the snake jumped out – showing how Mr. Ulcer chased away the flies]

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

ma-na-si-na mdauvali Dem-CP.animal-Pl-Dem flies these flies he chased (them) away.

157

e-yobutu. 3.-chase.away.

E e-vavagi-ga m-to-na to-punugogu: and 3.-make-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-snot And he, indeed, made (like this) this Mr. Snot: “Ke taga buku-weya?” e i-vesi punugogu. well but 2.Fut-hit and 3.-clean snot “Well, but did you hit (it)?” and he cleaned his nose (wiping the snot away). [Again Mokeilobu illustrate with a gesture how Mr. Snot points to Mr. Ulcer and how he succeeds in cleaning his nose] E e-vavagi-ga m-to-na, sa-si and 3.-make-Emph Dem-CP.male-Dem friend-their And he, indeed, made (like this), this one, their friend whose

sena very

sumadakuna vovo-la ala kasikoni: “Iiii, a-kokola itching body-his his scabies iiii 1.-be.scared body was itching very much (because of) his scabies: “Iiii, I am scared a-kokola!” e makala e-kwali vovo-la. 1.-be.scared and like 3.-scratch body-his. I am scared!”, and he scratched his body like this. [And once more Mokeilobu shows how Mr. Scabies embraces himself expressing his fear thereby managing to scratch his body] Ka bogwa me-sinaku me-ke’ita well already 3.Past-finished 3.Past-come.to.end Well, it was already finished, it came to an end ma-na-kwa Dem-Dem-CP.thing this story.4

4

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‘Kukwanebu(1)’ – ‘Tales’

As mentioned above only some of the ‘kukwanebu’ that encompasses what we call ‘fairy tales’, ‘amusing stories’ and ‘stories about untrue events’ are unequivocally classified by the Trobriand Islanders these days as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ variety. I refer to this subset of ‘kukwanebu’ with the term ‘kukwanebu(1)’ and gloss it with the English term ‘tale’, because they show features that resemble the features used to define a fairy tale in our Western text typologies. The following tale illustrate the ‘kukwanebu(1)’ subset of the Trobriand Islanders’ ‘kukwanebu’. On the 25th of July 1983 Tosulebu, a nine year old boy belonging to the Malasi clan, told me and his friends who had gathered in my house the following tale: Kwanebuye-ee mwata. I-sisu i-sisu o u’una vadila. Story-Emph snake 3.-live 3.-live Loc root pandanus Once upon a time (there was a) snake. It lived it lived at the root of a pandanus tree. I-valulu latu-la. Tau i-sisu, sena gaga bubune-la 3.-give.birth child-her man 3.-live very bad manner-his It gave birth to her children. (And) a man lived (there, he had) very bad manners m-to-na tau. I-toila i-gi-gigi Dem-CP.male-Dem man 3.-get.up.and.turn.round 3.-Redup-be.tight.around this man. It got up and turned round it coiled tightly around (him) i-gigi-mati i-koma. I-valulu-ga pou-la, 3.-be.tight.around-kill 3.-eat 3.-give.birth-Emph egg-her it coiled around (him) killed and ate (him). It laid its eggs, i-ligemwa i-la-ga i-nenei kaula bi-meya. I-la-ga 3.-leave 3.- go-Emph 3.-search.for food 3.Fut-bring 3.-go-Emph it leaves (them), it goes and searches for food it will bring (it home). It goes indeed e-me-si-ga m-to-si-na vivila ilesi Moligilagi. 3.-come-Pl-Emph Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem girl girls.from Moligilagi (and) they come these girls from Moligilagi.

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E-me-si i-kikamoi-si, e-me-si i-bani-si i-kau-si 3.-come-Pl 3.-cut.leaves.for.mats-Pl 3.-come-Pl 3.-find-Pl 3.-take-Pl They come they cut pandanus leaves for making mats, they come they find (the eggs) they take (them) i-lausi. E e-ma-ga i-nenei i-somata. E-ma 3.-take.away And 3.-come-Emph 3.-search.for 3.-get.tired 3.-come they take them away. And it comes and searches for (them till) it gets tired. It comes e-wina i-wina i-wina i-taina i-meki 3.-sing 3.-sing 3.-sing 3.-stroll.around 3.-come.to it sings it sings it sings it strolls around it comes to mi Labai. E-kebiga: ‘O ile-mi Labai ile-mi these.from Labai 3.-say Oh girls.from-you Labai girls.from-you these people from Labai. It says: ‘Oh, you girls from Labai, you girls from Labai pou-gu, gala ku-nukwali-si gala ku-gise-si?’ A Labai egg-my not 2.-know-Pl not 2.-see-Pl ah Labai my eggs, you do not know (where they are) you have not seen them?’ Ah, e-me-si na-vasi vivila e-me-si m i-… i-ka 3.-come-Pl CP.female-four girl 3.-come-Pl hm 3.-… 3.-cut…. they came (these) four girls the came hm they… they cut… i-kamoi-si, e-kau-si pou-m e-lau-si. 3.-cut.leaves.for.mats-Pl 3.-take-Pl egg-your 3.-take.away-Pl they cut pandanus leaves for making mats, they took your eggs the took them away. I-… i-va i-taina o susuna e-kekiga: 3.3.-go.to 3.-stroll.around Loc bush.behind house 3.-say It… it goes and strolls around at the bush behind the houses (and) says: [singing] ‘Teni teni ba-tini teni teni ba-tini walking walking 1.Fut-walk walking walking 1.Fut-walk ‘Walking, walking, I will walk, walking, walking, I will walk, teni pou-la mauna ta-koma pou-la so-da walking egg-its animal Dual.incl-eat egg-its friend-our walking, the animal’s eggs one eats (them), one’s friend’s eggs

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ta-semoa’. I-va i-veki ilesi Kaibola Dual.incl.-put.away 3.-go.to 3.-go.and.rush.to girls.from Kaibola one puts (them) away.’ It goes it goes and rushes to these girls from Kaibola (and) e-kebiga: ‘Veve, gala ku-gise-si pou-gu?’ E-vavagi-si-ga 3.-say girls not 2.-see-Pl egg-my 3.-say-Pl-Emph says: ‘Girls, you have not seen my eggs?’ (And) they say indeed: ‘A gala aste-vasi, e-me-si vivila ilesi Moligilagi ah no of.us-four 3.-come-Pl girls girls.from Moligilagi ‘Ah (it is) not the four of us, they came these girls from Moligilagi e-me-si i-kamoi-si e-keita-si.’ E i-nenei 3.-come-Pl 3.-cut.leaves.for.mats-Pl 3.-return-Pl and 3.-search.for they came they cut leaves for making mats they returned (home)’. And it searches for (it) va bwala gala. I-va o susuna e i-wina, Dir house not 3.-go.to Loc bush.behind.house and 3.-sing at the house – nothing. It goes to the bush behind the houses and it sings, i-wina-wina-ga, i-va ma-na-kwa 3.-Redup-sing-Emph 3.-go.to Dem-Dem-CP.thing it sings and sings indeed, it goes to this village, hm,

valu, village

mna, hm

Yuvala. I-… mna, i-katupoi, gala i-weya Yuvala 3.hm 3.-ask not 3.-bite Yuvala. It… hm, it (always) asked, it did not bite and kill ma-na-kwe-si valu bogwa-la makala. I-veki Dem-De,-CP.thing-Pl village already-Emph like 3.-go.and.rush.to (in) these villages (it was) always like (this). It goes and rushes to ilesi Moligilagi e-kebiga: ‘Veve, gala ku-gise-si girls.from Moligilagi 3.-say girls not 2.-see-Pl the girls from Moligilagi and says: ‘Girls, you have not seen pou-gu?’ e-vavagi-ga. E-vavagi-si-ga: ‘A te-vasi-la vivila eggs-my 3.-say-Emph 3.-say-Pl-Emph ah CP.human-four-Emph girl my eggs?’ she says indeed. (And) they really answered: ‘Ah, these four girls

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e-ve-si i-kamoi-si e-keita-si e-me-si. I-… I-… 3.-go.to-Pl 3.-cut.leaves.for.mats-Pl 3.-return-Pl 3.-come-Pl 3.-… 3.-… they went there to cut leaves for making mats they returned they came (back). It… it… i-va-va, mna, i-vaba va naba, i-sukwani 3.-Redup-go.to hm 3.-push Dir door 3.-smell it goes to (their place), hm, it tries to push open the door, it smells (searching for its eggs) i-sukwani i-subujalu i-subujalu. E-kau-si si nepa 3.-smell 3.-hiss 3.-hiss 3.-take-Pl their bush-knife it smells it hisses and hisses. They take their bush-knives e-meye-si i-kapituni-si keyo-la e-kariga. Bogeokwa 3.-come-Pl 3.-cut.off neck-its 3.-die. Already.finished thery come and cut-off its head (and) it dies. It is already finished. This tale tells the story of a snake that lives at the root of a pandanus tree. After it had killed a man who had bad manners and after it had eaten him it laid its eggs and started to hatch them. While it was searching for food, four girls from Moligilagi (a village in the north-east on Kiriwina island) came to cut pandanus leaves in order to make mats. The leaves of certain pandanus trees are cut off, then the thorns at the leaf-edges are cut off, they are tried in the sun, and when they are smooth and flexible, they are cut again into long small pieces. Girls and women used these stripes for weaving beautiful mats that decorate the floors within the houses and that people use to sit and sleep on. While the girls were busy cutting the pandanus leaves they find the snake’s eggs. They steel the eggs and take them home. When the snake returns it realizes that its eggs have disappeared and starts searching for them. Singing a song while searching for its eggs the snake meets a group of girls from Labai (a village in the north-west on Kiriwina island). It asks them whether they know anything about its eggs and learns that the four girls who cut pandanus leaves have taken them home. It moves on, singing its song again which runs: ‘Walking, walking, I will walk, walking, walking, I will walk, walking, the animal’s eggs one eats them, one’s friend’s eggs one puts them away.’ After a while it meets four girls from Kaibola (a village in the north of Kiriwina island). It asks them about its eggs and the girls point out that they have not taken its eggs but four girls from the village Moligilagi. The snake goes on, sings its song and comes to the village Yuvala (a village close to Moligilagi).

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There it searches for its eggs in the vicinity of the houses and asks again whether people know anything about its eggs. The narrator emphasizes that the snake was friendly all the time, not biting and killing anyone. Finally it comes to Moligilagi and asks some girls there about its eggs. These girls tell the snake where the four girls that stole its eggs live. The snake goes to their house, tries to get inside, smelling for its eggs and hissing aggressively. Hearing these hissing sounds the four girls take their bush-knives and cut off the snake’s head. This is the end of this tale. The ‘kukwanebu’ starts with a ritualized opening ‘Kwanebuyeee’ – that can be glossed with the formulaic expression ‘Once upon a time’ which is so typical for Western fairy tales. And it ends – like the ‘kukwanebu sopa’ above – with the explicit mentioning that that is the end of the tale.5 9.2.4

‘Kasilam’ – ‘Gossip’

The Kilivila verbal expression ‘-kasilam-’ describes the activity of gossiping; however, it can also be glossed as ‘whisper’, especially as ‘whispering behind one’s back’. The verbal expression ‘-keyaku-’ also translates as ‘to chat, to gossip’; however, here the meaning ‘gossip’ excludes the ‘talking behind one’s back’ component. A number of scholars have discussed ‘gossip’ as a genre (see, for example, Bergmann 1993; Besnier 1990; Haviland 1977), but actual transcriptions and analyses of gossip conversations of speakers speaking non-Indo-European languages are still rather rare. In what follows I present the transcription of a gossip conversation which I video-recorded in June 2003. When I transcribed the recording together with my consultants on the Trobriands they classified this conversation as ‘kasilam’ – as we will see, Trobriand ‘kasilam’ more or less agrees with the definition of ‘gossip’ and ‘gossiping’ to be found in the Compact Oxford English Dictionary (OED: 1991), namely “talk[ing] idly, mostly about other people’s affairs…” and “the action of talking idly …, an instance of this… An asemblage, where this is the chief occupation”. On the 20th of June 2003 six men were sitting on the veranda of my house in Tauwema, while I was finishing the transcription of a video-tape with two of my consultants. When we had finished the transcription, I took the opportunity and asked the men to remain seated and to continue with their conversation. I put up my video-camera on my tripod in front of the veranda and told them that I would like to video-tape them now. The men did not object, and I collected

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the data presented here. The six men gossiping are my 25 year old neighbour Yabilosi, my 32 year old friend Moagava and his 26 year old brother Keyeba – (these three men are members of the Lukwasisiga clan) – 63 year old Yoya, 34 year old Sose’ula and his 26 year old nephew Mokeimwena (these three men belong to the Malasi clan). I present the transcribed data not in the proper Conversation Analysis (CA) format (see e. g., Atkinson, Heritage: 1984), and the comments and annotations do not follow CA standards, either. This will be done in a separate publication. In the text the turns taken by the six speakers (and not the lines of the transcription) are numbered. I just want to note here that overlap is rather rare. The data presented consist of 291 turns: of these turns 67 are produced by Yabilosi (= 23 %), 63 by Moagava (= 22 %), 53 by Mokeimwena (= 18 %), 42 by Yoya (= 14 %), 34 by Sose’ula (= 12 %), 31 by Keyeba (= 11 %), and 1 by an unknown speaker passing by. Thus, Yabilosi and Moagava are the most active speakers of the six men gossiping on my veranda. They both belong to the Lukwasisiga clan – the third ranking clan within the Trobriand clan hierarchy with the Malasi clan as the socially highest ranked clan followed by the Lukuba clan, the Lukwasisiga clan, and finally the Lukulabuta clan. The fact that men of lower rank can be verbally more active than members of higher ranking clans nicely illustrates one of the important functions of the ‘biga sopa’: This variety disregards social barriers and distinctions! When I started the video-recording the men were just discussing aspects of gardening and yams – certainly on of the most important topics in male discourse (see Malinowski 1935): Moagava: Yokwa Yabilosi lova ku-la ku-tayoyuva? you Yabilosi yesterday 2.-go 2.-harvest You Yabilosi, did you go and harvest yesterday? Yabilosi: E a-la a-tayoyuva. yes 1.-go 1.-harvest Yes I went and harvested (yams). Moagava: E ku-tayoyova. yes 2.-harvest Yes, you harvested (yams).

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Yabilosi: A-va a-nene’i ma-kam-kwam-si, a-lukwe-m, 1.-go.to 1.-look.for 1.excl.-food-Redup-Pl 1.-talk.to-you I went (to the garden) I looked for our food, I told you, I cut

a-kapituni 1.-cut

tam-tala yagogu, a-seki yama-gu a-teya. CP.yams-one young.yam 1.-give hand-my 1.-cut one young yam, I gave it into my hand and I cut (it). 005 Moagava: A, (ma)-kala-(na) yam ah Dem-CP.day-(Dem) day Ah, this day you did not cut (it).

gala not

Yabilosi: So-(gu), (ma)-kala-(na) yam friend-my Dem-CP.day-Dem day My friend, this day I did not cut (it).

ku-kapituni. 2.-cut

gala not

a-kapituni. 1.-cut

Sose’ula: Kwalai yagogu sitana kabinai? growth young.yam bit big (The) growth (of) the young yam – (was it) a bit big? Yabilosi: A kabinai yagogu beya kai-veaka ah big young.yam this CP.wooden-big Ah, (a) big young yams (with) this big digging stick

dema digging.stick

la-kasapusi deli tauwau, kabina gala ku-doki, yomalae e 1.Past-plant with men big not 2-think much yes I planted it together with the (other) men, it is big you won’t believe it, so very much, yes. Sose’ula: Ku-sakeota yagogu. 2.-be.lucky young.yam You are lucky (with this) young yam.

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Moagava asks Yabilosi about his garden activities (turn 1) and Yabilosi tells him and the other men that he went to the garden yesterday, inspected the growth of his yams and harvested a big young yams. He states that he did that yesterday, not today, and he mentions that he planted this tuber some time ago when other men from Tauwema also planted their yams seedlings. Yabilosi proudly boasts with his yams that proofs him to be a good and skillful gardener (see turn 8); however, Sose’ula modifies Yabilosi’s display of pride by commenting that he is just lucky to have such big young yams tubers in his garden (turn 9). Then Mokeimwena changes the topic and starts to talk about fishing: 010 Mokeimwena: A-lukwe-m lova, lova a-ma a-nigada 1.-tell-you yesterday yesterday 1.-come 1.-ask.for I told you yesterday, yesterday I came and asked Gunter

Gunter Gunter

kai-tala bani. Bogwa e-okwa. A-va CP.rigid.long-one hook already 3.-be.finished 1.-go.to for one hook. They were already out (he said). I went to catch

la-weya 1. Past-hit

taninua. A-kau a-le’I, e-ta’ina na-ta(la) sardines 1.-take 1.-throw 3.-roam.around CP.animal-one sardines (with the small net). I take (and) I shoot the line, it roams around one yena na-veaka i-seki wala. A-weya, a-weya fish CP.animal-big 3.-be.there only 1.-hit 1.-hit big fish, it was just there. I shoot the line, I shoot the line – i-totina, bogwa e-vokuva. A-babi-vau wala, a-le’i 3.-break already 3.-be.finished 3.-stick.bait.on-again only 1.-throw it breaks (the hook), it is over. I just stick a new bait on it again, I shoot the line, a-bi-bia a-meya omata-gu, i-kalikuvi i-la. 1.-Redup-pull 1.-bring in.front.of-me 3.-get.away 3.-go I pull and pull I bring it in front of me, it gets off, it goes (away). Na-tala-ga a-biu, na-yu CP.animal-one-Emph 1.-pull CP.animal-two One fish I pulled in, two – and with

e and

deli with

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taninua a- ke’kita a-ma o valu a-kabwasi. sardine 1.-come.back 1.-come Loc village 1.-burn the sardines I come back I come to the village I smoked them. Yabilosi: Ave(la) yena-ga o-ku-bia? what fish-Emph linking.vowel-2.-pull What kind of fish did you pull out? Mokeimwena: A, na-ta(la) musa na-tabwabogwa, ku-doki, ah CP.animal-one musa CP.animal-very.big 2.-think Ah, a Musa-fish a very big one, think about it, I bring it (and) i-tokulati wala kwena. 3.-occupy only pot it occupies only a big cooking pot. Yabilosi: E na-yuvela-ga? and CP.animal-two-Emph And the other one? Mokeimwena: Ma-na-si-ta na-uvanaku. Dem-CP.animal-Pl-Dem CP.animal-long.piece (One of) these long pieces (of fish). 015 Yabilosi: Lova? yesterday Yesterday? Mokeimwena: Lova, lova la-bia. E yokwami-ga? yesterday yesterday 1.Past-pull.out and you-Emph Yesterday, yesterday I pulled them out. And what about you? Sita(na) ka kwe-ta(la) sotoli lova ku-vagi-si? bit well CP.thing-one story yesterday 2.-do-Pl Do you have a story to tell about what you did yesterday?

a-meya 1.-bring

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Mokeimwena tells the men that the day before he actually wanted to go linefishing, but he could not do that because I could not give him fish hooks – (mind the mild blame that he puts on the field researcher) – so he decided to first go net-fishing for sardines. After he caught a number of sardines he did some line-fishing – so he must have had a hook or two left – because he noticed a big fish close to the spot where he was fishing. His first and second attempt to catch the fish were both unsuccessful; the fish escaped. But finally he managed to catch two fish, one of which was a very big one who filled a big cooking pot. After Yabilosi’s requests for further particulars (turns 11 and 13) he identifies the big fish as a ‘Musa’-fish, and describes the other one just as ‘one of the long fishes’ (it was probably a trumpet-fish). So Mokeimwena counters Yabilosi’s boast of a gardener with his boast of a successful fisherman. Having told his story he asks the other men what they have done yesterday (turn 16). I take this first and foremost as a nice gesture of his cooperation with me. Like all the other people from Tauwema he knows that I want to document their speech – and Mokeimwena now takes over the field researcher’s job with respect to data elicitation. This demonstrates, of course, that the men are completely aware of the presence of the camera and the microphone – but this fact can hardly escape their notice. I have no idea how to overcome the ‘observer paradox’6 (Labov 1972: 209) in this situation; we just have to trust in the inherent dynamics of conversation that finally will produce ‘natural data’ (despite the fact that the conversation participants are systematically observed). And one of the topics that is a good candidate to enhance these dynamics so that speakers behave naturally – despite the fact that they know that they are observed – is the following topic taken up by Yoya, namely the request for betelnuts, for ‘mustard’ (that is certain aromatic herbs and leaves) and for lime that are chewed together with the betelnuts (see Beran 1988; Rooney 1993). These areca-nuts are the only relatively mild drug to which almost all Trobriand Islanders are absolutely addicted: Yoya: Ku-meya sitana mweya buva! 2.-bring bit mustard betelnut Give me some mustard and a betelnut!

6

“The aim of the linguistic research in the community must be to find out how people talk when they are not being systematically observed; yet we can only obtain these data by systematic observation” (Labov 1972: 209).

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Moagava: A gala-wala, kauva-tala bogwa la-kaui. ah no-only CP.very.small-one already 1.Past-chew Ah no, I already chewed a very small piece (of betelnut). Sose’ula: Ku-meya sitana a-kaui, tauwau! 2.-bring bit 1.chew men Give me some (betelnut) I (want to) chew, men! 020 Keyeba: Ada buva utu-tana Dual.incl betelnut CP.bit-one Our betelnut – a bit of this.

ma-utu-na. Dem-CP.bit-Dem

Yoya: O ku-seki, ku-seki. oh 2.-give 2.-give Oh, give (it to me), give (it to me). Keyeba: Taga gala mweya. but no mustard But (there is) no mustard. Mokeimwena: Bogwa lata-me-si beya bogwa ku-lalasi-si. already 1.incl-come-Pl here already 2.-give.away-Pl Already we came here and you already gave (it) away. Moagava: O ku-seki ma-utu-na. oh 2.-give Dem-CP.bit-Dem Oh, give me this bit. 025 Sose’ula: Kwe-kukupi, a ka, ku-seki, desi taulusi. CP.thing-short ah well 2.-give enough small.piece (A) short bit, ah well, give it to me, (it is) enough (a) small piece.

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Yabilosi: Moa, ku-meya manusisi! guy 2.-bring matches Guy, give me matches! Moagava: Ada manusisi, a, Gunter la Dual.incl.our matches ah Gunter his (Here are) our matches, ah, Gunter’s matches.

manusisi. matches.

Yabilosi: Avaka pela? what for What for? Mokeimwena: Ku-la, baka-yopolu-si-ga. 2.-go 1.Fut.excl.-work.hard-Pl-Emph Go, we will work hard. 030 Moagava: Yokwa tomwaya, lova, ambeya ku-mwa? you old.man yesterday where 2.-go.to You, old man, yesterday, where did you go to? Yoya asks Moagava to give him some mustard and a betelnut; however, Moagava – teasingly – gives him a flat refusal. If Trobriand Islanders decline such a request – as Moagava does here – they behave inappropriately according to Trobriand etiquette. There are only two explanations for such a behaviour. They are either temporarily ill, and do not realize how improperly they behave – this can be excused, if the ‘illness’ does not last too long -, or they are just mean. Meanness, however, is not tolerated in a society that is based on a free and generous exchange of goods (see section 10.3). Sose’ula, Keyaba and also Yoya react to Moagava’s teasing refusal with further requests for betelnuts. After they have received some nuts Keyeba realizes that they do not have enough mustard any more. Mokeimwena is the only one who has some left, and now it is Moagava’s turn to ask him for mustard and Sose’ula immediately joins in, asking rather humbly for just a small piece of it (see turn 25). Now Yabilosi changes the topic – he does not want to chew betelnuts, he wants to smoke

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and therefore he asks for matches to light his cigarette. Moagava gives him the matches – which he took from my table in the house a few minutes before he joined the other men on my veranda. He offers them to Yabilosi first as ‘their matches’ but immediately corrects himself and classifies them more properly as ‘Gunter’s matches’ (see turn 27). Mokeimwena answers Yabilosi’s question why they need these matches. He tells him that he may do as he pleases but that they plan to soon go to do some hard work somewhere. This answer implies that while doing this job they just need to smoke, of course, to relax a bit – and that’s why they have to have their (or rather: my) matches. It seems that Moagava feels a bit uneasy now – he cannot remember whether he asked me for the matches or not – and he changes the topic asking Yoya what he did yesterday. Yoya now takes the floor and reports the following: Yoya: Ka-lo-si o sagali Koma. 1.excl.-go-Pl Loc mourning.ritual Koma We went to the mourning ritual in Koma. Moagava: E kwalaisi sagali? and how.was mourning.ritual And how was the mourning ritual? Yoya: A, sagali e-vagi-si, kaula galayomala buva… a mourning.ritual 3.-make-Pl food very.much betelnut Ah, they had a mourning ritual, very much food and betelnuts… Moagava: Gala na-ta(la) not CP.animal-one Didn’t they kill a pig?

bunukwa pig

035 Yoya: Bunukwa na-tala pig CP.animal-one They killed one pig.

li-yosi-si? 3.Past-kill-Pl

i-yosi-si. 3.-kill-Pl

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Moagava: Ke, oisiya-ga gala i-meye-si sita ta-kam-si bunukwa! well but.no-Emph not 3.-bring-Pl bit 1.incl-eat-Pl pig Well – but no, they did not bring a bit (so that) we (could) eat pig. Yoya: U’ula sena tommota. reason very people Because (there were) so many people. Moagava: O gala, i-yusa-si wala asi oh no 3.-keep-Pl only their Oh no, they just kept their pig (for themselves).

bunukwa. pig

Yabilosi: Sita kakoya lova Koma. bit mourners.from.other.villages yesterday Koma (There were) a few mourners from other villages yesterday in Koma. 040 Yoya: Tommota galayomala. people very.many There were a lot of people. Mokeimwena: A bwada-(gu) gala bili. ah brother(-my) no roll.of.tobacco Ah brother, there is no roll of tobacco. Yoya briefly answers Moagava’s question by telling him that he and some other people went to Koma – the neighbouring village east of Tauwema – to attend a ‘sagali’ (see chapters 4.2 and 8.2.3). Moagava starts a brief dialogue with Yoya about this mourning ritual. We learn that the people in Koma distributed much food and many betelnuts and that they killed one pig (turn 35). This last remark is highly insulting and obviously a blunt lie, because everyone knows that nobody who has to organize a ‘sagali’ for a deceased relative would dare to offer just one pig to the usually very large group of mourners that have to be fed during the ritual. When Moagava complains that nobody brought some

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meat back to Tauwema, Yoya explains that there were too many people present at the ritual and that therefore nothing was left. Moagava now joins Yoya in his insulting the people from Koma – and criticizes them as being mean (turn 38). That this gossip is really insulting for the Koma people becomes obvious if one keeps in mind that food exchanges during these mourning rituals are competitive – Michael Young (1971) aptly described this behaviour that can be found all over the Massim area as “fighting with food” (see also McDowell 1980) – and any form of criticism with respect to the food available during such a ‘sagali’ is extremely defamatory and offensive for the community criticized. Now Yabilosi takes a turn and corrects Yoya’s report with respect to the number of mourners present in Koma (turn 39), but Yoya repeats that there were a lot of people present. Moekeimwena’s remark that they have no tobacco any more somewhat relaxes the situation created by this ‘talking idly about other people’s affairs’, and Moagava continues the conversation switching to another topic: Moagava: Bita-keyaku-si bi-vokuva bata-lo-si ta-pola-si. 1.incl-chat-Pl 3.Fut-be.finished 1.Fut.incl-go-Pl 1.incl-fish-Pl When we will have finished our chatting we will go and fish. Yabilosi: So-(gu), kena-ga pikekita kavai, kavai friend-my perhaps-Emph a.bit kavai-fish kavai-fish My friend, perhaps (we go for) some Kavai fish, Kavai e-livali-si galayomala. 3.-say-Pl very.many they say (there are) very many (Kavai there). Moagava: Tomwaya, bata-lo-si wala old.man 1.Fut.incl-go-Pl only Old man, we will just go and fish. 045 Yoya: A bata-lo-si. ah 1.Fut.incl-go-Pl Ah, let’s go!

ta-pola-si. 1.incl-fish-Pl

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Mokeimwena: Ta-vagi-si pola. 1.incl-make-Pl catch.of.fish We make a catch of fish. Moagava proposes to go fishing after they have finished chatting with each other, and Yabilosi, Yoya and Mokeimwena readily accept this proposal. Then Yabilosi starts talking about a new topic: Yabilosi: Silovala m-to-na tomwaya la kokola day.before.yesterday Dem-CP.male-Dem old.man his corner.pillar The day before yesterday this old man [= Topiesi] his corner pillar [for his new house under construction] laka-sali-si, Vasopi e-kapusi, amyaga, ave valu 1.excl.-bring-Pl Vasopi 3.-fall what’s.the.name what place we brought, (from where) Vasopi fell, what’s the name, what place (is it) beya… there… Yoya: O, Uliuli Oh, Uliuli [= name of a rock on the way to Koma]. Yabilosi: Ka-lile’i-si vota deli tauwau, i-vokuva 1.excl.-throw-Pl net with men 3.-finish We threw the net with the men, when it was finished

avetuta when

laka-silalagua so-gu Kobayasi, ka-kau Dual.Past.excl.-walk.from.reef.to.the.beach friend-my Kobayasi Dual.excl-take we two walked from the reef to the beach (I and) my friend Kobayasi, we took ma-ke-si-ta kauvala, pila-ta(la) kalikeda Kobayasi, Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem punt.pole part-one reef.channel Kobayasi these punt poles, on one side of the reef channel was Kobayasi, pila-ta(la) yegu, ka-butu-butu wala, e-kapusi e-kapusi-ga part-one I Dual.excl.-hit.water-Redup only 3.-fall 3.-fall-Emph on the other side was I, we two just hit the water (and) it fell it really fell (into)

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ma-na-kwa; Kavai gala Dem-Dem-CP.general Kavai-fish not this (net); Kavai are not small fish indeed.

kwi-kekita CP.general-small

yena-la. fish-Emph

050 Moagava: A, ku-gisi, deli na-bweyani. a 2.-look with CP.animal-red Ah, look, together with red fish. Yabilosi: E ma-na-si-na deli-la Pwateli, and Dem-CP.animal-Pl-Dem with-Emph Pwateli-fish And these fish together with Pwateli fish, he gave (them)

e-seki 3.-give

ma-na-kwa vota, kumwedona, e-bulumse’u, nano-m Dem-Dem-CP.general net all 3-boil mind-your into this net, all of them, (the water inside) boiled (with fish), you think of Yavata, bi-kelimaga i-sela olakeva. yavata-wind 3.-Fut-dig.up 3.-put on.top the strong yavata wind, it will dig (the fish) up it puts (them) on top (of the water). Moagava: Ku-nukwali kwe-tabweabogwa. 2.-know CP.general-very.big You know (the) very big (net). Yabilosi: E-vagi ma-na-kwa vota mitakutu, bogwa e-vokuva. 3.-make Dem-Dem-CP.general net small.holes already 3.-finished He makes this net (with) small holes, it is already finished. Yoya: Odaba(la) vota. on.top.of net On top of the net.

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055 Yabilosi: Odaba(la) vota. on.top.of net On top of the net. Yoya: Ku-gisa gala. 2.-see not You don’t see (it). Yabilosi first reports on his and some other villagers’ joint efforts helping Topiesi to build a new house. Topiesi is the headman of the ‘valu kwevau’ (= new village) village sector in which he, Mokeimwena and Sose’ula live. Yabilosi rather ambiguously refers to Topiesi with ‘tomwaya – ‘old man’ as the form of address, and he leaves it to his audience to decide whether he used the form in its ordinary meaning – which refers to all older men in the village – or as the form that can also be used to address the chief of the village. Although Motaesa became chief of Tauwema after Kilagola’s death, Topiesi, the eldest son of the deceased chief, is the richest and most influential man in the village. It seems that he is also more respected by the majority of the villagers – at least by those living in the ‘valu kwevau’ part of Tauwema. Yabilosi tells the other men that two days ago they cut a new corner pillar for Topiesi close to the rock Uliuli, where Vasopi, one of the older men in the village, fell and broke his leg a few years ago. This is a good place for fishing. After they had cut the corner pillar for Topiesi Yabilosi and his co-workers did some net-fishing. They first threw out the net close to the beach and then Yabilosi and his friend Kobayasi took a punt pole each, walked from the reef to the beach and chased the fish into the net hitting the water with their poles (see also Bell-Krannhals 1987). Thus they managed to catch so many ‘kavai’- and ‘pwateli’-fish that the water inside the area that was blocked with the net was ‘boiling’ with fish. He also explains that the strong wind from the north stirred up the fish and made them come up from the deep sea to the surface of the water (turn 51). Moagava then asks whether Topiesi already has his big net repaired – and Yoya and Yabilosi answer this question positively, emphasizing that the top of the net is repaired so well that you do not see any traces of the repair. Mokeimwena now changes the topic of the conversation: Mokeimwena: (Ku)-meya-ga pwepu a-bili bogwa-ga, o kuvakanotasi. 2.-bring-Emph paper 1.-roll already-Emph Loc light Bring (some) paper I am rolling (a cigarette) already, (there) at the light.

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Yabilosi: Gala bwada(-gu), pwepu no brother-my paper No brother, one piece of paper.

ya-tarogwa. CP.flexible-one

Mokeimwena: A, ba-bili tombaiku – kwalaisiga, bogwa ah 1.Fut-roll tobacco.leaves it’s.working already Ah, I will roll tobacco leaves – its working, already it works.

e-paisewa. 3.-work

Ke, gugwadi, beya la-bili-bili e e-kikauvala. well children here 1.Past-roll-Redup and 3.-carry.a.child Well, children, here I rolled (a cigarette) and he carries a child pick-a-pack. 060 Someone else: Ga(la)! No! Mokeimwena: Ku-yamata-si – bi-we-m! 2.-look.after-Pl 3.Fut-hit-you Look after them – he will hit you! Mokeimwena asks for a piece of paper to roll a cigarette. He gets it, rolls a cigarette, then tells the children nearby what he has done and teases a man who is passing by remarking that he does not smoke but carries a child pick-a-pack instead. When this man reacts with an angry ‘no’ Mokeimwena warns him that the child he is carrying may hit him. Now Sose’ula takes up the topic that was raised by Yabilosi a few minutes ago and further inquires about the corner pillars for Topiesi’s new house: Sose’ula: M-to-na tomwaya, ma-ke-si-na Dem-CP.male-Dem old.man Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem This old man [= Topiesi], these corner pillars o-ku-ta’i-si, ambeya o-ku-ta’i-si? binding.vowel-2.-cut-Pl where binding.vowel-2.-cut-Pl (that) you cut, where did you cut them?

kokola corner.pillar

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

Yabilosi: Utukweni laka-teya-si laka-ta’i-si, West 1.incl.Past-cut-Pl 1.-incl.past-cut-Pl In the west we cut (them) we cut (them), (and) this

177

m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

Burigesi e-takwepa Burigesi 3.-bark Burigesi he barked (them). Sose’ula: O, e-livali ma-ke-na oh 3.-talk.about Dem-CP.wooden-Dem Oh, he talks about this tree.

kai. tree

065 Yabilosi: O reboaga-la, so-(gu), kadualilia galayomala. Loc coral.garden-Emph friend-my straight very.much (It stood) in the coral garden, my friend, (it was) so absolutely straight. Mokeimwena: Yakida-ga ma-ke-na Dual.incl-Emph Dem-CP.wooden-Dem Close to the two of us (stood) this tree.

kai tree

omema. close.to

Sose’ula: E, yakidasi-ga Dabweta ma-pa-na yes 1.Pl.incl.-Emph Dabweta Dem-CP.part-Dem Yes, at our Dabweta point (at) this part close to

omema close.to

kada-veaka kalikeda. CP.road-big reef-channel the big reef-channel. Mokeimwena: Ku-seli, igau ave yam bata-va ta-koi 2.-sit.down later what day Dual.incl.Fut-go.to Dual.incl-chop Keep seated, later some day we two will go there and chop ula kokola. my corner.pillar a corner pillar for me.

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Yabilosi: So-(gu), ke-tala-ga friend-my CP.wooden-one-Emph Friend, I found an Uluta tree – ke-manabweta CP.wooden-beautiful such a beautiful one!

Uluta Uluta-tree

la-bani 1.Past-find

galayomala! very.much

070 Keyeba: Mokwita! True! Mokeimwena: (Ku)-meya avakamapu. 2.-bring light.cigarette.with.a.cigarette Let me light my cigarette with a cigarette. Keyeba: Beya-ga laka-ve-si Meku ma-ke-si-na, bogwa there-Emph 1.Past.incl-chop-Pl Meku-tree Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem already There we chopped this Meku tree, already laka-takwepi-si, bogwa laka-takwepi-si, laka-vinaku-si. 1.Past.incl-bark-Pl already 1.Past.incl-bark-Pl 1.Past.incl-finish-Pl. we barked it, we already barked it, we finished (the work). Sose’ula: Ku-gise-si, ula kai bogwa o-ku-takwepi-si. 2.-see-Pl my tree already binding.vowel-2.-bark-Pl You see, my tree you already barked it. Yabilosi: Gala yokwa, ma-ke-si-na ke-manabweta no you Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem CP.wooden-beautiful Not for you, these beautiful trees are still standing, igau nasigavila buku-va ku-kovisi. later some.time 2.Fut-go.to 2.-chop later some time you will go there and chop (them).

e-tota-si, 3.-stand-Pl

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Sose’ula asks Yabilosi where he and his coworkers cut these pillars. Although Yabilosi already mentioned that they cut them close to the Uliuli rock (see turns 47 & 48), he now just refers to this place with the general cardinal direction ‘in the west’ (turn 63); however, he also mentions that his friend Burigesi barked the pillars. Sose’ula wants to get some further information about these pillars and Yabilosi praises the straightness of the trees that grew in the coral garden. Sose’ula specifies the location as being close to ‘Dabweta’ point with its big reef-channel. Mokeimwena now asks Sose’ula to go with him to this place some day to cut some new corner pillars for his house, too. The funny admonition ‘keep seated’ with which he introduces this request marks that he is convinced that Sose’ula will help him. Yabilosi now reveals that he found an even better tree – an ‘Uluta’ tree that is even more beautiful than the trees he mentioned before and that would make even better corner pillars for a new house. Keyeba can hardly believe this and after all these interesting news Mokeimwena needs to light a cigarette (turn 71). Keyeba comes back to the ‘meku’ tree that Yabilosi, he and some other men cut and barked for Topiesi. Sose’ula jokingly complains that they barked the tree which was actually meant to be his tree, but Yabilosi comforts him by mentioning that his beautiful trees are still standing there and that he will help him to chop one of them down. With this the men’s talk about the trees comes to an end, and Moagava now comments on my work: 075 Moagava: Beya lata-livala-si, bogwa e-ki-kau kena gala e-ki-kau? here 1.incl.Past-say-Pl already 3.-Redup-take or not 3.-Redup-take Here we said it, already he [Gunter] took it – or didn’t he take it (on tape)? Yabilosi: A bogwa kena e-ki-kau? ah already or.not 3.-Redup-take Ah already he took it, didn’t he? Moagava: O bi-vagi bi-bwena. oh 3.Fut-make 3.Fut-good Oh he will do it and it will be good. Yabilosi: Bi-vagi bi-kau kega-gu bi-lau German. 3.Fut-make 3.Fut-take voice-my 3.Fut.-take.away Germany He will make it he will take my voice he will take it away to Germany.

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Yoya: I-lega-si. 3.-listen-Pl They listen (to it). Moagava reminds them that I am video-recording their conversation, Yabilosi joins in and they point out that I will come up with a good video-film which I will take back with me to Germany. Yoya adds that the people there will hear what they were saying when they see the video. Mokeimwena interrupts these comments on my work with the following remark to Yabilosi: 080 Mokeimwena: Muku-pwayuvi tombaiku. 2.Habitual-smoke tobacco You smoke tobacco as usual. Yabilosi: Gala bwada-(gu). no brother-(my) No brother. Sose’ula: (Ku-)meya a-bwayui. 2.-bring 1.-smoke Give me tobacco I will smoke. Moagava: Ku-vagi ka-kaui, yokwa bi-bwena. 2.-make Dual.excl.-chew you 3.Fut-good You make the two of us chew (betelnuts), it will be good for you. Yoya: A bogwa bwena. a already good Ah, (its) already good. With his reproachful comment that Yabilosi is smoking as usual Mokeimwena first indirectly and then explicitly asks Yabilosi to give him tobacco, too. To put some additional pressure on Yabilosi to distribute tobacco, Moagava praises

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181

one of his generous friends in the group for giving him and Yoya betelnuts to chew – and Yoya confirms that this was a good deed. Yabilosi does not comment on this but comes back to my work: 085 Yabilosi: Ku-livala-si sitana ku-kwapinaveaka-si. 2.-speak-Pl bit 2.-speak.up-Pl Speak a bit speak louder. Moagava: Ku-kwapinaveaka-si, bi-kikau bi-lola, pela m-to-na 2.-speak.up-Pl 3.Fut-take 3.Fut-walk for Dem-CP.male-Dem Speak louder, he will take it he will walk around, because this man to-kibobuta bi-vagi bi-bwena, taga bwena CP.male-correct 3.-Fut-make 3.Fut-good not.at.all good corrects it he will make it and it will be good, (it is) not good at all bata-ligalega kasilam. Dual.incl-listen silence (if) one listens (and there is) silence. Yabilosi admonishes his friends to speak louder, and Moagava supports him explaining that it would be bad if their conversation could not be heard when I replay the tape. But Mokeimwena keeps on nagging about tobacco: Mokeimwena: Tauwau avaka gasisi ke-tarokwa tobaki, men what bad CP.wooden-one tobacco Men how bad is this piece of tobacco, give it to

ku-seki 2.-give

so-m, i-votala. friend-your 3.-be.small your friend, it is small. Keyeba: Tauwau, avaka-ga bata-katudeva, men what-Emph Dual.incl.Fut-make.fun Men, what fun will one have, already

bogwa already

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lakau-vagi-si. 1.excl.Past-make-Pl we have done (it). Sose’ula: Ina-(gu) gasisi, moku-vavagi-si bilibili (my)-mother bad 2.Habitual-fill.tobacco.in.roll-Pl roll Mother (it is) bad, you fill tobacco in the roll as usual – the roll here

beya here

tombaiku. tobacco (of) tobacco. 090 Yabilosi: Tomwaya (ku)-meya kwe-ta(la) buva old.man 2.-bring CP.general-one betelnut Old man give me a betelnut I want to chew.

a-kaui. 1.-chew

Yoya: Ada buva va kauya. Dual.incl.our betelnut Dir basket. The betelnut of the two of us is in the basket. Sose’ula: Am yagogu, am yagogu-gwa o-ku-keli your young.yam your young.yam-Emph binding.vowel-2.-plant Your young yams, yes your young yams that you planted, gala ke-pwasa? not CP.wooden-rotten it was not rotten? Yabilosi: So-(gu), gala ke-pwasa. friend-(my) not CP.wooden-rotten My friend, it was not rotten. Moagava: O ina-(gu) kwe-tabwabogwa oh mother-(my) CP.general-very.fat Oh mother (what a) big betelnut is this,

ma-na-kwa Dem-Dem-CP.general

buva, betelnut

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gala bata-kaui, ta-kaui bi-sapila mati-la. – not Dual.incl.Fut-chew Dual.incl-chew 3.Fut.-swell eye-his one should not chew it, (because if) one will chew it (then) its eye will swell. Ku-livala-si bi-bwene, bi-mamala bata-lo-si ta-pola-si. 2.-say-Pl 3.Fut-good 3.Fut-low.tide 1.incl.Fut-go-Pl 1.incl.-fish-Pl You said it will be good, (that when) it will be low tide – we will go fishing. That Mokeimwena’s complaints about the tobacco they (want to) smoke are not meant seriously becomes obvious when Keyeba’s exclaims that they all have a great time at my veranda (turn 88). However, Sose’ula does not seem to be impressed to much and criticizes how the cigarettes are being rolled. Yabilosi asks Yoya to give him a betelnut – and Yoya tells him where he will find one. Sose’ula seems to be in a bad mood; nobody responded to his nagging. So now he comes back to the young yams that Yabilosi talked about some time ago (see turns 4 & 8) and teasingly asks him whether this yams tuber was not rotten (turn 92). But Yabilosi remains cool and just states that this was not so. However, Moagava neither seems to care about Yabilosi’s young yams nor about Sose’ula’s bad mood; he has just seen a big betelnut – and in a very typical Trobriand manner he uses this big betelnut to make a sexual innuendo: the statement that one should not chew it, because if one chews it ‘its eye will swell’ – ‘bisapila matila’. The possessed noun ‘matila’ or ‘matala’ – ‘its eye’ produced alludes to ‘matala kwila’, i. e. ‘glans penis’ here. After this innuendo Sose’ula becomes more constructive again. He takes up the plan to go fishing which was briefly discussed a while ago (see turn 42): 095 Keyeba: A bi-mamala-go bata-lo-si ta-pola-si. ah 3.-Fut-low.tide 1,incl-go-Pl 1.incl-fish-Pl Ah, it will be low tide (and) we will go fishing. Yabilosi: So-(gu), kada kavai Kuvivia. friend-(my) Dual.incl.our Kavai-fish Kuvivia My friend, our Kavai fish (at) Kuvivia [place on the way to Kaduwaga]. Keyeba: Bogwa ma-na-kwa. yes Dem-Dem-CP.general Yes this one.

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Yabilosi: Gala kwe-ki-kekita. not CP.general-Redup-small Not a small one. Moagava: Ma-na-kwa bata-kau-si, gala te-tala Dem-Dem-CP.general 1.incl.Fut-take-Pl not CP.male-one We will take this (up), not one man will stay (back), kumwedo-dasi bita-lo-si ta-pola-si, all-of.us 1.incl.Fut-go-Pl 1.incl-fish-Pl all of us we will go fishing, you know

bi-simwa, 3.Fut-stay

ku-nukwali-si 2.-know-Pl

nubyeya sabata, kena sadada? tomorrow Sunday or Saturday tomorrow is Sunday, or Saturday? 100 Sose’ula: Sadada, nubyeya sadada. Saturday tomorrow Saturday Saturday, tomorrow is Saturday. Yabilosi: Igau ba-va a-nigada m-to-na tomwaya later 1.Fut-go.to 1.-ask.for Dem-CP.male-Dem old.man Later I will go and ask this old man [Topiesi] for the net, bi-tagwala bita-lau-si ma-na-kwa 3.Fut-agree 1.incl-Fut-take-Pl Dem-Dem-CP.general he will agree and we will take this new one. Sose’ula: Ma-na-kwa Dem-Dem-CP.general This new one. Mokeimwena: E e-lokimati-la. yes 3.-prefer-Emph Yes, he really prefers it.

kwe-vau. CP.general-new

vota, net

kwe-vau. CP.general-new

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Yabilosi: Pela avetuta bata-le’i-si bi-ma – gala na-ta(la) for when 1.incl.-throw-Pl 3.Fut-come not CP.animal-one Because when we throw it it will come (again and) not one fish bi-la, kesopoi wala bi-la va waga. 3.Fut-go inside.of.canoe only 3.-Fut-go Dir canoe will escape, to the inside of the canoe only it will go into the canoe. 105 Sose’ula: A kena sena budubadu. ah perhaps very many Ah perhaps a lot of fish. Yabilosi: A ku-dok i yomala. Bata-sake-si ma-ke-na ah 2.-think many 1.incl.Fut-fill-Pl Dem-CP.wooden-Dem Ah, you think (we get) many. We will fill up this waga bi-la e-kutava gala ku-doki. canoe 3.Fit-go 3.-be.full not 2.-think canoe it will go (when) it is full (of fish), you won’t believe it. Keyeba takes up the topic of fishing re-introduced by Sose’ula and confirms that they all will go fishing at low tide. Yabilosi says that he hopes to catch ‘Kavai’-fish at Kuvivia, a place southwest of Tauwema in the direction of Kaduwaga village, and Keyeba agrees that it is a good idea to go there. Moagava now confirms once more that all six men will go fishing. Yabilosi tells the men that he will ask Topiesi for his big net (the one that was already briefly mentioned before – see turn 52); he will get it and then – as he assures a somewhat skeptical Sose’ula – they will come back with a canoe full of fish. Having heard this Moagava elaborates on their planned fishing expedition: Moagava: Yokwa tomwaya buku-suva o you old.man 2.Fut-go.inside Loc You old man you will go to the old garden ku-vapwatai kabwasi. 2.-put.yams.in.basket smoked.yams you will fill your basket with smoked yams.

ligaba old.garden

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Yoya: Kabwasi. Smoked yams. Moagava: Ada-kabwasi-si, kabwasi ku-vapwatai buku-vabusi-ga 1.incl.our-smoked.yams-Pl smoked.yams 2.-put.yams.in.basket 2 . F u t - w a l k . down-Pl Our smoked yams, smoked yams you put it in your basket you will come down to Mwasiwa o kwadeva, buku-vigadibogi kova Mwasiwa Loc beach 2.-Fut-make.fire fire Mwasiwa at the beach you will make a fire and then

oluvi-ga then-Emph

baka-meye-si yena. 1.excl.-bring-Pl fish we will bring fish. 110 Yabilosi: Ku-luluvai-si gala buku-lukwe-si avela, bogwa, yakidaokuwasi wala. 2.-remember-Pl not 2.Fut-tell-Pl who ok we.only only Remember do not tell anybody else, ok, it is us and us only. Moagava: Taga bi-we-si bi-koma-si but 3.Fut-go.to.-Pl 3.Fut-eat-Pl But they will go they will eat fish.

yena. fish

Sose’ula: Bi-vagi-si-la, gugwadi, bi-yosi-si silasila o Sapola 3.Fut-make-Pl-Emph children 3.Fut-seize-Pl beach.walking Loc Sapola They will make this, the children, they will seize (one) walking at the beach at Sapola. Keyeba: A gala-ga bi-ve-si bogwa bi-lo-si i-gini-si. a no-Emph 3.Fut-go.to-Pl already 3.Fut-go-Pl 3.-write-Pl Ah not at all, they will have passed by already they will have passed by they who write.

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

Yabilosi: M-to-si-na Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem

gugwadi, children

i-doki – 3.-think

avela who

187

bi-va 3.Fut-go.to

bogwa ba-weya. already 1.Fut-hit These children, he thinks (of them) – whoever will go there I will beat (him or her) already. 115 Sose’ula: Taga, mna, bi-siligigeye-si yena. but hm 3.Fut-chase.away-Pl fish But, hm, they will chase away the fish Yabilosi: Ku-nukwali-ga, laga odaba(la) mamala, a-doki bita-kile’i-si. 2.-know-Emph today at.height.of low.tide 1.-think 1.incl.Fut-throw-Pl You know, today at the height of low tide I think we will throw (the net). Moagava: Alavigimkoila mamala lagela, nubyeya bi-katulaki. at.last low.tide today tomorrow 3.-Fut-refuse At last low tide (is) today, tomorrow it will be high tide. Moagava addresses Yoya and ask him to go to the old garden, get some smoked yams, bring it to Mwasiwa beach and make a fire there. The others will go fishing and join him afterwards so that they can have a nice beach party with yams and fish. Yabilosi reminds them not to tell anybody anything about their plans – it will be their private party (turn 110). However, Moagava and Sose’ula remark that the school-children may see them on their way back from school which is close to Kaduwaga, especially if they walk back home to Tauwema via the beach called Sapola. Keyeba dissipates these fears stating that the schoolchildren would already have passed this place on their way back home – and Yabilosi – jokingly – announces that he will give them a good beating if they interfere with their party. But Sose’ula points out that on their way back home the schoolchildren may chase away the fish. Nevertheless, Yabilosi emphasizes that today the time of low tide will fit their plans – the high tide tomorrow will make it impossible for them to realize their fishing expedition. Given this information, Yoya now takes up a completely different point – a point, however, which turns out to be another challenge for realizing their plans:

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Yoya: Lagela Friday, bita-lo-si o Kodilalai, ta-vagi-si today Friday 1.incl-Fut-go-Pl Loc K-playground 1.incl-make-Pl Today (is) Friday, we will go to the Kodilalai-playground, we will do kwe-ta(la) paisewa, ta-ke’ita-si da-paisewa-si titoledasi. CP.general-one work 1.incl-return-Pl 1.incl.our-work-Pl ourselves some work, we will return (it is) our work for ourselves. Mokeimwena: Ke, bela e-weya-si pela Friday, kumwedona o kodilalai, well bell 3.-hit-Pl for Friday all Loc K-playground Well, they hit the bell because it is Friday, all (are) at the Kodilalai-playground, tauwesiga e-paisewa-si te-yu, ta-sisu-si-ga ta-keyaku-si. men 3.-work-Pl CP.male-two 1.incl-be-Pl-Emph 1.incl-gossip-Pl the men they work – the two, (and) we are here and gossip. 120 Moagava: O mokwita, kena ku-paisewa. oh true but 2.-work Oh, that’s true, but you are working (now). Yabilosi: Kena-ga bolumwaya asi tovagi keyaku. but-Emph many their master gossip But (from) many their master (wanted) gossip. Moagava: Ta-paisewa-si bi-keyaku-si. 1.incl-work-Pl 3.Fut-gossip-Pl We work we will gossip. Yabilosi: Tokuyumila deli silaya. Tokuyumila with relatives Tokuyumila with his relatives. Yoya: Pela because

bita-taga-si 1.incl-Fut-put.posts.up-Pl

bwala house

ma-na-kwa Dem-Dem-CP.general

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bi-tomalaula. 3.Fut-stand.up Because we will put up posts for this house – it will stand up. 125 Moagava: Amakala-ga bita-vigakai-si daga? how-Emph 1.incl.Fut-put.up-Pl support.beam How will we put up the support beam? Mokeimwena: A nanila bita-tayoyuva-si. ah soon 1.incl-Fut-harvest-Pl Ah soon we will harvest. Moagava: Mwada-ga yagogu bata-daga-si, tau-wai-si-wa if-only young.yam 1.incl-Fut-put.support.beams-Pl 1.incl-hit-Pl-only If we will only put up the support beams for the young yams, we hit only kamkokola ta-bisipikwani-si, makala bunukwa. posts 1.incl-put.fence.around like pig the posts (into the ground) we will put a fence around them, like this – (because of) the pigs. Yabilosi: Makala-la bita-vagi-si. like-Emph 1.incl.Fut-make-Pl Like this we will do it. Keyeba: Tau-ve-si bogwa baka-take’u-si 1.incl-go.to-Pl already 1.excl-carry-Pl We go there already we will carry one half buku-vitomilivali-si kokola. 2.Fut-erect-Pl post (and) you will erect the posts.

kabula-tala half-one

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130 Yabilosi: Taga ta-tobudake-si ave yam-gwa But 1.incl-be.inattentive-Pl what day-Emph But we are inattentive (and) one day it will fall on

bi-tuma 3.Fut-fall

ma-buda-we-na gugwadi. Dem-CP.group-that-Dem children that group of children (there). Mokeimwena: So-(gu) ku-tota igau. friend-(my) 2.-stand then My friend you will put it up then. Yabilosi: Kena-ga kwe-kekita or-Emph CP.general-small Or a small little house.

bwalela. little.house

Keyeba: So-(gu), lova la-gisi, a-tota a-gisi friend-(my) yesterday 1.Past-see 1.-stand 1.see Friend, yesterday I saw it, I stood there I saw it I said

a-kebiga 1.-say

i-vavagi-ga e-kapusi i-tuma gugwadi. 3.-make-Emph 3.-fall 3.-fall.on children it will make it it will fall it will fall on the children. Yoya reminds the other men that today all men agreed to do some work at Kodilalai – this is the name of the playground of Tauwema. Only after having done this they will have time to realize their plan to go fishing. Mokeimwena notes that the two men responsible for hitting the old slit-drum that saves the function of a church bell in Tauwema already summoned the other men to work – and that the six of them are sitting on my veranda at the moment, gossiping. Moagava refutes the implicit criticism in Mokeimwena’s words and points out that they are working, too – and Yabilosi agrees with him that they work for ‘their master’ now – and that they intend to continue working for me. Yabilosi then somewhat cryptically mentions Tokuyumila and his relatives – it turned out that they coordinate the work to be done. Yoya specifies the work to be

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done at the playground: close to the soccer-field the inhabitants of Tauwema had built a house that served as the pre-school for their children. This building needs renovation – the main beams supporting the roof have to be replaced. Moagava asks how they plan to do this job, and when Mokeimwena mentions the next round of harvesting the yams he states that they better combine the harvest with the reconstruction of the pre-school, because they could use the old support beams for the yams-scions to also make a fence around the schoolbuilding and thus prevent the pigs from disturbing the pre-school children. Yabilosi supports this proposal, and Keyeba already has clear plans of how to distribute the work to be done: Moagava and Yabilosi should erect the posts the others will bring them from the gardens. Yabilosi now seriously warns them that they have to act soon, because the house is in such a bad condition that it may collapse and the roof may fall onto the children (turn 130). Mokeimwena comments this with a joking remark, which Yabilosi takes up, but Keyeba emphasizes again that Yabilosi’s warning has to be taken seriously because he was at the playground yesterday and noticed the bad condition of the pre-school building. Nevertheless, it seems that all this does not concern Mokeimwena: Mokeimwena: Yam kumwedona o kwadeva, (ku)-meya sita day all Loc beach 2.-bring bit All day at the beach, give me some (betelnut) I will chew. 135 Yabilosi: Gala bwada-gu, kwemwedona bogwa no brother-my all already No brother, I chewed (them) all already.

a-kaui. 1.-chew

la-kaui. 1.Past-chew

Mokeimwena: A! Ah! Yabilosi: Bogwa e-vokuva. already 3.-finish They are finished. Moagava: A ku-gisi ma-na-kwa tumola ah 2.-see Dem-Dem-CP.general last.one.(for.speaker) Ah, look this last one for me in the basket.

kauya. basket

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Mokeimwena: A! Ah! 140 Moagava: Ina(-gu), kwe-tabwabogwa! mother-my CP.general-very.big Mother, what a big one! Mokeimwena: Ku-meya, a-gisi a-kulu bu-kwaui-ga. 2.-bring 1.-see 1.-husk 2.Fut-chew-Emph Give it to me, I look at it I husk it and you will chew (it), of course. Yoya: Ku-tai (ku)-kwaui-si. 2.-cut 2.-chew-Pl You cut it and you all chew it. Moagava: So-(gu), yokwa-la o-ku-bani, friend-(my) you-Emph binding.vowel-2.-find Friend, you found it, where did you find it? Yoya: Gala ku-bani. not 2.-find You did not find it. 145 Sose’ula: So-(gu), kwe-tala friend-(my) CP.general-one Friend, one week… Yoya: O m buva. oh your betelnut Oh, your betelnut.

wiki… week

ambeya where

ku-bani? 2.-find

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

Sose’ula: Kwe-tala wiki kwe-tala bogi i-le’i-si CP.general-one week CP.general-one night 3.-throw-Pl One week (ago) one night they threw it (to me) at

193

o Loc

pile’i. playground the playground. Yabilosi: A ina-(gu), kwe-veaka gaga, ala tatai ah mother-(my) CP.general-big bad its cut Ah mother, so badly big, its cut is like a Sivai fish.

i-yoli 3.-be.like

sivai Sivai

Mokeimwena makes it quite clear that he would prefer a day at the beach, despite the critical condition of the pre-school, and he asks Yabilosi for another betelnut. However, Yabilosi cannot give him one because he has already chewed and distributed all his nuts. Moagava also asks Sose’ula to give him the last nut left in his basket. When he takes out the nut, Mokeimwena and Moagava are absolutely stunned by its size. Mokeimwena asks him whether he can at least husk it and chew the husks while Moagava then can chew his nut, but Yoya proposes that Mokeimwena should take it and cut it into pieces so that all of them can chew it. Moagava wants to know where Sose’ula found this big nut. Yoya obviously knows about how the nut came into Sose’ula’s possession, but Sose’ula himself tells Moagava and the others that someone threw it to him at the playground a week ago in the evening. Yabilosi really admires the big nut and compares it with a Sivai-fish. Keyaba now takes up again the topic of the mourning ritual in Koma yesterday: Keyeba: Ki, lova beya o-ku-ve-si Koma i-kuna-kuna golly yesterday there binding.vowel-2.-go.to-Pl Koma 3.-rain-Redupl Golly, yesterday there when you went to Koma it rained and rained wala ku-me-si. only 2.-come-Pl only when you came. 150 Yoya: I-kuna-kuna-la o valu. 3.-rain-Redupl.-Emph Loc village It rained cats and dogs in the village.

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Keyeba: E bogwa sita e-dodeva e-sagali-si. and already bit 3.-stop 3.-distribute-Pl And as soon as the rain had stopped they distributed (yams and grass-skirts). Yoya: E-dodeva e-sagali-si. 3.-stop 3.-distribute-Pl It stopped and they distributed (yams and grass-skirts). Mokeimwena: Bita-simwe-si gala pwapwasa. 1.incl-Fut-stay-Pl not easy We will stay (it is) not easy. Moagava: A taga bita-sisu-si woa. ah but 1.incl-stay-Pl only Oh but we will just sit together. 155 Mokeimwena: Kena-go bi-lo-yuvela bi-tapata Mutrus. perhaps-Emph 3.Fut-go-again 3.Fut-distribute Mutrus-cigarettes Perhaps he will go and distribute Mutrus-cigarettes again. Yoya: Mokwita! True! Moagava: A taga bita-sisu-si. ah but 1.incl.Fut-stay-Pl Ah, then we will stay. Mokeimwena: Voa, kena-go bi-lo-yuvela bi-tapata Mutrus. Ha perhaps-Emph 3.Fut-go-again 3.Fut-distribute Mutrus Ha, perhaps he will go and distribute Mutrus-cigarettes again.

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195

Yoya: Mokwita! True! 160 Moagava: Gala ku-megwa-si? not 2.-perform.magic-Pl Didn’t you perform magic? Yoya: A, bogwa tapwaroro tapwaroro, gala bita-megwa-si. ah already church church not 1.incl.Fut-perform.magic-Pl Ah, (we have the) church already – (the) church, we will not perform magic. Keyeba: Besatuta bogwa e-vokuva megwa, now already 3.-finish magic Now magic is finished, ah, I think

a, ah

a-doki 1.-think

valu e-katude’u-si, kena i-yogwala-si tolivalu. village 3.-trick-Pl perhaps 3.-do.magic-Pl villagers they play tricks on the village, perhaps they do magic, the villagers. Yoya: E, gala ta-nukwali. yes not Dual.incl-know Yes, one doesn’t know. Mokeimwena: E beya mina Giwa toya mina Kaduwaga lova and there people.from Giwa with people.from Kaduwaga yesterday And there the people from Giwa and the people from Kaduwaga – yesterday e-livali-si kalam e-yova’i-si. 3.-say-Pl one.day 3.-fight-Pl they said that one day they fight with each other. 165 Yoya: E, mwada bi-yova’i-si! Yes as.if 3.Fut-fight-Pl Yes, as if they will fight!

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Mokeimwena: E-buliwali-si. 3.-keep.guard-Pl They kept guard. Yoya: E, gala-wa(la), e-buyaiyu-si. yes not-only 3.-stop-Pl Ah, nothing at all, they (have) stopped fighting. Moagava: Mini-sikileva i-yova’i-si m-to-si-na. people.from-angry 3.-fight-Pl Dem-CP.human-Pl-Dem The angry people they (will) fight (with) these people. Sose’ula: Kalam la-vekeya la-katugigeya. one.day 1.Past-go.with 1.Past-throw.fighting.sticks One day I went with them I threw fighting sticks. 170 Yabilosi: M-to-si-ta mina Kaduwaga Dem.-CP.male-Pl-Dem people.from Kaduwaga These people from Kaduwaga they love fighting,

mbweli-si love-their

yovai, fight

m-to-si-ya: laka-katuvi-si daba-mi, gala ku-nukwali-si Dem.-CP.male-Pl-Dem 1.excl.Past-break-Pl head-yours not 2.-know-Pl these people: we broke your heads, you did not know (that). Moagava: Iga bita-ve-ve-si kwe-vila later 1.incl.Fut-go.to-Red-Pl CP.general-how.many Later we will go there in how many years

tetu year

omata-dasi-ga bita-yova’i-si kwe-veaka, in.front.of-us-Emph 1.incl-Fut-fight-Pl CP.general-heavy in front of us we will fight heavily, it comes olakeva ma-na-kwe-si valu on.top.of Dem-Dem-CP.general-Pl village on top of these villages with the people from

deli with

e-mwa 3.-come.to

mina people.from

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

Kaduwaga, kena yakidasi ma-na-kwa Kaduwaga perhaps 1.incl.Pl-we Dem-Dem-CP.general Kaduwaga, perhaps we together with this village, deli, kena tetu bi-ma, with perhaps year 3.Fut-come perhaps next year, perhaps next year.

kena perhaps

tetu year

197

valu village

bi-ma. 3.Fut-come

Keyeba takes up the topic of the ‘sagali’ in Koma and comments on the weather – it was raining cats and dogs – as Yoya confirms, adding that the people of Koma had to wait till it stopped raining before they could start distributing yams and grass-skirts. At first sight this may seem to be a rather innocent comment on the weather – however, Keyeba’s and Yoya’s utterances contain a severe criticism of the (older) people in Koma: if the rainy weather delayed the rites of the mourning ritual then this implies that the weather magician of the village did not do a good job or that he was not asked to use his magic (see chapter 5). Yoya himself knows many different magical formulae, especially garden magic and sailing magic, but he never claimed to be an expert magician. There was a time when the weather magicians of Koma and Tauwema, Kasiosi and Weyei (see Senft 1985d; 1997a), were friends but nevertheless hard competitors with respect to who had control over the most powerful magic – and the inhabitants of both villages boasted that their weather magician was the better one. Both Kasiosi and Weyei died a few years ago – but the rivalry between the villages still exists. This topic of the discussion is interrupted by Mokeimwena who complains that he still has to sit on the veranda so that I can document their conversation. When Moagava remarks that this sitting together does not bother him, Mokeimwena reveals the direction of his complaint: he would not mind sitting on my veranda for some more time chatting with the others if I would give them some more Mutrus-cigarettes (Mutrus is a brand name, by the way). Yoya and Moagava confirm this – however, pretending that I had not heard these remarks I did not react. Moagava then takes up the topic of the rainy weather during the ‘sagali’ and asked Yoya and Yabilosi whether they did not perform weather magic (turn 160). Yoya almost objects to this question as being irrelevant – claiming that the Christian church and Christian belief have superseded traditional magic and magical rites. Keyeba supports this view; nevertheless, he hints at the possibility that magicians from other villages may have performed countermagic to the magic of the Koma weather magicians to embarrass them (or, in his words, ‘to play a trick on them’). Now it is Yoya’s turn to agree – pointing

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out that on the Trobriand Islands one never knows these days whether magic played a role or not in various activities and events. Mokeimwena shifts the topic now (utterance 163) and reports on latent tensions between the people from Giwa and Kaduwaga that were discussed openly during the ‘sagali’ in Koma. Yoya takes this as nothing more but boasting and doubts that they will ever fight with each other. However, Mokeimwena points out that the people from Giwa and Kaduwaga were on their guard to not be attacked by each other, but Yoya plays it down by pointing out that they have stopped fighting each other long ago. However, Moagava warns that ‘the angry people’ (i. e., the people from Kaduwaga – as we learn from utterance 170) are always in for a fight with other people. Sose’ula confirms this general impression – pointing out that he once sided with these ‘angry people’ and threw fighting sticks (the ‘kekwe’ula’ sticks that are sharpened at both ends and used as weapons) at their enemies – and Yabilosi joins in emphasizing that the people from Kaduwaga just love fighting. He not only disambiguates (for the uninformed outsider) to whom his friends referred so far, he also topicalizes the traditionally latent aggressive tension between the people from Kaduwaga and Tauwema (see also section 10.2 below), reminding them – in an utterance in which he fakes addressing the people from Kaduwaga – that the people from Tauwema already broke a number of Kaduwagan heads, although the Kaduwagans have always been pretending not to know that. Moagava now even feels strong enough to challenge and threaten the people from Kaduwaga announcing that in a few years it may well be that the people from Tauwema will fight with the people from Kaduwaga – directly attacking them, perhaps in coalition with the people from Giwa – actually he points out that such a joint attack could even happen next year! First of all to understand this passage of the men gossiping with each other it is important to know that almost all inhabitants of the villages at least on Kaile’una – if not on all the Trobriand Islands – love to boast that they are stronger than their more aggressive neighbours and that sooner or later they will teach them a lesson with respect to their unwarranted aggressive display. It goes without saying that all this boasting is only done when it is obvious and clear that nobody of the villages threatened is present; it is only done behind the addressees’ backs. Moreover, all these boasts are solely realized with verbal expressions that use the Tense-Aspect-Mood marker that may indeed refer to future events, but that is also used to indicate the irrealis (see Senft 1986: 36 ff)! After this part of the men’s gossiping – which is very (proto-) typical for the ‘biga sopa’ variety – Mokeimwena comments once more on the fact that I video- and audiotape their conversation:

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Mokeimwena: A mambeya mambeya ku-doke-si ta-livala-si ta-kapinaveaka-si, ah where where 2.-think-Pl 1.incl-talk-Pl 1.incl-speak.up-Pl Ah, where where do you think we are talking we speak up, taga ma-ke-na sena ke-pe’ula but Dem-CP.rigid-Dem very CP.rigid-strong but this (microphone) is so strong already you say

bogwa already

ku-livala 2.-say

manum taga bogwa e-la e-paisewa. silence but already 3.-go 3.-work silence but already it goes and works. Moagava: Ku-livala-si kidamwa avela bi-gigila e 2.-speak-Pl if who 3.Fut-laugh and You speak, if someone will laugh and whoever

avela who

avaka avaka what what

bi-bigatoni bi-gigila-si wala avetuta bi-la, 3.Fut-say 3.Fut-laugh-Pl only when 3.Fut-go will say whatsoever they will only laugh when he will go, m-to-na tokivila Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-translate this translator he will come, yes,

biga bi-ma, language 3.Fut-come

bi-livala ma-na-kwe-si gigila hi, e 3.Fut-say Dem-Dem-CP.general-PL laugh hi and he will speak about these laughs ‘hi’, and here already

beya here

e, yes

bogwa already

bi-gini deli bi-la va buki bi-sisu, e bi-kibwadi. 3.Fut-write with 3.Fut-go Dir book 3.Fut-stay and 3.Fut-stop he will write and with (him) it will go into the book it will stay there, and he will stop (it). Mokeimwena: E (ku)-meya kwe-ta(la) yes 2.-bring CP.general-one Ah, give me a betelnut.

buva. betelnut

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175 Moagava: Beya la-bigatoni beya avela bi-va ma-na-kwe-si here 1.Past-say here who 3.Fut-go.to Dem-Dem-CP.general-PL Here I said here to whom ever it will go – these (betelnuts) bi-kuku-vau wala bi-bigitoni-vau va buki e 3.Fut-chew.betelnut.husk-again only 3.Fut-say-again Dir book and he will just chew the husks of the betelnut again – he will say (it) again to the book and deli bi-gigisa e bi-kibobuta makala bogwa dualilia. with 3.Fut-see and 3.Fut-correct like already straight together with what he will see and he will correct (it just) like (that and) already it is straight. Yoya: Mapela moa o dualisi like chap Loc our.village Chap, like in our village, yes.

e. yes

Moagava: E magi-la bita-keyaku-si ma-na-kwe-si-la and wish-his 1.incl-chat-Pl Dem-Dem.CP.general-Pl-Emph And he wants that we will chat (about) these (things) or

kena or

bita-katupoi so-da, avaka avaka. Dual.incl-ask.for friend-our what what one will ask our friend for something, whatever. Mokeimwena comments on the high quality of my microphone that will record everything – even utterances produced in a low voice – and then Moagava (rightly) points out that I will use their conversation as a basis for my research work, that I will translate what they said and even comment on their laughter (see utterances 172–173). Moagava – who himself quite often transcribes tapes together with me and who is very interested in my research work in general – also tells his friends that I will first transcribe the tape and that the transcription will be available on my notebook – to which he refers as “the book”. He characterizes this procedure as the first step of how I will process the data I am documenting at the moment. Mokeimwena interrupts Moagava

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with another request for a betelnut, but Moagava continues his description of my work – reacting in a by the way like manner to Mokeimwena’s request (see utterance 175) – and points out that I will try to transcribe the audio- and videotape as correctly and comprehensively as possible. Yoya adds that I just want to document how the Trobriand Islanders live and interact with each other in their villages, and Moagava once more explains that I am documenting their interaction because I want to get data on just such conversations. Keyeba does not seem to be to much impressed by these comments, takes up the topic of betelnuts again and asks Moagava for some mustard: Keyeba: Moagava (ku)-meya sita mweya. Moagava 2.-bring bit mustard Moagava give me some mustard. Yoya: pela gala besobesa beya, gala. for not anything here not Because (there is) not anything here, nothing. 180 Yabilosi: Gala ka. No, well. Sose’ula: Ada-mweya-si e-sisu beya o kentini taga 1.incl.our-mustard-Pl 3.-be there Loc canteen but to-karevaga? CP.male-responsible Our mustard is there in the canteen but who has money (for it)?

mani money

Moagava: Ambe? Where? Sose’ula: Beya Dauya beya Dauya beya Ibutu. there Dauya there Dauya there Ibutu There at Dauya(’s place), there at Dauya(’s place), there at Ibutu(’s place).

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Moagava: Ba-luki Gunter bi-sake-gu mani ba-la a-gimwali. 1.Fut-ask.for Gunter 3.Fut-give-me money 1.Fut-go 1.-buy I will ask Gunter he will give me money I will go and buy (it). 185 Mokeimwena: Labuyagukuna ku-ma ku-la iga ku-gimwali ama-mweya-si Labuyagukuna 2.-come 2.-go later 2.-buy 1.excl.our-mustard-Pl Labuyagukuna come you go later and buy our mustard beya Dauya. there Dauya there (at) Dauya(’s place). Moagava: Ku-nanakwa! 2.-be.fast Be fast! Sose’ula: Kena beya Dauya gala beya-ga Ibutu ku-katupoi or there Dauya not there-Emph Ibutu 2.-ask If there at Dauya(’s place) is nothing (then) there at Ibutu(’s place) you ask at ma-na-kwe-si kaukweda Dem-Dem-CP.general.Pl veranda these two verandas, wherever

kwe-yu, CP.general-two

amwgwena where

e-kanaki ma-na-kwa buku-gimwali. 3.-lie Dem-Dem-CP.general 2.Fut-buy it lies this (mustard) you will buy (it). Yoya: Bogwa! Ok! Keyeba: Ku-nanakwa buku-ke’imali buku-meya ka-kau’i-si. 2.-be.fast 2.Fut-take.back 2.Fut.-bring 1.excl-chew-Pl Be fast bring it back bring it we chew (betelnuts).

wa only

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

190 Sose’ula: Kwe-lima CP.general-five Five toea.

203

silini. shilling

Yoya reacts to Keyeba’s request just stating that they have no mustard any more. Sose’ula points out that they probably may buy some at the small ‘canteen’ shops run by Dauya and Ibutu. Moagava offers to ask me for money to do this (see utterance 184), but Mokeimwena already asks Labuyagukuna, a young girl standing close by, to go and buy the mustard at one of the two canteens – wherever she can find some. Moagava (utterance 186) and Keyeba (utterance 189) tell her to do this errand quickly, and Sose’ula points out that this will cost them five toea (note that he uses the term “shilling” referring to the pre-independence Australian valuta in the then protectorate Papua and New Guinea; this is somewhat surprising for a man of his (relatively young) age! Yabilosi now takes up a completely different topic: Yabilosi: A-lukwe-m lova a-titaiyoyuva la-ma a-lilola 1.-tell-you yesterday 1.-harvest 1.Past-come 1.-walk I told you yesterday I harvested I came I walked only and a-mweki keda kada-vokuva a-luvai wala 1.-meet path CP.path-empty 1.-remember only I met on an empty path – I just remember it – a ghost.

wa only

kosi ghost

Yoya: A taga kosi galayomala. ah but ghost many Ah, but there are many ghosts. Yabilosi: A-luvai kosi beya la-lola la-ma gala-wala tega-la 1.-remember ghost there 1.Past-walk 1.Past-come not-only ear-his I remember a ghost there I walked I came (he did) not (have) ears makala palekwani. like flying.fox like a flying fox.

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Moagava: Ma-na-kwa bi-bigatona bi-katupupweya ma-na-kwa. Dem-Dem-CP.general 3.Fut-talk 3.Fut-repeat Dem-Dem-CP.general This he will talk about he will repeat this. 195 Mokeimwena: Palekwani Flying fox. Moagava: Palekwani, kosi ma-na-kwe-si flying.fox ghost Dem-Dem-CP.general-Pl Flying foxes these ghosts – to the book correctly m-to-si-na Dem-CP.male-Pl-Dem (for) these correct men.

va Dir

buki book

kibobuta correct

to-kibobuta. CP.male-correct

My neighbour reports his encounter with a ‘kosi’ yesterday on his way home from the garden. In section 4.1 I mentioned that the Trobriand Islanders believe in two ‘spirits’ that stay in the village after the death of a person until the deceased’s body is buried. After this burial, the ‘baloma’, the spirit of the dead, leaves her or his village and goes to the Trobriand ‘paradise’ in the Tuma underworld. The ‘kosi’, however, monitors the first mourning ceremonies; if the deceased is bewailed properly, this spirit also dies. But if the ‘kosi’ finds some fault with the mourning ceremonies, this spirit will become immortal and punish the responsible people by playing nasty tricks on them or by even frightening them to death. Yoya jumps in on this ‘kosi’ topic, and Yabilosi elaborates on the gestalt of the ‘kosi’, comparing the ears of this spirit with the ears of flying foxes. Yabilosi obviously remembers my strong interest in Trobriand eschatology, an interest I showed especially during my first four or five fieldtrips to the Trobriands. It is absolutely evident that he tries to take me for a ride with this topic shift! And therefore it is no wonder that Moagava (see utterances 194 and 196) immediately confirms that I will take up this point when I process their conversation. He and Mokeimwena repeat that the ‘kosi’ had ears like a flying fox to make sure that this observation will be mentioned correctly in my transcription – so that other ‘correct men’, i. e., other researchers like me, can read about this phenomenon. This is ‘sopa’ par excellence, of course! But Yabilosi’s mentioning of his garden rings a bell with Sose’ula who reports the following:

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Sose’ula: So-(gu), kwe-tala vavagi, silovala la-va friend-(my) CP.general-one thing day.before.yesterday 1.Past.go.to Friend, one thing, the day before yesterday I went a-la o m ligaba o (a)gu ligaba a-veki 1.-go Loc your old.garden Loc my old.garden 1.-go.to I went to your old garden and to my old garden I went to oluvi-laga ma-ke-si-ta la-vali, gala before-Emph Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem 1.Past-plant not where I planted these (trees) before, not anything (was there)

putukumwela nothing

i-tateya-si Kanaga. 3.-cut-Pl Kanaga.parrot they cut (it all) the Kanaga parrots. Yabilosi: Bogwa e-vinaku-si, lova la-kau kumela already 3.-finish-Pl yesterday 1.Past-take heap.of.rubbish Already they finished (them), yesterday I took these heaps of rubbish, ma-ke-si-na, ka la-meya, Dem-CP.wooden-Pl-Dem well 1.Past-bring well I brought them; I will bring them to

ba-veya-la 1.Fut-bring-Emph

o Loc

reboaga a-vali. coral.garden 1.-plant(taro,banana,sugar-cane). the coral garden and plant taro. Moagava: Yegu gula-tala ula uli o reboaga e-pusa-pwasa, bogwa I CP.heap-one my taro Loc coral.garden 3.-Redup-rotten already I (have) one heap of my taro in the coral garden it is rotten, kena bita-lola. perhaps Dual.incl-walk perhaps one has to walk (there) already.

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200 Yabilosi: Ba-la a-kau ba-la a-vali. 1.-Fut-go 1.-take 1.Fut-go 1.-plant(taro) I will go I take (them) I will go and plant taro. Moagava: E kuva ku-kwau. and mourning.necklace 2.-take And wear a mourning necklace. Yabilosi: A gala buku-koila. ah not 2.Fut-joke Ah don’t joke (about this). Moagava: Gala pela ba-koila, kuva not for 1.Fut-joke mourning.necklace I don’t make a joke, wear a mourning necklace.

ku-kwau. 2.-take

Keyeba: A bogwa e-kasali so-m, kuva ku-kwau ah already 3.-allow friend-your mourning.necklace 2.-take Ah already he allows it your friend, you can wear a mourning necklace ku-la ku-vali, i-toki-ga vovo-la bagula. 2.-go 2.-plant 3.-attends-Emph body-his garden you go and plant, he does not want to go to the garden. 205 Moagava: E taga senem ku-ke’ula, yes but too.much 2.-carry Yes but you carry too much, stop it.

ku-vinakugwa. 2.-finish

Yabilosi: Gala, bogwa o-ku-livali-ga no already binding.vowel-2.-say-Emph No, already you said we finish the work

ta-vanoku-si 1.incl-finish-Pl

paisewa work

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207

o kodilalai, ba-va a-kau ba-veya. Loc Kodilalai-playground 1.Fut-go.to 1.-take 1.Fut-bring at the Kodilalai-playground, I will go I take (something and) I will bring (something). Sose’ula reports about the damage the parrots (‘karaga’ or ‘kanaga’ are rainbow lorikeets – [trichoglossus haematodus]) did to trees he planted some time ago in his and also in Moagava’s old garden. Yabilosi also complains about the parrots and the damage they made in his garden. He has heaps of rubbish – plants destroyed by the lorikeets – and announces that he will bring this rubbish to his coral garden to let it rot there, thus using it as a kind of fertilizer for the taro he will plant there. Moagava tells Yabilosi that he will also find heaps of rotten taro in his garden – and Yabilosi tells him that he will take this rubbish to his garden as well when he will plant his taro. Moagava now makes fun of Yabilosi who obviously deplores the damage made in his taro garden, advising him to wear a mourning necklace (see utterance 201). When Yabilosi refutes this joke Moagava continues nagging him. Keyeba seems to join sides with Moagava in ridiculing Yabilosi, but he turns his comment on Moagava’s proposal that Yabilosi should show some real signs of mourning into an unexpected challenge to Moagava accusing him to be one of these lazybones who are not to eager to work in the garden (see utterance 204). This causes Moagava to give in and to ask Yabilosi, who is well known as a busy gardener, not to work too much! Yabilosi seems to agree and to accept this rather indirect excuse. He points out that he plans to finish the work that has to be done at the playground together with Moagava – but he also tells Moagava that he first will go to his taro garden, get some tubers and bring them to the playground so that they will have something to eat during and after the joint reconstruction of the pre-school building there (see utterances 120–132 above where the men already talked about this topic). Thus, there are no hard feelings any more between the two men. Mokeimwena now further inquires about Yabilosi’s plans: Mokeimwena: Kegila(ge)la buku-va o reboaga? only.today 2.Fut-go.to Loc coral.garden Only today you will go to the coral garden? Yabilosi: Ba-ma o reboaga. 1.Fut-come Loc coral.garden. I will come to the coral garden.

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Keyeba: Ku-ma o reboaga, bakau-ve-si-ga 2.-come Loc coral.garden 1.excl.Fut-go.to-Pl-Emph Come to the coral garden, we will go and fish.

ka-pola-si. 1.excl-fish-Pl

210 Moagava: Yokwami kwe-vaka-veaka mi reboaga, 2.Pl.you CP.general-Redup-heavy 2.Pl.your coral.garden You (will do) very heavy (work) in your coral garden, yakamesi-ga, so-gu, tau kwe-kekita. 1.Pl.excl.-we-Emph friend-my man CP.general-little we, my friend, – man – (we will do) little (work). Sose’ula: Yegu gala avaka i-kuna-kuna i-kata lilu, bi-mweki voula I not what 3.-rain-Redup 3.-burn sun 3.-Fut-come.straight feeling I do not care whether it rains or whether the sun burns, when it will come this feeling that bita-bagula bogwa-la ba-sisu o valu. 1.incl.Fut-garden already-Emph 1.Fut-stay Loc village one should go and work in the garden already I will stay in the village, indeed. Keyeba: Yegu lova a-masisi wala e-kwayai I yesterday 1.-sleep only 3.-get.afternoon I yesterday I slept only, it became afternoon I went

a-va 1.-go.to

a-kakaya a-ka’ita a-masisi-vau e-bogi. 1.-bath 1.-return 1.-sleep-again 2.-get.evening I had a bath I came back I slept again till it became evening. Mokeimwena asks Yabilosi whether he will really go to the coral garden, and when Yabilosi responds to this question positively, Keyeba reminds him of their plans to go fishing. Moagava again praises Yabilosi as a hard working gardener, denouncing himself and the others as layabouts. Sose’ula takes up this topic, making the joke that he does not care at all about the weather when he has the feeling that he should go and work in the gardens – he simply de-

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cides to stay in the village and take it easy (see utterance 211). Keyeba, too, admits that yesterday he just slept through the day. This description of idle life obviously reminds Moagava of one of its central aspects, namely the chewing of betelnuts: Moagava: Ku-meya kwe-ta(la) 2.-bring CP.general-one Give me a betelnut!

buva. betelnut

Yabilosi: Mokwita buva yebweli tommota, kida, pela true betelnut love people right for True – betelnuts are the love of the people, right, because bita-kaui bi-vavagi voula bi-salau lumkola; makala. Dual.incl-chew 3.Fut-make feeling 3.Fut-smart sense.of.being.well like one chews it gives you the feeling it will be a smart feeling of being well, that’s how it is. 215 Moagava: So-(gu), am buva ma-na-kwa. friend-(my) your betelnut Dem-Dem-CP.general My friend, this is your betelnut. Keyeba: Tauwau, ku-bwayui-si-ga kena gala men 2.-smoke-Pl-Emph or not Men do you smoke or (is there) no Mutrus?

Mutrus? Mutrus-cigarettes

Mokeimwena: Gala kauva-tala bogwa a-ta’inaku gala no CP.very.small-one already 1.-finish not No, a very small piece already I smoked it, there is no pwepu bita-bili-bili. paper Dual.incl-roll-Redup paper so that one can roll (a cigarette).

e-simwa 3.-be

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Keyeba: Yegu magi-gu ba-kaui! I wish-my 1.Fut-chew I want to chew (betelnuts)! Sose’ula: Iga(u) i-meye-si mweya bogwa e-seki later 3.-bring-Pl mustard already 3.-give Later they bring mustard, I already gave (them) money,

mani, money

e bata-kaui-si. and 1.incl.Fut-chew-Pl and (then) we will chew (betelnuts). 220 Mokeimwena: yegu makala la-koda, bi-meye-si deli I like 1.Past-chew.without.mustard 3.Fut-bring-Pl with I chewed betelnut without mustard like this, they will bring it with them tua-desi kauva-tala ku-kipu-si ku-sake-gu-si. older.brother-1.Pl.incl.our CP.very.small-one 2.-break-Pl 2.-give-me-Pl our elder brothers and you break off a very small bit and give it to me. Moagava: Ka! Wow! Mokeimwena: A-vagi, bi-sumakenia, ku-meya ka-bwayu’i-si. 1.-make 3.Fut-sweet 2-bring 1.excl-smoke-Pl I made it, it will be sweet, give it (to us) we smoke. Yabilosi: Gala ka-pwayu(i) wala, la-seki. no Dual.excl only 1.Past-give We two just do not smoke, I gave it (to you). Moagava: Bogwa ga(la) beya ba-bwayuvi-waaa, nubeya already not here 1.Fut-smoke-only tomorrow Already I just cannot smoke here, tomorrow morning

kaukwau morning

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

211

bogwa desi ba-peki bwayu. already enough 1.Fut-dislike smoking it will be enough already and I will dislike smoking. Yabilosi comments on Moagava’s request for a betelnut explaining why people love to chew them – they just feel well doing it (utterance 214). But besides chewing betelnuts the other addiction of Trobriand Islanders is smoking tobacco – as we see looking at Keyeba’s and the other men’s comments in this passage. However, at the end of this part of the men’s conversation Moagava claims that he will stop smoking tomorrow morning because he cannot stand it any more (utterance 224). Given the fact that he is known as a heavy smoker, it is obvious to everyone that he is not serious at all – again, it is just ‘sopa’! Keyeba, completely ignoring this remark, now reports that people from Kuiava, one of the islands in the southwest of Kaile’una, brought tobacco leaves to Tauwema and sold them: 225 Keyeba: So-(gwe) lova minu Kuiava friends-(my) yesterday people.from Kuiava.Island My friends, yesterday the people from Kuiava brought

e-meye-si 3.-bring-Pl

tombaiku gala ku-doki yomala! tobacco.leaves not 2.-think many tobacco-leaves you won’t believe how many! Moagava: Mokwita! True! Keyeba: One Kina ya-tala. one Kina CP.flexible-one One Kina a leaf. Moagava: Ya-popou ya-vaka-veaka bogwa CP.flexible-thick CP.flexible-Redup-big already (They are) thick and big, ok and nevertheless

e and

taga but

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gagabila. light (they are) light. Yabilosi: Yegu pela lala o ligaba ki(da)mwa I for flower Loc old.garden if I (will go and look) for flowers in the old garden if I cannot ba-gimwali ya-tala 1.Fut-buy CP.flexible-one buy one tobacco leaf for me!

agu my

gala not

bogwa already

tombaiku! tobacco-leaf

Keyeba addresses his friends and reports that yesterday people from Kuiava, a neighbouring island, came and brought many tobacco leaves. These “tombaiku” leaves grow in the bush on the islands. These leaves were disregarded for a long time by the islanders, because they first preferred twist tobacco sticks of the “Cowboy” brand and later either “Mutrus” tobacco sticks or real cigarettes (especially Benson & Hedges). However, the price for tobacco sticks and cigarettes in the stores on Kiriwina Island has risen dramatically, and most of the islanders now fall back on the good old “tombaiku” leaves. Moagava confirms what Keyeba just said. Keyeba mentions the price for which the leaves were sold, and Moagava responds again with a praise of the good quality of the leaves. Yabilosi joins in and makes the joking comment that if he cannot buy one of these leaves he will go to the garden and smoke the leaves of any odd flower there. The situation is absolutely relaxed when Keyeba comes up with another topic, referring to a canoe that came to Tauwema the day before: 230 Keyeba: Ke-ta(la) waga mna amyaga va CP.wooden-one canoe hm what’s.the.name Dir One canoe – hm, what’s the name – from the mountains e-ma 3.-come (from the D’Entrecasteaux Islands) it came. Yoya: Koya-koya? mountain-Redup (From the) mountains indeed?

koya mountain

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213

Keyeba: E, bi-ne’i-si buva bi-sagali-si bi-gimwali-si. yes 3.Fut-search.for-Pl betelnut 3.Fut-distribute-Pl 3.Fut-buy-Pl Yes, they search for betelnuts, they want to distribute (them in a mourning ritual and that is why) they want to buy (them). Keyeba reports that a canoe from the mountains – that is from one of the volcanic islands of the D’Entrecasteaux group about 100 km south of Kiriwina island – came to Tauwema. Yoya repeats the place name again with a questioning intonation. Keyeba confirms that he got the location right and mentions that the men in the canoe were looking for betelnuts to distribute during a “sagali” mourning ceremony. Kaile’una island is well known in the Massim area for its many betelpalm plantations and its excellent betelnuts, thus it is not surprising that even people from far away come to buy betelnuts from the villagers of the island. After Keyeba has finished his turn there is a relative long pause. Then Sose’ula comes up with the following remark: Sose’ula: a-gisi wala (i)-sima buva, ta-uvanana sagali 1.-see only (3.)-be betelnut Dual.incl-say mourning.ritual I just see there are betelnuts, one can say a mourning ritual gala buva, desi wala, kaula okwa. no betelnut enough only food empty without betelnuts, (that’s) too bad, (but it is even worse if) the food is finished. He proudly confirms that we have plenty betelnuts on our island. Then he points out that a “sagali” morning ritual without betelnuts for all is really bad and emphasizes that the only thing worse than that would be if it was also without enough food. Sose’ula’s comment “kaula okwa” – “the food is finished” is actually extremely close to the worst and deadliest insult that can be made on the Trobriands, namely to accuse a man or a village or the inhabitants of a whole island to have no food (see 3.2.1.1 above)! But note that this comment is not accompanied with a person reference at all. The Trobriand Islanders are first and foremost yams gardeners. A good and abundant yams harvest is the pride of everyone, because such a harvest proves that a man is hard working, busy and a skilled garden magician: All this indicates the status he has and may claim to have within his community. This insult denies all this – and it results in fighting and sometimes even in murder or in war between two villages no matter to whom it is addressed. Sose’ula should be aware of this; therefore

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it is absolutely astonishing what Sose’ula’s nephew Mokeimena says directly after his uncle has finished his utterance: Mokeimwena: A gala yokwa, e-kamama-si kaula gala. ah no you 3.-weak-Pl food not Oh no you (know), they are hungry (there is) no food. He just brushes his uncle’s elegant insinuation aside and bluntly states that “they” are weak, implying that they are hungry because there is no food – and with this second part of his utterance he verbalizes this worst insult possible on the Trobriands. However, the form he chose for his person reference, namely the affixes that indicate 3rd person plural is ambiguous. The subject prefix and the plural marker could be a form of anaphoric reference to either ‘the people from the mountains’ (mentioned in utterance 230) or to the formerly mentioned ‘people from Kuiava’ (see utterance 225). What is important and actually quite astonishing here is that Mokeimwena (and, one can argue, Sose’ula, too) switches with this worst insult possible on the Trobriand Islands from the ‘biga sopa’ variety to the ‘biga gaga’ variety. This insult clearly belongs to the ‘matua’ text category; it is not tolerated at all as being part of the ‘kasilam’ genre. And indeed, this break of etiquette immediately provokes protest: A bystander obviously relates Mokeimwena’s daring comment to the people from Kuiava and protests as follows: 235 Bystander (not on video, voice unknown) A Yaubada omatala taga… Oh God in.front.of but By God but… Mokeimwena: E-mesi… 3.-come… They came… (same) Bystander (not on video, voice unknown) …e-bugubagula-si! 3.-garden-Pl …they worked in the garden!

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

Mokeimwena: E-me-si e-nene’i-si kwe-yu 2.-come-Pl 3.-search.for-Pl CP.general.two They came they looked for two things,

215

vavagi, thing

kwe-tala kaula kwe-tala buva. CP.general-one food CP.general-one betelnut one thing was food and the other one was betelnuts. Invoking God as his witness the bystander points out that “they worked in the garden” – implying that they must have food. Note that this anaphoric reference is still ambiguous, although it is unlikely that somebody living in Tauwema would know anything about gardening activities on the D’Entrecasteaux islands! But Mokeimwena insists on his statement. He first starts to rephrase it in overlap with the protesting bystander, and after this man has finished his turn he states that “they” came to look for two things, “food” and “betelnuts” (see utterances 236 and 239). The anaphoric reference is still ambiguous – although by now the situation has become tense. It seems that Moagava by now has realized that the situation has indeed escalated beyond hope, because as soon as Mokeimwena has finished his turn he bluntly asks him: Moagava: Avela? Who? And Mokeimwena – now forced to disambiguate his so far ambiguous third person reference – answers this question as follows: 240 Mokeimwena: M-to-si-na mina Dem-CP.male-Pl-Dem people.from These people from Kuiava came.

Kuiava Kuiava.Island

e-me-si. 3.-come-Pl

He produces this sentence in a very low voice – probably realizing what he just has done. This makes the situation really embarrassing. The men may have realized now that Mokeimwena could have been killed had a man from Kuiava overheard what he had said during the last few seconds. I would like to briefly summarize what has happened here: Mokeimwena produces the worst insult possible on the Trobriand Islands. Someone protests against this insult, Mokeimwena refutes this protest pointing out again that the

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people he has insulted really came to look for food. Moagava may have assumed that now the situation was beyond hope and by explicitly asking for an unequivocal person reference he forces Mokeimwena to disambiguate the referents of his insult. It may well be that Moagava exposes Mokeimwena to shame him, to make him realize that he has transgressed the border of what is accepted in the `biga sopa´ variety and to remind him that this transgression is absolutely inacceptable. Mokeimwena’s turns were no longer produced within the framework of the `biga sopa´ variety. He has broken the frame of the verbal interaction and shifted it towards the realm of the `biga gaga´ variety – the variety that encompasses all situationally and stylistically inadequate uses of speech in communicative contexts and that is specifically constituted by insults – `matua´ in Kilivila. However, this break of etiquette asks for immediate repair if the men want to continue their conversation. They all are aware of the specific interactive situation – they are filmed; they know that what just has happened is documented on video and will be transcribed, translated and analysed! So they have to find a way of how to transpose the conversation back into the easy-going and safe framework of the `biga sopa´. And this is indeed what happens now. After some seconds of general embarrassment Yabilosi and Keyeba are the first to find their words and to take the floor again: Yabilosi: Ku-meya manusisi! 2.-bring matches Give me matches! Keyeba: E-sakaula ma-ke-na dinga e-ma 3.-run Dem-CP.wooden-Dem dinghy 3.-come It speeded this dinghy it came it wanted to go to

bi-la-la 3.Fut-go-Red

Losuia, e-sakaula-ga e-ma o da-valu-si Losuia 3.-run-Emph 3.-come Loc 2.incl.our-village-Pl Losuia, it really speeded it came to our village – its finished –

e-okwa 3.-finish

sopi gala, e-mwena-si buva o da-valu-si zoom no 3.-climb-Pl betelnut.palm Loc 2.incl.our-village-Pl no zoom (oil/benzine mix), they climbed the betelpalms in our village and e-ke’ita-si, taga e-ma bi-loki-la Vapalaguyau Tuma, 3.-return-Pl but 3.-come 3.Fut-go.to-Emph Vapalaguyau Tuma.Island returned, but it came it wanted to go to Vapalaguyau on Tuma,

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217

bi-mwena-si buva bi-una bi-ke’ita, gala-gola, 3.Fut-climb-Pl betelnut 3.Fut-load 3-return no-Emph they wanted to climb (the betelpalms) and it should take the load of betelnuts and return, but no, e-okwa opi gala, o da-valu-si e-ke’ita. 3.-finish zoom no Loc 2.incl.our-village-Pl 3.-return it is finished no zoom, and to our village they returned. Yabilosi addresses Moagava and asks him to pass the matches – and Moagava throws them over to him in the famous Trobriand way (see Malinowski 1922: 352, see also subsection 8.2.4 fn 39). Keyeba, who started his turn together with Yabilosi, waits till Yabilosi has finished his request. Then he tells how and why the people from Kuiava – the just insulted party – came to Tauwema. He states that the people from Kuiava actually wanted to go by dinghy to Losuia on Kiriwina Island to buy things at the two stores there. However, the Kuiavans ran out of zoom (the oil and gasoline mixture) for the outboard engine of their dinghy. Therefore they stopped their journey halfway at Tauwema, got betelnuts, and then returned home. The people from Kuiava did neither go to Losuia nor to Tuma Island where Vapalaguyau, one of the influential men of Tauwema, and a number of other people from Tauwema started a new village a few years ago. Their intention was to buy betelnuts there on their way back from Losuia; however, because of the zoom-shortage they changed their plans and just bought their betelnuts in Tauwema. This account of the visit of the people from Kuiava only mentions betelnuts. Food does not come up as a subject here any more – and thus Keyeba’s account kind of ‘overwrites’ what Mokeimwena said a few seconds ago. Mokeimwena’s ‘break of etiquette’, his violation of the ‘biga sopa’ framework by producing the worst Trobriand insult and thus switching into the ‘biga gaga’ variety is ‘repaired’, so to speak. Keyeba has managed to ‘reframe’ the situation (see Goffman 1974) and to transform the conversation back into the ‘kasilam’ genre again. Moreover, to make sure that the conversation is rooted once more in the framework of the ‘biga sopa’ variety, Mokeimwena – who seems to have realized what he had just done and that he went too far – now changes the topic of their gossiping again – away from the people from Kuiava back to the ‘sagali’ in Koma (see utterances 149 and 243), once more accusing an anonymous weather magician as being responsible for the rainy weather the day before: Mokeimwena: Ma-na-kwa lova beya Dem-Dem-CP.general yesterday here This rain there yesterday he made this

kuna rain

e-vagi beya 3.-make here

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kunubwadela m-kwe-na sagali, heavy.rain Dem-CP.general-Dem mourning.ritual heavy rain during this sagali, well, that’s it. Moagava: Taga e-bubuna-si but.of course 3.-behave-Pl Indeed, they behaved badly.

ka well

kalabiga. that’s.it

gaga. bad

245 Mokeimwena: I-gaga lagela lilu e-kile’i bi-sagalimkolova-si o 3.-bad today sun 3.-throw 3.Fut-finish.mourning.ritual-PL Loc It is bad today the sun burns they could have finished the mourning ritual in da-valu-si 2.incl.our-village-Pl our village today.

lagela. today

Yoya: Bi-gimkola-si. 3.Fut-finish-Pl They will finish (it). Sose’ula: Taga lova bi-yova’i-si e-kuna-kuna. but yesterday 3.Fut-fight-Pl 3.-rain-Redup But yesterday they almost fought (because) it rained. Keyeba: So-(gu) lagela ba-la-la Koma friend-(my) today 1.Fut-go-Emph Koma.village My friend today we definitely won’t go to Koma,

gala-go not-Emph

iga(u) ta-paisewa-si bi-vokuva. later 1.incl-work-Pl 3.Fut-finish later we work (and) it will be finished. Mokeimwena: E-livali-si yuvayavila galayomala taga kevalugwa i-vapupweye-si wala. 3.-say-Pl scraping very.much but too.many 3.-step.on-Pl only

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219

They say (there is) very much scraping (to do) but (there are) too many they step on each other’s feet only. 250 Yoya: Ku-nukwali i-vagi-si tommwaya sena 2.-know 3.-make-Pl old.men very You know the old men prepare so much food.

kaula. food

Yabilosi: Sena buva, buva titolesi si buva tommwaya. very betelnut betelnut themselves their betelnut old.men So many betelnuts, betelnuts (just) for the old men themselves. Tommwaya, kwe-ta ba-bwayui, bogwa bi-kwaya. old.men CP.general-one 1.Fut-smoke already 3.Fut-afternoon Old men, one (stick of tobacco) I will smoke (it), (it will) soon (be) afternoon. Yoya: E gala biga didagabwala laka-veye-si e-katumkoila. yes no speech gift.for.master.of.ritual 1.excl.Past-bring-Pl 3.-be.enough Yes, no more discussion, we brought the gift for the master of the ritual it is enough (now). Keyeba: E, sena wala buva. yes very only betelnut Yes, it’s only many betelnuts. Yoya: Sena buva. very betelnut Many betelnuts. 255 Keyeba: Avaka buda-kekita tommota-la. what CP.group-small people-Emph What a small group of people indeed.

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Yoya: Ku-nukwali i-vakam-si wala e-kwaiyai i-va i-bogi, 2.-know 3.-feed-Pl only 3.-get.afternoon 3.-go.to 3.-evening You know they feed them only it will be afternoon and it will go into the evening, e-kamkwam-si wa(la) nunumwaya. 3.-eat-Pl only old.women they eat only the old women. Mokeimwena: Kilivila e-katulupa-si. Kiriwina.Island 3.-come.in.masses-Pl From Kiriwina they will come in masses. Yoya: Kilivila. Kiriwina From Kiriwina. Sose’ula: O gala, sagali bogwa e-vagi-si tauwau. oh no mourning.ritual already 3.-make-Pl men Oh no, they already made the mourning ritual distributions the men. 260 Moagava: Ku-nukwali vesiya. 2.-know their.relatives You know, their relatives. Yoya: sena vakegaga bita-livala, ma-na-kwa mokwita very too.many Dual.incl-say Dem-Dem-CP.general true There are too many, one may say, this is true everything kwe-komata, kamkwam wala i-la i-bogi beya CP.general-full.of.food meal only 3.-go 3.-night there is filled with food, the meal will just go into the evening – there

sena very

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ku-ta’ina valu ku-tapatu, a. 2.-walk.around village 2.-finish ah you walk around the village and finish it, ah. Mokeimwena: Beya bogi wala e-meye-si bogi wala i-vokuva, there evening only 3.-bring-Pl evening only 3.-finish There in the evening only they bring (food) in the evening only it will be finished, (but) ku-nukwali gala mweya amyaga. 2.-know no mustard what.its.name you know (there is) no mustard, what’s the name. Mokeimwena – after his break of etiquette – now enters the `biga sopa´ frame constituted by gossip again. However, in a very typical manner for the genre `kasilam´ (remember that this term can also be glossed as ‘whispering behind someone’s back’) he continues to put a blame on somebody else again. Shifting the topic of the conversation back to the heavy rain during the ‘sagali’ mourning ceremony in Koma yesterday, he accuses an unmentioned weather magician as being responsible for the bad weather – using (in this context) a non recognitional 3rd person subject prefix of the verb to refer to this magician. This accusation, however, implies that either the people of Koma did not ask, or were to mean to ask, their weather magician to do magic against rain or that the Koma weather magician’s magical formulae were too weak or not properly recited so that another magician’s formulae for rain were stronger than the formulae for sunny weather (see Senft 1985d). However, this kind of spreading rumours is part of the concept of ‘biga sopa’ – and this time Mokeimwena is on safe grounds with his nasty innuendoes because such insinuations are licensed by the use of the ‘biga sopa’ variety. Moagava picks up this accusation and confirms that the Koma people behaved badly by not taking proper care of the weather. Mokeimwena – supported by this response – goes on ridiculing the Koma people. He points out that we have fine sunny weather in Tauwema today and remarks that the Koma people could have finished their mourning ceremony in our village. Yoya’s response that they will finish their ‘sagali’ today can be interpreted as either a criticism of Mokeimwena’s contribution or as just another innuendo, pointing out that the Koma people are simply careless with respect to properly arranging for such ceremonies. Both readings are possible – and, as pointed out above, this ambiguity is one of the characteristic features of the ‘biga sopa’ variety. Soseula mentions again that the weather

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conditions were responsible for severe tensions between the Koma people and their guests, tensions that almost led to a fight. Keyeba does not take up the possibility to elaborate on this topic again but tries to close this part of the conversation by stating that they definitely will not go to Koma to attend the end of the ‘sagali’ ceremony. They have to do their ‘work’, i. e., fishing and having a party at the beach, as decided some minutes ago (see e. g. utterance 99 above). But Mokeimwena draws their attention to the fact that there will be much food available for guests and visitors – he relatively elegantly does this by just referring to the sounds the women make scraping the yams tubers before they cook them. However, he also points out that there will be very many people in Koma. Now Yoya and Yabilosi argue that even the old men will prepare food – this implies, that the Koma men will cook ‘mona’, a delicious and very sweet pudding made of pounded yams and taro pieces – and that they will have many betelnuts ready for distribution. But although all this sounds very tempting, Yoya emphasizes once more that they already participated in the mourning ritual and that they actually have no pretext to go to Koma again (utterance 252). Nevertheless, the men continue to discuss this topic – until Mokeimwena finds one decisive fault with the ‘sagali’: the people of Koma also have no mustard to chew with the betelnuts (utterance 262): Yoya: Mweya Tovapa e-veye-si mani e-katuloka e mustard Tovapa 3.-bring-Pl money 3.-sold.out and The mustard at Tovapa(’s place) they brought the money (but) it is sold out and bi-la’u-si Tuma. 3.-Fut-take-Pl Tuma.Island they will take it on Tuma. Sose’ula: Ku-vagi-si amakawa-la ta-gisinoku-si buva. 2.-make-Pl what.is.going.to.do.-his 1.incl-ask.for.much-Pl betelnuts You make what he is going to do – we always ask for very many betelnuts. 265 Keyeba: Mweya-ga beya Dauya lova, taga u’ula Mustard-Emph there Dauya yesterday but reason Mustard (was) there at Dauya’s (shop) yesterday but because

sena very

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

twenti toea ke-tala, la-le’i mani one twenty Toea CP.wooden-one 1.Past-throw money one one stick is twenty toea I threw the money (to him) one Kina

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lova, taga bogwa la-meya bututala wala i-vokuva. yesterday but already 1.Past-bring fast only 3.-finish yesterday, but although I brought it fast it was already sold out. Mokeimwena: Tauwau ma-ya-na kaseti gala ya-kukupi kaseti-la. men Dem-CP.flexible-Dem cassette not CP.flexible-short Cassette-Emph Men, this cassette is not a short cassette. Mokeimwena’s remark that the Koma people do not have mustard any more is taken up by Yoya who reports that they actually tried to buy some mustard from Tovapa, one of the villagers of Tauwema, but even Tovapa had no more mustard; he went together with his father to Tuma Island to collect new provisions there. Keyeba also reports that he wanted to buy mustard at Dauya’s canteen yesterday, and although Dauya asked 20 toea for one piece of mustard it was already sold out. Mokeimwena now gets somewhat impatient with the situation of being videotaped on my veranda – and he comments on this in a nicely indirect manner noting that the cassette in the camera is definitely not a short one. But Sose’ula distributes betelnuts again, and the conversation continues: Sose’ula: Buva ku-yosi. betelnut 2.-catch Catch the betelnut. Keyeba: Buva lova la-lakusayu sa-tala, betelnut yesterday 1.Past-climb.and.fetch CP.nut.bunch-one Betelnuts, yesterday I climbed and fetched a bundle, in a day

yam day

wa(la) a-vinaku, ka-kaui only 1.-finish Dual.excl.-chew only I finished (them), you two chew. Yabilosi: Meya-ga silovala la-gimwali one Kina. mustard-Emph day.before.yesterday 1.Past-buy one Kina Mustard indeed the day before yesterday I bought (some for) one Kina.

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270 Moagava: Ambeya ku-gimwali? where 2.-buy Where did you buy it? Yabilosi: Beya Dovana gala ke-kekita. there Dovana not CP.wooden-small There (from) Dovana (it was) not (a) small (piece). Moagava: O beya m-to-na. oh there Dem-CP.male-Dem Oh there from this man. Mokeimwena: O ma-na-kwa tuta o-ku-sake-gu oh Dem-Dem-CP.general time binding.vowel-2-give-me a-ta-kau(i). binding.vowel-Dual.incl-chew Oh this time you give it to me here we two chew (betelnut). Yabilosi: La-meya gala buve-la a-vigeli 1.Past-bring not betelnut-Emph 1.-give.away I did not bring betelnuts, indeed, I just gave it away a-katamwesi i-tutu wala 1.-have.nothing 3.-hammer only I have nothing (any more) I am excited.

beya here

wa(la) only

vovo-gu. body-my

275 Keyeba: Iga(u) sadada ba-va Losuia a-kamweya. later Saturday 1.Fut-go.to Losuia 1.-look.for.mustard Later on Saturday I will go to Losuia and look for mustard. With Sose’ula’s offer of betelnuts the men are back at one of their favourite topics: betelnut chewing. Keyeba boasts with his addiction to these nuts, re-

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porting that yesterday he chewed a whole bundle of them. Yabilosi takes up the issue of mustard and tells his friends that two days ago he bought a piece of mustard for one Kina from Dovana – one of chief Motaesa’s sons. When Mokeimwena asks him for a betelnut Yabilosi has to deny this request because he already gave all his betelnuts away; he feels nervous and excited because of this. Keyeba comes back to the problem that there is no more mustard on Kaile’una Island and announces that he will go by dinghy to Losuia tomorrow and look for some mustard there on Kiriwina Island. Mokeimwenu now changes the topic of the conversation again and inquires about rice that is cooked and distributed at the playground for the people who restructure the pre-school building there: Mokeimwena: Ke yakidasi a-da-raisi-si well 1.incl.Pl.us binding.vowel-2.incl.our-rice-Pl Well, as to us, our rice is there, (or not)?

e-sisu? 3.-be

Yabilosi: Ga(la), bogwa e-sulu-si, vivila wala si laisi no already 3.-cook-Pl girl only their rice No, already they cooked it, only the rice for the girls is there, kegi kapwa-yu only CP.packet-two just two packets only.

e-sisu, 3.-be

wala. only

Mokeimwena: O desi! Oh, enough! Yabilosi: Yakidasi tauwau, ke-tala raisi m-to-si-na-ga 1.incl.Pl.we men CP.wooden-one rice Dem-CP.male-Pl.Dem-Emph As to us men – one sack of rice these men o valu e-sisu-si i-koma-si. Loc village 3.-be-Pl 3.-eat-Pl in the village they are there they eat it.

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280 Mokeimwena: La-katupoi. 1.Past-ask I asked. Moagava: Taidyeli deli silaya Taidyeli with his.relatives Taidyeli with his relatives. Yabilosi: Yakamesi laka-lo-si va numa 1.excl.Pl.we 1.excl.Past-go-Pl Dir reef.coast We we went down the reef coast already laka-lo-si gala 1.excl.Past-go-Pl not we went we did not eat.

bogwa already

ka-kam-si 1.excl.-eat-Pl

Mokeimwena: Kaigi beya ave yam e-paisa’ u-si raisi? only here what day 3.-work-Pl rice Only here at what day did they work for the rice? Yabilosi: Silovala. day.before.yesterday The day before yesterday. 285 Yoya: E silovala makala ka-kam-si ke-tala yes day.before.yesterday like 1.excl-eat-Pl CP.wooden-one Yes the day before yesterday like that we ate one packet (of rice) keta-la-ga e-kanamwa pela to-supani yokwami CP.wooden-one-Emph 3.-lay.aside for CP.human-missing 2.Pl.you and one packet was laid aside for missing people like you

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e-kanukwenu gola i-dudubila. 3.-lie.down only 3.-dark it lay there only till it got dark. Mokeimwena: Bogwa-la, kena e-kanobusi-si sidayasi ok-Emph perhaps 3.-return-Pl 1.Pl.incl.our.relatives Ok, ok, perhaps they came back our relatives e-livali-si i-koma-si 3.-say-Pl 3.-eat-Pl they say they ate it. It turns out that Mokeimwena’s question with respect to the rice cooked for people who help to reconstruct the pre-school building at the playground cannot be answered properly. Nobody knows whether there is still some rice left for them if they decide to help their fellow villagers with the construction of the relatively big house. But Yabilosi draws his friends’ attention away from this issue to the shrub of banana that he suddenly has spotted inside of my house: Yabilosi: ina-ga ke-ta(la) mother-Emph CP.wooden-one Mother this shrub of banana!

usi banana

ma-ke-na Dem.CP.wooden-Dem

Moagava: Mokeilobu. Mokeilobu. Yabilosi: Ke Mokeilobu e-tai, la wantoki. oh Mokeilobu 3.-cut his wantok Oh Mokeilobu cut it, his relative (Tok Pisin: ‘wantok’ = ‘relative’). 290 Moagava: La wantok ala his relative his His relative’s banana.

banana. banana

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Yabilosi: Yokwa ina-(gu) kakata mata-m ku-gise-masi. you mother-(my) sharp eye-your 2.-see-1.Plexcl.us Mother what sharp eyes you have, you see us (everywhere). Moagava reacts to Yabilosi’s astonished exclamation with simply mentioning my old friend Mokeilobu’s name. Obviously he has anticipated the question who gave me this shrub of bananas and simply gives the adequate, though quite elliptic, answer. Yabilosi comments on this piece of information and his and Moagava’s characterisation of Mokeilobu as one of my (close) relatives – using the Tok Pisin loan word ‘wantok’ – indicates that they are not surprised about this. With Yabilosi’s comment that Moagava just sees everything that is happening in the village the documentation of the men’s gossiping on my veranda comes to an end.7 In these 25 minutes or so the six men talked about betelnuts and mustard (15 times), their plans for the day (11 times) – work at the playground (4 times); fishing (4 times), party at the beach (3 times), smoking cigarettes and tobacco (10 times), gardening and food (10 times), my work (6 times), the mourning ritual in Koma (4 times), magic (3 times), fishing (twice) building Topiesi’s new house (twice), trees (once), fighting with neighbours (once), and ‘kosi’ spirits (once). We documented a rather severe switch from the ‘biga sopa’ to the ‘biga gaga’ variety – which was relatively quickly ‘repaired’ (see utterances 234 ff), we observed a lot of ridiculing (me and others), nagging and joking, much talking about others – especially about the inhabitants of the two neighbouring villages Koma and Kaduwaga – behind their backs, and one (for the Trobriand Islanders so typical) sexual innuendo (see utterance 94). All in all the men behaved rather naturally and produced very interesting data, despite the fact that they quite often topicalized my work during their conversation. Thus, these data very nicely and exemplarily illustrate the ‘kasilam’ genre – the gossiping – that co-constitutes the ‘biga sopa’ variety of Kilivila. 9.2.5

‘Wosi’ – ‘Songs’

The next genre that co-constitutes the ‘biga sopa’ variety are songs. The expression ‘wosi’ refers to the genre in general. However, there are many different songs sung at different occasions – and specific metalinguistic labels refer to these various subgenres of the ‘wosi’. As we have seen in sections 4.2 and 6.2 there are two songs that constitute or co-constitute a specific situational in7

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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tentional variety, namely the ‘wosi milamala’ and the ‘wosi tapwaroro’. These two types of ‘wosi’ have to be regarded as genres of their own right. Despite the fact that these songs are sung – in specific situations and at specific times – they have nothing else in common with the ‘wosi’ discussed here. The Trobriand Islanders differentiate the following songs that co-constitute the ‘biga sopa’ variety: the ‘wosi gugwadi’ or ‘wosi gita’, the ‘wosi tauwau topaisewa’, the ‘vilowosi’, the ‘wosi gilikiti’ and the ‘wosi kapoka’. In what follows these various songs will be briefly described and illustrated with typical examples. 9.2.5.1

‘Wosi gugwadi / wosi gita’ – Songs of the children /songs (accompanied by) guitars’

The most popular ‘wosi’ co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ variety are the ‘wosi gugwadi’ – ‘the songs of the children’, which are also called ‘wosi gita’ –‘songs (accompanied by) guitars’. All these songs and their lyrics are composed by young men in the villages and sung and accompanied by the villages’ guitar groups (without any drums!) in the evenings at the village centers. Sooner or later they attract unmarried adolescent men and women (– the ‘gugwadi’ –) who dance after their rhythms. Some of these ‘wosi gita’ are published as MCs or CDs, for example the songs of Tokwebasi (1995) published under the title “Tokwebasi” or the music of the “Komwa komwa” string band published 1996 by Christopher Roberts under the title “Betel Nuts” (see Senft 2001b). Most of these songs are absolutely schmaltzy and sentimental love songs, like the following one composed by the guitar players of Kavataria village (see Senft 1999b: 25): Lubaigu, lubaigu, bigatona bwekwanela, ilagoki kwaitala: migim gala agisi.

My friend, my friend, (the) speech (was) lovely, but (there is) only one thing: your face – I do not see (it any more).

Igaisi vili, igisi vilaigu. Adoku yegu, pela yoki lubaigu.

She sees (the) place, she sees me, indeed. I think (of) you, because you are my friend.

Akaulo buki, aulaim, kekobuda. Adoki – mokwita – okusividulaigu.

I take the book, I open it, the photo of us. I think – really – you are staying with me.

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Amokaya gala, okwa, amokaya sopaokwa. Mavilamla goki, bwena, bauvalamu.

I see nothing, (it is) empty, I see (the) illusion is gone. I cried only, good, I will keep on crying.

A, ga makwewela. Vi, goki dosilagi: Lubaigu, dataloi, kayoni, kayoni!

Ah, nothing (more of) those things. Girl, only our hearing (= girl, we only hear): My friend, one (has to) say goodbye, farewell, farewell!

Some of the composers of the lyrics for these songs take real events and then adapt them for their artistic purposes. Thus, Toyogima from Tauwema village composed the following song in 1992 after he heard about an operation I had in 1990: Alotau ospita lasisu makawala yegu tokumalava. Em elo ke’i saina kapisugu lagaila, kapisi, kapisigu yaigula makawala yegu Tokumalava. Em elo ke’i saina kapisigu lagaila. Akau kagu – mwada bakam kagu, wala kala gigisa… Iyovilamwaigau o kabagu lagaila.

In the Alotau Hospital I stayed as if I were an orphan without relatives. Oh well ah I feel very sorry for myself today sorry, I feel sorry for myself today as if I were an orphan without relatives. Oh well ah I feel very sorry for myself today I take my food – if only I will eat my food, only its sight… My tears on my bed today.

Mwabwena inagu tatogu – vavagi kumwedona – abubani agu yobweli, kumwedona sena bwena. Alotau ospita lasisu, gala availa deli yaigu biyamataigu o kabagu lagaila.

O good my mother I myself – the things all – I will find my love, all of it (will get) very well. In the Alotau hospital I stayed, not anyone is with me who will watch me on my bed today.

Sunday kweya’ila – bwadagu kumeya – agu seti bitane’i Vivila ambaisa bitabani?

Sunday afternoon – my brother you come – my shirt I will find. Girls where will we find you?

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9.2.5.2

231

‘Wosi tauwau topaisewa’ – ‘Songs about workers’

The ‘wosi tauwau topaisewa’ constitute another subgenre of the ‘wosi’. These songs deal with the situation of Trobrianders who left their islands to work in cities like Alotau, Madang, Lae and Port Moresby, the capital of PNG, on the main island of New Guinea (Senft 2004a). The following song (which I present in morpheme-interlinear transcription again) illustrates such a wosi tauwau topaisewa. It was composed by a man called Emsi. He lived in Losuia on Kiriwina Island, then went to Port Moresby, worked in the Highlands of PNG as a miner and later settled down in Alotau, the capital of Milne Bay Province, as a medical doctor. The song consists of one long stanza which is usually repeated by the stringband of Tauwema when it performs this song. A-kowana odaba(la) koya, 1.-look.up on.top.of mountain I look up at the top of the mountain, a-kululu a-gisi kibwaula ula 1.-look.down 1.-see vaguely my I look down I see my village vaguely. Nano-gu i-omwau mind-my 3.-heavy My mind it is sad oh.

valu. village

oyoi. oh

Ka-pisi-si se-daya-si 1.excl-feel.sorry-Pl friend-our-Pl We feel sorry for our friends oh oh,

oi oh

oi, oh

ka-pisi-si se-daya-si o 1.excl-feel.sorry-Pl friend-our-Pl Locative we feel sorry for our friends at the other side. Volola ta-mayai-si – long.ago 1.incl-bring-Pl Too long ago we brought (them something) – migi-si i-tamwau. face-their 3.-get.lost their faces he loses them.

pilatala. other.side

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Ginigini sena bwema – writing very good Writing is very good – kala bwoina da-valu-si – very good our-village-Pl very good is our village – i-la-goki o mapula i-omwau sainela. 3.-go-only Locative payment 3.-heavy very he only went there for money – he feels sad so very much. As mentioned above, this text expresses the feelings of the Trobriander who left his island. Living in the Highlands he imagines he can see his home vaguely in the haze. He is sad that he has not seen his friends and relatives for a long time and that he could not bring or send them any gifts. He has difficulties remembering their faces – all he can do is write letters to them. In the last two lines he points out that he had to leave his nice village only for the sake of money. It is interesting to note how the composer of the lyrics changes the narrator’s involvement in the text from 1st person singular to 1st person plural exclusive – a politeness device – and finally to the impersonal 3rd person singular in which he comments in a highly detached way on his very own situation. 9.2.5.3

‘Vilowosi’ – ‘Songs of the village’

Another subgenre of the songs sung on the Trobriand Islands is the ‘vilowosi’ – ‘the village song, the song(s) of the village’ – like the following ‘vilowosi’ from Kaibola on Kiriwina Island (see Senft 1999b: 23): Taikurasi Mina Kaibola, mina Kaibola, utusa miwega talibita okobununa Taikurasi. Taga baivora, taga baivora mitaga baivora Ekatuvisi – Rabau, la kabokota sitima. Kalikeda beya, bekeni beya

Taikurasi People from Kaibola, people from Kaibola, rise your (steering) paddles, we two are fondling the front of Taikurasi. But I will paddle, but I will paddle but no, I will paddle, indeed. It comes in sight at the horizon – (in the direction of) Rabaul, the anchoring place of the steamer. (The) reef-channel (is) here, (the) marking-posts (are) here,

Genres constituting the ‘biga sopa’

mamala besa, talia besa tirigogwau, tirigogwau, taga baivola

233

low tide here, high tide here, spring tide, spring tide, but I will paddle

‘Taikurasi’ is the name of both a canoe and a man from Kaibola, and ‘Rabaul’ is the name of a city on New Britain Island. The dance that goes with this song and the movements of the dancers make the sexual innuendos in the text (that go with the ‘paddles’, the fondling, ‘the anchoring place’, the ‘reef channel’, the ‘marking posts’ and the ‘low, high and spring tide’) rather explicit.8 9.2.5.4

‘Wosi gilikiti’ – ‘Cricket songs’

Another subtype of the ‘wosi’ genre are the ‘wosi gilikiti’ – the ‘cricket songs’. I have never seen a game of Trobriand cricket (see Leach 1976; 1979), but in 1993 I managed to document the ‘wosi gilikiti’ of the ‘Tomorokata’ cricket team from the villages Kaibola and Nuwebila on Kiriwina Island. The ‘wosi gilikiti’ accompany the rather wild stepping and row dances with some occasional jumps and side-turns which the cricket team ‘Tomorokata’ dances when in the Trobriand version of cricket the ball hits the wicket and the batsman is out. The song can be compared to the cheers of football fans (though in this case it is the players themselves who produce the cheers). The song praises the quality of the team and derides the opponents. It claims that the chances to win against this team are comparable to the chances of a sea-eagle (‘munuveaka’) to catch the small swift lung-fish (‘pwadokwau’) and that the players of this swift and smart team have the power to even `shoot´ teams that may regard themselves as being the `eagles´ of cricket. The verses run as follows (see Senft 1999b: 25 f.): Ulu mwasawa Tomorokata: Tuada Moki kwarewagegu. Bavabusi Dukubava. Batodeli o kwadeva. Edoyesa wagela Katusodia. Ulu mwasawa Tomorokata, bamwasawa Tomorokata.

Our game Tomorokata: Our older brother Moki, tell me what to do. I will walk down to the beach Dukubava. I will walk in line at the beach. They sail the canoe Katusodia. Our game Tomorokata, I will play Tomorokata.

Tuada Moki, ulo mwasawa Tomorokata –

Our older brother Moki, our game Tomorokata -

8

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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hi hi hi hi. Bamwasawa Tomorokata.

hi hi hi hi. I will play Tomorokata.

Bila: kabuito’ula. Remanegu, mwanamanegu lepayapaya o wikiti. Ulo mwasawa Tomorokata.

It will go (like this): one starts. My love, my desire (is that) it resounds at the wicket. My game Tomorokata.

Yauvada, kwamwanegu, bamwasawa Tomorokata, repayapaya o wikiti.

Father in law, you make me feel happy, I will play Tomorokata, it resounds at the wicket.

Tombweligu Tomorokata – su su su – repayapaya o wikiti.

My beloved Tomorokata su su su – it resounds at the wicket.

Isabwena – repiso, ketotosi bomatu, kepipisi kepiso

Very good – it flashes, the torch in the north, it keeps on flashing.

Ave mauna yokwa? Yegu munuveaka. Revegu va lusa, Kavabwela, Bakoyoba; bakoyoba; bakoyobe; bakoyo.

What animal are you? I am a white sea-eagle. He shoot me with the gun, (he) Kavabwela, I will slowly decline to the ground, dying; I will slowly decline to the ground, dying; I will slowly decline to the ground, dying; I will slowly decline to the ground, dying.

Isakoyogwe, isakeyogu; isakweyobe; isakweyoba; isakweyoba.

It comes down, it comes down to me; it will slowly decline to the ground, dying; it will slowly decline to the ground, dying; it will slowly decline to the ground, dying.

Kara mbeya: kau be mitikorona. Basukweuya; basukweuya; basukweuya.

Like (this it is) here: (all have) blind red eyes. I will stagger around; I will stagger around; I will stagger around.

Uhu uhu – kavala pwadokwau hi hi hi.

Uhu uhu – the speech of a Pwadokwau hi hi hi.

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Aha ha e hu – agu salau, agu salau, agu salau, agu salau.

Aha ha e hu – my smart busy work, my smart busy work, my smart busy work, my smart busy work.

Bamwasawa Tomorokata; bamwasawa Tomorokata.

I will play Tomorokata; I will play Tomorokata.

‘Dukubava’ is the name of a beach close to Kaibola, the ‘torch in the north’ refers to a fire signal for ships close to Kaibola, ‘Kavabwela’ is the name of a former famous member of the cricket team, and the ‘blind red eyes’ refer to the fact that the opponents are sick with conjunctivitis – like small children on the Trobriands.9 9.2.5.5

‘Wosi kapoka’ – ‘Songs sung during the launching of a new canoe’

The last subtype of the ‘wosi’ genre are the ‘wosi kapoka’. These songs are sung by Trobriand men during the launching of a new canoe. The whole village celebrates a highly ritualized ceremony when the owner of a new canoe, the ‘toliwaga’ displays his new canoe to his friends, relatives and all his fellowvillagers. Malinowski (1922: 146 ff) has described this ceremony – to which he refers with the technical term ‘tasasoria’ – in detail. However, he does not mention that the men sing these songs when they return with the canoe after its trial run to their village. In what follows I present two of the ‘wosi kapoka’ which I documented in 1983 working together with Toybokwatauya, who sang these songs for me: O diyo diyo manuvayoyo – yi yi yi yi yi! O diyo diyo manuvayoyo – sine’ugu, sinene’ugu – sinekata kategu – sine’ugu ugu – sinekata kategu! Nua dobodobo, nua panipani, nua bauba’u! Iyo am bisila Bwegima ka! Kuyosi bunukwa, kweli beku! 9

In the water at Diyo point Diyo point they shiver – yi yi yi yi yi! In the water at Diyo point Diyo point they shiver – my bowels, my bowels – the frantical beating of my heart – my bowels bowels – the frantical beating of my heart! People trying hard, people going mad, people being crazy! Hey your pandanus-streamer Bwegima look! Catch a pig, Dig up a ceremonial stone axe blade!

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Ukuyokuyo inena kuyo yi yi yi yi yi! Ukuyokuyo inena kuyo. Tasinegu, tatogu – nayosa, naliki, nagabu, nakom! Iyo am bisila Yaurabina ka! Kuyosi bunukwa, kweli beku! Hosaiya! Bitokesi nunumwaya biyovaisi!

Shouting girls shouting yi yi yi yi yi! Shouting girls shouting. My bowels, my self – the girls’ holding, cutting, cooking, eating! Hey your pandanus-streamer Yaurabina look! Catch a pig, dig up a ceremonial stone axe blade! Fighting! They will stand there the old women and they will fight!10

In both these songs we notice the use of archaic Kilivila words (like e. g., ‘inena’ for ‘vivila’) and of loan words (like, e. g., ‘nua’ – I cannot verify from what language this word was borrowed). Both songs topicalize the excitement of the people during this launching ceremony. The names mentioned – Bwegima and Yaurabina – refer to the ‘toliwaga’, the owners of the respective canoes launched. The reference to the pandanus-streamer indicates that the vessels sail smoothly and swiftly. I have no idea why the verses mention a pig and a ‘beku’ stone axe blade – however, both objects are signs of wealth – and the lines may express a wish for good luck with the canoe. The last three lines of the second song describe the mock fight the crew and the ship-owner will have with the old women when they return to their village and try to pull the canoe out of the water up to the beach and to its shed (see Malinowski 1922: 146 ff). I would like to point out here that the ‘wosi kapoka’ – like the ‘wosi gilikiti’, by the way – constitute a highly situation specific and situation dependent subgenre of the Trobriand Islanders’ ‘wosi’. 9.2.6

‘Butula’ – ‘Personal mocking songs’

A further genre that co-constitutes the ‘biga sopa’ variety are the ‘butula’, the personal mocking songs. That these short songs – or rather recitatives – are special is manifest already in the word formation for the metalinguistic genre label. The expression ‘butula’ is the neutral citation form, consisting of the nominal root ‘butu-‘ and the inalienable possessive pronominal suffix of the 3rd person singular. The ‘butula’ that I present here to illustrate this genre are my personal mocking songs – thus I refer to these songs as ‘butugu’ (note that 10 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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‘-gu’ is the inalienable possessive pronominal suffix of the 1st person singular). To my knowledge there is a ‘butula’ for every Trobriand Islander and for almost all other people that lived or are still living on the Trobriands. These mocking songs are composed by villagers to tease their targets in a (more or less) friendly way. The following ‘butugu’ which were composed in 1982/83 topicalize the fact that I distribute tobacco to the people of Tauwema as a kind of counter-gift for their hospitality (with the intention to provoke more generous gifts, of course) and that I tried very hard to acquire Kilivila: Tuagu Gunter kuruinegu ketala tobaki kusakegu babwayui.

My elder brother Gunter turn round to me one stick of tobacco you give (it to) me I want to smoke.

Gunter, Gunter, tomekita – iusiga tobaki, gala minigada – Gunter tau gaga.

Gunter, Gunter, mean man – he really holds tobacco back, nothing for those who request (some) – Gunter bad man.

Tuada Gunter tokabitam, tolela German, gala anukwali la biga.

Our elder brother Gunter (is) a clever man, he comes from Germany, I do not know his language.

9.2.7

‘Vinavina’ – ‘Ditties’

The ‘vinavina’ – the play accompanying verses, songs and lullabies to which Malinowski (1922: 299) referred as ‘ditties’ – are very typical for the ‘biga sopa’ variety; they are very popular and can be heard every day all over the Trobriands. In what follows I present a selection of the various ‘vinavina’ I have been documenting so far. The Trobriand Islanders differentiate the following subgenres of the ‘vinavina’: ‘ninikula’, ‘sesuya’, ‘magi’uya’ and ‘mweki wosi’ or ‘tapioka wosi’. However, before I document these subgenres of the ‘vinavina’, I first will illustrate these ditties with two examples that are quite prototypical for the genre. Bomesa sang these ‘vinavina’ for me in September 1983: Bonuleta, Bonua’uli – kekeraisi mi talisi talisi, taligogova tole Dubiavana. Rosisi ropuvena! Tome’usi tomakeli: keli! Kelibana usi Kitava!

Bonuleta and Bonua’uli – their legs we open open (them), We shout we man from Dubiavana village. Hurry up and jump! Banana-man, digging man: dig! Dig again banana from Kitava!

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Batalagua Wawela – Minanogu Kalupuveta puveta

Kurereku bwabwabwa! Kurereku bwabwabwa! Egabugi inuagu – ikata mse’u – kaluvagi – vedo.

We will go up to Wawela – My mind is set for your place Kalupuveta puveta. My mind is set I see the sight of your place place. Hurry up – blah blah blah! Hurry up – blah blah blah! It dawns mother – it shines the steam – sunset – it’s over.

Keli keli pwanava! Keli keli pwanava! Pe’ula vim! Pe’ula kwim! Kukoma pwanava!

Dig dig yams! Dig dig yams! Strong is your cunt! Strong is your prick! Eat the yams!

Minanogu kaliyabwau yabwau

I would like to note here that similar verses are also documented for German children (Bornemann: 1973; 1974; Rühmkorf: 1967). However, on the Trobriands some of the ‘vinavina’ are also sung by adults as lullabies for their children, like for example the following one: Yadudubwe, togimona, togima’ina yaruboda yanagitovai – m yanagitovai – m

Bang, bang (clapping hands), fuck, fuck again we can do it again we will do it again – hm we will do it again – hm11

In what follows I will briefly describe and illustrate the specifically labelled subgenres of the ‘vinavina’. 9.2.7.1

‘Vinavina ninikula’ – ‘Ditties that go with string figures’

As already stated above, many of the ‘vinavina’ are chanted while playing. One of the most popular seasonal games people of all ages play on the Trobriands is making string figures (cat’s cradle). In 1983 my wife and I documented 89 string figures – called ‘ninikula’ in Kilivila – together with the ‘vinavina’ that go with many of these individually named figures (Senft, Senft 1986; see also Malinowski 1929: 396–402; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Senft 1986; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Senft, Senft: 1987; Senft, Senft 1993). The ‘ditties’ topicalize mythical inci11 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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dents, animals and plants, the environment in general, events in the life of the Islanders, and individuals and their actions that are either praised or ridiculed. Moreover, the vast majority of them plays with sexual allusions or are simply rather blunt bawdy and obscene jokes, like for example the following one (Senft, Senft 1986: 154–156) which thematizes the verbal breaking of the “supreme taboo of the Trobrianders; the prohibition of any tender dealings between brother and sister” (Malinowski: 1929, 437). This ‘vinavina’ clearly serves the function of a “safety valve custom” (see section 9.1)! Tobabane Tobabane kwakeye lu-m-ta, kwalimati, kusivilaga, kuyomama.

Tobabane, Tobabane you screw your sister, you fuck her to death, you turn around, you feel weak and tired.

The following ‘vinavina’ for the ‘ninikula’ called ‘Dania’ honours a famous midwife (Senft, Senft 1986: 169): Inada Dania kuma kusiki kapo’ugu vanunu tavananunu. Eyake yake yake yake! Eyake yake yake yake! Ekapusi gwadi ala bam.

Mother Dania come sit down behind my back I give birth to my child, We two give birth to my child. Ouch ouch ouch ouch! Ouch ouch ouch ouch! It falls down the child and the afterbirth.12

And the last ‘vinavina’ for the ‘ninikula’ ‘pwananela oluvale’ – ‘the hole in the middle’ or ‘mweta’ – ‘the string’ runs as follows (see Senft 1994b: 66): Kwikwiya som Kebilabala – girigiri yam girigiri bogi. Vakeke sibum sigilidedetutu. Kwatukoimeee, m waga kweokwa. E bwadagu, kuvisuvi yamam pwananela oluvala. Mweta mweta mwetayarayara, silibwe kaikem silibwe yamam – silitutina. 12 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

Kwikwiya with you Kebilabala – it goes day it goes night. Oh their asses their hips move to and fro. You turn over, your canoe it is empty. Yes my brother you put (it) in your hand (in) the hole in the middle. String string string moving to and fro, cut cut your leg cut cut your hand – cut it off.

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Kwikwiya is the name of a girl, and Kebilabala is the name of a man. To make sure that I really got the meaning of this song, my informants told me to read ‘ejaculate’ for ‘to turn over the canoe’, ‘penis’ for ‘string’, and ‘stop sexual intercourse’ for ‘cut it off’. It should be noted here, too, that the cuts mentioned in the last but one line of this song refer to scratches with which lovers on the Trobriands mark each others’ skin. The marks are called ‘kimali’. 9.2.7.2 ‘Vinavina sesuya’ – ‘Ditties children sing playing ring-a-ring-a-roses’ The following ‘vinavina sesuya’ document typical ditties children, especially girls (between 8 and 16 years of age) sing playing ‘ring-a-ring-a-roses’ (sesuya)13. I documented these – sexually quite blunt – ditties in September 1983. The children sing the verses and play the game ring-a-ring-a-roses; they start moving slowly and then gradually increase the speed of their round dance and of the song until the circle breaks. Kena, kena, kena uruaru kwapu – kwesau kwerigiri kara kena inam kara kena tamam, bila – itatau – kedoga.

Lime spatula, spatula, spatula clatter clatter you are licking – you take it out you are smacking licking his spatula like your mother licking your father’s spatula, he will go – he keeps on coming – small crooked stick.

Avela meyubuyobu po’ula osukwava? Bwegabubu! Bwegabubu meyubuyobu po’ula osukwava. Kokoni kutobogwa! Kwatuni numwaya ala kasesa! Yake! Yake! Yake! Ya! Kokoni kutobogwa! Kwatuni numwaya ala kasesa! Yake! Yake! Yake! Ya!

Who usually cradles her egg below? The snake Bwegabubu! Bwegabubu usually cradles her egg below. Rat get ready! Bite off the old woman’s clitoris! Ouch! Ouch! Ouch! Ou! Rat get ready! Bite off the old woman’s clitoris! Ouch! Ouch! Ouch! Ou!

Avela me’ikuiku kadumanonisi? Who is shaking our fruits? Utuyagina! Utuyagina A cyclone! A cyclone me’ikuiku kadumanonisi. is shaking our fruits. 13 See also Malinowski (1929: 239–243). He refers to the ‘ring-a-ring-a-roses’ games with the expression ‘kasaysuya’.

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Ikipatu la kaniku – Ibodoga. She closes her scraper – Ibodoga. Kweta mekanaki, tobulaku – pu! Something stays there, it falls down – pu! Kweta mekanaki, tobulaku – pu! Something stays there, it falls down – pu! Yokwa Pipikuna tovesabu! Yokwa kuvesabugwa simwaya si kukwava. Tau tomigaga – tovesabu! Tau tomigaga – tovesabu! Tau tomigaga – tovesabu! Tau tomigaga – tovesabu! 9.2.7.3

Hey you Pipikuna (you are an) adulterer! You commit adultery with your friends’ wives. Ugly man – adulterer! Ugly man – adulterer! Ugly man – adulterer! Ugly man – adulterer!14

‘Vinavina magiu’ya’ – ‘Ditties chanted spinning the top’

The following two ‘magi’uya’ ditties are chanted by children playing spinning the top (= magi’uya): Giuyo, giyatoitoyo – tovakaveaka tomwayo isisusi va bwemo – togisasi – giuyo!

Peg top, fast spinning peg top – the fat old men they sit on the yamshouse – Peeping Toms – peg top!15

Nunumwaye tomwaye kusisusi va bweme idoketasi popu

Old woman, old man you sit on the yamshouse they fuck shit

The subgenres of the ‘ditties’ presented in the last three subsections accompany games – note that (almost) everything the Trobriand Islanders regard as a game or play as a game can only be ‘sopa’.16 These few examples of these game accompanying ditties should suffice for the purposes pursued here. 9.2.7.4

‘Mweki wosi / tapiokwa wosi’ – ‘Mweki or tapiokwa songs’

Finally, there is another quite specific form of ‘ditties’ on the Trobriands represented by the ‘mweki’ or ‘tapiokwa wosi’. ‘-mweki-’ is a verbal expression 14 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand 15 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand 16 This does not hold for forms of love play – ‘love play’ is another connotation of the Kilivila word that usually refers to ‘fun, play, game’, namely ‘mwasawa’.

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that means ‘to move to and fro, to move up and down’, and ‘tapiokwa’ is the Kilivila name for the rather phallic looking ‘tapioca’ root (= jatopha manihot, manihot utilissima). Despite the fact that the Trobrianders label these ditties with the expression for ‘songs’ – ‘wosi’ they classify them as ‘vinavina’! These ditties are sung by young bachelors bringing in the yams from the gardens to the village center dancing the phallic ‘mweki’-dance and singing ‘ditties’ with rather blunt sexual allusions like, e. g., the following one (see Senft 1999b: 27):17 Adoki ravakaka, bogwa lebanegu, suvi tapioka, mweki mweki mweki. Remamata kuvaligu, mweki mweki mweki, mweki mweki mweki, su su su. Numwaya, tomwaya, ikatusolia o kwakwa’i,

I think I stand on the tip of my toes, already she found me, go inside Tapioka, move to and fro, to and fro, to and fro. It wakes up my hip, move to and fro, to and fro, to and fro, move to and fro, to and fro, to and fro, su su su. Old woman, old man, he is on top of the woman lying down in the direction where the legs point to when they sleep, kavara kaidomesi he says they fuck very fast o la bwala, in the house, kwemorokata, kwemorokata, Kwemorokata-cunt, Kwemorokata-cunt, hi hi hi. hi, hi, hi. Iwai, yagila, bulubwelima It starts, the wind, the South Easterly, baikuiku nupisi beya, I will caress the full beautiful breasts here, nupisi beya, akeya vila. the full beautiful breasts here, I fuck cunts. Iutu beya, akeya vila, It pokes inside, I fuck cunts, nupisivau, iutu beya, akeya vila, new full beautiful breasts, it pokes inside here, I fuck cunts, Ipaisewa, nupisivau, akeya vila. it works, new full beautiful breasts, I fuck cunts. It is quite obvious that ‘tapiokwa’ is a sexual innuendo; mentioning the South Easterly hints at the beginning of the ‘milamala’ harvest festivals. The follow-

17 See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

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ing, much shorter ‘mweki’ or ‘tapiokwa wosi’ was sung by the young men of Tauwema in the 1980’s: Yakamesi kabutumala – layayosa o takekaya Boveyaga. Lekakemasi – Boveyaga! Lekakemasi – Boveyaga! He! He! He! 9.2.8

We bachelors – we hold Boveyaga on our table. She fucked us – Boveyaga! She fucked us – Boveyaga! He! He! He!

‘Sawila’ – ‘Harvest shouts’

The last genre I know that co-constitutes the ‘biga sopa’ variety are the ‘sawili’ harvest screams. Malinowski (1935, vol. I.: 178 f.) documents such a litany of screams that are shouted when the yams are transported from the gardens to the village. In 2003 my consultants gave me the following ‘sawila’: The group leader shouts: Sibwani bwaniyoyo sidagudagurina siyaka keke ko’i iiiii And then all group members respond shouting: Yakekoi ii sibwanu ii yovoi hu yobuwoi ii sibwanoi ii sibwakoi ii, vaseloi vaseloi vayumaloi vayumaloi ii kalugwaso iiyohuuu. These shouts also represent the ‘biga tommwaya’ variety (see chapter 4). Present day speakers of Kilivila no longer know the meaning of these shouts.

Chapter 10 ‘Kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita’ – ‘Either joking speech or true speech’: ‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’, ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speeches’ as well as ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’, and ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’. The Trobriand Islanders cannot unequivocally and unanimously decide whether the following genres belong and co-constitute the ‘biga sopa’ variety on the one hand or rather the ‘biga mokwita’ variety on the other hand: – – – – –

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’, ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’, ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’, ‘kavala’ – ‘personal speeches’, and ‘-kasemwala-’ – ‘propositioning, seducing’.

They classify these genres as “kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita” – “either joking speech or true speech”. This chapter describes and characterizes the first three genres just mentioned that oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety and illustrates them. Moreover, they also differentiate personal speeches which are either held in public or given during personal encounters in more intimate situations in which a family member, a partner or close friends talks about private issues. Out of ethical reasons I did not even think of documenting the latter category of personal speeches. Because of the same reasons I did not attempt to document the seductive art of the Trobriand Islanders, either. Respect for once hosts’ privacy must override issues of exhaustive language documentation.

10.1

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’

When I discussed the genre ‘kukwanebu’ in the subsections 9.2.2 and 9.2.3 above, I pointed out that the term ‘kukwanebu’ encompasses among other things what we call ‘fairy tales’, ‘amusing stories’ and ‘stories about untrue events’, i. e. stories that we would subsume under the label ‘fiction’ (see, e.g, Senft 1992b). I mentioned that the Trobriand Islanders classify some of these ‘kukwanebu’ unequivocally as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ – but not all! With some of the ‘kukwanebu’ the Trobriand Islanders are no longer sure whether they can classify them in such a way. Moreover, the term ‘kukwanebu’

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can also refer (at least these days) to amusing or not so amusing ‘non-fiction’ stories, to stories that report real events or to stories that resemble myths (‘liliu’ – see 8.2.4 above). Thus, this genre oscillates between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety, so to speak – and the Trobriand Islanders themselves are no longer sure how to classify these ‘kukwanebu’ with respect to their genre-constituting function. To differentiate between those ‘kukwanebu’ that are classified as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’ and those ‘kukwanebu’ that oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ register I mentioned that I index the two variants referring to the former with the term ‘kukwanebu(1)’ and to the latter with the term ‘kukwanebu(2)’. Moreover, I gloss the variant ‘kukwanebu(1)’ with the English term ‘tale’ and the variant ‘kukwanebu(2)’ with the English term ‘story’. The first ‘kukwanebu(2)’ presented below shows features that are more typical of the ‘biga mokwita’ variety (because they remind listeners of the ‘liliu’ genre that co-constitutes this variety), but the Trobriand Islanders are hesitant to classify it as co-constituting the ‘biga mokwita’ register because it shows also features that are typical for the ‘biga sopa’ variety. Many ‘kukwanebu’ about real events that we would call ‘genres of non-fiction’ clearly co-constitute the ‘biga mokwita’ variety, but others – like the second ‘kukwanebu(2)’ presented below – do not, because they also reveal features (especially some comical elements) that are more typical of the ‘biga sopa’ variety and again this results in the fact that my consultants cannot unequivocally classify them with respect to their variety membership. In what follows I present two such ‘kukwanebu(2)’ that – according to my consultants – oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety. The first ‘kukwanebu(2)’ was told by my friend Kalavatu on the 12th of June 1996. At that time Kalavatu, who belongs to the Lukwasisiga clan, was 44 years old. I videotaped him while he was sitting on the veranda of his house and telling the story to me, some children and a few adult bystanders. 001 Kwanebu-yeee te-tala tau yaga-la Tovitala, e-sisu-uuu story-Emph CP.male-one man name-his Tovitala 3.-be-Emph Once upon a time (there was) a man named Tovitala, he lived and lived e-valulu la kwava latu-la te-yu, te-yu-wa(la) 3.-give.birth his wife child-her CP.male-two CP.male-two-only (and) his wife gave birth to two children, just two

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tauwau. E magi-si bi-lo-si i-bani-si, men and wish-their 3.Fut-go-Pl 3.-angle-Pl boys. And they wanted to go angling, they go

i-lo-si 3.-go-Pl

i-bani-si e-me-si e-kebiga tama-si: Gala buku-ola-si 3.-angle-Pl 3.-come-Pl 3.-say father-their not 2.Fut-paddle.far-Pl angling and they come (to do so). He said their father: “Do not paddle far away, 005 buku-la-ola-si buku-lo-so-oo. Valu 2.Fut-Redup-paddle.far.out-Pl 2.Fut-paddle.far.out-Pl-Emph village (don’t) paddle far away, (don’t) paddle far away, indeed. The village bi-bodi, vovo-la bi-kwebobuta-wala e 3.Fut-get.out.of.sight body-its 3.Fut-get.round-only yes will get out of sight, its shape should just get round, yes go

bu-kulo-si 2.Fut-go-Pl

sena yena budubadu. E i-simwe-si so-la bwada-la. very fish many and 3.-stay-Pl friend-his brother-his (there are) very many fish”. And they stay (there) this friend and his younger brother. E-yam lilu bogwa e-mwa olakeva i-kobusi-si 3.-day sun already 3.-come.to up 3.-start.paddle-Pl Day breaks, the sun has already come up (and) they start paddling (out), i-vola-si. I-ula-ola-si i-ula-ola-si 3.-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle.far.out-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle.far.out-Pl they paddle (away). They paddle far out, they paddle far out, 010 i-ula-ola-si-ii e-kanta’ila m-to-na to-kekita 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph 3.-turn Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-small they paddle and paddle, he turns round this younger boy i-gisi-ga e-kebiga: So ta-kota beya. 3.-look-Emph 3.-say friend Dual.incl-anchor here he looks around and says: “My friend let’s anchor here”. I-kebiga-ga: Gala! E-livala tama-da: Igau bita-la 3.-say-Emph no 3-say father-our later Dual.incl.Fut-go He said: “No! Our father said: (If) we will go (out further) then

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valu bi-kwebobuta. E avetuta e-sivila village 3.Fut-get.round and when 3.-turn.round the village will get round”. And when he had turned round m-to-na to-veaka i-gisi e-kebiga: Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-big 3.-look 3.-say this older boy looks around and says: “Yes, here”.

E Yes

beya. here

015 Avetuta e-kota-si e-le’i-si yena galayomala. I-bibiya-si when 3.-anchor-Pl 3.-throw.line-Pl fish plenty 3.-pull.in-Pl After having anchored they throw out the fishlines, fish are aplenty. They pull them in i-bibiya-si i-bibiya-si-ii, bogwa e-kaseva waga, 3.-pull.in-Pl 3.-pull.in-Pl-Emph already 3.-be.full canoe they pull them in, they really pull them in, already it is full the canoe, e-ta’ina ma-na-na kwau 3.-stroll Dem-CP.animal-Dem shark It strolls around this shark it chases them.

i-boko’ili. 3.-chase

I-gisi e-mwe-si i-loya-si si lola so-la 3.-see 3.-stay-Pl 3.-pull.up-Pl their anchor friend-his It sees them they stay (there) they pull up their anchor the friend (and) bwada-la i-vola-si. I-ula-ola-si i-ula-ola-si-ii brother-his 3.-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph his younger brother they paddle away. They paddle they paddle and paddle, 020 e e-me-ma-go bogwa-la bi-ka’itau waga, and 3.-Redup-come-Emph already-Emph 3.Fut-bite canoe and it comes closer and closer, indeed already it will bite into their canoe, bi-kau-si yena i-le’i-si i-loki e-kam-kwam. I-vola-si-ga 3.Fut-take-Pl fish 3.-throw-Pl 3.-go.to 3.-Redup-eat 3.-paddle-Pl-Emph they will take the fish they throw (them) out (the shark) goes there and eats (them). They paddle indeed

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e-kebiga: Nani nani bita-talagua sita ada yena 3.-say quick quick Dual.incl.Fut-arrive part our fish (and) he says: “Quick, quick we will arrive (at the village) with some of our fish bata-la. I-yosi-si i-yosi-si-ii bita-lagua-si Dual.incl.Fut-go 3.-catch-Pl 3.-catch-Pl-Emph Dual.incl.Fut-arrive we will go (there)”. They caught (them) they caught them all (and now) they will arrive (at the village) i-vinaku yena. Gala-wala na-ta(la) yena. I-lola-si 3.-finish fish not-only CP.animal-one fish 3.-walk-Pl without fish. (There is) not even one fish (left). They walk 025 i-lo-si o kaukweda e-katupoi tama-si: Tauwau bogwa 3.-go-Pl Loc veranda 3.-ask father-their boys already they go to the veranda (of their house) he asks (them) their father: “Boys, already o-kume-si? binding.vowel-come-Pl you have come back?” (this) boy,

Bogwa laka-ma so-gu tau already Dual.excl.Past-come friend-my boy “Already we have come back, (I with) my friend

taga, laka-bia yena taga, e-ma of.course, Dual.excl.Past-pull fish of.course 3.-come of course, we pulled out fish, of course, (then) came a shark

kwau shark

e-kam-komala-aa e-vinaku laka-nano taga 3.-eat-Redup-Emph 3.-finish Dual.excl.Past-have.nothing of course it devoured everything it finished (the fish) we had nothing (any more), of course, wala laka-ma. E-kebiga: O gala. Nubyeya only Dual.excl.Past 3.say oh no tomorrow we just came (back)”. He said: “Oh, never mind. Tomorrow 030 buku-keva-si buku-keva-si buku-laola-si-laaa 2.Fut-go.back-Pl 2.Fut-go.back-Pl 2.Fut-paddle.far.out-Pl-Emph you will go back you will go back you will paddle and paddle far out indeed

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bi-lituli valu. Valu bi-lituli e 3.Fut-get.out.of.sight village village 3.Fut-get.out.of.sight yes it will get out of sight the village. The village will get out of sight, yes, buku-lo-si yena budubadu buku-biya-si. 2.Fut-go-Pl fish plenty 2.Fut-pull.in-Pl you will go (and) fish aplenty you will pull in. When

Avetuta when

bi-ma kwau, bi-kam-kwam bi-somata e 3.Fut-come shark 3.Fut-eat-Redup 3.Fut-get.tired and it will come the shark it will eat and eat (till) it gets tired and ada-yena-si-ga buku-meye-si e amyaga our-fish-Pl-Emph 2.Fut-bring-Pl and what’s.the.name our fish indeed you will bring it and – what’s the name 035 da-kevala-si ta-sulu-si. E-yam kaukwau our-roasted.fish-Pl 1.incl-cook-Pl 3.-day morning our fish we will roast”. Day breaks, in the early morning

pikekita little

i-kalibusi-si so-la bwada-la i-vola-si. I-ula-ola-si 3.-punt-Pl friend-his brother-his 3.-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl they punt (out this) friend and his little brother they paddle (off). They paddle i-ula-ola-si I-ula-ola-si-ii makala lova 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph like yesterday they paddle they paddle and paddle like (they did) the day before e-kota-si e-kanta’ila bwada-la e-gisi-ga e-kebiga: 3.-arrive-Pl 3.-turn brother-his 3.-look-Emph 3.-say they arrive (at the same place) he turns round and looks around his younger brother and says: Ta-kota beya, e-kebiga. E-kanta’ila tua-la Dual.incl.anchor here 3.-say 3.-turn older.brother-his “We anchor here”, he says. He turns round his older brother, 040 i-gisi-ga e-kebiga: Gala, i-livala tama-da igau 3.-look-Emph 3.say no -3.-say father-our later he looks around and says: “No, our father said till the village

valu village

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bi-lituli ta-ola. I-vola-si i-ula-ola-si 3.Fut-get.out.of.sight Dual.incl.paddle 3.-paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl will get out of sight we paddle”. They paddle, they paddle, i-ula-ola-si-ii e-kanta’ila tua-la i-mweki 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph 3.-turn older.brother 3.-come.straight they paddle and paddle indeed, he turns round the older brother, it is ok, e-lituli valu. E-kebiga: E beya. Avetuta 3.-get.out.of.sight village 3.-say yes here when it is out of sight the village. He says: “Yes, here.” When e-kota-si lova e-ke’ita lagela-ga: sena budubada 3.-anchor-Pl yesterday 3.-return today-Emph very many they anchored (what happened) the day before (happened) this day again: (fish) aplenty 045 e-biya-si. I-yosi-si i-yosi-si i-yosi-si-ii gala ambeya 3.-pull.in-Pl 3.-catch-Pl 3.-catch-Pl 3.-catch-Pl-Emph not where they pull in. They catch (them), they catch (them), they catch all (of them till they do) not (know) where ka-bosili. Waga bogwa e-kaseva. E-ta’ina kwau Dual.excl-sit canoe already 3.-be.full 3.-stroll shark (to) sit. The canoe is already full. It strolls around the shark i-boko’ili. E i-vola-si e-kebiga: Nanakwa bata-la 3.-chase and 3-paddle-Pl 3.-say quick Dual.incl.Fut-go it chases (them). And they paddle (and) he says: “Quick we will go”. E-ula-ola-si e ma-na-na kwau bogwa makala wala. 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl and Dem-CP.animal-Dem shark already like only They paddle and this shark – (it is) just the same. E-sakaula i-savali bi-va mwada bi-ka’itau 3.-be.fast 3.-try 3.Fut-go.to as.if 3.Fut-bite It is fast it tries to go there as if it will bite into the canoe,

waga canoe

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’

050 bi-kadidemi bi-koma m-to-si-na tommota. 3.Fut-destroy 3.-Fut-eat Dem-CP.male-Pl-Dem people destroy it (and) eat these people. They take

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E-kau-si 3.-take-Pl

beya yena i-le’i-si. I-loki e i-kam-kwam. I-vola-si-ga. here fish 3.-throw-Pl 3.-go.to and 3.-eat- Redup 3.-paddle-Pl-Emph these fish and throw (them out). (The shark) goes there and eats (them). They paddle indeed. Beya e-buko’ili e-meya. E-bukoili e-bukoili e-bukoili-ii here 3.-chase 3.-bring 3.-chase 3.-chase 3.-chase-Emph Here it chases (them) it gets (fish). It chases (them), it chases (them), it really chases (them), i-kam-koma beya yena-aa i-vinaku i-talagua-si-ga o valu. 3.-eat-Redup here fish-Emph 3.-finish 3.-arrive-Pl-Emph Loc village it eats there all the fish, it finishes (the fish and) they arrive indeed at the village. Gala na-tarokwa yena. I-komwenagua-si i-meye-si i-ta’i-si not CP.animal-one fish 3.-go.ashore-Pl 3.-bring-Pl 3.-put.down-Pl Not one fish (is left). They go ashore, they bring and put down 055 guguga, e-kebiga-ga tama-si: Tauwau, bogwa goods 3.-say-Emph father-their boys already (their) things, (and) their father says: “Boys, already o-ku-me-si. E. (Ku)-kwalei-si yena? O galawala. Binding.vowel-2.-come-Pl Yes 2.-catch-Pl fish Oh no you have come back?” “Yes”. “Did you catch fish?” “Oh no. Laka-va so-gu tua-gu beya baka-bani Dual.excl.Past-go.to friend-my brother-my here Dual.incl.Fut-angle We went to (this place I with) my friend this older brother (and) there we wanted to angle baka-ke’ita taga o-ku-lukwe-ma laka-la, Dual.excl.Fut-return indeed binding.vowel-2.-tell-us Dual.excl.Past-go we wanted to go back (there) indeed, you told us (and) we went

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laka-va-wa. E-ma kwau e-kam-koma-la Dual.excl.Past-go.to-only 3.-come shark 3.-eat-Redup-Emph and got to (this place). It came the shark it devoured the fish 060 i-vinaku, laka-nanota, gala na-ta(la) 3.-finish Dual.excl.Past-have.nothing not CP.animal-one it finished (them), we had nothing, not one fish (is left)”.

yena fish

yena. fish

E-kebiga: O ka, nubyeya, kaukwau pikekita lekolekwa 3.-say oh well tomorrow morning small cock He says: “Oh well, tomorrow early in the morning (when) the cock bi-gilagela e buku-lo-si, valu bi-kasapu. E buku-lo-si 3.Fut-crow yes 2.Fut-go-Pl village 3.Fut-vanish And 2.Fut-go-Pl will crow, yes, you will go, the village will vanish. And you will go buku-biya-si yena budubadu bi-kam bi-somata e 2.Fut-pull.in fish many 3.Fut-eat 3.Fut-be.tired and and pull in fish aplenty, it will eat (the shark till) it will get tired and buku-meye-si-ga sita ada-yena-si. E-yam, 2.Fut-bring-Pl-Emph bit our-fish-Pl 3.-day you will bring some fish for us”. Day breaks, it crows

i-gilagela 3.-crow

065 lekolekwa i-kobusi-si. E-ula-ola-si-ii bogwa cock 3.-start.paddle-Pl 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph already the cock (and) they start paddling (away). They paddle indeed already sena e-lo-so e-kanta’ila bwada-la e-gisi e-kebiga: very 3.-go-Pl 3.-turn brother-his 3.-look 3.-say they have gone out very far, he turns round his elder brother, he looks around and says: So(gu), ta-kota beya. E-kebiga: Friend-my Dual.incl-anchor here 3.-say “My friend we anchor here”. He says: “No, he said

Gala, no

e-livala 3.-say

tama-da igau valu bi-tamwau. I-ula-ola-sa-la e-kanta’ila father-our later village 3.Fut-vanish 3.-Redup-paddle-Pl-Emph 3.-turn our father till the village will vanish”. They paddle hard he turns round

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tua-la i-gisi valu e-kebiga: E beya. Avetuta e-kota-si brother-his 3.-see village 3.-say yes here when 3.-anchor-Pl his older brother to see the village and says: “Yes, here”. After having anchored 070 e-le’i-si i-bibiyo-si i-bibiyo-si i-bibiyo-si-ii na-vaka-veaka 3.-throw.line 3.-pull.in-Pl 3.-pull.in-Pl 3.-pull.in-Pl-Emph CP.animal-Redup-big they throw out the lines (and) they pull in, they pull in, they really pull in a big kekam. I-yosi-sa-laaa e-vakasau-si waga. E-ta’ina-ga kwau catch.of.fish 3.-catch-Pl-Emph 3.-fill-Pl canoe 3.-stroll-Emph shark catch of fish. They catch and catch and fill up the canoe. It strolls around the shark i-bokoili. I-bokoili e-vola-si e-le’i-si yena beya i-bokoili. 3.-chase 3.-chase 3-paddle-Pl 3.-throw-Pl fish here 3.-chase it chases them. It chases them, they paddle and throw out fish here it chases them. I-yo-si i-yo-si-ii i-kam-koma-go beya yena i-vinaku 3.-catch-Pl 3.-catch-Pl.-Emph 3.-eat-Redup-Emph here fish 3.-finish They caught (them) They caught (them) all (and) there it eats the fish it finishes (them) i-bokoili. I-sakaula i-sakaula i-sakaula ma-na-na 3.-chase 3.-be.fast 3.-be-fast 3.-be.fast Dem-CP.animal-Dem (and) it chases (them). It is fast, it is fast, it is fast this shark,

kwau, shark

075 e-va bi-ka’itau-wa e e-kau-si beya yena 3.-go.to 3.Fut-bite-only and 3.-take here fish it goes to (them as if) it will just bite and they take the fish there i-lupisa’u-si i-kam-kwam i-vola-si-ga. I-vatu 3.-throw.out-Pl 3.-eat-Redup 3.-paddle-Pl-Emph 3.-go.on they throw (them) out (and) it eats (them while) they paddle. It goes on (like this) bogwa bi-vokwa yena beya, e-luki tua-la: O so-gu already 3.Fut-finish fish here 3.-say brother-his Oh friend-my already the fish is finished here, (and) his older brother says: “Oh my friend,

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bogwa bi-vokwa yena bogwa bi-ma bi-kome-da already 3.Fut-finish yena already 3.Fut-come 3.-fut-eat-us soon the fish will be finished and soon (the shark) will come and eat us” E-kebiga: Ka, bi-ma bogwa bi-vokwa yena bi-koma e.-say well 3.Fut-come already 3,.Fut-finish fish 3.Fut-eat He says: “Well it will come soon it will have finished the fish it will have eaten (them), 080 e da-nepa ma-kai-we-na bu(ku)-kwau buku-kapituni yes our-bushknife Dem-CP.rigid-Distal-Dem 2.Fut-take 2.-Fut-cut yes, that bushknife there you will take it and cut keyo-gu, kunu-gu buku-kwatubiyasi bi-bwena. E throat-my head-my 2. Fut-keep 3.Fut-be.good and my throat, my head you will keep and (everything) will be good. And tommote-gu-ga ku-le’i bi-koma kwau, e avetuta body-my-Emph 2.-throw 3.Fut-eat shark and when my body you will throw it out it will eat it the shark, and when buku-ma buku-kwatumigile’u beya, bi-vokwa m-kwe-na 2.Fut-come 2.Fut-clean here 3.Fut-finish Dem-CP.inanimate-Dem you will come (home) you will clean it there, when it will be finished this kununa ku-baku. Buku-baku yam kumwedona buku-kwatumigile’u head 2.-bury 2.Fut-bury day all 2.Fut-clean head you will bury (it). You will bury (it and) every day you will clean 085 pwaneta-gu. I-vola-si. I-kam-koma-go i-vinaku skull-my 3.-paddle-Pl 3.-eat-Redup-Emph 3.-finish my skull”. They paddle. It devoured (everything) it has finished (the fish) ma-na-na-la e-sakaula e-ma. I-bokoili Dem-CP.animal-Dem-Emph 3.-be.fast 3.-come 3.-chase this shark it is fast it comes. It chases (them), it chases (them),

i-bokoili 3.-chase

i-bokoili i-bokoili i-litaki-wala bi-koma, i-kau-si beya 3.-chase 3.-chase 3.-catch-only 3.Fut-eat 3.-take-Pl here it chases (them), it chases (them), it just catches and will eat (them), they take here

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255

yena i-lupisau-si i-vinaku-si waga ke-okwa. I-vola-si Fish 3.-throw.out-Pl 3.-finish-Pl canoe CP.wooden-empty 3.-paddle-Pl the fish and throw (them) out, they finish it, the canoe is empty. They paddle so sola bwada-la e i-kam-koma-go yena i-vinaku friend with brother-his and 3.-eat-Redup-Emph fish 3.-finish the friend with his older brother and it has eaten all the fish it finished (them) 090 ma-na-na-la e-sakaula e-ma. E-sakaulai Dem-CP.animal-Dem-Emph 3.-be.fast 3.-come 3.-be.fast this shark it is fast it comes. It is fast it comes

e-mai 3.-come

e-ma-aa bi-litaki-wala e-kebiga: (Ku)-kwapitun 3.-come-Emph 3.Fut-catch-only 3.-say 2.-cut it comes close it will just catch (them and) he says: “Cut keyo-gu! E-kau nepa bwada-la i-kapituni throat-my 3.-take bushknife younger.brother-his 3.-cut my throat!” He takes the bushknife, the younger brother, and cuts keyo-la tua-la, i-kau kunu-la tua-la throat-his older.brother-his 3.-take head-his older.brother-his his older brother’s throat, he takes his older brother’s head (and) i-seli, tommote-la-ga i-lupi i-le’i i-la i-koma kwau 3.-put.down body-his-Emph 3.-lift 3.-throw 3.-go 3.-eat shark puts it down, his body – he lifts it up, throws it out and the shark goes and eats it. 095 I-koma kwau e i-vola-ga i-la. Makala i-valam 3.-eat shark and 3.-paddle-Emph 3.-go like 3.-cry It eats it the shark and he paddles and gets away. How he cried i-la pela tua-la bogwa e-tamwau. I-ula-ola 3.-go for older.brother-his already 3.-vanished 3.-Redup-paddle on his way for his older brother who has already vanished. He paddles

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i-ula-ola-laaa i-bugi-bogi, i-talaguaga o valu. 3.-Redup-paddle-Emph 3.-Redup-night 3.-arrive Loc village he paddles and paddles indeed, night falls and he arrives at the village. I-kau kaike-la tua-la kunu-la i-komwenagua. 3.-take paddle-his older.brother-his head-his 3.-go.ashore He takes his paddle and his older brother’s head and goes ashore. I-lola i-ma i-taya o kaukweda, i-vavagi-ga 3.-walk 3.-come 3.-put.down Loc veranda 3.-say-Emph He walks he comes he put down his things on the veranda, he says – 100 tama-si va bwala: Mwa, tauwau bogwa father-their Dir house chaps boys already their father – inside the house: “Chaps, boys, already o-kume-si? I-kebiga-ga: Bogwa, taga, laka-va-wa binding.vowel-come-Pl 3.-say-Emph already indeed Dual.excl.go.to-only you have come back?” He answers indeed: “Yes, indeed, we went there sogu tua-gu baka-bani beya baka-ke’ita, taga, with older.brother-my Dual.excl.Fut-angle here Dual.excl.Fut-return indeed I with my older brother, we wanted to angle there we wanted to return (there) indeed, o-ku-lukwe-ma laka-la i-kam-koma yena i-vinaku binding.vowel-2.-tell-us Dual.excl.Past-go 3.-eat-Redup fish 3.-finish (like) you told us, we went (there and the shark) ate the fish he finished (them and) tua-gu bogwa e-koma. E yegu older.brother-my already 3.-eat and I my older brother it already ate him. And I was well

la-bwena 1.Past-be.well

105 la-ma. E-kanobusi tama-si i-ma e-meki: 3.Past-come 3.-come.out father-their 3.-come 3.-come.to I came (back). “He comes out their father he comes he comes to (his son):

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’

Alu-maguta m-kwe-na 3.-self Dem-CP.inanimate-Dem This head itself it was lying (there).

kununa head

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e-kanukwenu. 3.-lie

E-kebiga: E e-lukwe-gu, e-lukwe-gu kunu-la pwaneta-la 3.-say yes 3.-tell-me 3.-tell-me head-his skull-his He says: “Yes, he told me, he told me (that) his head, his skull ba-lau ba-katubiyasi ambeya e-lukwe-gu ba-keli 1.Fut-take.away 1.Fut-beautify where 3.-tell-me 1.Fut-dig I should take it away, I should beautify it (and) where he told me I should dig (a hole) i-vokwa ba-baku, e ala laka yam kumwedona ba-katubiyasi. 3.-finish 1.Fut- bury and his grave day all 1.Fut-adorn it will be finished, I should bury it and his grave every day I should adorn it”. 110 E e-yam o papala si bwala i-ki-keli pwepwaya i-vokwa And 3.-day Loc side their house 3.-Redup-dig ground 3.-finish And day breaks, at the side of their house he digs (a hole into) the ground, it is finished, i-dubwani tua-la. E bi-masisi bi-mamata 3.-covers.with.soil brother-his and 3.Fut-sleep 3.Fut-wake.up he will bury his older brother. And he will sleep he will wake up kaukwau pikekita bi-la i-tane’i, i-tane’i bi-vinaku morning little 3.Fut-go 3.-sweep 3.-sweep 3.Fut-finish early in the morning he will go he sweeps, he sweeps (the grave) it will be finished e bi-ligeva e bi-ma-ga bi-la bi-lilola, and 3.Fut-leave and 3.Fut-come-Emph 3.Fut-go 3.Fut-walk and he will leave and he will come indeed he will go he will walk around, bi-kwaiyai bi-ke’ita bi-ma bi-la bi-katumigile’u 3.Fut-afternoon 3.Fut-return 3.Fut-come 3.Fut-go 3.Fut-clean in the afternoon he will return he will come he will go and clean

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115 tua-la ala laka. I-yosi i-yosi-ii e-yam e-weki brother-his his grave 3.-continue 3.-continue-Emph 3.-day 3.-go his older brother’s grave. He continues and continues (doing this) for a long time, (another) day breaks and it goes e-susina. E-susina i-ma i-gi-gisi e-kebiga: 3.-shoots 3-shoot 3.-come 3.-Redup-see 3.-say it shoots. It shoots he comes he sees (it) he says: “Oh

O oh

tua-gu pwanetala e-susina. E i-tayasa brother-my skull 3.-shoot and 3.-keep.growing brother the skull shoots”. And it keeps growing, already

bogwa already

e-okwa i-katumigile’u-uu bogwa e-vagi sitana 3.-finish 3.-clean-Emph already 3.-make bit it is finished he cleans and cleans it, already it makes something makala ma-ke-na e-kebiga: Avaka like Dem-CP.wooden-Dem 3.-say what like this wooden (thing) he says: “What is this?”

beya? this

120 E-takenau, pela nuya gala e-nukwali. 3.-not.recognize because coconut not 3,-know He did not recognize (it) because coconuts he did not know. I-vatala-aa i-ke-veaka-aa i-uva e-kebiga: 3.-go.on.Emph 3.-get-big-Emph 3.-bear.fruit 3.-say It goes on and on it gets really big it bears fruit (and) he says: O ma-ke-na kai a-doki nuya. Oh Dem-CP.wooden-Dem tree 1.-think coconut “Oh this tree I think (it is a) coconut-palm”. And he sees

E and

i-gisi 3.-see

i-matutila i-debali i-la i-kau e-meya i-simwa 3.-get.ripe 3.-fall.down 3.-go 3.-take 3.-bring 3.-stay it gets ripe it falls down, he goes he takes he brings (it) he stays (there) i-gesi. I-gesi i-vokwa i-mweki mata-la, 3.-peel 3.-peel 3.-finish 3.-look.at eye-its (and) peels it. He peels (it) it is finished, he looks at its eye,

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’

125 vado-la kabulu-la e-kebiga: O tua-gu mouth-its nose-its 3.-say oh brother-my its mouth, its nose and says: “Oh my brother, his head

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kunu-la head-his

m-kwe-na. E i-sipwali, makala i-vagi mata-la Dem-CP.thing-Dem and 3.-open like 3.-do eye-its (is) this thing”. And he opens (it) like (this) he does it (at) its eyes i-vokwa, i-mum sopi-la i-kumkwali e-kebiga: 3.-finish 3.-drink water-its 3.-taste 3.-say it is finished he drinks its milk he tastes (it and) says: O bogwa bwena! I-katuvi i-koma i-komkwani oh already good 3.-breaks 3.-eat 3.-taste “Oh, very good!” He breaks (it) he eats (it) he tastes (it) bogwa bwena, e e-kebiga: O bogwa already good and 3.-say oh already already (it is) good and he says: “Oh, very good!” 130 E ma-ke-na and Dem-CP.wooden-Dem And this coconut – now we

nuya coconut

besatuta now

bwena! good

yakidasi we

ta-nukwali-si kumwedona-wa, e-pila-si vavagi 1.incl-know-Pl all-only 3.-help-Pl things know (it) all, they help (with) all (kinds of) things

kumwedona all

i-vokwa. Bogwa bwebwai bata-koma, matutila 3.-finish already young.coconuts Dual.incl.Fut-eat ripe.coconuts to do and finish (them). Already young coconuts – one eats (them), ripe coconuts – bata-koma, bata-dani kwena bata-lumi Dual.incl.Fut-eat Dual.incl.Fut-squeeze cooking.pot Dual.incl.Fut-drink one eats (them), one squeezes (them into the) cooking pot, one drinks (them in the)

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lubwau bata-sulu mona, bata-sulu laisi, soup Dual.incl.Fut-cook pudding Dual.incl.Fut-cook rice soup, one cooks yams and taro pudding (with them), one cooks rice (with them) 135 nuya vavagi kumwedona, bwena coconut thing all good coconuts (in and for) all things – just good!

wala! only

Bogwa me-sinau. already 3.Habitual-finish Already it is finished (the story).1 I will briefly summarize and annotate this ‘kukwanebu(2)’. The story consists of 12 parts. After the ritualized introductory formula ‘kukwanebuyeee’ (Part 1, line 1) which can freely be glossed as ‘Once upon a time…’ and which is typical for stories and fairy tales (which the Trobriand Islanders unequivocally classify as co-constituting the ‘biga sopa’, by the way) the narrator introduces a man called Tovitala whose wife bore 2 boys. These boys want to go angling, and their father tells them were to go (Part 2, lines 1–7). The next day the boys start their fishing expedition (line 8). They paddle out, the younger brother assumes that they have reached the area of the fishing ground their father pointed out to them (lines 10–11), but the older brother continues paddling till they reach the right spot (lines 12–14). They cast anchor and catch so many fish that their canoe is filled up with them (lines 15–16). Suddenly a shark appears and chases them (line 17). They lift their anchor and start paddling home (lines 18–19), but the shark comes closer, it seems that it will attack them and bite into their canoe – this is something that indeed happens during fishing expeditions (line 20). Therefore the brothers start feeding the shark with fish and at the same time hasten to paddle home (lines 21–23). Having arrived at the shore in front of their house there is no fish left any more – the shark devoured them all (line 24). This is the end of the third part (lines 8–24). The boys go from the beach up to their house, meet their father who is astonished that they have come back already (lines 24–26). They tell him what happened at sea (lines 26–29). The father reassures the boys and advises them to go on just another fishing expedition the following day. Again he indicates how far they should paddle out (lines 29–32) and advices them to just feed the 1

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’

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shark if it attacks again. It will eat so much fish till it will get tired, and then they will still have plenty of fish to get roasted at home (lines 33–35). Here ends the fourth part of the story (lines 24–35). The next morning the boys paddle out again. This second fishing expedition takes the same course as the first expedition (Part 5, lines 35–55). The boys arrive at home and have the same encounter and the same conversation with their father as the one they had the day before (Part 6, lines 55–64). The next morning the boys paddle out again. The third fishing expedition seems to take the same course as the first and the second one (lines 64–76), however, this time the shark seems to be fiercer and even hungrier than the day before, and the boys gradually run out of fish while they are still at sea (line 77). Noticing this the older brother warns his younger brother that the shark will attack and kill them if it does not get any more fish. If no more fish is left the younger brother should take the bushknife, cut off his head, keep it in the boat, but throw his body to the shark. This is the only way for the younger brother to survive. As soon as he will be back home again he should take his older brother’s head, clean it and bury it. Afterwards he should clean the grave every day (lines 77–85). The situation escalates, indeed, the boys have no more fish to feed the shark with – and it approaches their canoe to attack them (lines 90–91). The older brother now orders his younger brother to do as he had told him, and the younger brother cuts off his head and throws his body out to the shark. He manages to escape and paddles home crying for his dead brother (lines 91–98). Night has already fallen when he arrives at the beach in front of their house. He takes his paddle and his brothers head, goes ashore and walks up to the veranda of their house (lines 98–99). Here ends the seventh part of the story. The younger brother tells his father – who is inside the house – what has happened. The father comes out, and sees his eldest son’s head lying on the veranda. His young son now reports what his brother told him to do with his head (Part 8, lines 99–109). The next morning the younger brother does what his brother had told him. After he had buried the head he cleans the grave every day (lines 110–115). After a while a plant is shooting out of the grave. The young boy notices this and keeps on cleaning the site. The plant is growing all the time and the boy notices that it is a tree – however, he asks himself what kind of three this will be (lines 116–119). Here the narrator inserts a comment and remarks that coconuts were then unknown to the people (line 120). This comment can be classified as Part 10 of the story that is inserted into Part 9 of the ‘kukwanebu’. Part 9 continues with the report that the tree gradually grows and finally bears fruit. Now the young boy recognizes it and refers to it as a ‘coconut tree’ (lines 121–122). The

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nuts ripen and one falls down. The boy husks it and looks at the fruit inside. (lines 123–124) He recognizes the face of his dead brother, his eyes, his nose and his mouth (line 125). He opens the nut, drinks its milk and eats its flesh – and with surprise he finds that it is good (lines 126–129). Thus, part 9 of the story consists of the lines 110–119 and 121–129. The story proper has ended, but now the narrator comments on coconuts and points out their important role in the daily life of the people (Part 11, lines 130–135). The narration ends with the ritualized formula with which the narrator announces that the story is finished now (Part 12, line 136). In what follows I briefly summarize the structure of this story once again: lines Part 1 Kwanebuyee – the ritualized introductory formula of a story: (Once upon a time). 1 Part 2 Introduction of Tovitala, his wife and their two boys. The boys want to go angling and their father tells them where to go. 1–7 Part 3 The first fishing expedition. 8–24 Part 4 The boys are back home, their father encourages them to go on a second fishing expedition the next day 24–35 Part 5 The second fishing expedition. 35–55 Part 6 The boys are back home, their father encourages them to go on a second fishing expedition the next day. 55–64 Part 7 The third fishing expedition and the elder brother’s death. 64–99 Part 8 The younger brother tells his father what has happened and what his older brother had told him to do with his head. 99–109 Part 9a The young brother buries the head of his older brother and looks after the grave – a plant sprouts out of the grave. 110–119 Part 10 Narrator’s comment: Coconuts were unknown then. 120 Part 9b The plant grows and bears fruit. The boy realizes that it is a coconut tree. The nuts get ripe, one falls down, the boy husks it, recognizes the face of his brother on the nut, drinks its milk, eats its flesh and notes that it is good. 121–129 Part 11 The narrator’s comment on coconuts. 130–135 Part 12 The ritualized formula announcing the end of the story. 136 If we compare this ‘kukwanebu(2)’ with the ‘liliu’ presented in 8.2.4 above, we notice many similarities. However, when I asked my consultants whether this story should not better be classified as a ‘liliu’ rather than as a ‘kukwanebu(2)’ the majority of them refuted such a reclassification. And indeed there is at least one feature that speaks against such an attempt. The only person named in this story

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is the name of the two protagonists’ father. The boys remain without names, and so does their mother, who is only mentioned once in the second line of the story. Given the fact that the Trobriand Islanders live in a matrilineal society, this is rather weird. The older boy who – like a culture hero – introduces the coconut to his people cannot be referred to the clan he belongs to – his father’s name makes it possible to refer him back to his clan, but his sons belong to their mother’s clan. Be that as it may, I think this story clearly illustrates that some ‘kukwanebu’ oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety of Kilivila. The second ‘kukwanebu(2)’ that I want to present here is about a real event. It has more features that are characteristic of the ‘biga mokwita’ variety, but it also oscillates between this variety and the ‘biga sopa’ variety because it also reveals features (especially some comical elements) that are more typical of this variety. My friend Mokeilobu (see also 9.2.2 and 5.2 above) told this story to me and to Pulia, Topsikauya and Dudauvelu on the 22nd of August 1994 in my house in Tauwema. Te-tala to-dimdim metoya CP.male-one CP.male-white.man from One white man from Rabaul, yes, he came

Rabau, Rabaul

e yes

i-ma 3.-come

e-bani valu Tuma, e tommota bogwa e-sisu-si. 3.-find village Tuma yes people already 3.-be-Pl and found the village (on) Tuma, yes, people already lived there. E igau tommwaya yakamesi mina Kilivila gala e-pwayui-si and then old.men us from Trobriands not 3.-smoke-Pl And at that time the old men, we from the Trobriand Islands, did not smoke Tobaki pela gala avela bi-seki tobaki, me-sinaku tobacco because not who 3.Fut-give tobacco 3.Hab-finish tobacco, because there was nobody who would give us tobacco, it was only 05 tombaiku i-pwayui-si. E, i-ma m-to-na tombaiku-leaves 3.-smoke-Pl Yes 3.-come Dem-CP.male-Dem tombaiku-leaves (which they) smoked. Yes, he came this to-dimdim yaga-la Samsam. Samsam neli CP.male-white.man name-his Samsam Samsam nails white man his name (was) Samsam. Samsam – nails he gave

e-seki 3.-give

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pela bwala, neli pela bwala paisewa, e, taga mina for house nail for house work yes but people.from for the houses, nails for building houses, yes, but the people from Tuma e-doke-si-wa tobaki i-bili-si i-pwayui-si, taga Tuma 3.-think-Pl-only tobacco 3.-roll-Pl 3.-smoke-Pl but Tuma thought of tobacco rolling (it) and smoking (it), but nails,

neli, nails

neli i-bili-si i-pwayui-si. E, i-ke’ita bi-la o la nails 3.-roll-Pl 3.-smoke-Pl Yes 3.-return 3.Fut-go Loc his nails they (had to) roll and smoke. Yes, he returned he would go to his 10 valu Rabau e tuvela bi-keimali neli, bi-ma village Rabaul and again 3.Fut-bring.back nails 3.Fut-come village Rabaul and again he would bring back nails he would come bi-seki bi-pwayui-si, gala e-nukwali-si tobaki. I-valutu 3.Fut-give 3.Fut-smoke-Pl not 3.-know-Pl tobacco 3.-continue he would give (them to the people) and they wanted to smoke, they did not know of tobacco. It continued i-valutu sena yam yam i-ma i-meki-wa e si 3.-continue very day day 3.-come 3.-bring-only and their it continued like this every day every day he came and brought just (that) and their gubulua mina Tuma. Avaka u’ula e-gubului-si anger people.from Tuma what reason 3.-feel.angry-Pl anger (grew in) the people from Tuma. Why? They felt angry (about) m-to-na to-dimdim: Gala ta-nukwali-si avaka pela, Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-white.man not 1.incl-know-Pl what for this white man: “We do not know what he is after 15 kena pela vivila kena pela avaka u’ula!” E igau i-yowa’i-si either for girl or for what reason and later 3.-fight-Pl either he wants the girls or whatever!” And then they fought (with)

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m-to-na to-dimdim. E i-lo-si i-doke-si Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-white.man And 3.-go-Pl 3.-think-Pl this white man. And they went they thought bi-veya-si m-to-na to-dimdim yaga-la Samsam. 3.Fut-beat-Pl Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-white.man name-his Samsam they would beat this white man called Samsam. E m-to-na to-dimdim and Dem-CP.male-Dem CP.male-white.man And this white man already he was clever,

bogwa e-kabitam, already 3.-be.clever

i-kenu otapwala la waga, la waga otapwala 3.-lie.down at.the.side.of his boat his boat at.the.side.of he lay down at the side of his boat, in the boat at the side and 20 ma-ke-na rusa i-seli makawala. E Dem-CP.upright-Dem rifle 3.-put like And this rifle he put (up) like that. And (through) the window –

e and

windoa window

e-doki te-tala tomwota Togumatuma bi-tadoyai. 3.-think CP.male-one man Togumatuma 3.-Fut-peep thought one man (called) Togumatuma – he could peep. I-kipu ma-ke-na rusa e-katumati. E i-valutu. 3.-cocked Dem-CP.upright-Dem rifle 3.-kill and 3.-continue He cocked this rifle (and) he killed (him). It continued (like that). Tommota bogwa e-weya sena to-bobauwa. people already 3.-kill very CP.male-many The people he just killed (them) – many men. And

E and

yegu-la, tabu-gu yaga-la Tomtuwegua e i-karosi, I-Emph grandfather-my name-his Tomtuwegua yes 3.-trick as to me, my grandfather called Tomtuwegua, yes, he played a trick (on him), 25 i-mwa otubulola i-tomwa i-kau veiga 3.-come at.his.back 3.-stays 3.-take paddle he came to his back he stayed (there) he took a paddle

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ma-kaiyu-we-na, bogwa e-kanukwenu Dem-CP.wooden-Dist-Dem already 3.-lie.down that one, already he was lying down this

m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

dimdim, i-vitau makala, i-yosi i-katumati. I-katumati white.man 3.-set.up like 3.-hold 3.-kill 3.-kill white man, he set (it) up like (this) he hold (it and) he killed (him). He killed (him) i-kariga. M-to-we-na la 3.-die Dem-CP.male-Dist-Dem his he died. That one, the son of the white man

boya boy

to-dimdim CP.male-white.man

i-sakaula i-la Losuia i-lipoti beya gabemani. 3.-run 3.-go Losuia 3.-report there government he ran he went to Losuia he reported (what happened) there at the government station. 30 E gabemani e-me-si i-bulile‘u-si tommota and government 3.-come-Pl 3.-chase-Pl people And the policemen came they chased the people from

mina people.from

Tuma. Tommota-la Tauwema i-sisakaula-si o laodila. Tuma. People-Emph Tauwema 3.-run-Pl Loc bush Tuma. The people from Tauwema indeed they ran (and hid) in the bush. E bogwa me-sinau. And already 3.Habitual-finish And already it is finished (the story).2 Before Mokeilobu told the story we had talked about the old rivalry between the people from Tauwema and the people from Kaduwaga. I assume Mokeilobu told this story to illustrate how cowardly the majority of people behave in dangerous situations – when the policemen chased the people from Tuma who had killed Samsam, the otherwise so boastful people from Tauwema hid in the bush because they were afraid that they would be put into jail or otherwise punished together with their relatives who lived on Tuma. As mentioned above 2

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this ‘kukwanebu(2)’ reports an incident that happened many years ago (at the time when Mokeilobu’s grandfather Tomtuwegua (who finally killed Samsam) was obviously a man in his prime). However, the story of the nails the people of Tuma got instead of tobacco (see especially line 9), their lack of understanding with respect to what this white man actually wanted from them together with their jealous fear that he may be after their girls (see lines 14–15), the reference to the habit of peeping – even during a fight – that resulted in the death of the Peeping Tom (lines 21–22), and the final remark that describes how the people of Tauwema fled the policemen and hid in the bush (line 31) are features that make this story extremely comic for Trobriand Islanders – and these parts of the story can be labelled as ‘sopa’. But again, when I asked my consultants whether this ‘kukwanebu’ co-constitutes the ‘biga sopa’ or the ‘biga mokwita’ variety, I could not get an unequivocal classification.3

10.2

‘kavala’ – (public) ‘personal speeches’ and ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’

Besides the ‘kukwanebu’ we find this oscillation between the two situational intentional varieties also in almost all speeches. The Trobrianders differentiate between (public and intimate) personal speeches and admonishing speeches. The metalinguistic expression that refers to personal speeches consists of the nominal root ‘kava-’ and the set of inalienable possessive pronominal suffixes. Thus, ‘kavala’, for example, refers to ‘her/his speech’ (this form is also the citation form for the concept in general). The principle of word formation for this expression indicates that Trobriand Islanders are absolutely aware of the fact that giving a speech implies that they expose themselves – in public as well as in private encounters – and that their speech therefore may have important personal and social consequences. Speeches may easily be categorized by their audience (or their addressee) as ‘biga mokwita’, even if the speakers do not explicitly mark that what they are going to say is meant to be ‘true speech’ (see 4.1.4 above). To avoid possible consequences of using this situational intentional variety speakers try to indicate that their utterances oscillate between the ‘biga mokwita’ and the ‘biga sopa’ variety, especially if they give speeches in public meetings that are clearly labelled as constructive get-togethers of members of the (possibly extended) village community. These meetings are called ‘nanamsa bwena’ – a label which can be glossed as ‘good thinking’ or 3

Note that this ‘kukwanebu’ is not introduced with the ritualized introductory formula but finished with the ritualized formula announcing the end tof the story.

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as ‘good ideas’. This term explicitly indicates that nobody should be afraid of any consequences her or his contributions to these meetings may have. I have documented such public personal speeches during a ‘nanamsa bwena’ meeting elsewhere (see Senft 1987b). The need to have one’s speech oscillating between the ‘biga mokwita’ and the ‘biga sopa’ variety becomes even more substantial if somebody decides to deliver an admonishing speech. These speeches are called ‘luavala’ (see Senft: 1991b). In what follows I will illustrate this genre with a relatively short ‘luavala’ chief Katubai presented on the 3rd of August1983 in Tauwema. The human ethologist Wulf Schiefenhövel visited Tauwema for the third time and invited the villagers of Tauwema and its neighbouring villages Giwa, Koma and Kaduwaga to a slide-show where he projected slides he took on the Trobriand Islands and in the Eipomek valley (in West Papua). This invitation completely disregarded political tensions due to the fact that Tauwema hosted an anthropologist and a linguist who wanted to study the Kilivila language and the Trobriand culture. Tauwema had gained some prestige as our hosting village, and this additional prestige was responsible for some more or less suppressed rivalry and aggressive tension, especially between the villagers of Tauwema and the villagers of Kaduwaga. Katubai, not only the chief of Kaduwaga but also the chief responsible for the islands Kaile’una, Giwa, Kuia, and Simsim, realized that he had to give a ‘luavala’ to avoid any possible outbreaks of open aggression. The then chancellor of Tauwema, Tomalala (see Senft 1987b: 195– 199, 207–211; 1998a: 131–134, 137 fn. 18) briefly announced chief Katubai’s admonishing speech which he presented immediately after Tomalala had prepared the floor for him: Tomalala: Katubai igau bi-bigatona pikekita. Katubai soon 3.Fut-spek small Katubai soon will give a short speech. Katubai: A gugwadi pela tomwaya e-livala da-taubadi-si ah children for old.man 3.-say our-old.man-Pl Ah my children, for the chief he will speak our old man e-livala makala: Beya avaka sula ma-kwe-si-ta 3.-speak like here what mistakes Dem-CP.thing-Pl-Dem he speaks like (this): here whatever kind of misbehaviour

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i-kikamituli bi-sunapula sula onopona. E jegu-laga 3.-reveal 3.Fut-appear mistake inside and I-Emph he reveals (them) it will appear the misbehaviour inside (this group). And I indeed, 05 uli gigisa makala deli makala uli nanamsa: my sight like with like my thought my sight (is) like (this) and like (this is) my thinking: Ma-gida-si avaka bata-gisa-si kena avaka? – Our-wish-Pl what 1.incl.Fut-see-PL either what Our wish what we will see (is) either – what? – (a) map (of)

kekwabula map

da-valu-si kena Papua Niugini. E taga da-nanamse-si-ga our-place-Pl or Papua New Guinea and well our-thought-Pl-Emph our place or (of) Papua New Guinea. And, well, our thoughts indeed iga bi-takemali-si o da-valu-si. Avela magi-la later 3.Fut-take.with-Pl Loc our-village-Pl who wish-his later we will take them with us to our village. Who wants to sula bi-vagi igau asiteyu. E bi-vagi-si si mistake 3.Fut-make later two.of.us and 3.Fut-make-Pl their make a mistake later (it is) the two of us. And they will make their 10 sula pena asiteyu. E beja-ga boda omatana – mistake for two.of.us and here-Emph group in.front mistakes –for (this) it is the two of us. And here indeed the group in front – gala kwe-tala sula! E kidamwa sula not CP.thing-one mistake and if mistake (do) not (make) one mistake! And if (there is) misbehaviour onopona e bogwa o-ku-nukwali-si inside and already binding.vowel-2.-know-Pl within (the group) and already you know what

avaka what

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bata-vagi-si besatuta buku-vagi-si 1.incl.Fut-make now 2.-Fut-make-Pl we will do now (if) you will make sula ma-kwe-na. E iga buku-sake-gu-si mistake Dem-CP.thing-Dem and later 2.Fut-give-me-Pl this mistake. And later you will report it to me 15 m-kwe-na sula. Ba-selimi e ambeya Dem-CP.thing-Dem mistake 1.Fut-put yes where this misbehaviour. I will put (it) yes (to) where the authority (is)

karevaga authority

avetuta buku-sunapula-si Kaile’una onopona. Amkwena when 2.Fut-appear.Pl Kaile’una in.the.middle Whatever when you will appear (there) in the middle of Kaile’una. Whatever mwasava bata-nokeya-si kena kavesa fun 1.incl.Fut-go.and arrive-Pl either competition fun we will go and arrive (at), be it a competition or be it

kena or

kwe-tala kwe-tala mi nepa, avaka (ku)-kwatuyoli-si, CP.thing-one CP.thing-one your bushknife what 2.-take.with-Pl something something (else), your bushknives, whatever you took with you, ku-ligeve-si, e buku-me-si-ga mwasawa onopona 2.Fut-forget-Pl yes 2.Fut-come-Pl-Emph fun in.the.middle you will forget (about it), yes you may come (for the) fun in (this group). 20 bu(ku)-kweita-si o mi valu e 2.Fut-return-Pl Loc your village and You will go back to your village and what your

avaka what

mi your

nanamsa buku-vavagi-si. Me-sinaku nani. Kagutoki! thoughts 2.Fut-make-Pl 3.Habitual-finish quick thank.you thoughts (are about this) you will make (them up there). It is finished quickly. Thank you!

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All: Amatokis We thank you.4 Katubai addresses his audience in a rather paternal – and in this context quite humorous – way (line 2). He indicates that he is aware of possible conflicts – knowing his customers (see also utterances 163–171 in subsection 9.2.4 above). However, he challenges all possible evildoers announcing that they will have to face a confrontation with him (line lines 9 and 10). This challenge reminds his audience of challenges between children, ready for a fight. However, the funny challenge immediately turns into serious matters when Katubai refers to his authority and indicates possible trials that evildoers may have to face in ‘the middle of Kaile’una’, i. e., in Kaduwaga, his village of residence and thus the most important village on Kaile’una island (see lines 15–16). He points out that the getting together is meant to be fun, it is not a competition, and everyone is warned not to get aggressive but to enjoy the fun of the slide show and then go home – his reference to bushknives and whatever kind of other things – i. e. weapons people have taken with them also sounds funny, although it is meant very seriously (see line 18). He marks the end of his speech with the general formula ‘mesinaku’ – ‘it is finished’. However, he also adds the expression ‘nani’, which not only comments on the fact that he only gave a rather short and quick speech, but which also takes up the dialect marker ‘nani’ typical for speakers coming from Kaduwaga. On Kaile’una Island there is a dialect border between the village Kaduwaga on the one hand and the villages Tauwema, Koma, Giwa, Kaisiga and Bulakwa on the other. The relatively marginal dialect differences are a source for many jokes and for teasing each other – and with this particle Katubai kind of takes himself for a ride and thus manages again to combine his admonishing speech with features of the ‘biga sopa’ before he ends his speech thanking his audience for its attention. The well-behaving audience responds appropriately to his speech – and the meeting continued and ended without any incidents.

10.3

‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’

Requesting – ‘-nigada-’ – plays a somewhat different role on the Islands. It is a sign of good behaviour to generously give things like tobacco, cigarettes, betelnuts, lime, coconuts and other food for immediate consumption if some4

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one requests these things. Refuting these requests is socially sanctioned – usually such a person is called ‘tomekita’ – ‘mean man’ or ‘namekita’ – ‘mean woman’. However, requesting these things too frequently is also socially sanctioned – he or she is called ‘tonigada’ or ‘nanigada’ (male/female beggar) respectively. I will briefly illustrate everyday forms of request on the Trobriands using requests for tobacco as an example. It is possible, though rare, to also use a go-between in this situation. The go-between asks the owner of the tobacco: Mtona magila tobaki.

This man wants (some) tobacco.

However, requests are usually much more direct, like, for example: (Magigu) babwayui! Agu tobaki! Ula tobaki! Tobaki! Mesta tobaki (= kumeya sitana tobaki)

(My wish) I want to smoke. My tobacco (which I am going to smoke). My tobacco (which I will pass on to someone else). Tobacco! Give me some tobacco! (= you bring (me) a bit tobacco)

The person requested to give some tobacco either gives without any comments or he or she may say: M tobaki. Kubwayui.

Your tobacco. You smoke.

The gift is usually taken without any comment; sometimes the person who requested the gift may also express her or his thanks with the comments: Agutoki! Sena bwena.

Thanks (my thanks)! Very good.

In interactions like this one the Trobriand Islanders do not care for the otherwise minutely respected and monitored clan differences which are extremely important and characteristic for their socially highly stratified society.5 I just 5

Another genre in which this oscillation between the ‘biga mokwita’ and the ‘biga sopa’ variety can be observed are ‘letters’. The Trobriand Islanders refer to this genre with the loan word ‘leta’. However, as already stated in 2.1.9 above, I will not discuss ‘letters’ as a genre here, because this paper deals with the Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking.

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want to add here that Kilivila has additional expressions to refer to more insisting forms of requesting, like, for example ‘-kalimwamala-’ – ‘to force, to urge’, ‘-kakamalu-’ – ‘to push, to urge’, ‘-kariyeya-’ – ‘to inquire, to query’, and ‘-katukwayaya-’ – ‘to inquire’. However, it goes without saying that these requests can also be denied. The verbal expression ‘-katulaki-’ refers to speech acts that deny requests.

Chapter 11 Concluding remarks: Genres, their functions and their relevance for researching the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction and an attempt to assess the contribution of this study to the ‘ethnography of speaking’ paradigm In the preceding chapters I have tried to first answer the questions how the category ‘genre’ can be defined and what kinds of functions genres fulfill. Then I presented the situational intentional varieties the Trobriand Islanders differentiate and illustrated the genres that according to the speakers of Kilivila constitute these varieties. I also described the functions these genres fulfill in and for verbal interaction in Kilivila. I will briefly summarize once more the emic typology of Kilivila ways of speaking, a typology which is entirely based on indigenous Kilivila metalinguistic terms. First I pointed out that the Trobriand islanders differentiate between the two general situational-intentional varieties ‘biga bwena’ – ‘good speech’ and ‘biga gaga’ – ‘bad speech’ which subsume quite comprehensively all utterances in almost all Kilivila language varieties that on the one hand adequately and on the other hand inadequately match in style and lexicon the respective speech situation in which the interactants with their individual status are involved. The only exception of this general rule is the ‘biga sopa’ with its constitutive genres that per definition cannot be classified as ‘biga gaga’ because the variety allows the verbal breaking of taboos (see Figure 1 at the end of Chapter 2 above); note, however, that the worst Kilivila insults are exempted from this license! All Kilivila insults and swear words are subsumed under the genre label ‘matua’; they are co-constitutive for the ‘biga gaga’ variety. Besides these two general situational-intentional varieties the Trobriand Islanders differentiate 6 specific situational-intentional registers that are constituted by specific genres. The ‘biga baloma / biga tommwaya’ variety, the ‘speech of the spirits of the dead / old peoples’ speech’ is constituted by the genre ‘wosi milamala’, the ‘songs of the harvest festival’ (which are also sung during mourning ceremonies). Thus, this genre and the variety it constitutes is highly situation specific. The same holds for the ‘biga megwa’ variety, the ‘magic speech’ and its constitutive genre ‘megwa’, the ‘magical formulae’, the ‘biga tapwaroro’ variety, the ‘language of the church’ and its two constitutive genres ‘tapwaroro’ – ‘Christian texts’ and ‘wosi tapwaroro’ –‘church songs’, and the ‘biga taloi’ variety, the ‘greeting and parting speech’ with its constitutive genre ‘taloi’, which subsumes all the ‘greeting and parting formulae’.

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These four varieties show specific linguistic or content features that make it easy to differentiate them The ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ variety, the ‘heavy speech / true speech’ is an extremely important register in Kilivila. This variety is used in, and also marks, very specific forms of speech produced during litigations, during the ‘dadodiga’ feast – the festive filling of the yams-houses when the baskets full of yams are put into the yams-houses are counted, during mourning ceremonies – bewailing a deceased person, and when people tell traditional Kilivila myths. Accordingly, the variety is constituted by the genres called – ‘yakala’ – ‘litigations’, – ‘kalava’ – ‘counting baskets full of yams’, – ‘kasolukuva’ – ‘mourning formulae’, and – ‘liliu’ – ‘myths’. In general, the use of this variety implies an important personal and social impact of what is said. If speakers in other situations want to declare that what they are going to say now or what they have said is not ‘sopa’ but ‘biga pe’ula’ or ‘biga mokwita’ they have to explicitly mark this with specific, almost ritualized phrases. Thus, this variety is clearly marked, either because of the situative context, or because of its content, or because of an explicit statement. The ‘biga sopa’ variety, the ‘joking or lying speech, the indirect speech, the speech which is not vouched for’ is just the opposite of the ‘biga pe’ula / biga mokwita’ variety. This variety is absolutely characteristic for Trobriand forms of talk – it constitutes the default register of Trobriand discourse, so to speak. It is based on the fact that Kilivila, like any other natural language, is marked by features that include ‘vagueness’ and ‘ambiguity’. Both these features are used by its speakers as stylistic means to avoid possible distress, confrontation, or too much and – for a Trobriand Islander at least – too aggressive directness of certain speech situations. If hearers signal that they may be insulted by a certain speech act, speakers can always recede from what they have said by labelling it as ‘sopa’, as something they did not really mean to say. Thus ‘sopa’ signals the speakers’ unmarked non-commitment to truth. The variety is constituted by the following genres (and subgenres): – ‘sopa’ – ‘jokes, lies’, – ‘kukwanebu sopa’ – ‘jokes in the form of a story’, – ‘kukwanebu(1)’ – ‘tales’ – ‘kasilam’ – ‘gossip’, – ‘wosi’ – ‘songs’ with the subgenres – ‘wosi gugwadi / wosi gita’ – ‘songs of the children, songs (accompanied by) guitars’,

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– ‘wosi tauwau topaisewa’ – ‘songs about workers’, – ‘vilowosi’ – ‘songs of the village’, – ‘wosi gilikiti’ – ‘cricket songs’, and – ‘wosi kapoka’ – ‘songs sung during the launching of a new canoe’, – ‘butula’ – ‘Personal mocking songs’, – ‘vinavina’ – ‘ditties’ with its subgenres – ‘vinavina ninikula’ – ‘ditties that go with string figures’, – ‘vinavina sesuya’ – ‘ditties children sing playing ring-a-ring-a-roses’, – ‘vinavina magi’uya’ – ‘ditties chanted spinning the top’, and – ‘mweki wosi / tapiokwa wosi’ – ‘mweki or tapiokwa songs’, and – ‘sawila’ – ‘harvest shouts’. Moreover, I mentioned that the Trobriand Islanders differentiate the following genres that oscillate between the ‘biga sopa’ and the ‘biga mokwita’ variety: – – – – –

‘kukwanebu(2)’ – ‘stories’, ‘luavala’ – ‘admonishing speeches’ ‘kavala’ – ‘(intimate and public) personal speeches’ ‘-nigada-’ – ‘requesting’, and ‘-kasemwala-’ – ‘propositioning, seducing’.

With the exception of the genres ‘yakala’ – ‘litigations’, ‘kavala’ – ‘intimate personal speeches’, and ‘-kasemwala-’ – ‘propositioning, seducing’ I have illustrated all the other genres and thus the situational-intentional varieties of Kilivila. Speakers of Kilivila recognize speech genres because of their specific linguistic, and/or contextual features and because of their being embedded in specific situative contexts and they have no difficulties whatsoever in noting when a speaker is shifting from one genre to the other. Whoever wants to speak and understand Kilivila properly must acquire this ability to recognize these genres, to assign them to the situational-intentional variety which they (co)constitute and to understand their pragmatic function in, and for, the Trobriand Islanders’ speech community. To my knowledge the Trobriand Islanders’ typology of situational-intentional varieties and their constitutive genres presented in this book is exhaustive. However, I want to emphasize here that this claim of ‘exhaustiveness’ only refers to varieties and genres that are metalinguistically labelled in Kilivila. As I have noted in the introduction to this book, Malinowski pointed out that the Trobriand Islanders realise the difference between myth and historic account, although they do not mark the difference with specific metalinguistic terms.1 1 See also footnote 3 to the Introduction.

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That is to say, the realised difference between myth and historic account is not articulated in emic categories. During my long-term fieldwork I have also collected a number of descriptions of how to do certain things (like building a canoe, making a sail, burning lime, making a grass-skirt, etc.) and I have documented how mothers talk with their babies (as illustrated in Appendix I below); these ‘ways of speaking’ are not differentiated by specific metalinguistic labels from other forms of talk in Kilivila, either. Thus, I am aware of the fact that my description of the Kilivila ‘ways of speaking’ purely in terms of emic genres is not complete in the strict sense of the term (see also Sherzer 1983:16). I am also aware of the fact that Duranti’s (1988: 220) critical assessment of the ethnography of speaking paradigm applies to my approach as well: A possible criticism of speech-event analysis is that it tends to select strips of interaction that are labeled by a culture, but it may overlook those interactions which are not recognized as units of some sort by the members. It should be mentioned here that, although the presence of a lexical term for a given activity or ‘strip of interaction’ is only one level of local organization of experience – perhaps the most obviously ideological – the lack of a term for any given such ‘strip’ is an interesting clue for fieldworkers.

However, the ‘corpus inscriptionum’ for Kilivila presented here provides such a great variety of ‘ways of speaking’ and kinds of speech that I think I can live with this criticism, especially given the fact that I am aware of the limits of my endeavor. Finally, what is interesting to note in connection with the argument put forward here is the fact that there are no proverbs in Kilivila, that there are no poems, either (despite the fact that some of the songs, especially the ‘wosi milamala’ are highly poetic), and that there are no forms of drama (despite the fact that singing the ‘wosi gilikiti’ during a game of Trobriand cricket is a highly staged event and a kind of dramatic performance). To emphasize it once more: with the situational-intentional varieties and their constitutive genres presented in this book I have provided the Trobriand Islanders’ indigenous emic framework for, and at the same time illustrated, the “corpus inscriptionum Kiriwiniensium” Malinowski asked for (and partly founded himself). He understood this corpus to be the absolutely necessary prerequisite “to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realise his vision of his world” (Malinowski 1922: 24 f). Keeping this conviction of Malinowski’s in mind, I can now try to give a (more specific) answer to the question I raised (and partly tried to answer in a more general way) in the first chapter of this book, namely: What is the relevance of genres for researching the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction?

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When I presented the situational-intentional varieties and their constituting genres I also described the functions these varieties fulfill with respect to the Trobriand Islanders social construction of reality. I have also pointed out that the salient relevance of these situational-intentional varieties and the genres that constitute them is so important for the speech community that it is one of the most important characteristics of the language to be recognized in anthropological linguistic field research. As already pointed out above, whoever wants to learn, speak and describe Kilivila properly has to grasp them, because the understanding of these concepts is compulsory for the adequate use and understanding of this language. I have illustrated elsewhere how difficult this process can be and how the speech community can play with, and ridicule, outsiders that are completely ignorant of these concepts (Senft 1995b). However, I am convinced that this is nothing specific for the Trobriand Islanders. I have also pointed out elsewhere (Senft 1991a: 245; 2001c; see also EiblEibesfeldt, Senft 1987) that all speakers of a natural language must learn and acquire the rules of the verbal and nonverbal communicative behaviour that are valid in, and hold for, heir speech community. In the course of this learning process one of the most important objectives is to understand and to duplicate the construction of the speech community’s common social reality. During this learning process, verbal and nonverbal patterns and modes of behaviour must also be coordinated and harmonized. The thus duplicated social construction of reality must be safeguarded and secured especially with respect to possible ‘sites of fracture’ like, for example, cooperation, conflict, and competition within the community. The safeguarding of the duplicated social construction of reality is warranted by the ritualization and formalization of verbal and nonverbal communication. The ritualization of communication relieves the tension in critical social situations and regulates social differences and dissensions by increasing the harmonizing functions of speech, by the creation and stabilization of social relations, and by the distancing of emotions, impulses and intentions. Thus, ritualization of communication increases the predictability of human behaviour – it creates a common ground. Moreover, it also opens room and space where behaviour can be tried out – playfully – without any fear of possible social sanctions. Therefore, we can define ‘ritual communication’ as a type of strategic action that serves the functions of social bonding and of blocking aggression, and that can ban elements of danger which may affect the community’s social harmony within the verbal domain just by verbalizing these elements of danger and by bringing them up for discussion. However, this does not always work. As Ellen B. Basso (p.c) pointed out, the duplication of the social construction of reality or the social truth of a locution

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does not always accord either with the speaker’s or the listener’s experiencing of that situation or one alluded to in the locution. Then (as I have illustrated with the example of Kilivila gossip) possible aggression that may result out of this failure is usually suppressed because of the general and rather strong societal requirement to ‘be nice’ even when people do not feel that way. Thus, things can be calmed down, voicing can be repressed. However, a society as open as the society of the Trobriand Islanders (and any other one that hardly offers really closed personal spaces for its members to ensure real privacy) depends on the fact that its members have to have a strong feeling of tact: sometimes one has to pretend not to (over)hear, not to note things – and one has to learn that one does not talk about these things (especially at a rather early age) – so there is indeed often an atmosphere that we may refer to as tense. It is only that general requirement of tactful behaviour, the necessity to be nice, and the positive and successful effects of ritual communication that contribute to and create the necessary social harmony within a society like the one of the Trobriand Islanders. My overview of the Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking has shown that the situational-intentional varieties in Kilivila and the genres that constitute them contribute to serving these ‘communitarian’ functions of communication. To emphasize it once more: Whoever wants to research the role of language, culture and cognition in social interaction must know how the researched society constructs its reality. Researchers need to be on ‘common ground’ with the researched communities, and this common ground knowledge is the prerequisite for any successful research on language, culture and cognition manifest in social interaction. To achieve this aim the ‘ethnography of speaking’ or, more generally, the ‘anthropological linguistics’ approach provides a useful framework, because – as Sherzer (1983: 16) pointed out – [l]ike ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology as well as symbolic anthropology the ethnography of speaking is concerned with the community members’ conceptions and representations of their culture and with their formalized frames for communicative action and interpretation.

Such ‘formalized frames’ are constitutive for all forms of communication, for all ways of speaking. And if we understand genres as representing such frames in which “talk is embedded” (Goodwin, Duranti 1992: 8), if we define them as “cognitive schemata which regulate the reference mechanisms of utterances in specific discourse as well as the intersubjective (pre)selection of topics, stylistic devices, and rhetorical standards” (László, Viehoff: 1992, referring to Schmidt: 1991) then the relevance of researching genres in various languages and cultures is obvious: genres contribute to revealing “how reality knowledge

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and sociocultural experience are constructed, perceived, transmitted, and actually performed through the filter of everyday discourse” (Sherzer 1983: 17). The title of this monograph alludes to Joel Sherzer’s (1983) seminal and prototypical contribution to ‘the ethnography of speaking’ paradigm. I have pointed out explicitly in the introduction that the book is rooted in this paradigm which has seen its integration and further advancement in the ‘anthropological linguistics’ / ‘linguistic anthropology’ approach. Therefore I would like to finish this chapter with an attempt to assess the contribution of this study to ‘the ethnography of speaking’ paradigm. However, before I do this I would like to briefly sketch out the characteristic features of the paradigm, its accomplishments, and the criticism it has been facing ever since it was introduced to our field. The ethnography of speaking paradigm goes back to Dell Hymes’ programmatic paper first published in 1962 (and republished in 1978). In the tradition of researchers like Malinowski, Jakobson, Boas, Sapir and Whorf (see Hymes [1962] 1978: 99; 1974: 446; Bloch 1976: 229; Fitch and Philipsen 1995: 263) he pointed out the – actually – trivial fact that the study of speech is of “crucial importance to a science of man” (Hymes [1962] 1978: 99). Therefore he called for “’ethological’ studies of speaking in context” (Hymes [1962] 1978: 130) and advocated “a science of behavior… for which [he] propose[d] the name ‘ethnography of speaking’” (Hymes [1962] 1978: 133). As Sherzer (1983: 11) has succinctly summarized, Hymes argued … that language and speech have a patterning of their own, as do social organization, politics, religion, economics and law, and that therefore they merit attention by anthropologists – they cannot be taken for granted as somehow given or everywhere the same. This patterning is not identical to the grammar of a language in the traditional sense and yet is linguistic as well as cultural in organization.

He introduced the notions of ‘speech style’ and ‘speech or communicative event’ and argued that the meaning of an utterance can only be understood in relation to the speech event in which it is embedded.2 Analyses of these styles or events require the minute study of, and the interrelationship between, what he called ‘components’. He grouped these ‘components’ into the following 8 main entries that could be remembered with the acronym SPEAKING (Hymes 1972a; see also Duranti 1988: 218): “S (situation: setting and scene); P (participants: speaker/sender, addressor, hearer/ receiver/audience, addressee); E (ends: outcome, goals); A (act sequence: message 2

Note Malinowski’s influence with respect to the role of context for meaning (see Senft 2005).

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form and message content); K (key); I (instrumentalities: channel, forms of speech); N (norms: norms of interaction and interpretation); and G (genres)”.

As Fitch and Philipsen (1995: 264) point out, these components were not “a checklist of things to describe” but rather “an initial set of questions and descriptive possibilities in the study of ways of speaking in particular communities”. Research within this paradigm results in descriptions that capture “each society’s unique cultural organization of language and speech” (Sherzer 1977: 44). This organization cannot be grasped by a traditional grammar; it is not accessible via intuition and introspection and cannot be projected from the knowledge of any language (‘say English’…). Agreeing with Newman (1964: 448) that a grammar of a language tells us “what a language can do but not what it considers worthwhile doing”, Hymes emphasizes that a learner of a language need not only acquire the grammatical algorithm of this language, but also the rules that guide the communicative behavior of members of the speech community that speak this language. Hymes (1972b: 277 f.; see also [1962] 1978: 101) argued as follows: We have … to account for the fact that a normal child acquires knowledge of sentences, not only as grammatical, but also as appropriate. He or she acquires competence as to when to speak, when not, and as to what to talk about with whom, when, where, in what manner. In short, a child becomes able to accomplish a repertoire of speech acts, to take part in speech events, and to evaluate their accomplishments by others. This competence, moreover, is integral with attitudes, values, and motivations concerning language, its features and uses, and integral with competence for, and attitudes toward, the interrelation of language, with the other codes of communicative conduct.

This ‘communicative competence’ is expressed and therefore analyzable “in terms of determinate ways of speaking” (Hymes 1972a: 58)3. Hymes differentiates between the label ‘ethnography of speaking’ as a name for the approach and an ethnography of speaking which studies how a specific speech community “X” actually is speaking. For these latter studies he prefers the label “X’s ways of speaking”4 – and he justifies this as follows (Hymes 1974: 445 f.): First, terms derived from ‘speak’ and ‘speech’ in English suffer from a history of association with something marginal or redundant… ‘speech’ should indicate use in a positive sense… My second reason for favoring ways of speaking is that it has analogy with ‘ways of life’, on the one hand, and Whorf’s term ‘fashions of speaking’ on the other. The first analogy helps remind anthropologists that the ways of 3

For the implications that ‘ways of speaking’ is plural see Philipsen and Coutu (2005: 369 f.). 4 Hence the title of this volume.

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mankind do include ways of speaking, and helps remind linguistics that speaking does come in ways, that is, shows cultural patterning. And since Whorf was the first in American linguistic and anthropological tradition, so far as I know, to name a mode of organization of linguistic means cutting across the compartments of grammar, it is good to honor his precedence, while letting the difference in terms reflect the difference in scope of reference.

‘Ways of speaking’ or ‘speech styles’ are formally marked and therefore can be recognized. Hymes further differentiates between “varieties”, which are defined as “major speech styles [which are] associated with social groups, “registers”, which are defined as “major speech styles associated with recurrent types of situations”, and “personal, situational, and genre styles” (Hymes 1974: 440). And the last mentioned genre styles are subcategorized into ‘minor’ or ‘elementary’ or ‘minimal’ genres (like riddles, proverbs, prayers, greetings, etc.) and ‘complex genres’ (Hymes 1974: 442 f.). As a “good ethnographic technique” to classify speech events, speech styles, and ways of speaking Hymes proposed to start looking at the metalinguistic labels the speech community under research uses to refer to them. All the fine-grained differentiations Hymes proposes and requests to consider for doing research within the ethnography of speaking paradigm allow for minute studies of various forms of language use within specific speech communities. These studies are based on ethnographic methods that are supplemented by other techniques for data gathering and analyses developed within related disciplines like, for example, sociolinguistics, discourse and conversation analysis, pragmatics, and anthropological linguistics / linguistic anthropology. The paradigm understands “linguistic performance as the locus of the relationship between language and the sociocultural order” and studies “what is accomplished through speaking and how speech is related to and is constructed by particular aspects of social organization and speakers’ assumptions, values, and beliefs about the world” (Duranti 1988: 210). It is obvious that the goal of the ethnography of speaking paradigm was, and still is, extremely ambitious, indeed. In the 1960s a number of anthologies, like, for example, those edited by Gumperz and Hymes (1964; 1972) and by Bauman and Sherzer (1974) contributed to develop the field, and ever since then a large body of field work has been conducted under the auspices of the paradigm. In the 1970s and 1980s a number of dissertations, books and articles were published, like for example E. Basso (1985), K. H. Basso (1979), Feld (1982), and Gossen (1974), and ever since then researchers focused their studies on specialized foci within the paradigm, like for example, intercultural communication (Gumperz 1982), verbal art (Sherzer and Urban 1986), and the acquisition of communicative competence (Schieffelin and Ochs 1986). The impact

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the paradigm has for anthropological linguistics and linguistic anthropology is impressively mirrored in Foley (1997) who dedicates one of the 6 parts of his book to the ethnography of speaking (Foley 1997: 249–378) and almost all the characteristic features of the paradigm surface in the titles of the contributions to the anthology edited by Duranti (2004). The paradigm’s high scientific standards and its more or less implicit aim to rather emphasize the complex diversity of speech than to reduce it to abstract principles and generalizations has been causing critical comments, of course. In his review of Bauman’s and Sherzer’s (1974) anthology, one of the by now classic publications in the ethnography of speaking paradigm, Maurice Bloch (1976: 231 ff.) first points out that to document the range of linguistic styles available to speakers in specific situations and then understand the use of these styles for social action … means a really high level of linguistic ability … what is required is the hypersentivity (!) which comes from a total control of the finest subtleties of language and social situations … The fieldworker must also have an extremely thorough knowledge of the social organisation, the kinship system, the political system, the economic system, the trends towards change at work in the society concerned … In other words, the task of the ethnographer of speaking … is of almost insurmountable difficulty.

Then he points out that despite the fact that one of the main concerns of the ethnography of speaking paradigm is the analysis of “mundane ordinary speech intercourse” (Bloch 1976: 233) the volume is dominated by studies that either deal with forms of ritual and artistic performance or with folk classifications concerning speech and communication. Bloch’s third point of criticism concerns the claim of the paradigm to include all aspects of speech events in its descriptions. For him this “aim is illusionary” because “there is no end to reality and the description of ever smaller events, ever more carefully, gets us no nearer” (Bloch 1976: 234). His last point of criticism concerns the fact that studies in the paradigm result in “a mass of items from around the globe, all very valuable in themselves but not forming together an attempt to solve common problems and to move forward to ever more documented and incisive generalizations” (Bloch 1976: 234). Sherzer took up Bloch’s criticism in 1977; he agreed that the paradigm so far does not offer a tertium comparationis which could save the basis for comparing studies which are carried out in various speech communities by different researchers within the framework of the ethnography of speaking paradigm. And he also pointed out the need for filtering generalizations out of the vast amount of different insights gained by these studies. Moreover, Sherzer also agreed that future studies within the paradigm should put at least as much

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emphasis on the study of “banal and everyday uses of speech” as on the study of “ritual and ceremonial events” (Sherzer 1977: 50) and he acknowledged that most of the studies published so far “have relied heavily on native terminologies and taxonomies on the expense of other modes and levels of analysis” (Sherzer 1977: 52). Six years later Sherzer took up the challenge of these points of criticism and provided with his book on “Kuna Ways of Speaking” an exemplary contribution to the paradigm which not only “brings together and integrates all aspects of language and speech in a social and cultural context for a single society, that is, a comprehensive Kuna ethnography of speaking” (Sherzer 1983: 12) but also indicates how his close analyses of the Kuna ways of speaking can contribute to more general theoretical issues. He mentions among other things “the role of language and speech among American Indians, the relationship between ritual and everyday speech, the nature of verbal art and verbal performance in nonliterate societies” (Sherzer 1983: 14). Nevertheless, I think Duranti’s (1988: 219) general criticism that the “grid” of Hymes ‘SPEAKING’ model “has always maintained an etic status and was never accomplished by a (general) theory of the possible relationships among the various components” still holds. Duranti is also right in pointing out that many studies within the ethnography of speaking paradigm try to show that the relationship among the components of the model are “meaningful within a particular society” but this is done in emic descriptions; thus, the majority of theses studies “do not … exemplify any universal principle of the relation between speech and context in societies in general” (Duranti 1988: 219). Duranti tries to explain this theoretical deficit as a possible “reflection of the cultural relativism that [the ethnography of speaking paradigm ] shares with most of modern anthropology” and points out that “the care for specific emic accounts and the reluctance to posit universal principles … is strongly related to the fundamental anti-Universalism that characterizes [the ethnography of speaking paradigm] as originally defined by Hymes” (Duranti 1988: 219). Fitch and Philipsen (1985: 264) also point out that “comparison across case studies is one of the central theoretical moves of the ethnography of speaking, abstraction from the complexities of particular cases into universal, independent principles is not”; they also state, even more pronounced that “the thrust of the ethnography of speaking has been to map the cultural and linguistic relativity of language use, universal features or aspects of language use have been a secondary (or more commonly, nonexistent) concern (Fitch and Philipsen 1995: 267). Duranti’s last point of criticism certainly holds for this monograph as well – although I have also tried to indicate how the observations, analyses and insights presented in my book can contribute to general theoretical issues that are discussed within linguistics, ethnology and other disciplines within the

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Humanities. However, the fact that most publications within the paradigm have specialized on one or two of its foci it is quite difficult to compare these studies in order to extract possible theoretical generalizations.5 As far as I know, Sherzer’s (1983) volume and this monograph are the only publications that attempt to present a more or less exhaustive typology of a specific speech community’s ways of speaking. However, these two volumes as well as all the other studies on special topics within the paradigm have revealed that – contrary to Bloch’s conjecture that the paradigm may pursue an illusionary aim – all researchers have developed a pragmatic approach to reach some of the ambitious goals of the ethnography of speaking framework. All the contributions to the paradigm have shown how important its components are for the research of speech in interaction. In what follows I would like to present an assessment of the contribution of this book to the paradigm. I started my field research on the Trobriand Islands in 1982. Ever since then my place of residence has been the village Tauwema on Kaile’una Island.6 When I returned from the field at the end of 1983 I started to write my grammar and to compile my dictionary of Kilivila; the book was published in 1986. In chapter 6 of the grammar I present “a brief excursus on style” in which I introduce the concept of the “situational-intentional varieties” of Kilivila, discuss the use and function of some sociolinguistic variables, cases of elliptic speech, allegro speech rules, and forms of address (Senft 1986: 124–131; for person reference in Kilivila see Senft 2007a). These topics represented specific ways of speaking – and I presented them in an excursus, because they are out of the scope of a traditional grammar (as Hymes pointed out in his 1972 paper “On communicative competence”). The excursus in my grammar is rather brief, simply because of the fact that by then I had not acquired the competence necessary to present the Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking. On the basis of my own field experience I completely agree with Bloch (1976: 231 f.; see above) that such an endeavor requires a high level of competence in the language and a sound knowledge of basic cultural facts and features of the society under research. After having researched the language and the culture of the Trobriand Islanders for the last 25 years, I feel quite confident now that this volume 5 For an attempt to overcome this problem see Enfield and Stivers (2007). 6 Here is an overview of the months I have spent in the filed so far: July 1982 – December 1982, January 1983 – November 1983, May 1989 – August 1989; July 1992 – September 1992; June & July 1993; August & September 1994; May & June 1995; May & June 1996; May & June 1997; August & September 1998; May & June 2001; June 2003; July & August 2004; June 2006; August-September 2008. This adds up to 44 months.

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presents the (emically differentiated and metalinguistically marked) ways of speaking of the Tauwema speech community. It may be unusual that linguists and/or anthropologists dedicate their work to one language and culture only, but we all have the choice. In 1963 Milner posed the following question: Is an Oceanic linguist to concentrate on one language at a time to treat it with the same searching analysis that is now taken for granted in the study of, say, Latin or French, at the risk of too great a degree of specialisation, or is he to be content with general surveys and comparative work founded generally on second-hand and superficial knowledge of his material? (Milner 1963: 66; see also Senft 1996b: 14)

Faced with these alternatives I decided on the first course – a long time ago by now. This decision not only allowed me to analyse in minute detail the highly complex system of Kilivila classifiers, or “classificatory particles” (as Malinowski (1920) referred to these formatives) and even to account for the speech community’s internal diversity with respect to the use of these classifiers (Senft 1996b)7, it also made it possible to pursue my interests in forms of ritual communication (see Senft and Basso 2009) and in other Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking. Only because of my long-term research in Tauwema I was able to document, illustrate and analyse the great variety and diversity of the Trobriand Islanders’ ways of speaking that include harvest shouts, ditties, greeting formulae, insults and swear words, prayers, mourning formulae, harvest festival and many other kinds of songs, a joke, tales, a myth, gossip, an admonishing speech and forms of requesting. Only my deep delving into the language made it possible for me to find out that specific genres constitute specific speech varieties in Kilivila. I have not adopted Hymes’ (1974: 440) differentiation between “variety”, “register” and “genre” (see above). Based on my sociolinguistic (and philological) training and background (Senft 1982) I understand “variety” as more or less synonymous with “register” here, but differentiate between specific genres – as the Trobriand Islanders do in their indigenous typology – or if you like taxonomy – of their ways of speaking. I hope that my presentation of these genres and varieties that are metalinguistically labelled by the Trobrianders and formally marked as distinct ways of speaking has demonstrated how important it is to understand these genre and variety distinctions in order to achieve linguistic and cultural competence in this speech community. I frequently pointed out that I as a foreigner had to learn all this in order to use Kilivila “appropriately 7 For an account for the speech community’s internal diversity with respect to the use of color terms see Senft: 1987.

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and effectively in the conduct of social life” (Philipsen and Coutu 2005: 357, see also Hymes [1962] 1978: 101) within the Tauwema speech community – and that sometimes I had to face mild, but sometimes also more severe, sanctions for inappropriate and inadequate verbal (and nonverbal) behavior (see Senft 1995b). One of the probably most important insights I gradually gained with respect to how to speak Kilivila properly and appropriately was understanding the Trobriand Islanders’ differentiation between the “biga mokwita” – the “true speech” – and the “biga sopa” – the “joking or lying speech, the speech which is not vouched for”. With this differentiation and with the normative rule that the use of the “biga mokwita” in everyday contexts requires speakers to explicitly mark their commitment the Trobriand Islanders have developed not only a means to codify the “relevance of ‘sincerity’ for the performance of any speech act” (see Duranti 1988: 222; also Rosaldo 1982) but also a way to control the interpretation of their words. Thus, the speech community’s indigenous definitions of their ways of speaking reflects their highly sophisticated metalinguistic awareness. This is also exemplified by the fact that the typology also reflects language and culture change in progress. The fact that the Trobriand Islanders have defined and labeled a variety that refers to aspects of their Christianisation with the “biga tapwaroro” register – the “language of the church” indicates that they are aware of the fact that this variety rivals with, and will most probably supersede, the “biga baloma” and the “biga megwa” varieties, the “speech of the spirits of the dead” and the “magic speech” registers which codified traditional belief systems. With this volume I have tried to document, illustrate and describe those ways of speaking that the Trobriand Islanders’ themselves codify with their metalinguistic labels for their speech varieties and for the genres that constitute these varieties in order to provide the “corpus inscriptionum” for Kilivila Malinowski asked for. I have presented all the data in Kilivila, and I have tried to present the majority of the Kilivila data not only with glosses, but with a proper morpheme-interlinear transcription and with relatively close translations that – with the exception of the excerpt from the Bible – try to preserve the distinctive characteristics of Kilivila. Moreover, most of the data presented in the book are also available either as sound or even as audio-video files via the internet. This is an integral part of the publication. The original data, presented on uncut tapes to give the user an impression about the situation in which they were actually gathered, allow to do analyses that I have not done myself so far, like, for example, analyses of gesture and other so-called nonverbal components of speech, of intonation, and of aspects of ethnomusicology.

Appendix I: Other metalinguistic expressions for speaking about speaking This appendix presents additional metalinguistic expressions in Kilivila (see also Senft 1986: 185 ff). General linguistic concepts and concepts of talk: ‘luluvala’ ‘biga’ ‘kwetala biga’ ‘iga, yegila’ ‘livalela’ ‘migaboseliu’ ‘kegauvelu’ ‘se’um’ ‘bomala’ ‘tabu’

– – – – – – – – – –

‘sound’ ‘language, speech, statement’ ‘one word’ ‘name’ ‘news’ ‘daily talk, everyday (trivial) form of talk’ ‘different way of talking, foreign language’ ‘secret’ ‘taboo’ ‘taboo’

Metalinguistic expressions that refer to specific forms of speech and speech acts: 1.) general forms of talk:

‘-bigatona-’ ‘-kebiga-’ ‘-keyaku-’ ‘-livala-’ ‘-vavela-’ ‘-luki-’ ‘-lukwe-’ ‘-keimali-’ ‘-kamatula-’ ‘-kekivi-’ ‘-bigitomwaya-’ ‘-kanagoa-’ ‘-kebigimakava-’ ‘-kominimani-’

– – – – – – – – – – – – – –

‘-bigidadava’

–

‘to say’ ‘to say, to speak’ ‘to chat’ ‘to state, to tell, to speak’ ‘to speak’ ‘to talk’ ‘to say’ ‘to claim’ ‘to declare’ ‘to mediate’ ‘to talk like an adult’ ‘to speak stupidly’ ‘to talk nonsense’ ‘to speak roughly, ‘to argue’ ‘talkative’

Other metalinguistic expressions for speaking about speaking

2.) verbal criticism:

3.) verbal expression of feelings:

289

‘-buyoyu-’ ‘-dau-’ ‘-dou-’ ‘-gilagela-’ ‘-kaluvalova-’ ‘-kamatula-’ ‘-kanta’ila-’ ‘-kapelapela-’ ‘-kaponai-’ ‘-kariyeya-’ ‘-kasilam-‘ ‘-katululuwai-’ ‘-katupoi-’ ‘-kemapu-’ ‘-takulukulu-’ ‘-tamnabi-’ ‘-vitali-’ ‘-vituloki-’

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

‘to forbid’ ‘to call, to shout’ ‘to cry’ ‘to utter, to sigh’ ‘to boast’ ‘to report, to admit’ ‘to persuade, to convince’ ‘to challenge’ ‘to compliment, to flatter’ ‘to query’ ‘to whisper’ ‘to remind’ ‘to question, to consult’ ‘to respond’ ‘to grumble’ ‘to tempt’ ‘to proclaim’ ‘to teach’

‘-goi-’ ‘-kalimisimisi-’ ‘-katubuyoyu-’ ‘-kavilivili-’ ‘-tabinaki-’

– – – – –

‘to scold, to scorn’ ‘to disapprove’ ‘to admonish’ ‘to criticize’ ‘to accuse, to blame’

‘-bigibweli-’ ‘-kayagigina-’

– –

‘to say words of love’ ‘to scream’1

1 I do not mention expressions for sound emission verbal expressions of feelings here, like for example: ‘-gilagela-’ – ‘to sigh’, ‘-nobusabosa-’ – ‘to sob’, and ‘-valam-’ – ‘to weep’.

290

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Appendix II: An illustrative example of mother – child interaction The following transcript documents the interaction of a young mother with her 3 ½ months old baby. The Trobriand Islanders do not have a metalinguistic term (equivalent to “motherese”, for example) to refer to this kind of verbal interaction. Nevertheless I decided to document an instance of mother-baby interaction, because recent developments in the documentation of endangered languages have let to recommendations with respect to what kind of verbal interactions should be represented in such language documentations, and mother-child interactions belong to these recommended interaction types. The data presented here document the interaction of Kaluakina with her baby. Kaluakina, a 23 year-old woman of the Malasi clan is married with Yabilosi (25 years old, member of the Lukwasisiga clan). Kaluakina has two children, a three year old daughter called Bomlidoga and a son who was born on the 3rd of March 2003, 3 ½ months before I documented Bomlidoga’s interaction with her child in Tauwema on the 18th of June 2003 between 11.00–11.30 a. m. For other documents of parent-child and child-child interactions see Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt’s human ethology film archive (for information visit the websites http://erl.ornithol.mpg.de/~fshuman/en/Earchiv.html and http://erl.ornithol.mpg.de/~fshuman/en/EIWF1.html). These films and the corresponding publications can be ordered through the “IWF Knowledge and Media” (http://www.iwf.de/Navigation_en/index.jsp) in Göttingen, Germany. Kaluakina changes her baby’s nappy, then prepares a pap made of yams and feeds it to her baby: Eh [P] Agii eh, [P] eh ku-manumgwa ku-sikam bi-vokwa eh look! eh eh 2.-be.gentle 2.-wear 3.Fut-finish Eh [P]. Look!, eh. [P], eh, be gentle, wear it – it will be finished (and then) buku-kwam-gwa. [P] Oh [P] Eh bogwa, [P] Igau 2.Fut-eat-Emph oh eh ok later you will eat. [P] Oh. Eh, ok. [P] Later I work he eats

a-paisau i-kam 1.-work 3.-eat

bi-vokwa. [P] Ah gala buku-vagi! [P] Moa [P] To-valam, to-valam 3.Fut-finish ah not 2.-Fut-do Guy [P] CP.male-cry CP.male-cry it will be done. Ah, don’t do (that)! Guy [P] Cry-baby, cry-baby

An illustrative example of mother – child interaction

291

ke, to-migaga yokwa, to-valam yokwa ke, to-migaga, kena? right CP.male-ugly you CP.male-cry you right CP.male-ugly or right?, you ugly boy, you cry-baby, right?, ugly boy, aren’t you? Avaka, [P] Boa, [P] boa boa [P] To-valam to-valam, what boa boa boa CP.male-cry CP.male-cry What, [P] Boa [P] boa, boa [P] Cry-baby, cry-baby, aren’t you? Ke buku-kwam. [P] To-valam yokwa, ke. well 2.Fut-eat CP.male-cry you right Well you will eat. [P]. You cry-baby, right? Well already ku-gisi? [P] Eh ku-ma iga ku-kwam. [P] 2.-see eh 2.-come soon 2.-eat you see? [P] Eh come soon you will eat. [P] Eh, ah (ku)-kwapekwani, taga ku-kosevali, ke, 2.-be.quiet but 2.-shake well be quiet, but you shake, well cry-baby you, eh,

Ake well

Eh, eh

kena? or

bo(gwa) already

ah ah

to-valam yokwa, CP.male-cry you

eh eh

ku-kwam, agi. [P] Ke kena ku-peki, eh, wi, Bomlidoga, 2.-eat look! well or 2.-dislike eh wi Bomlidoga eat, look! [P] Well or don’t you like (it), eh, wi, Bomlidoga (name of her daughter) Hukon ku-gisi Bomlidoga kena a-ma, ambeya. [P] ku-gisi Hukon 2.-see Bomlidoga or 1.-come where 2.-see Hukon (name of her neighbours grandson) look Bomlidoga or I come, where? [P] Look Bomlidoga bi-ma. [P] Bomlidoga kena e-va o kwadeva? Bomlidoga 3.Fut-come Bomlidoga or 3.-go Loc beach Bomlidoga she will come. [P] Bomlidoga or does he go to the beach? Oh

O oh

buku-la ku-ne’i lu-m-ta. Ke. [P] Gala buku-kwam? 2.Fut-go 2.-look.after brother-your-brother well not 2.-Fut-eat go and look after your brother. Well. [P] Won’t you eat? Ui ui Ui

beya-la e-siula otinava beya e-okwa e-seki. [P] here-Emph 3.-splash down here 3.-finish 3.-ok here you are it splashes to the ground here it is finished, it’s ok. [P]

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Ku-la iga beya. [P] Eh to-valam, ke, 2.-go then here eh CP.mal-cry well Later you go here. [P] Eh cry-baby, well, ah, or did

a, ah

kena or

bogwa already

e-vekeya Ibutu kena amakala? Eh, eh. [P] Eh. [P] Agi ke, ehe, 3.-follow Ibutu or what eh eh eh look! well ehe she already follow Ibutu or what? Eh, eh. [P] Eh. [P] Look!, well, ehe, ke, a e-kayavasi. Avaka? Eeya, hm, to-valam, ke, well ah 3.-yawn What? eeya hm CP.male-cry well well, ah he is yawning. What? Ehya, hm, cry-baby, well, to-valam kena, eh. [P] Ku-pwagega, gala yama-m, CP.male-cry or eh 2.-open.mouth not hand-your cry-baby aren’t you?, eh. [P] Open your mouth, not your hand, eh

eh eh

ku-manum buku-kwam. [P] Ke, eh agi. Ku-kwam, eya, eh [P] Hu, 2.-be.gentle 2.Fut-eat well eh look! 2.-eat eya eh hu, be gentle, you will eat. [P] Well, eh look! Eat, eya, eh. [P] Hu eh ku-kwam bu-komata ke. [P] Ah, ku-ligeva kosevali eh 2.-eat 2.-full.up well ah 2.-forget shaking eh, eat you will be full up well. [P] Ah, forget the shaking, ah a ku-kwam eee, eya, e, naughty naughty naughty, ah 2.-eat eee eya e naughty naughty naughty, ah, eat, eee eya e, naughty naughty naughty, ah ku-ligeva valam, o gu, eh desi desi 2.-forget crying oh gi eh enough enough forget the crying, oh, gu, eh, enough, enough, enough,

Kaluakina now breastfeeds her baby.

ah ah

desi enough

a a yoi yoi yoi yoi yoi, e ku-kwam, e, ku-peki aa yoi yoi yoi yoi yoi yes 2.-eat yes 2.-dislike a a yoi yoi yoi yoi yoi, yes, eat, yes, you don’t like it, do you? Ih oh desi desi, oh desi, e oh enough enough oh enough yes oh enough enough, oh enough, yes eat. [P]

a ah

ku-kwam. [P] 2.-eat

ke? Ih, or? Ih

293

An illustrative example of mother – child interaction

A ku-ligeva kosevali ah, (ku)-kwanubwabwela, (ku)-kwanubwabwela, a 2.-forget shaking ah 2.-lie.straight 2.-lie.straight Ah forget the shaking, ah lie straight lie straight, eya. Kosevali ku-ligeva. [P] Ku-vagi ku-vagi, ku-vagi eya shaking 2.-forget 2.-do 2.-do 2.-do eya.The shaking forget it. [P] Do (it), do (it), do (it) later. [P]

igau. later

Ku-vagi, Bomlidoga, ke, avela e-la i-gisi Bomlidoga? 2.-do Bomlidoga well who 3.-go 3.-see Bomlidoga? Do (it), Bomlidoga, well, who goes and sees Bomlidoga? Well,

Ke, Well,

mi-na-na, e-seki-la e-sisu beya e-va i-gisi Bwenisiwaga. [P] Dem-CP.female-Dem 3.ok-Emph 3.-be here 3.-go 3.-see Bwenisiwaga this girl, it doesn’t matter at all, she is here she goes and sees Bwenisiwaga (Kaluakina’s brother Tovapa’s wife). [P] E-sisu-la beya, laka-katubaya-sa so-gu m-to-na gwadi. 3.-be-Emph there 1.excl-adorn-Pl friend-my Dem-CP.male.Dem child She is really there, we adorn my friend this little boy. Kaluakina has finished feeding her baby and now does the dishes Ambeya-ga e-ma? [P] [sings:] valu ma-kwei-na labuma Where-Emph 3.-come village Dem-CP.general-Dem heaven From where did he come? [P] This village in heaven Ku-manum. [P] E bogwa, eya. [P] Ake, ka! Pikisi m-kwe-na 2.-be.gentle yes ok eya well look! picture Dem-CP.generalDem Be gentle. [P] Yes ok, eya. [P] Well, Look! This camera Ku-gisi, ake, bogwa ku-gisi? Ago. [P] Eya moa. [P] 2.-see well already 2.-see ago eya chap yes you see, well already you saw it? Ago. [P] Eya, chap. [P] ku-kenu ku-kenu. [P] A-seli kabala beya. [P] 2.-lie.down 2.-lie.down 1.-put bed here lie down, lie down. [P] I put your bed up here. [P] Yes. [P] Avaka? E. [P] What? Yes. [P]

E. [P] yes

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E te-ta(la) e-masisi sita, ku-gisi Yes CP.male-one 3.-sleep bit 2.-see Yes a boy is sleeping a bit, look this little girl

mi-na-na gwadi Dem-CP.female-Dem child

bogwa e-veki tabu-la. [P] Ke. [P] Mokwita! [P] already 3.-go.to grandparents-her well true already went to her grandparents. [P] Well. [P] True! [P] Gala buku-kwam-kwam yama-m! not 2.-Fut-eat-Redup hand-your Don’t eat your hand! Ah, don’t eat

Ah, ah

gala not

buku-kam-kwam 2.-Fut-eat-Redup

yama-m. [P] hand-your your hand. [P] Kaluakina now cleans the veranda with a broom and then continues washing the dishes and then some of the baby’s clothes. Moa, ke desi valam, e, oh avaka? chap well enough crying e oh what? Chap, well stop crying, yes, oh what is it? Well do not

Ke gala well not

o-ku-valam (ku)-kwanukwenu, igau e, (ku)-kwanukwenu, igau, binding.vowel-2.-cry 2.-lie down later yes 2.-lie.down later cry, lie down, later yes, lie down, later a-vini am kalekwa. [P] 1-wash your clothes I wash your clothes. [P] Ake, Well

bogwa. already.

[P] [P]

Boa, ke (ku)- kwanukwenu, Boa well 2.-lie.down Boa, well lie down, later. [P] E, (ku)-kwanukwenu, yes 2.-lie.down Yes, lie down, later. [P]

igau. [P] later

igau. [P] later

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An illustrative example of mother – child interaction

Kaluakina goes into the house, gets a toy for her child and hangs it under the roof over the baby’s head so that he can see the colorful balls and things she had put into a plastic net. Ke, e, to-valam yokwa. E igau Well yes CP.male-cry you yes later Well, yes, cry-baby you. Yes soon I will set up your

ba-paisau 1.Fut-work

m your

mavagi. E. [P] Ake bogwa ku-gisi? Gala vatunu. [P] toy Yes Well already 2.-see no string toy. Yes. [P] Well did you see (it) already? (There is) no string. [P] I-seki wala, gala ta-nukwali am… ambeya e-sisu. [P] 3.-not.matter only not Dual.incl-know whe… where 3.-be It just does not matter, one does not know whe… where (its) string is. [P] Ma-na-na numwaya beyo, mna, Tolivalu e e-seki-la. [P] Dem-CP.female.Dem old.woman here, hm, Tolivalu yes 3.-give-Emph This old woman here, hm, Tolivalu yes he gave (a string to me) indeed. [P] Hm, hm. [P] Iga, iga ba-paisau. [P] Igau e Hm hm later later 1.Fut-work later yes Hm hm. [P] Later later I will hang it up. [P] Later yes, yes, ah

e, a yes ah

gala valam, ake, bogwa. Oi a gala no crying well already Oi ah no no crying, well, ok. Oi, ah, no good work,

bwena good

paisewa work

o igau. [P] A avaka ke? Avaka valam? Avaka valam? oh later ah what well what crying what crying oh later. [P] Ah what is this, eh? Why do you cry? Why do you cry? Oh, oh. [sings] Avaituta ba-lokaya. [P] oh oh when 1.Fut-go.away Oh oh. [sings:] When will I go away…[P] A ke bogwa ku-gisi? Bo(gwa) ku-gisi? [P] ah well already 2.-see already 2.-see Ah well, do you already see (it)? Do you already see (it)? [P]

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Avaka? Ka, m mwaswa ku-gigi-sa, gala ku-kokola! Ah. [P] what well your toy 2.-look-Emph not 2.-be.afraid ah What (is it)? Well, your toy look (at it), don’t be afraid! Ah. [P] Ke gala ku-valam, Well not 2.-cry oh Well, don’t cry, oh. [P] Yes. [P]

o. [P] Yes.

E. [P]

E (ku)-kwanukwenu-ga, iga a-pe’igi Yes 2.-lie.down-Emph soon 1.-fasten with peg Yes just lie down, soon I fasten your bed with a peg. [P]2

2

See: http://www.mpi.nl/trobriand

kaba-m. [P] bed-your

Outline of Kilivila grammar

297

Appendix III: Outline of Kilivila grammar In this Appendix I outline central grammatical features of Kilivila to ease the reader’s understanding of more complex grammatical structures in the texts presented. This appendix is based on my comprehensive grammatical description of Kilivila (Senft 1986). As already mentioned in the Preface, Kilivila is one of 40 Austronesian languages spoken in the Milne Bay Province of Papua New Guinea. It is an agglutinative language and its general unmarked word order pattern is VOS. The following table presents the Kilivila phoneme inventory:

stops rounded stops fricatives sonorants

bilabial p b pw bw

labiodental alveolar t d

v m

front i e

velar k g kw gw

glottal /

s n r l

rounded mw sonorant semi-vowel w

high mid low

palatal

y

central

back u o

a

Diphthongs: ei ou eu oi ai, au Regular stress in Kilivila is on the penultimate syllable of the word. However, there are some cases where stress is on the final syllable and some cases where stress is on the antepenultimate syllable. Emphatic speech may change stress patterns. The verbal expression in its most general form consists of a subject prefix with or without a preceding tense/aspect/mood marker, the verb stem proper, and a marker for number (singular is unmarked; plural of subject is marked

298

Appendix III

by the morpheme -si). The following two examples illustrate this principle of Kilivila verb formation: a-paisewa 1.-work I work

bi-ivali-si 3.Fut-speak-Pl They will speak

luku-me-si 2.Past-come-Pl You came

With some verb stems it is also possible to mark the object directly into the verbal expression, if the object is referred to by a pronoun. This is illustrated by the following two examples: A-yobweli-m! 1.-love-2. PossPro I love you!

Buku-pilase-gu-si. 2.Fut-help-1.PossPro-PL You will help me.

Kilivila differentiates between dual inclusive and exclusive and 1st person plural inclusive and exclusive. The dual inclusive can be employed as a defocusing, impersonalizing device in polite speech. The following table shows the system of Kilivila verb formation, presenting four series of subject prefixes – three with and one without tense/aspect/ mood-markers – and the plural markers, leaving the ‘slot’ for the verb stem empty.

1.Sg. 2.Sg. 3.Sg Dual incl. Dual excl. 1.PL incl. 1.PL excl. 2.PL 3.PL

1 akui-/etakata- -si ka- -si ku- -si i-/e- -si

2 babukubibitabakabata- -si baka- -si buku- -si bi- -si

3 lalukulelatalakalata- -si laka- -si luku- -si le- -si

4 mamukumematamakamata- -si maka- -si muku- -si me- -si

The first series (1) is neutral, i. e. unmarked with respect to aspect and/or tense. This series can be used by the speaker at any time in any context, and the verbal expression is completely acceptable and grammatically correct. The second series (2) expresses the concept of an incompletive action. This action may happen in the future, or may have happened in the past, it may have been expected to happen in the past – though it did not happen, or it may be part of a hypothetical event. Thus, a part of the semantics of this series also covers the concept of expressing a statement as irrealis. The actual translation

Outline of Kilivila grammar

299

of verbal expressions of the second series can only be given and justified by reference to the context of the utterance as a whole. The third series (3) expresses the concept of a completed action. This series has quite clear references to past time; it is affirmative or emphatic. There are some context dependent cases, where verbal expressions of this series can also be translated into English with progressive present tense. Again, the actual translation of verbal expressions using subject prefixes of the third series can only be given and justified by reference to the context of the utterance as a whole! The fourth series (IV) expresses the concept of a habitual action; however, it can also indicate optative or irrealis. This series is quite archaic and hardly ever used in ordinary everyday language production; if used, it can be interpreted as an indicator of either poetic or humorous style. The first (1), second (2), and third (3) series form the essential framework of the construction of the Kilivila verbal expression (see also Senft 1994c). Serial verb constructions – often quite complex ones – abound in Kilivila (see Senft 2004b, 2008b). There are no auxiliaries and there is no equivalent of the verb “to be” in copulative function – and thus no copula. Note that there is no passive voice in Kilivila, either. Kilivila nouns have the following characteristic features: – Many noun stems, not all, can be verbalized either by being put into the “slot” of the verb stem in the verbal expression or by being connected with another verb stem. – There is no morphological case-marking. – All nouns are classified within a complex system of nominal classification (see below). – All nouns can, some even must, express degrees of possession. – In general nouns are not marked with respect to number; however, there are a few exceptions to this general rule. As mentioned above, all nouns are classified according to specific perceptual properties, like, for example animateness, form, shape, quantity, quality arrangement, function, time, and activity. This system of nominal classification is a paradigmatic numeral classifier system. However, the classifiers also play an important role in the word formation of demonstratives, some adjectives and one form of interrogative pronoun. Numerals (see subsection 8.2.2), demonstratives, adjectives and one interrogative pronoun require agreement with the classification of the noun they refer to. This agreement is secured by a complex system of classifiers or – to use Malinowski’s (1920) term – “classificatory par-

300

Appendix III

ticles” (CP). I have described this system in my Kilivila grammar, in a special monograph, and in a number of other publications (Senft 1986, 1996b, 1985e, 1987d, 1993, 2000b, 2007b) therefore I will not elaborate on it here. I will just give the following example of the general use of classifiers: If speakers want to refer to “these two beautiful girls” they have to indicate the classification of “girls” with the classifier for “female” in the demonstrative pronoun, in the numeral, and in the adjective. Thus, the sentence mi-na-si-na Dem-CP.female-Pl-Dem

na-yu CP.female-two

na-manabweta CP.female-beautiful

vivila girl can be glossed as “these two beautiful girls”. In this example the classifier (-) na(-) is underlined. Kilivila has a fourfold series of possessive pronouns, partly realized as free possessive-pronominal-pronouns, partly realized as possessive-pronominalaffixes. One of these series is only produced in a specific semantic context, referring to food only, the other three series are used to distinguish different degrees of possession; one series marks inalienable possession, two series mark alienable possession of inedible things (see Senft 1986: 47–54). In what follows I give just one example for each of the four series: 1. 2. 3.

4.

kagu my agu my ula my

kaula food tobaki tobacco (which I am intending to smoke myself) tobaki tobacco (that I will give away)

ina-gu mother-my my mother

Usually the “possessor” precedes the “possessed”, for example: Pulia ala buva. Pulia his betelnuts Pulia’s betelnuts.

Outline of Kilivila grammar

301

However, the “possessed” can also precede the “possessor”, for example: si-biga tommwaya their-language old men old men’s language Besides possessive pronouns we also find free forms of personal pronouns (yegu – “I”), emphatic pronouns (titolegu – “myself”), interrogative pronouns (avela – “who”), and demonstrative pronouns. With the exception of the exophoric demonstrative beya (“this, that, here, there”), all other demonstrative pronouns are formed with a classifier which is infixed into a fixed frame of word formation (see Senft 1986: 64–66, Senft 2004c). The demonstrative pronouns m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

and

mi-na-na Dem-CP.female-Dem

which can be glossed as “this (man)”, “this (woman)”, also serve the function of expressing the personal pronouns for 3. person singular and plural. These forms can also take over the function of relative pronouns; however, we also find relative clauses without relative pronouns, as illustrated in the following sentence: Ku-seki tobaki m-to-si-na 2.-give tobacco Dem-CP.male-PL-Dem e-keosi-si 3.-dance-PL Give tobacco to these men who are dancing.

tauwau men

There are three classes of adjectives. One class of adjectives must be used without classifiers (bwena – “good”, gaga – “bad”), the other class may be used with or without classifiers (biga pe’ula – “heavy speech”, tau to-pe’ula – “strong man”), and the third class must always be used with classifiers that are prefixed to the word stem (bagula kwe-bogwa – “old garden”). To express concepts like “comparative” and “superlative degree” the Trobrianders use intensifiers or they express the difference explicitly: Yokwa to-pe’ula, taga You CP.male-strong but sena pe’ula mokwita very strong true

m-to-na Dem-CP.male-Dem

tau man

You are a strong man, but this man is really stronger than you.

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Appendix III

Vivila na-tinigesi Girl CP.female-incomparable The girl is incomparable Kilivila has adverbs of place (okwadeva – “at the beach”), adverbs of time (besatuta – “now”), adverbs of manner (ituali – “differently”), adverbs of degree (budubadu – “much”), and adverbs of cause (mapela – “therefore”). Most of the adverbs of place also function as prepositions. Other prepositions are o (“in, into”), va (“to”, not used with names of villages or towns), kalatuta (“till, until”) and mina (“(people) from”). Besides word stems that incorporate a negative meaning within their semantics (-peki- – “to dislike, to refuse, to abhor”, igau – later, not yet, not now”) there are only two particles that express the negative: gala is used for negation as illustrated in the following examples: Gala buva! No betelnut There are no betelnuts!

Gala a-nukwali. Not 1.-know I do not know.

The particle taga is used as a prohibitive and generally expresses the negative imperative, as in: Taga ku-sasopa! not 2.-lie Do not tell lies! A noun phrase (NP) in Kilivila may consist of just a noun, or a pronoun, or an interrogative adverb, or a numeral, or an adjective only; however, there are also rather complex NP-constructions, as the following examples show: … tama-gu la waga … … father-my his canoe … … my father’s canoe … … tau m-to-na … man Dem-CP.male-Dem … this one-eyed man …

pila-kesa CP.part-remnant

mata-la … eye-his

… na-lima vivila mi-na-si-na … CP.female-five girl Dem-CP.female-PL-Dem mina Tauwema … from Tauwema … these five beautiful girls from Tauwema …

na-manabweta CP.female-beautiful

Outline of Kilivila grammar

303

The last example illustrates the general pattern in such complex NPs: NUMERAL – NOUN – DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUN – ADJECTIVE Numerals almost always precede the noun; putting the demonstrative pronoun or the adjective in front of the noun implies emphasis. This description of NPs also holds for prepositional phrases (PP): … olopola Kilagola la … inside Kilagola his … in Kilagola’s house …

bwala … house …

Word order is rather free in Kilivila. The unmarked order is: V

O

S

as in E-migai megwa Weyei. 3.-whisper magic Weyei Weyei whispers magical formulae. However, we also find sentences with the word order S

V

O

as in Yokwa luku-pola budubadu you 2.Past-fish many You caught many fish

yena fish

In these sentences the sentence initial position of the subject implies emphasis. We have also sentences without a fully realized subject or without an object A-gisi waga. 1.-see canoe V O I see the canoe

E-tatai Toybokwatauya. 3.-carve Toybokwatauya V S Toybokwatauya carves.

If there is an indirect and a direct object in the sentence, its word order follows the pattern:

304

Appendix III

VERBAL EXPRESSION – INDIRECT OBJECT – DIRECT OBJECT – SUBJECT as in: Ku-kwanebu latu-gu ma-kwe-na 2.-tell child-my Dem-CP.thing-Dem V Oind. ODir Mokopai, tell my child this mythical story.

liliu myth

Mokopai. Mokopai S

Kilivila has both main and subordinate clauses. I have differentiated the following types of main clauses in Kilivila: statements, questions, imperative clauses, and emphatic clauses. As to subordinate clauses I have differentiated between temporal clauses, adverbial clauses denoting place, causal clauses, relative clauses and subject and object clauses. Moreover, we also find verbless sentences in Kilivila. I will not elaborate on this classification here, but finish this appendix with a syntactic analysis of the following sentence: O ma-valu-si Loc our(excl.)-village-Pl mi-na-si-na Dem-CP.female-Pl-Dem bi-mwasawa-si 3.Fut-play-Pl

e-sisu-si 3.-live-Pl i-kebiga-si 3.-say-Pl

na-manabweta CP.female-beautiful magi-si wish-their

vivila girl

This sentence can be glossed with the following two free translations – if we have no additional prosodic information, of course: “There are beautiful girls in our village who say that they want to play”. “There are beautiful girls in our village. They say they want to play” However, as indicated above, this problem is easy to solve in the actual speech situation or on the basis of the audio-documentation of this sentence in my corpus of Kilivila data. Thus, for illustrations sake I will describe this utterance as a complex sentence consisting of a main clause and two subordinate clauses. The main clause starts with a local adverbial phrase consisting of a prepositional phrase (PP). This PP consists of the preposition “o” (= “in”) that is combined with a nominal phrase (NP), consisting itself of the possessivepronominal-prefix of 1st person plural exclusive, ma-, and the plural marking suffix -si that both frame the noun valu (= “village”). Producing this NP, the

Outline of Kilivila grammar

305

speaker excludes the hearers – assuming that they do not belong to his and his companions’ village community. The local adverbial phrase is followed by the verbal expression isisusi, consisting of the verb stem -sisu- (= live), the personal-pronominal-prefix of the 3rd person of the neutral subject-prefix series i-, and the plural marking suffix -si. The verbal expression in 3rd person plural indicates that the noun of the following NP vivila (= “girl”) must be interpreted as plural. Within this NP we find also an attribute, being an adjective that consists of the classifier (-)na(-) and the word-stem -manabweta (= “beautiful”). The classifier (-)na(-) indicates that the referent of the NP is female. This classifier is also a constituent of the demonstrative pronoun minasina that serves as a relative pronoun here. The demonstrative consists of the typical demonstrative frame ma- -na. The classifier is first infixed into this frame, then the plural marking affix -si- is infixed into the demonstrative after the classifier. The verbal expression of the relative clause ikebigasi consists of the verb stem -kebiga- (= “say”), the personal-pronominal prefix of the 3rd person of the neutral subject prefix series i-, and the plural marking suffix -si. The subordinate clause within the relative clause consists of a nominal phrase with the noun form magi- (= “wish”) that has to be produced together with an appropriate possessive-pronominal suffix indicating inalienable possession; here we have the possessive-pronominal suffix for 3rd person plural -si. Finally, there is the verbal expression of the second subordinate clause, bimwasawasi, which consists of the verb stem -mwasawa- (= “to play”), the personal-pronominal prefix of the 3rd person of the second series of tense/aspect/ mood markers and subject prefixes bi-, expressing the concept of an incomplete action that may happen in the future, and the plural marking suffix -si. A final look at all the constituents of this complex sentence reveals that there is agreement with respect to person and number within the verbal expressions, with the demonstrative pronoun, and with the noun magi- and its respective possessive-pronominal suffix; moreover, there is also agreement between the noun and the classifiers referring to it in both the adjective and the demonstrative pronoun.

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Index

action xi, 3–5, 9, 14, 31, 46 f., 54 f. 58, 76, 133, 139, 162, 239, 278 f., 283, 298 f., 305 aggression 10, 13, 18, 31, 46 f., 75, 149 f., 162, 198, 268, 271, 275, 278 f. Agha, Asif ix Anonymous 61 anthropology 2, 6, 279, 284 anthropological linguistics x, 2, 4, 6, 279 f., 282 f. See also linguistics ambiguity 13, 46, 76 f., 149, 221, 275 ancestors 30, 41, 44, 48, 59, 70, 81, 140 appeasement 59 apotropaic 59 Aristotle 2 Arndt, Horst J. 150 Arnim, Achim von viii Atkinson, J. Maxwell 163 Austin, John L. 45 Austronesian languages ix f., 1, 9, 11, 13, 40, 62, 147, 297 Bakhtin, M. 3 Baldwin, Bernard x, 26, 39 baloma xi, 11, 26–40, 48, 51, 62, 70 f., 204. See also spirits Barwick, Linda 28 Basso, Ellen B. xiii, 5, 8, 278, 282, 286 Basso, Keith H. 282 Bauman, Richard vii, 2, 4, 282 f. belief 8, 30 f., 41, 47 f., 60, 70 f., 197, 282, 287 Bell-Krannhals, Ingrid 82, 104, 107, 111, 175 behaviour vii, 8, 14, 30 f., 138, 152, 169, 172, 271, 278 f. communicative 47 improper 30, 139, 150 mode of 9, 278 speech 10, 17 f. Beran, Harry 167

Berger, Peter L. 31, 150 Bergmann, Jörg R. 3, 162 Besnier, Nico 162 betelnuts 29, 41, 44, 129, 145, 167, 169–171, 181, 201, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217, 219, 222–225, 228, 271 Bible xi, 61 f., 69 f., 81, 287 Bloch, Maurice 280, 283, 285 Boas, Franz viii, 4, 280 Bopp, Franz viii Bornemann, Ernest 238 de Bougainville, Louis-Antoine 73 Brandl, Rudolf Maria 5 Brentano, Clemens von viii Bromilow, William E. 60 Brown, Penelope 150 Burke, Kenneth 45 Cablitz, Gabriele 5 cannibal 82, 129, 134, 136 f., 145 Cassirer, Ernst 41 ceremony 235 f., 284. See also ritual dadodiga 75, 77 f., 80, 275 distribution 3, 26, 28, 30, 222 exchange ix, 27, 29, 189, 172 change culture 71, 283, 287 language 71, 287 chief 7, 14, 21, 28, 47, 62, 74, 77 f., 82, 131 f., 140, 143 f., 147, 175, 225, 268 church xi, 12, 47 f., 60–62, 65, 70, 190, 195, 197, 274, 287 clans 10, 17, 21, 27, 29, 41, 70, 74, 81, 148, 263, 272 Lukuba, 140, 163 Lukulabuta 163 Lukwasisiga 51, 130, 136, 140, 163, 245, 290 Malasi 140, 158, 163, 290 subclans 10, 17, 29, 81 Tabalu 140

Index cognition ix, 2, 4, 274, 277, 279 commitment 13, 76, 149, 275, 287 common ground 278 f. conception 2 f., 5, 279 conflict 4, 13, 137, 149, 271, 278 confrontation 13, 46, 75, 149, 271, 278 context viii, 3–5, 10–12, 17 f., 25 f., 53 f., 61 f., 74, 76, 216, 221, 271, 275 f., 280, 284, 287, 298 f. convention 3, 44 conversation 4, 11, 13, 26, 45–47, 82, 149, 162 f., 167, 172, 175, 180 f., 197 f., 200 f., 204, 211, 216 f., 221–223, 225, 228, 261, 282 conversation analysis 163, 282 corpus inscriptionum vii, ix, 6, 277, 287 counting xi, 13, 77–80, 275 Coutu, Lisa M. 5, 281, 287 culture vii–ix, 1 f., 4 f., 27 f., 29, 32, 71, 77, 132, 136, 141, 150, 263, 269, 277, 279, 285–287 culture hero 27, 131 f., 134. 141, 144, 263 Cunningham, William 61 Damon, Frederick H. 30 Darwin, Charles 8 Devereux, Georges 59 dialect ix, 1, 9, 12, 60 f., 271 directness 13, 46, 75 f., 149, 275 discourse 1–6, 11, 13, 26, 46, 75, 149 f., 163, 275, 279 f., 282 distress 31, 46, 75, 149, 275 Dokonikani 82–146. See also Tudava drum 28 f., 55, 229 Duranti, Alessandro x, 3, 5 f., 277, 279–281, 283 f., 287 Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenäus 30, 39, 59, 74, 150, 238, 278, 290 emic x, 1, 6, 9, 45, 47, 154, 274, 277, 284, 286 endangered languages / varieties 5, 38, 290 Enfield, Nick 285

323

eschatology 39, 47, 60, 195 etic ix, 1, 31, 47, 284 etiquette 13, 19 f., 138, 149, 169, 214, 216 f., 221 ethnography 2, 7, 43 ethnograhy of speaking viii, x f., 4 f., 6, 274, 277, 279–285 experience 81, 277, 280 fear 46, 73, 131, 140, 142, 278 Feld, Steven 5, 282 field research vii, ix, 7, 9, 43, 152, 167, 278, 285 Fischer, Steven Roger 8 Fitch, Kristine L. 280 f., 284 Folklore viii, x, 2, 4, 8 Foley, William x, 3 f., 6, 283 Fox, James 71 Frake, Charles O. 5 Frazer, James George 43, 51 Freud, Sigmund 44, 136 Gennep, Arnold van 31 genres ix f., 1–7, 9, 277, 279, 281 f., 286 f. butula 14, 236 f. debate 13, 149 description 277 drama 2, 277 flirtation 13, 30, 149 greeting 6, 12 f., 72–74, 282 gossip 4, 14, 162–228, 279 joke 1, 14, 135, 152–158, 239, 271 kukwanebu sopa 14, 153–158, 162 kalava 13, 78–80 kavala 14, 267 lies 14, 135, 144, 152, 171 luavala 14, 77, 267–271 magic vii f., x, 7 f., 11 f., 27 f., 40–59, 71 forms of 4, 19, 28 f., 33, 40 f., 48– 59, 73, 131, 133–135, 141, 144, 197 f., 213, 217, 221, 287 matua 10 f., 14, 18–25, 150, 213 f., 216, 274

324

Index

megwa. See magic mother-child interaction 290–296. mourning x, 11, 13, 26 f., 28–39, 75, 80 f., 171 f., 193, 197, 204, 213, 221, 228 narrative vii f., 2, 4, 7 f., 147 ordinary speech 11, 40, 43, 283 poem 277 proverb 277 letter 14 f., 232, 272 libogwo 7, 81 liliu 13, 81–148, 153, 245, 262. See also myth lyric 2 prayer 48, 61–64, 282 requesting 14, 46, 167, 169, 179, 201, 203, 211, 217, 225, 271–273 sawila 39, 243 Sermon of the Mount 64–69 small talk 13, 149 sopa 1, 10 f., 13 f., 18, 25, 76 f., 135, 140, 149–273, 287 stories 153, 244–267 tales 153, 158–162 tapwaroro 12, 61–70 vinavina x, 7, 14, 237–242 mweki / tapiokwa wosi 241–243 vinavina magi’uya 241 vinavina ninikula 238–240 vinavina sesuya 240 f. wosi 228–235 vilowosi 232 f. wosi gilikiti 233–236 wosi gita 145, 229 f. wosi kapoka 235 f. wosi tauwau topaisewa 231 f. wosi milamala 28–39 wosi tapwaroro 231 f. yakala 13, 77 f. giving 138 Goffman, Erving 217 Goodwin, Charles 3, 279 Gossen, Gary H. 282 Grimm, Jacob viii Grimm, Wilhelm viii

Haberland, Hartmut 1, 154 Haiman, John 150, 152 Hanks, William F. 2 f., 5, 13, 149 harvest festival. See milamala Haviland, John Beard 162 Heeschen, Volker 5 Herder, Johann Gottfried vii Heritage, John 163 hierarchy 10, 26, 81, 163 hope viii, 46 Hutchins, Edwin x, 77 f., 81 Hymes, Dell H. viii, x, 4, 280–286 Indo-European languages viii, 1, 5 intention 1, 9, 73, 237, 278 Imdeduya 82 irony 13, 150, 152 Janney, Richard Wayne Java xii Jones, William viii

150

Kasaipwalova, John xi kiap 72 kula viii, 7, 27, 38, 138, 141 Labov, William 4, 26, 167 language, culture, and cognition xi, 2, 4, 277, 279 László, János 2, 152, 279 Lawton, Ralph 61, 64, 69, 81 Leach, Jerry W. x, 233 license 14, 46, 150, 221, 274 linguistics 8, 282, 284. See also metalinguistic expressions anthropological linguistics x, 2, 4, 6, 279 f., 282 f. See also anthropology ethnolinguistics 6 pragmatics viii, 4, 9, 276, 282, 285 sociolinguistics 2, 4, 282 sociolinguistic variable 11, 26, 285 systemic-functional 9 Lithgow, David 60

Index loan word 11 f., 14, 40, 60, 74, 151, 228, 236, 272 Luckmann, Thomas 31, 150 Macpherson, James vii Malinowski, Bronislaw vii–x, 1 f., 4 f., 6–11, 17, 19–21, 23–28, 30, 40–46, 59, 73 f., 81 f., 129–132, 134–141, 144, 153, 163. 217, 235–240, 243, 276 f., 280, 286 f., 299 Malkjær, Kirsten 2 Massim viii, 60, 74, 132, 172, 213 McDowell, Nancy 172 McElhannon, Kenneth A. 69 McGhee, John 60 f. Merlan, Francesca 5, 150 metalinguistic expressions / labels / terms ix f., 1, 6–9, 12, 18, 47, 62, 75, 80, 152 f., 228, 236, 267, 274, 276 f., 282, 286–290 metaphor 6, 12, 40, 42 milamala 11, 26, 28, 30–32, 38, 75, 152, 242 Milner, George B. 286 mission 12, 60 f. Chronicles 82 misinari 48, 61, 74 missionaries 24, 47, 60–62, 64, 69–72, 74 mocking x, 13 f., 25, 149, 152, 236 f. Mosel, Ulrike 5 myth 4, 6–8, 13, 39, 41, 75, 77, 81–148, 153, 238, 245, 275–277 Newman, Stanley S.

281

observer paradox 167 Ochs, Elinor 282 Oedipus complex 136 ogre 8, 130–139, 145 onomatopoetic 12, 40, 42, 54 f. Papuan-Tip-Cluster ix Parkin, David 150 parody 13, 150, 152

325

Philips, Susan U. 4 Philipsen, Gerry 5, 280 f., 284, 287 Powell, Harry A. 41 power 7 f., 44 f., 47 f., 50, 54 f., 58 f., 70 f., 73, 81, 133–135, 141, 143, 197 prestige 10, 17, 44, 78, 268 pride 19, 165, 213 property 41, 48, 50 f., 74, 148 Quicktime

xii

registers. See varieties relevance 2, 9, 277–279, 287 rhythm 29, 40, 42, 53, 229 ritual 31, 44, 46, 54, 283 f. See also ceremony binding 73 Christian 12, 60 f. mourning x, 26–28, 31, 75, 204, 213, 220–222, 274 f. rite de passage 31 ritual communication 31 f., 46 f., 278 f., 286 ritualization 76, 278 ritualized viii, 6, 11, 13, 26, 76, 138, 162, 235, 260, 262 ritual language 4, 42, 71 Roberts, Christopher 229 Rooney, Dawn F. 167 Rosaldo, Michelle Z. 287 Ross. Malcolm D. ix Rühmkorf, Peter 238 Rumsey, Alan 5, 150 Sanskrit viii Sapir, Edward viii, 4, 280 Saukkonen, Pauli 9 savety valve custom 150 Saville, Gordon 73 Scheff, T. J. 31 Schieffelin, Bambi B. 77, 282 Schmidt, Bernd viii Schmidt, S. J. 279 Schmitz, Heinrich Walter 43 Scoditti, Giancarlo M. G. x

326

Index

Seitel, Peter 3, 5 Senft, Barbara ix, 238 f. Senft, Gunter viii, x, 1, 6, 9, 11, 13, 17, 20 f., 27 f., 30–32, 39–41, 44–48, 51, 55, 58 f., 61, 64, 70 f., 74, 77–82, 131, 139, 149 f., 152–154, 197 f., 221, 229, 231–233, 238 f., 242, 244, 268, 278, 280, 285–288, 297, 299–301 sexuality 21, 27, 240 and body parts 21 artificial impregnation 131 bestiality 23 homosexuality 22 f. husband and wife 19, 138 illigitimate birth 21 incest 20 f., 139, 239 in vinavina 237–243 jealousy 30 kimali 240 sexual behaviour 18, 21 f. sexual dysfunctions 18, 21, 23 sexual innuendo 183, 228, 233, 239, 242 virgin birth 27, 131 Sherzer, Joel 57, 277, 279–285 situation viii, 3 f., 9 f., 12 f., 19, 31, 40, 45–47, 75, 78, 80, 140, 149, 152, 167, 216, 229, 231 f., 236, 244, 266, 272, 274 f., 278 f., 280, 282 f., 287 smoking 181, 211 f., 228 social action 4, 283 construction of reality 71, 81, 150, 278 harmony 31, 47, 278 f. impact 13, 76, 275 interaction xi, 2, 46, 277, 279 norms 30 practice 2 f. reality 31, 70, 278 stratification. See hierarchy society ix, 3, 5, 10, 17, 29, 31, 41, 48, 71, 77, 81, 150, 169, 272, 279, 281, 283 f., 285 matrilineal ix, 71, 137, 263 virilocal ix

speech community vii, 6, 9 f., 18, 79, 276, 278, 281 f., 285–287 spirits 44, 73, 204, 228 of the dead 11, 26, 28, 30–33, 44, 48, 70, 287. See baloma Spiro, Melford E. 136 status 6, 10–12, 17, 19, 26, 29, 44, 62, 140, 152, 213, 274 Stivers, Tanya 285 Strathern, Andrew 77, 150 Strauss, Hermann 5 Stross, Brian 6 Sturm und Drang vii Sütterlin, Christa 59 supernatural 7 f., 81 style 2–4, 6, 10, 17, 147, 274, 280, 282 f., 299 symbol 6, 45, 279 taboo 11, 14, 17 f., 20, 25, 43–45, 51, 150, 239, 274 tail-head linkage 147 Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja 41–46 tension 46, 48, 150, 198, 222, 268, 278 Tierney, James 62 text vii f., xi, 1–4, 6–8, 42, 55, 70, 147 categories. See genres modules 147 Tischner, Herbert 5 Tok Pisin 228 Tokwebasi 229 Topileta 27 tradition vii, 1, 3 f., 7, 47 f., 70, 73, 78, 80, 197, 275, 280, 282, 287 clothes 29 decoration 29 oral 32 ornaments 29 transcription 18, 38, 64, 162 f., 200, 204, 231, 287 trickster 152 truth 7, 13, 43, 75–77, 149, 275, 278 Tudava 82–147. See also Dokonikani typology ix f., 6, 15, 154, 274, 276, 285–287

Index values 3 f., 48, 71, 138, 281 valueables ix, 27, 138 f., 141 varieties / registers archaic 11 f., 26, 28, 40, 62, 70 biga baloma 11, chapter 4 biga bwena 10, chapter 3 biga gaga 10 f., chapter3 biga megwa 11 f., chapter 5 biga mokwita 13, chapter 8 biga taloi 12, chapter 7 biga tapwaroro 12, chapter 6 biga sopa 13 f., chapter 9 default 13, 149, 275 kena biga sopa kena biga mokwita 14, chapter 10 non-diatopical ix 1, 9 paramount x Vedas viii

327

Vicedom, Georg F. 5 Vorbichler, Anton 5 Watson-Gegeo, Karen A. 77, 150 ways of speaking ix f., 6, 151, 272, 274, 277, 279, 281 f., 284–287 Weiner, Annette B. 10, 17, 29, 31, 41 f., 75 f. Werlen, Iwar 46 whisper 29, 42, 45, 151, 162, 221 Wiemken, Helmut 48 yams viii, 13, 19, 28, 30, 32, 44, 48–50, 75, 77–79, 132 f., 143, 147, 163, 165, 183, 187, 191, 197, 213, 222, 242 f., 275 Yolina 82 Young, Michael 172