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JANUA L I N G U A R U M STUDIA M E M O R I A E N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curat C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D Indiana University

Series Practica,




F R E D E JENSEN University of Colorado





© Copyright 1973 in The Netherlands Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague

No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

Printed in The Netherlands

To Marguerite L. Jensen E qui qu'en sia lauzaire, de ben qu'en diga, no.i men (Peire Vidal)


The Syntax of the Old Spanish Subjunctive was written to fill an important scholarly and practical need. An understanding of the syntactic workings of the Old Spanish subjunctive is very important to the understanding of the old language in general. Since there are many features of the old subjunctive that differ from modern usage, students of Old Spanish should be familiar with them in order to read it more accurately and with greater facility. It is with this aim that the present study is written. To date, there have been only a very few works published dealing with the old subjunctive. Mauritz Boheman (see bibliography) did some work in this field late last century, but limited himself to Berceo's works and wrote his monograph in Swedish. Early this century, J.K. Larsen made some investigations in the subjunctive of the 13th and 14th centuries, somewhat limited in scope and inaccessible to most since it is written in Danish. In 1937, Hans Schultz published a small monograph in German with few examples and limited range. It has been our endeavor to study as many different types of works as possible in order to extract a large assortment of examples. We have studied 26 sources and have included 900 examples in our monograph. This work deals with the indicative syntax as well in a number of instances, since in many cases it was important to contrast indicative with subjunctive uses. This considerably widens the usability of this work. Following is an approximate century-by-century breakdown of the example sources to show the scope of our work.


POETRY 12 th century

Poema de mío Cid 13 th century

El fuero de la Novenera Fuero de Teruel Fuero Juzgo Fuero de Guadalajara Primera crónica general

Auto de los reyes magos Vida de Santa María Egipciaqua Milagros de Nuestra Señora Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos Libro de Apolonio Poema de Fernán González

Historia troyana en prosa y verso 14th century

El libro de buen amor El poema de Alfonso XI Proverbios morales Rimado de palacio

El conde Lucanor

15 th century

Generaciones y semblanzas Crónica general de 1344 El Corvacho

Cancionero de Jorge Manrique

16th century

La Celestina Amadú de Gaula Lazarillo de Tormes Las moradas

The 26 sources are almost evenly divided: 13 prose works, 12 poetic works and one work that is both prose and poetry. The prose texts are quite varied in nature; there are law-books, historical, dramatic, moralistic, novelistic and didactic works. The poetic works are equally diverse: epic, dramatic, biographic, didactic and clerecía styles are all found.



Our study begins with the Poema de mío Cid (ca. 1140) and ends with Las moradas (1588), but the major part of the sources date from the 13th, 14th and ISth centuries. The terminal date is, of course, arbitrarily chosen, and does not represent a sudden break between the old and the new language. All examples are faithfully transcribed from the editions referred to; no attempt has been made to regularize the spelling, accentuation or capitalization. This work is entirely descriptive in nature with conclusions and remarks based exclusively on our findings. The general organizational inspiration was drawn from Professor Spaulding's Syntax of the Spanish Verb. Finally, throughout the preparation of our work, we have kept in mind the precept that guided Professor Nyrop in the writing of his famous Grammaire historique de la langue française, and that is to give to our work 'un caractère éminemment pédagogique'. F. J. T. A. L. Boulder and Los Angeles January, 1972




List of Example Abbreviations and Sources



The A. B. C.

Subjunctive in Independent Clauses The Volitive Subjunctive The Concessive Subjunctive The Subjunctive of Doubt

15 15 19 22


The A. B. C. D.

Subjunctive in Relative Clauses The Antecedent Expresses Doubt, Uncertainty The Antecedent is Negative The Antecedent is a Superlative Adjective or Adverb The Indefinite Relative Clause

24 24 25 26 28


The Subjunctive in Indirect Questions



The A. B. C. D.

Subjunctive in Noun Clauses Volition Judgment Emotion Certainty, Uncertainly, Doubt, Denial

42 42 51 54 57


The A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.

Subjunctive in Adverbial Clauses Temporal Clauses Causal Clauses. Final Clauses Consecutive Clauses Concessive Clauses Conditional Clauses Comparative Clauses Modal (or Circumstantial) Clauses

64 64 68 70 73 76 79 85 88






Alfonso (ca. 1270). Primera crónica general de España, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal (Madrid, Gredos, 1955). Alfonso XI (ca. 1350). El poema de Alfonso XI, ed. Yo Ten Cate, Revista de filologia española, Anejo LXV (Madrid, 1956). Amadís (1508). Amadis de Gaula, vol. I, ed. Edwin Β. Place (Madrid, CSIC, 1959). Apolonio (ca. 1250). Libro de Apolonio, in: Poetas anteriores al siglo XV, (= Biblioteca de autores españoles, vol. 65) (Madrid, 1952). Celestina (1501). Fernando de Rojas. La Celestina, ed. M. Criado de Val and G.D. Trotter (Madrid, CSIC, 1958). Cid (ca. 1140). Poema de mío Cid, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal (Clásicos Castellanos) (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe). Egipciaqua (ca. 1215). Vida de Santa María Egipciaqua (Barcelona, 1907). González (ca. 1260). Poema de Fernán González (Colección Austral) (Buenos Aires, Espasa-Calpe, 1954). Guadalajara (ca. 1250). Fuero de Guadalajara, ed. Hayward Keniston (Elliot Monographs) (Princeton, 1924). Hita (ca. 1340). Juan Ruiz, Arcipreste de Hita. El libro de buen amor, ed. Julio Cejador y Frauca (Clásicos Castellanos) (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1955). Infantes (ca. 1467). Chapters on the Infantes de Lara, in: Refundición toledana de la crónica de España de 1344, MS 7594, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Juzgo (ca. 1241). El fuero juzgo o libro de los jueces, in: Los códigos españoles, vol. 1 (Madrid, La publicidad, 1847). Lazarillo (1554). La vida de Lazarillo de Tornes (Clásicos Castellanos) (Madrid, 1952). Lucanor (ca. 1335). don Juan Manuel. El libro de los enxiemplos del conde Lucanor et de Patronic, ed. Hermann Knust (Leipzig, Dr. Seele and Co., 1900). Magos (ca. 1200). Auto de los reyes magos, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in: Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos IV, August-September 1900. Manrique (late 15th century). Jorge Manrique. Cancionero, ed. Augusto Cortina (Madrid, La Lectura, 1929). Milagros (early 14th century). Gonzalo de Berceo. Milagros de Nuestra Señora, in: Poetas castellanos anteriores al siglo XV (=Biblioteca de autores españoles) (Madrid, 1952). Moradas (1588). Santa Teresa de Jesús. Las moradas (Clásicos Castellanos) (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1947). Novenera (ca. 1250). Los fueros de la Novenera, ed. Gunnar Tilander, in: Leges Hispanicae Medii Aevii (Stockholm, Almqvist, 1951). Palacio (late 14th century). Pero López de Ayala. Rimado de palacio, in: Poetas castellanos anteriores al siglo XV (biblioteca de autores españoles) (Madrid, 1952). Semblanzas (ca. 1450). Fernán Pérez de Guzmán. Generaciones y semblanzas, ed. J. Domínguez Bordona (Clásicos Castellanos) (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1954).



Silos (early 13th century). Gonzalo de Berceo. La vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, ed. J.D. FitzGerald (Paris, Bouillon, 1904). Talavera (1438). Arcipreste de Talavera. Conacho (Madrid, La sociedad de bibliófilos españoles, 1901). Teruel (ca. 1250). El fuero de Teruel, ed. Max Gorosch, in: Leges Hispanicae MediiAevii (Stockholm, Almqvist, 1952). Tob (ca. 1360). Rabbi'don Sem Tob. Proverbios morales, in: Poetas castellanos anteriores al siglo XV (Biblioteca de autores españoles) (Madrid, 1952). Troyana (ca. 1270). Historia troyana en prosa y verso, ed R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de filología española. Anejo XVIII (Madrid, Aguirre, 1934).




§ 1. The subjunctive is used in the present tense to express future wishes with a reasonable possibility of attainment. Ordinarily, such a wish is not preceded by any conjunction in Old Spanish. Vuestra vertud me vaia, Gloriosa, en mi exida e me ayude e me acorra de noch e de día! (Cid 221) bivades muchos días! (Cid 934) Dios salve a nuestros amigos. (Hita 3038) ¡Paz sea en esta casa! (Celestina 82, 12) § 2. However, on occasion, introductory conjunctions are found with this type. Que appears to be almost exclusively reserved for the expression of orders and directions. Ya was found only with the past subjunctive. ¡que Dios me la mantenga! (Hita 939a) § 3. Quite often, a wish is introduced by si. The origin of this si appears to be the Latin adverb sic, as shown by examples with assi", and as further corroborated by a parallel use of se in Old French where, occasionally, ainsi replaces se. Old Spanish, like Old French, seems to limit this usage to certain set formulas. Si vos vaia el Criador. (Cid 1442) Nunca vy tal como ésta, isy Dios me dé salud! (Hita 91 Id) Estó de priessa, ¡sy Dios de mal me guarde! (Hita 984c) asy aya buen reposo aquel honrado padre vuestro. (Talavera 148) § 4.

With less vivid or "contrary to fact" wishes, the past subjunctive is used. Ya pluguiese al verdadero poderoso Dios que sus dones . . . da a a q u e l . . . que le plaze. (Talavera 188)

16 § 5.


The wish may take the form of an imprecation or a curse. "cofonda Dios tal amiztad." (Cid 2412) Maldicho sea quien estos fueros quebrantare. (Teruel 788, 1) Maldito sea este nescio. (Celestina 30, 15) ¡Quemada seas, alcahueta falsa! (Celestina 92, 23) ¡Mal fin ayan vuestros amores... ! (Celestina 251, 34)

The examples that follow use que, ya and assi. ¡Que Santillán la cofonda! (Hita 963b) ¡Ya te viese colgar! (Hita 1467c) ¡Assi los diablos te ganen! Assi por infortunio arrebatado perezcas. (Celestina 24, 18) § 6. The subjunctive expresses commands, exhortations, orders, advice, etc., functioning as an equivalent of the imperative and compensating for the lack of certain persons in the imperative form. There are examples both with and without que. Que ella ruegue al criador. (Egipciaqua 1443) Qui muger forçare, muera por ello. (Guadalajara 73) e diga cada vno lo que por bien touiere. (Troyana 122, 22) ame a su fama e honra. (Talavera 207) Que is not reserved exclusively for commands conveyed by an intermediary to persons not present, as is the case in modern Spanish, but appears also in direct address. The following example will illustrate this: Que seades conmigo en canpo à la batalla. (Hita 1076b) § 7. Examples of this particular usage of the subjunctive abound in the legal phraseology of the fueros. E que el mandado que el da sea firmado por tres testigos. (Juzgo 116) E ambos sean azotados an tel iuez. (Juzgo 160) El padre herede los bienes del fijo. (Teruel 4, 2) El fierro pora la justicia far un palmo aya en luengo. (Teruel 494, 2) At times, an indicative of the auxiliary deber is used instead of the normal construction with the subjunctive. los auant dichos aldeanos lo deuen dar et pagar. (Teruel 6, 9) § 8. The subjunctive makes it possible to express an order with an impersonal verb. This usage seems to be limited chiefly to the verb membrar.



mienbre Te délos buenos nuestros antecessores. (Silos 193c) Mienbre uos sobre todo délos pobres uezinos (Silos 468a) The reflexive "pseudo-passive" also occurs in the subjunctive to convey an exhortation or to indicate directions to be followed. ellos son cinco, ni por esso no se sienta en nos couardía. (Amadis 149, 624) § 9. Exhortations in the first person plural require the present subjunctive, contrary to French usage where the indicative form is the rule. Que is generally not used: Andemos i asi lo fagamos. (Magos 73) Mouamos adelante, enesto non tardemos. (Silos 33a) Del mal tomemos el menos. ( A l f o n s o XI1711) suframos los males e dolor. (Palacio 896b) An example with que follows: Cauallero, por la fe que a Dios deuéys . . . que justemps otra vez. (Amadis 325, 355) No doubt, que is used here because of a complex sentence structure which makes this additional clarification desirable, if not indispensable. § 10. Vamos, which is used concurrently with vayamos in Old Spanish, was the standard form in the subjunctive until the sixteenth century, when it was finally replaced by vayamos. The archaic vamos remains, of course, in the imperative in the usage of today, but the subjunctive no vayamos is the regular negative imperative form. Here are some examples with vayamos in the positive: Vayamos de aquí'. (Amadis 60,263) Armémosnos y vayámoslos ver. (.Amadis 72,455) In the examples that follow, vamos is used in the positive: vamos a Santa Maria de la Merced. (Talavera 165) Vamos adelante. (Amadis 58, 66) y agora guiad y vamos lo ver. (Amadis 69, 232) § 11. The subjunctive serves as a negative imperative. This usage is continued to the present day. non ayades pesar! (Cid 1647) Nenguna muier non se case con otro marido, quando el suyo non es en la tierra. (Juzgo 125)



Et en la villa de Teruel non aya otro palacio si non de mj. (Teruel 3, 3) no me hables! (Celestina 25, 7) Que appears quite frequently in this construction: fablava mio Çid . . . : "todos iscamos fuera, que nadi non raste." (Cid 684) E que ninguno de los otros reyes non vengan contra esta donacion. (Juzgo 109) Por mi vida, madre, que tal no se haga. (Celestina 146, 6) § 1 2 . The future tense may be used with similar imperative force, as shown by the coordination with a subjunctive form in this example: respuesta de mi no avras, ni la esperes. (Celestina 94, 13) § 13.

The subjunctive may express a general precept. En el bien dezir sea firme é verdadero. (Hita 419d)

§ 14. In indirect discourse, the command depends on a latent verb of communication or belief, but there is no formal subordination. En ujsion li ujno defer vn ministerio: aquellos sanctos mártires, cuerpos de tan grant precio, quelos dessoterrasse del uieio çimenterio, et quelos aduxesse poral su monesterio. (Silos 267) § 1 5 . An independent volitive subjunctive may be used in a relative clause. This subjunctive is not in any way caused by the nature of the antecedent; the relative clause is non-defining and contains a subjunctive of the optative type. (See § 26) Guerreauala mucho aquel que Dios maldiga. (Silos 329a) tu madre, que Dios haya, te me dio. (Celestina 51,23) Assi era tu madre, que Dios aya, la prima de nuestro officio. (Celestina 136,


Mi padre, que Dios perdone, tenía cargo de proueer vna molienda de vna hazeña. (Lazarillo 66, 3) § 16. Similarly, an independent subjunctive, functioning as an indirectly conveyed imperative of the third person, is often found in legal language in connection with expressions such as: assaber es que, es a dezir que. The subjunctive here formulates an independent order without any direct dependence upon the preceding verb of communication. Decabo es a dezir que . . . non aya ninguna calonia por esto. (Teruel 83, 2) Empero, assaber es que las firmas o los testigos que en la carta fueren escrip-



tos non sean reptados. (Teruel 96, 2) Mas assaber es que el sayón de conceio sienpre sea credido. (Teruel 134, 3) In modern Spanish, this hybrid construction is avoided by the use of deber in the indicative. Examples of this modern construction are also found in the Fuero de Teruel. Decabo es assaber que los iurados de las aldeas deuen pechar la meytat.

(Teruel 11,2) Que assaber es que en toda frontera do riba o penna aurá cay do, el sennor de aquella frontera deue meter en ella V pedones. (Teruel 343, 6) A parallel example with the indicative of poder follows: Mas empero, assaber es que, . . . después segunt del fuero non la puede contradezir ninguno. (Teruel 309, 5) The following example shows a mixture of the two constructions; the subjunctive (respondan) + the indicative of deber (deben responder) are merged into a pleonastic expression of order with deber appearing in the subjunctive (deuan responder). De los adobadores en present njnguna cosa non dezimos, qu'ellos deuan responder a los texedores. (Teruel 761, 2) One example was found with assaber que introducing an imperative: Mas es assaber que, si el sennor sus oueias querrá toller al pastor, tuelgage las antes que las oueias enpieçen a parir. (Teruel 682, 3)



§ 17. This subjunctive is basically of the same order as the volitive subjunctive. At most, there is only a difference in degree, not in essence, as shown by Bischoffs definition of concession: "Der Wunsch äussert sich abgeschwächt in einem Ausdruck der Einräumung, des Zugestehens". (The wish expresses itself weakened to an expression of concession, or granting). A concessively colored subjunctive is used to express an alternative or to indicate acceptance, permission, at times even a certain resignation in front of inevitable circumstances, in other words, when there is no alternative. This usage seems restricted to certain set formulas which mainly show repetition of the same verb; the present subjunctive is used in the main clause, the future subjunctive in the indefinite relative clause. In modern Spanish, since the future subjunctive has long dropped out, the present subjunctive serves in both clauses.



cueste lo que costare. (Palacio 509c) Hagase lo que se hiziere. (Celestina 71,3) y dure el pleyto lo que durare! (Celestina 74, 19) después, venga lo que viniere. {Moradas 120, 30) There are also examples with different verbs in the two clauses: Haga lo que quisiere. {Celestina 273, 19) haga lo que quisiere de nosotras; llévenos por donde fuere servido. {Moradas 70, 6) § 18. A concessive sea may be used alone, parallel with the French soit. Assi sea. {Amadis 261, 205) § 19.

The concessive subjunctive serves to express an alternative or a choice. si algún omne daquí adelantre recibe ó coge siervo aieno fuido, que lo conozca ó que lo non conozca,... peche otro tal siervo al sennor com aquel. {Juzgo 174) Sean rricos, sean sanos, Non les dé Dios çeguedat. {Hita 1723d) Pero esta es la verdad,... ora se sepa ora non se sepa. {Talavera 12)

Instead of the repetition of the verb, the conjunction o is often used to introduce the second part of the alternative. mando que el padre o la madre ad algún fijo de los suyos non puedan dar ninguna cosa, o sean sanos o enfermos. {Teruel 442, 2) sea de una manera u de otra, el Señor la junta consigo. {Moradas 220, 18) A subjunctive and an imperative alternate in this example: O bien bien lo fagamos ó bien bien lo dexat. (Hita 838c) § 20. Querer seems to be even more common then ser in Old Spanish in expressions of alternatives. It corresponds to a similar usage of vueil - vueil in Old French. The frequent use of quier and a great hesitation between quiere and quiera point to a weakening of the verbal nature of the expression which tends to become as indifferent to mood as does o — o. Here is an example with quiera : Si quier sea francés, si quier de Vngría, Sy quiera de Espanna, sy quier alemán, Sy quiera ynglés o de Lombardia, si quiera escotés, si quier catalán, Sea christiano el que nos darán. {Palacio 803)



As seen, quiera alternates with quier and even once with o in the above example. A similar hesitation is shown in this example: Hi fallaredes muchos que son end sabidores, sy quiere de mançebos, si quiera de mayores. (Silos 386a) This example shows si quiere-si quier: Et por esto sean apercebudos por todo clamant que a eyllos uienga, si quiere sea cristiano, si quiere moro, si quiere iudío. (Novenera 210) These examples have si quier - si quier: Si quier sea noble, si quier sea de menor guisa, asi deve seer tormentada. (Juzgo 150) mando sacar luego su cauallo armado fuera, si quier biua, sy quier muera. (Troyana 108, 126) This example is with si's quiere - si's quiere. The 's represents an apocopated se. Todo ombre qui furte bestia quadrúpeda, si's quiere cordero, si's quiere puerco, puede dar candela. (Novenera 113) Here are some examples that show quier -quier : la mayor partida siempre la die a uosotros, quier fuesen tierras, quier fuesen heredades. (Troyana 22, 26) valia mas que el, quier por arte o quier por engenio. (Troyana 64, 28) The conjunction o and the negation non may take the place of the verb implied: Otrosí quando vyeres á quien usa con ella, Quier sea suyo ó non, fáblale por amor della. (Hita 488a) Quier lo vea ó non, saberlo ha algund día. (Hita 518b) § 21. A clause in the subjunctive may express concession or condition, as if preceded by if or even i f . Los moros e las moras vender non los podremos, que los descabeçemos nada non ganaremos. (Cid 619) Sea un orne nesçio é rudo labrador, Los dyneros le fazen fidalgo é sabydor. (Hita 491a) desto vea yo sobrado en casa, que nunca temere el mal año. (Celestina 166, 28)




§ 22. The use of the subjunctive of doubt in a main clause appears to be restricted to verbs modified by adverbs that further emphasize the aspect of uncertainty, such as quizá, por ventura, acaso. But even in these constructions, the preference is for the present or future indicative in Old Spanish; hardly any examples were found of the subjunctive. Here are some examples of quizá with the indicative: Quiça el grand trabajo puede vos acorrer. {Hita 793c) Quiça fallará puerto. {Tob 171d) y quiça me engaña el diablo. {Celestina 26, 9) Quizá no serán todas las almas llevadas por este camino. {Moradas 118,15) Por (a) ventura was found only with the indicative: por aventura es por las maneras que an aquellas sus mugeres. {Lucanor 116, 21) y por ventura haremos mas. {Celestina 139,18) In the following example, the choice of mood appears to be determined by the presence of por acaso in the sentence: ¿O si por acaso los ladradores perros . . . le ayan mordido? ¿O si ha caydo en alguna calçada? {Celestina 236,13) § 23. The -ra form of the imperfect subjunctive is used, especially with querer, and also with poder and deber, to convey a polite or restrained statement. e la villa de Granada quisiera la conbatir. {Alfonso XI24) El quisiera subir a la torre. (Amadis 60, 259) Angriote lo quisiera lleuar a su castillo. {Amadis 163, 173) § 24. Remark{ 1). Quite frequently, an -ra form is used with the value of pluperfect indicative in Old Spanish, in accordance with its derivation from the pluperfect indicative of classical Latin {amaveram > amara). This usage is increasingly superseded in the 14th and 15th centuries by the subjunctive function, but isolated examples of the indicativevalue occur as late as the beginning of the 17th century. This archaic use regains favor again in the 19th century. Here are some examples of this construction: diera nos Dios Espan(n)a, guardar non la sopimos. [= Dios nos había dado] {González 24) un omne fuera muy rrico et llego a tan grand pobresa que non avia cosa de que se mantener. [= había sido] {Lucanor 202,9)



The use of this pluperfect indicative is not, of course, limited to independent clauses, as shown below. de quai gujsa çegara, esto non lo leemos. [= había cegado] (Silos 336c) Preguntaron al griego qué fué lo que dixiera. [= había dicho] (Hita 59a) Diz' el lobo al león que el asno tal nasciera. [= había nacido] (Hita 903a) § 25. Remark(2). Parataxis, or the "omission" of que in noun clauses, is a common feature of Spanish, found very frequently in the current letter-writing style. This sentence structure is treated under subordination since the choice of mood depends on the governing verb of the main clause. Here are some examples of parataxis: te ruego me dexes hablar vn poco. (Celestina 3 3 , 4 ) pues te pido le muestres. (Celestina 186, 16) le rogaua me tractasse bien. (Lazarillo 76, 1) Es menester tenga paciencia quien lo leyere. (Moradas 15, 21)


§ 26. Relative clauses are either defining or non-defining. The defining relative clause is essential to the meaning of the sentence, its purpose being to limit or define the antecedent of the relative pronoun or adverb, whereas the non-defining clause gives only additional but not essential information. The latter is so loosely connected with the main clause that its choice of mood is not determined by its subordination. This again means that the only subjunctive that can appear in a non-defining relative clause is an independent subjunctive of the optative type, such as this one: a Sevilla sse bolvió este rey que Dios defienda. (Alfonso XI289) For further examples, refer back to § 15. In the defining relative clause, the use of the subjunctive depends on the presence of a certain type of antecedent in the main clause, implying a high degree of subordination.



§ 27. The subjunctive is used in a relative clause when uncertainty is implied. It appears therefore with purely hypothetical actions or states: por un marco que despendades al monesterio daré yo quatro. {Cid 260) Mando encara que, si exan (bre de abeias ix) iere de una colmena et entra (re) en otra en que sean abeias, el sennor de la colmena aquel exanbre aya por II sueldos. (Teruel 735, 2) De los pexes que sean uendidos en Teruel, (chapter heading) (Teruel 771, 1) Dos hermanos que sean, (si) el uno muere sines creatura, el otro hermano heredará. (Novenera 272) e guárdese el vezino que tenga fermosa muger. (Talavera 79) De vn pan que yo tenga ternas tu la meytad. (Celestina 253, 17) In the following example, it is difficult to explain the coordination of an indicative and a subjunctive:



De cabo mando que, si algún querelloso trobará su debdor o ad alguno contra el quai pleyto demanda o querella aya, demande le cableuador al fuero de Teruel. (Teruel 166, 2) § 28. Occasionally, the relative clause assumes a final or consecutive connotation, expressing a desired quality or characteristic and containing a subjunctive of the volitive type. As a further indication of uncertainty, the antecedent is normally — but not always — indefinite, since the use of the definite article would imply an already existing quality. Muño Gustioz, privado cavalgó, con él dos cavalleros quel sirvan a so sabor. (Cid 2917) Dyo les seys mili peones con que los conbatyes(s)en. (González 86) Buscáron-le maestros que le fiziesen metgia. (Apolonio 198a) el iuez deve escoier á alguno de los parientes de la madre que los guarde. (Juzgo 133) Y dándole vn escudero que con él fuesse, se despidieron. (Amadis 156, 279) busca vn buen amo a quien siruas. (.Lazarillo 147, 9) § 29. The consecutive aspect may be further stressed by the addition of a consecutive adjective such as tal·. Qual derecho es que la biuda que tal fijo oujere con el quai cunpla sus lauores e sostenga su casa en uez de su marido, toda la pecha peche. (Teruel 10, 2) § 30.

Already existing qualities are, of course, expressed in the indicative: y conozco personas que van por el camino del amor. (Moradas 69, 21)



§31. The subjunctive is used when the antecedent is denied or questioned or conditioned, to convey a notion of doubt and uncertainty. non es tierra en mundo que aya tales pasturas. (Gonzáles 31) non ha oy rrey en el mundo que nos osase fazer un pesar. (Troyana 1,19) non ay cossa escondida, Que á cabo de tienpo non sea bien sabida. {Hita 89d) E non veo ninguno que la quiera acorrer. (Palacio 81 Oe) No tengo yo hijos que anden a tal hora, (iCelestina 219, 2) The examples that follow show the negation nunca: nunca ujnjeron fixicos quili ualiessen nada. (Silos 539b) Yo nunca vy fermosa que quisyese pobreza. (Hita 508c)



In the following examples where the relative clause is conditioned, the coordination of a subjunctive and an indicative is not easily understood: si ay qui responda o dize de no, yo so Albar Fáñez pora tod el mejor. (Gd 3455) The indicative also appears in this example: Non ay arte, çiençia nin maestria que alios non dizen que saben. (Talavera 263) § 32. Negation, although not formally expressed, is nevertheless implied in words of a negative or restrictive nature, such as poco, raro, apenas. The mood these words govern is the subjunctive. pocos fallemos Que lo sepan tenplar. (Tob 578c) e fallanse pocos en que la verdad y lealtad enteramente permanescan. (Semblanzas 144, 25) Apenas hallaras vn rico que no confiesse que le seria mejor estar en mediano estado. (Celestina 87, 12) Cata que es muy rara la paciencia que agudo baldón no penetre. (Celestina 155,1) § 33.

Similar modal conditions exist in Old Spanish after the preposition sin. Si algún omne laga ó mata animalia aiena sin danno quel ficiese, peche otra tal ammalia. {Juzgo 169) Si algún omne encierra ganado aieno sin danno nenguno quel fìciese, si es siervo reciba diez azotes. (Juzgo 169)

The above construction with sin appears to be relative in nature, and the construction sin que may simply be a further development from this structure.



§ 34. A relative clause may depend on an adjective or an adverb in the superlative form. The indicative is used to denote objective facts and is, consequently, the norm whenever past or present actions are stated. Mandol el Rey vestir luego de panyos honrrados, Los meiores que fueron en su casa trobados. (Apolonio 157a) Et puso en el los enxiemplos mas aprovechosos que el sopo. (Lucanor 1, 7) Que esto es lo menos que yo por ti tengo de hazer. (Celestina 139, 4)



§ 35. In most cases, the relative clause contains a form of the auxiliary poder which here assumes the function of expressing possibility. In this case, the modal norm is the indicative. pensólas de adobar de los mejores guarnimientos que en Burgos pudo fallar, (iCid 1426) corrió lo más que pudo. (Hita 768a) § 36. The subjunctive occurs after a superlative antededent with its usual value of uncertainty or doubt concerning actions that have not yet taken place. fablad entre vos amos lo mijor que entendades. (Hita 708b) Clauses containing a future subjunctive are concessively colored: Lo mijor que yo viere, de grado lo fare. (Hita 1395d) § 37. Although uncertainty is already expressed through the use of poder, some examples were found oí poder in the subjunctive as a double indication of modality. rrogaronlle que les conseiase lo mejor que el podiese. (Troyana 8, 5) Encobrid aqueste pleyto lo más muncho que podades. (Hita 708c) § 38. Relatively few examples were found of the subjunctive used after a superlative to present a subjective or softened statement, a usage which is far more widespread in French. E para si la canal, la mayor que orne viese. (Hita 84c) Pero tafle, y canta la mas triste canción que sepas. (Celestina 26, 29) hasta aquí fueste el más sesudo cauallero mancebo que aya visto. (Amadis 294, 77) § 39. A few words, though not formal superlatives, are related in meaning to the highest degree of the adjective, such as: primero, solo, raro, etc. Two of these, solo and raro, have already been encountered as basically negative antecedents (see § 32). The following examples with primero all conform to the rule outlined above: the indicative is used with events of the past and the subjunctive is used with things yet to happen. The first examples are indicative cases. E esta fue la primera uez que los godos y entraron. (Alfonso 210, 2,19) la primera posada que tomaste . . . auia de ser la mia. (Celestina 131,2) These examples require the subjunctive: Al primer desconcierto que vea en este negocio no como mas su pan. (Celestina 70,21)



Apercíbete, a la primera boz que oyeres, tomar calças de Villadiego. (Celestina 207, 25)



§ 40 The indefinite relative clause contains a que of a very vague and general nature, comparable to the English ever of however and whatever. The modal norm is a subjunctive of the concessive order, conveying such connotations as modesty, caution, prudence, which are naturally inherent in general statements. In the majority of cases, the antecedent will contain an element that further bears out the general aspect of the enunciation, such as todo, cualquier, nuill and ninguno. It should be noted that nuill and ninguno have no negative value here, but are the equivalent of todo. § 41.

These examples show a noun preceded by todo as the antecedent of que : Todo cauallero que en fonsada o en appellido de conseio non fuere, peche V sueldos. (Teruel 5, 3) Toda muiller que sea preynnada non deue iurar. (Novenera 9) Toda cosa que vos diga, oylda en paciençia. (Hita 703b)

§ 42.

The same concessive value is found with the antecedent todo lo que. contenta a la vezina en todo lo que razón fuere darle por el hilado. (Celestina 85, 24)

In other cases todo lo que appears with a quantative value only (= as much as), but a concessive subjunctive is used here also, as shown in this example: saltá todo lo que podays. (Lazarillo 105,13) § 4 3 . In the legal language of the medieval period, nuill and ninguno may be used with the same general meaning as todo. They normally require a concessive subjunctive. Ningún hombre que plague a otro, si el plagado non se clama, no ha calonia. (Novenera 2) Ningún hombre que plague uno a otro en carnal, deue V sueldos de calonia. (Novenera 5) Nuill hombre que sea fiança de X sueldos en suso et niegue, pueden le dar candela. (Novenera 32) The indicative mainly seems to occur in cases of coordination of two or more verbs. The first verb is in the subjunctive, the second is in the indicative.



Ninguna muiller que aya marido et trasnuyta fuera de casa a pesar de su marido, no la culdrá en su casa. (Novenera 11) Nuilla testimoniança que sea por mano presa et niega, por el niego pueden le conseguir una iura en las Arribas. (.Novenera 33) There is no essential difference between this last example and the one quoted above (Novenera 32) to warrant the change in modality. Great modal hesitation has been noted for Old Spanish as well as for Old French in the case of coordinated verbs. It may be that the subordination of the second verb is forgotten; this leads to a subsequent break in the sentence structure resulting in the purely mechanical use of the indicative ("whoever does this . . . and then he denies")· Examples were also found of an indicative coordinated with a subjunctive; this again points to a completely mechanical treatment of coordinated verbs. Nuill ombre qui pendra bestia ayllena o buy en el campo et are con eilla, deue . . . V sueldos. (Novenera 27) The Fuero de la Novenera also yielded an example of a single verb in the indicative: Ningún ombre que el hueyllo de la cara saca uno a otro, deue medio homizidio. {Novenera 4) § 44. In cases where the antecedent is a noun preceded by the definite article, the concessive connotation is normally brought out by the use of the future subjunctive in the relative clause. deve seer presente, é dezir la verdad que sopiere. {Juzgo 118) La bulrra que oyeres, non la tengas por vil. {Hita 65a) Y mas, las noches que ordenares, sea tu venida por este secreto lugar. {Celestina 239, 22) However, here is an example with the future indicative: Mando otrosí que los infançones e los villanos que en Teruel habitarán todos ayan un fuero. {Teruel 3, 2) The future subjunctive may also be used after a noun preceded by aquel: ponme aquella ley que te pluguiere. {Talavera 309) § 45. The antecedent may be a noun that carries no article, or it may be an adjective. Concession is expressed through the use of the future subjunctive. Otro que la vistiere non sera bien hallado. {Milagros 64d) El padre herede los bienes del fijo et el fijo los bienes del padre, si non fijo que fuere fecho en adulterio. {Teruel 4, 2)



There follows an additional example that has the imperfect subjunctive: Alma que lo vidiese serie bien venturosa! (Milagros 169d) § 46. Remark. If the present subjunctive is used, it is a subjunctive of another nature, used to express uncertain or hypothetic actions or states. Tenprad con el buen seso el pesar que ayades. (Hita 792c) For other examples, refer to § 27. § 47. El que, lo que, etc., when taken in a general sense, are followed by a future subjunctive in Old Spanish. lo que romaneçiere daldo a mi muger. {Cid 823) e eras feremos lo que ploguiere a vos. (Cid 2050) Pero tomen enxemplo los que leyeren aquí. (Talavera 310) § 48. A relative clause, following a negative antecedent, may also take a subjunctive of the concessive order: syn Dios non me puede prestar cosa que sea. (Hita 694a) § 49. If the antecedent is qualquier (qualquiere, qualquiera) + a noun, the modal norm is the subjunctive. Qualquier ome, que l ' o y a , . . . Puede más añedir. (Hita 1629a) E qualquier cosa, Sennor, que tu esperes de mi, Lo tengo por mejor. (Palacio 399a) Qualquiera cosa que nos pidan hallaran también complida. (Celestina 257,4) In this example, qualquier has been split by the insertion of cosa : estonz el otro iuez que envió las letras, deve prendar quai cosa quier que falle cabe sí. (Juzgo 115) § 50.

The indicative is used in factual statements, implying no concessive aspect. que cualquier cosa que el vulgo piensa es vanidad. (Celestina 169, 10) y cualquier falta que hace la atraviesa las entrañas. (Moradas 188, 24)

§ 5 1 . Qualquier(e) may also be used as a pronominal antecedent. The modal conditions are the same as for qualquier + noun + que. E los fìios qualesquier é quantos quier que sean nados daquella ayuntanza,



sean siervos cuerno su padre. (Juzgo 125) Luego quieres pecar con cualquier que tú veas (Hita 257c) Qualquier assumes adverbial qualities in this example: E si alguna cosa de lo suyo despiende, qualquier poco que sea, esto primeramente mill vezes lo llora. ( Talavera 115) § 52.

The indicative is used when the concessive element is missing. Qualquier que asi peca en esta ocasion, Fornicador lo llaman. {Palacio 88b) Fueste sienpre . . . conortando a quai quier que con dolor Estaba. {Palacio 907a). e mandó punir a qualquier que por desfrenado apetyto voluntario tal cosa cometía. (Talavera 8)

In the. Fuero de Teruel, one example was found containing a future of deber ·. quai quiere que messeguero deurá seer deue iurar fideldat. (Teruel 412, 2) § 53. The medieval fueros offer various examples of coordinated verbs with the usual fluctuation in the choice of mood. In the following, both verbs are in the subjunctive: Otrosí, quai qujere que a muger tetas tajare et prouado'l fuere, peche por cada una teta C morauedís alfonsís. (Teruel 484, 2) Other examples offer et prouado'l será with no basic difference in meaning. In these examples, the first verb is in the future subjunctive, the second is in the future indicative: Otrosí, quai quiere que a monia forçare o la rabirá . . . si pudiere seer preso, sin remedio sea enforcado. (Teruel 478, 2) De cabo, qual qujere que muger prisiere por los cabellos (o) crudel mjentre la trayerá . . . , peche LX sueldos. ( Teruel 483, 2) Still others have both verbs in the future indicative: De cabo, qual quiere que por sembrada agena sendero o carrera farà et prouado'l será, peche X sueldos. (Teruel 405, 2) Otrosí, qual quiere que omne esquilará e prouado'l será, peche LXa sueldos. {Teruel 499, 2) § 54.

Quienquietie) que takes a concessive subjunctive as well:



Quien se quiere que sia echadlo en la mar. (Apolonio 274a) pero quienquier que fuesse, es digno de recordable memoria. {Celestina 4, 10) The parallel form qui quier(a) que, found mainly in Gonzalo de Berceo, also takes the subjunctive. qui quiera que en çierto lo quisiesse buscar fuesse ala iglesia açerca del altar.

(Silos 88c) quj quier quela ujdiesse temala por lazrada. (Silos 676d) § 55.

Que quier que is followed also by a concessive subjunctive. Que quier que les abenga an lo de endurar. (Apolinio


Complirlo quiero todo quequier que me digades. (Milagros 191b) Mas quequiera que me ende auenga, non lo dexare por miedo. (Troyana 121, 14) Quequier', que por ti faga, tenlo en poridat. (Hita 566d) One example was found of an indicative used in a normal way with events in the past: Que qujera que mandaua el su padre Abbat, . . . obedesçia el luego. (Silos 87a) § 56. Quando quiere que requires the subjunctive. This construction, along with doquier que and como quier que may be considered full-fledged conjunctions introducing an adverbial clause. They are treated here for convenience. quando quiere que sea vna es la razon. (Silos 444b) mas quando que quiere quel pueda seer mostrada la cosa, que la entregue.

(Juzgo 137) todas las embaxas sean de la esposa . . . , quando quiere que el uarón muera.

(Teruel 417, 3) § 57.

Quanto quiere que is followed by a subjunctive. peche el sennor de la bestia el precio al mege, quanto quiere que costare de sanar. (Teruel 464, 3)

Quanto may be used alone to express indefìniteness; the normal tense that it governs is the future subjunctive. quanto mas fuere andando, tanto mas diminuyendo. (Celestina 71, 24) quanto tu ordenares. (Celestina 212, 30) § 58. Doquieiia) que as a general rule takes the subjunctive, but where habitual occurrences or past actions are concerned, it naturally takes the indicative. The examples that



follow have the subjunctive to show indefiniteness. Variants are o quier que and adoquier que. Y este pecado o quier que sea fecho en toda la tierra, el iuez lo deve acusar é penar. (Juzgo 137) E Polidamas otrosy bien mostraua la su caualleria por doquier que pasase. (Troyana 75, 3) Syenpre está la loxuria adoquier que tu seas. (Hita 257a) The following is an example with a variant dor que (= do quiera que): et dor que la faille, poder la ha de prender. (Novenera 200) The indicative appears with all events in the past: Doquier que se iuntaban mançebos o casados, Deso fablaban todos. {Milagros 409c) fazia muy grand mortandat por doquier que pasaua. (Troyana 118, 17) There are also examples of the present indicative used in cases where habitual occurrences or facts are described, as in modern Spanish: Por do quier que pasamos llenos están los suelos. (Palacio 173c) general regla es que donde quier que ay mugeres ay de muchas nuevas. (Talavera 178) Do may be used alone, followed by a future subjunctive which indicates indefiniteness. do sopiéredes que somos, indos conseguir. (Cid 833) § 59 Cada que, as with the previous expression, admits either mood, depending on whether or not indefiniteness is stressed. This is a subjunctive example: Et por esta enfermedat que avia mandavanle los físicos que cada quel' tomase talante de se desenbargar . . . que lo provase luego. (.Lucanor 208, 12) § 60. Como quier que was found both as an indefinite relative and as a conjunction. When an indefinite relative (= in whatsoever manner, howsoever, whatever), it requires the subjunctive. mas commo quier que aquesto fuese, leuaronlo de Anchiles, malo su grado, los hermanos de don Hector. (Troyana 110, 3) Y assi quedaua mi demanda, como quiera que fuesse, en si loable. (Celestina 100, 29) Comoquier que acontesca no dexaré de os dezir la verdad. (Amadis 12, 95)



A transition from an indefinite relative construction to subordination may be seen in this example: commo quier que otro sea triste, sodes vos ya muy alegre. (Troyana 15,11) Since, in the above example, the attitudes of two persons are being contrasted, the aspect of indefinite quantity remains prevalent, yet the transition in meaning towards "although" is clearly visible. § 6 1 . As a conjunction, como quier que very often governs the indicative, especially about events in the past. Commo quiere que era en el mal costumnado, En saludar a ella era bien acordado. {Milagros 102a) E cuerno quier que el rey Athila era muy brauo et muy sannudo, otorgogelo. (Alfonso 237, 1,49) E commo quier que era moço segund sus dias, era asaz de sotil entendimiento. (Lucanor 13, 15) However, the present and future indicative are also found: Como quier que los frayres non toman los dineros, Byen les dan de la çeja. (Hita 506a) Como quier que algún poco en esto lastarás, Tu alma pecador asila salvarás. (Hita 1169c) Commo quier que son ffinados ssus ffamas acá dexaron. (Alfonso XI149) § 62. The subjunctive is used with como quier que whenever an action is viewed as hypothetic, doubtful or uncertain. cuemo que quier que sea firmado tal pleyto, mandamos que non vaia ni aya ninguna firmedumbre. (Juzgo 113) E muy poco duran los sus sospiros commo quier que mucho juren e mucho prometan. (Troyana 147,11) Other examples containing subjunctive forms may deal with facts, in which case we seem to have a formal influence from the indefinite relative construction. It is, of course, difficult to exclude completely the presence of an element of uncertainty in the writer's mind. Et como quier que ellos estidiessen muy canssados de la batalla..., mas esforçadamientre començaron esta. (González 96) mas commo quier que oviesen algunos grand alegría e jugasen e rriesen, Diomedes noche e dia sienpre cuytado andaua. (Troyana 192,1)



§ 63. Siquiere may function as a concessive conjunction (= even if); the only example found used the subjunctive: Siquiere luego muriesse, yo non daría nada. (Milagros 817c) § 64. A concessive subjunctive is used in relative clauses depending on an antecedent which contains the formula por + an indefinite quantity. This construction is extremely common in Old Spanish and is by no means limited to cases containing a direct reference to quantity, such as muy, mucho and más. § 65. Por mucho que was found governing both the subjunctive and the indicative. The examples that follow show the subjunctive: Por mucho que se tarde, mal galardón alcança. {Hita 1476c) Por mucho que ayunes e fagas oraçion, y oygas muchas misas e muy luengo sermon, E des muchas lesmosnas e a pobres raçion, Si pas en tí no ouieres, estarás en ocasion. (Palacio 536) Pues por mucho que madrugue no amanesce mas ayna. (Celestina 244, 17) por muy mucho que se esfuerce, anda con un desabrimiento. (Moradas 126, 9) The indicative appears with factual information void of any concessive element, as with these two examples: Et por mucho que los llamo non rrespondio ninguno dellos. (Lucanor 242, 21) Por mucho plaser que ha, mucho pesar espera. (Palacio 552c) Here is even an example with the future indicative: Non te aprouechan bienes, por muchos que farás. (Palacio 179d) A coordination of a subjunctive and an indicative occurs in this example: Ca por mucho que byvamos, por mucho que se tarda, A venir ha tu rravia. (Hita 1566c) There appears to be no essential reason for this change in modality. § 66. Por + muy (or mucho) + adjective (or adverb) + que and por + más + (noun or adjective or adverb) + que are two constructions that were found governing exclusively the subjunctive. Los doñeos la vençen , por muy brava que sea. (Hita 633d) Por mucho escondido que fagas tu pecado, Delante aquel Jues non puede ser çelado .(Palacio 1352a)



Pues, por mas que sigas mi morada y seas contraria a mi persona, las aduersidades con ygual animo se han de suffrir. {Celestina 233, 1) Pues, por mas mal y daño que me venga, no dexare de complir el mandado. (Celestina 233,6) § 67. With por + adjective + que and por + adjective + noun + que, the subjunctive is the norm. Non tengas por vil onbre Por pequenno que le veas. (Tob 430a) apenas deben llegar nuestros entendimientos, por agudos que fuesen. (Moradas 5, 17) These examples show a past participle in the function of an adjective: non ha cosa, por encubierta que sea, que tarde o ayna non sea sabida. (Lucanor 239, 7) entonces todo se pierde, por subida que esté un alma en la cumbre. (Moradas 78, 22) These examples contain an attributive adjective; in the second one, the adjective is introduced by a preposition. ca cierto sed que por grant aver que sea . . . , que non puede durar mucho. (Lucanor 93, 9) E non creo que ombre o fembra, por de tan alto lynaje que sea, que non le sea feo desonesto amar. ( Talavera 26) One example was found with the indicative, used to state a general truth. Aquí' por agudas que son las lagartijas, no pueden entrar en esta Morada. (Moradas 86,13) § 68. Por + adverb + que was found, as with the other expressions, with the subjunctive and the indicative. The first examples show the subjunctive: Por bien que te arremetas, Non pasarás la vereda. (Hita 96If) pues yo te certifico no diesse mi parte por medio marco de oro, por mal que la vieja la reparta. (Celestina 198, 2) por mal que vivan se pueden enmendar. (Moradas 98,14) Por may be omitted, but still understood: aver las hedes a servir, mal que vos pese a vos. (Cid 3451) Byen ó mal que gorgee, nunca Γ digas pycaça. (Hita 924b) abriréis mal que vos pese. (Talavera 270)



The indicative is mainly used about facts in the past with this construction: por presto que él echaua la mano, ya yua de mi cambio anichilado. (Lazarillo 83,8) § 69. Por + noun + que again allows either the indicative or the subjunctive according to meaning. These examples show the subjunctive: Por fuerça nin por seso que yo podiese aver, non la podrrya por guisa ninguna defender. (González 78) nunca vos, por arte que ayades, desta fenda guaresçeredes. (Troyana 28, 26) Et despues por lluvia que faga non puede nacer. {Lucanor 99, 22) por diligencias que hagamos, no lo podemos adquirir. (Moradas 68,6) The indicative is used with facts: Et por cosa que fizieron nunca desta entencion le pudieron sacar. {Lucanor 71, 19) A few examples were found with quai added as a further indication of indefiniteness; the first example shows a past indicative, the second shows a present subjunctive: por quai cosa que era, vinja dessaborgado. (Silos 131b) por quel fruto que venga de la tal entinçion, A nos sea prouechoso. (Palacio 1448c) § 70. A concessive subjunctive denoting indefiniteness is used after relatives without antecedent (qui, quien), as well as after compound forms (el que, lo que, los que, etc.) Future subjunctives or -se forms further stress the aspect of indefiniteness. The first examples are with qui: qui non viniesse a la cort non se toviesse por so vassallo. (Cid 2982) Qui truxiere por cabellos, peche diez maravedís. (Guadalajara 5) Qui muger forçare, muera por ella. (Guadalajara 73) Qui alli se morasse serie bien venturado! (Milagros 12d) Here is an example with two coordinated verbs, one in the future subjunctive, the other in the future indicative: Mas quj en su mu(ert) fuere et prouado'l será, con toda su conpannya . . . sea quemado. (Teruel 773, 2) These examples use quien: quien non viniere al plazo pierda la razón. (Cid 3483)



Quien bien te conosçiere, de ty non fyará, El que tus obras viere, de ty se arredrará. (Hita 310a) These examples use el que, lo que, etc.: Los que quisieren ir servir al Campeador de mi" sean quitos. {Cid 1369) e el que non quisiere dar derecho, costringanle los alcaldes. (Guadalajara 9) el que armas trrayere e le fuere sabido, fagan (le) lo que fazen al traydor nemigo. (González 19) El que houiere sseso responda. (Apolonio 656e)


§ 71. The indirect question is a variant of the noun clause (see § 79). The governing verb more often indicates communication, information or knowledge {saber, ignorar, etc.), and the subjunctive is used to express doubt, mainly in connection with a negated verb. The subjunctive may also convey the idea of an obligation, or it may express purpose or intention. Other usages of the subjunctive point to relative clauses (lo que, quien, etc.). Several examples of this last mentioned group contain a future subjunctive of the concessive order, used to stress indefiniteness. § 72. The subjunctive expresses doubt or uncertainty in connection with a negated governing verb. ia non se que me faga. (Magos 114) Con cuyta non sabemos quai conseio prendamos. (Apolonio 47c) E pues yo non se que uos diga. (Troyana 8, 33) No se quai escoja por mas sano. (Celestina 80,17) yo no sé a qué se pueda comparar. (Moradas 124, 14) non sé que faga de mj. (Infantes 156vd) The subjunctive may also express uncertainty after affirmative governing verbs since the object in question is in doubt. a vna su donzella mandó saber qué fuesse aquello. (= what that might be) (Amadis 142, 85) § 73. An infinitive construction is very common after a negated governing verb. The indicative is also found when the element of doubt is centered on the interrogative word alone, without being brought to bear on the verb itself. No sabian que hazer (Celestina 250, 35) no se quai es achesta strela! (Magos 2) Yo non sé qué es vyno. (Hita 535a) E de los muchos peligros non sabe quál es mayor. (Hita 852d) ¿Non sabes cuanto es peligrosa la desperación? (Semblanzas 145, 25)


§ 74.


The subjunctive may function as a mood of potentiality. Si en su yra yaçes non se qui te defienda. (= who can defend you) (Apolonio 84c) e cada vno dellos piensa commo nos faga dafio. (= how he can hurt us) (Troyana 22, 33) Athanarico penso de cuerno uengasse la sangre de so compannero. (=how he could take vengeance) ( A l f o n s o 229, 1, 32) e luego pensará Como cumpla su talante, (Palacio 158b)

Finally, here is an example which, in addition, contains a form of poder: Pensó como pudiese partyrle de todo esto. {Hita 531b) § 75. A subjunctive of the volitive order is used to express obligation, orders, demands, advice, etc. Consejo les a todos de quai guisa fyzies(s)en. (González 87) Este Hormisda ordeno como se mantouiessen los clérigos. ( A l f o n s o 247, 1,

18) conséjame qué faga. (= what I must do) {Hita 847c) § 76.

A volitive subjunctive is used to stress intention or purpose. E trabajar me he en todas guisas commo vos faga yo leuar en lecho a Troya. (Troyana 125, 20) Yo dare forma como tu desseo y el de Calisto sean en breue complidos. (iCelestina 191,18) vete a la villa y trabaja cómo veas a la donzella de Denamarcha. (Amadis 123, 93)

§ 77. A subjunctive of concession is also encountered in the indirect question; the future subjunctive is used in order to stress indefìniteness: Faga quanto podiere. {Hita 849c) Aparejaos a lo que os viniere. {Celestina 108, 19) Pero diga lo que dixere. (Celestina 187, 10) The future indicative is used, however, in this example, since plazrá refers to something known: Mas él faga de su cuerpo lo que a él plazrá. (Teruel 4 1 8 , 4 ) The present indicative is used when the element of concession or indefìniteness is missing:



aguijan quanto pueden. (= as much as, not however much) (Cid 2646) se guarnesçen agora ellos quanto pueden contra nos. (Troyana 2, 4) § 78. Few examples were found of an indirect question introduced by si (= whether). In the examples quoted below, the first one states an alternative and consequently contains a subjunctive of the concessive order, whereas the second merely seems to deal with uncertainty and shows a present subjunctive: é las tres partes deven fincar á . . . sus nietos, si fuere uno sennero, ó muchos. (Juzgo 137) no se si crea que pidas oracion. (Celestina 96, 19) Elsewhere the indicative is used: y Agrajes preguntó a la donzella si sabía el nombre del cauallero. (Amadis 144, 209)


§ 79. Noun clauses are usually introduced by que and assume the sanie syntactic functions in the sentence as a noun. The two main groups of noun clauses are object clauses and subject clauses. The mood of the noun clause depends on various elements contained in the governing verb or verbal expression of the main clause; consequently, the different categories of the usage of the subjunctive are listed according to the semantic groups to which the governing verbs pertain.



§ 80. Volition constitutes the strongest area of the use of the subjunctive. The subjunctive is very firmly entrenched here, allowing the indicative to appear only when the volitive element is weakened. § 8 1 . If the governing verb expresses will, wishes, desires (desear, querer, sospirar, etc.). the mood is subjunctive.

Las provezas de mio Çid andávalas demandando, sospirando ques viesse con moros en el campo. (Cid 1292) quiero que esto sea. (González 19) Ya desseo que se acabe este mes. (Lazarillo 181, 11) Coordination of a noun and a noun clause is shown in these examples: Dios . . . non quiere la muerte del pecador sinon que se convierta et viva. (Lucanor 23, 5) non quiere la muerte del pecador, pero que byua e se arrepienta. (Talavera 229) § 82. Quiso Dios que, quiso mi fortuna que. When these expressions are used about facts in the past, they show no true volitive element. They are but a periphrasis of "ocurrió que". Nevertheless, cases of the indicative occur only relatively late and are extremely rare in the older periods of the language. These examples show the subjunctive:



quiso Dios que vysquies(s)e poco. (González 28) pero nuestro sennor Dios quiso que natural mente todas las criaturas fagan tres cosas. (Lucanor 281, 19) quiso mi mala fortuna . . . que en aquella trabajada y vergonçosa biuienda no durasse. (Lazarillo 178, 7) These examples are with the indicative: quisso Dios e ssu ventura que muy poco fué ssu vida ( A l f o n s o XI 292) Quiso nuestra fortuna que la conuersación del Zayde . . . llegó a oydos del mayordomo. {Lazarillo 72, 5) Quisieron mis hados, o por mejor dezir mis pecados, que vna noche . . . la llaue se me puso en la boca. (Lazarillo 141,9) This example shows the future indicative: et por ventura querría Dios que sabredes algunas buenas nuevas del. (Lucanor 164, 13) § 83. When the governing verb expresses orders, commands, requests, pleas, exhortations, etc. (mandar, rogar, requerir, pedir, amonestar, consejar, aorar, suplicar, etc.), the volitive element is strong and the subjunctive is the norm almost exclusively. § 84. These examples are with rogar, suplicar, requerir, convidar, conjurar, (a)consejar, amonestar, acomendar, loar, etc.: Acomendol que fuese recabdar un mandado. (Apolonio 37d) mas conseiar uos quiero que callando seades. (Silos 143c) é amonestan las muieres que los prendan por maridos. (Juzgo 125) et auie metido en coraçon a todos los de la tierra que se alçassen contra Roma. {Alfonso 212, 1,48) mis fasañas ruégote que bien las mires. {Hita 908d) suplicóte que perdones mi lengua. {Manrique 155, 1047) yo vos loaría que no passasse esta batalla. {Amadis 233, 44) There are some examples that show the omission of que (see § 25): te ruego me dexes hablar vn poco. {Celestina 33, 4) Conjúrate me respondas. {Celestina 123, 22) solamente te encomiendo no sepan que biues comigo. {Lazarillo 169, 19) A few examples were found that use the imperative after verbs of this group. This reflects a change of construction to direct address. Por dios vos ruego et por caridat que conbusco me leuat. {Egipciaqua 357)



Por aquesto en lo primero vos consejo, noble rey, amad a Dios verdadero e onrad la ssu ley. ( A l f o n s o XI127) In the following example, vamos is to be interpreted as a subjunctive form: te requiero que nos vamos. (Celestina 213, 12) For the problem of vamos used concurrently with vayamos, see § 10. § 85.

Mandar normally requires the subjunctive in Old Spanish: Mándot que vayas con ellas. {Cid 2620) mandoli que ixiesse. (González 660b) Mando que sea enforcado. (Hita 1464d)

Cases of parataxis are rare with mandar: Manda la justicia mueran los violentos matadores. (Celestina 231, 13) It should be noted that the 1499 and the 1501 versions of the Celestina show a que here; only the 1502 editions do not. However, in Old Spanish an infinitive construction is common after mandar as well: mando uenjr el çiego. (Silos 347c) E por todas estas cosas mando apreçiadura prender o pennos. (Teruel 4 1 5 , 4 ) El rey Peñón mandó llegar cortes. (Amadis 87, 297) The following example shows the coordination of an infinitive and a noun clause: e mandó mill marcos de plata a San Pero levar e que los (quinientos) diesse a don Sancho el abbat. (Cid 1285) Here is another example, this one containing an imperative: Decabo mando que qual quiere que ropador o ladrón fuera de la uilla prisiere, aduga lo a la uilla et pare lo delant el iúdez. (Teruel 472, 2) § 86. Mandar differs from other verbs indicating orders or commands in that it may occasionally be constructed with an indicative, especially in juridical language. Modal conditions after mandar are very similar to those of the Old French ordonner, where the indicative also appears in legal phraseology. In most cases where the indicative appears after mandar the order contained in the noun clause is brought out by the use of the verb deber. Among these examples, the second has potier implying permission rather than obligation:



Encara mando que de todo iudicio que firmarán los alcaldes deuen coger V sueldos del negant. (Teruel 106, 5) De cabo mando que los fijos de los uezinos que aurán hedat de xii annos pueden firmar fasta xx sueldos. (Teruel 238, 2) Ont por fuero mandamos que qual quiere que rayz non pregonada aurá uendido, deue a sus parientes pagar. (Teruel 310, 3) La tercera manera e razón manda e vieda que ninguno non deue usar nin querer de mugeres amor. (Talayera 13) A direct quotation of the Commandments explains the use of the future indicative in the following examples: El séptimo mandamiento es que non farás forniçio nin luxuria cometerás. {Talayera 76) El ochavo mandamiento es que non farás falso testimonio. (Talayera 77) An example without que clearly shows that they are direct quotations: El noveno mandamiento es: guardarás la muger de tu vezino como la tuya mesma. (Talayera 79) § 87. In examples with (ajorar, hacer oracïon, pedir, besar las manos, etc., the subjunctive is used exclusively. bésavos los piedes e las manos amas quel ayades merçed. (Cid 879) Fazia el pueblo todo cada dia oraçion Que al Rey Apolonyo naçiesse criazón. (Apolonio 626a) Oraua el buen omne de toda uoluntat a Dios que defendiesse atoda Christiandat. (Silos 75a) todos debemos . . . Pregarle que nos libre del mortal enemigo. (Milagros 451c) Pidió al rrey su padre que le fuese otorgado De yr á correr monte. (Hita 133b) The next examples show the same construction with parataxis: pide a Dios la saque de este destierro. (Manrique 164, 6) pues te pido le muestres. (Celestina 186, 16) Finally, here is an example showing the coordination of a noun and a noun clause. piden sus f i j a s . . . e que ge las diessen a ondra. (Cid 3398) § 88. Verbs of communication may take a subjunctive of volition. The basic function of a declarative verb is to communicate a message which normally takes the form of a statement. But, quite often, this message is an order, in which case the subjunctive



appears. The nature of the message is different, not the nature of the declarative verb. Von Wartburg explains the use of the subjunctive in this particular construction as due to a change in meaning of the governing verb: "Certains verbes déclaratifs prennent parfois un sens de volonté . . . Il s'opère . . . une sorte de transposition sémantique; il n'est pas même nécessaire de répéter le verbe lorsqu'il régit deux phrases subordonées de caractère différent." It is not necessary to repeat the declarative verb precisely because its meaning remains the same. Among the governing verbs of this group are decir, avisar, escribir, etc. Below are examples of this construction: dezildes que prendan el rastro. (Cid 389) Al león dixo el lobo que la mesa bendexiese. (Hita 84d) fizo del ojo al otro que saliese. (Talavera 171) Pues auisale que se aparte deste proposito. (Celestina 94, 8) fagamosle de señas que no espere mas, sino que se vaya. (Celestina 126, 17) This construction is also found with parataxis: digades al conde non lo tenga a mal. (Cid 977) A double indication of an order (with deber in the subjunctive) is expressed in this example: Todos deuen por esto aprender que non se deua ninguno preciar. ( A l f o n s o 311, 1,8) § 89. A coordination is sometimes found of two noun clusters, one containing a statement in the indicative, the other an order in the subjunctive. dixo el rrey al infante que non podia cavalgar et que fuese el andar por la villa. (Lucanor 97, 3) Et don Martin le dixo que le traya quinientos maravedís... et que los diese al alcalde. (Lucanor 205, 10) os declaro claramente que las bullas, que predica, son falsas y que no le creays ni las tomeys y que yo . . . no soy parte en ellas. (Lazarillo 212, 1) In the following examples, both containing the verb dar conseille, the first one puts forth a simple statement in the indicative, the second an order in the subjunctive: dió al alcalde por conseillo que non conuenia fiança por arder candela un uezino con otro. (Novenera 195) Ochoa Tirar dió por conseillo a fillos de Miguel de Falces que pendrassen a Ffurtyunn Santz el Chico por LX sueldos. (Novenera 195) § 90.

Verbs such as jurar, juzgar, hacer señal, concluir, dar sentencia, etc., may intro-



duce a statement in the indicative or an order in the subjunctive. The first set of examples shows the indicative: yo lo juro . . . que en todas nuestras tierras non ha tan buen varón. (Cid 3509) Sennal face que es nacido. (Magos 94) el que deffíende iure que dize uerdat. (Teruel 630, 2) These examples show the subjunctive: Yudgaron que lo fuessen en la forca poner. (Milagros 146d) deuen seer iurados que sean fideles. (Teruel 102, 2) dio sentençia que le degollasen. (Semblanzas 128,22) púsose el dedo en la boca, haziendome señal que callasse. (Lazarillo 227, 9) § 91. Quite frequently, the order depends not on a governing verb, but on a noun such as mensaje, fuero, carta, etc., or on a similar context. en Burgos dél entró su carta, . . . : que a mio Çid Roy Díaz que nadi noi diessen posada. (Cid 23) Mas es fuero que aquellos testigos firmen que el cauallo uidieron morir. (Teruel 616, 2) El rey ha enviado por él quatro mensageros, Que se vaya a palaçio. (Palacio 447a) The following example shows an unusual coordination of a noun and a noun clause expressing an order: Theoderigo, quando aquello uio, dioles çient et uente mill moyos de trigo, et que los touiessen del cada anno como en renda. (Alfonso 246,1,41) § 92. The governing verb expresses aims, efforts, purpose, endeavor, prevention, precaution, etc. (hacer, guisar, puñar, procurar, obrar, catar, etc.). Verbs of this group all denote energy stemming an act of the will, and consequently a subjunctive of volition is the modal norm. El siervo que fuye deve seer constrinnido que diga el nombre de su sennor. (Juzgo 175) E pues guisemos agora que sane este rrey. (Troyana 96, 2) Puña . . . que la tu mensajera Sea bienrrazonada. (Hita 437a) E los cavalleros . . . travaron mucho con ella que lo non fiziese. (Lucanor 119, 21) Hazes que feo amen y hermoso les parezca. (Celestina 299, 17) procure que duerman bien y coman. (Moradas 81,17) mi intento es que no estén ocultas sus misericordias. (Moradas 218, 2)



Some examples have prepositions (a or de) before que'. No saltes . . . , que daras causa a que seas sentido. (Celestina 207, 11) estará obligada la priora a que se comunique. (Moradas 190, 14) de esto sirve este matrimonio espiritual i de que nazcan siempre obras. (Mofadas 244,4) The indicative is used concerning facts in the past; it is, of course, quite normal that the notion of effort or purpose is weakened or lacking once a coveted goal has been attained. Ffeciste por loxuria al profeta David, Que mató á Urías. (Hita 258a) Dios . . . guiso que alcançaron los falcones a unas grúas (Lucanor 107, 1) (There is a variant of Lucanor 107, 1 that contains quiso guisar, a construction related to § 82.) et guiso asi don Alvarhanez que se encontraron en el camino. (Lucanor 124, 10) The following example with the indicative, however, does not deal with past events: Haz, Sempronio, que no lo oyes. (Celestina 45, 27) Hacer here is the equivalent of fingir or hacer semblante. § 93. Catar and mirar take a subjunctive of volition, but are also frequently constructed with an indicative denoting objective facts. Parataxis is very common with these verbs. Here are some examples with the subjunctive. With but one exception, the example material shows a negated verb in the noun clause. cata quelas non pierdas. (Silos 238c) catat quelo guardedes. (Silos 497d) Cata non aias miedo. (Milagros 293c) Por ende bien te cata non te dexes vençer. (Palacio 1188d) ¡Mira non derribeys la mesa! (Celestina 173, 2) Mira que no se escape. (Celestina 273, 23) There are some examples with the indicative as well; the noun clauses in these cases, denoting facts, are always affirmative: mira Cata 155, Cata

que soy vieja. (Celestina 130, 15) que es muy rare la paciencia que agudo baldón no penetre. (Celestina 1) que me espantas. (Celestina 249, 13)


§ 94. tive.


Guardarse and curiarse are constructed with a negated noun clause in the subjunc-

curia te que non peques e non fagas folia. (Silos 350c) e nos otrosy deuemos guardar muy bien que lo non abaxemos. (Troyana 1,15) Guárdese que non torne al mal. {Hita 905b) There are examples with parataxis: guardate non fagas al. ( Troyana 3, 2) guarda non lo olvides. (Hita 485d) An infinitive construction is also found here: Guárdate . . . de mucho vino bever. (Hita 528b) § 95. A subjunctive of volition is likewise the modal norm after other verbs indicating omission, prevention, prohibition, such as defender, vedar, combatir, escusar, etc. The negation contained in the subordinate clause is purely pleonastic and is probably added due to the influence of the negative wish implied. Rey, Dios te defienda que non fagas tal fecho. (Silos 145d) Viedote que non cantes. (Milagros 225c) aduro podian los cabdiellos rretener los sus vasallos que se non fuesen ferir. (Troyana 160, 23) debe tener en cada una muchas legiones de demonios para combatir que no pasen de unas a otras. (Moradas 19, 28) The same construction is used after a negated main verb: esto non deve empeecer á la mugier, que ella non lo pueda demandar de cabo por sí. (Juzgo 116) non pueden escapar, que non sean preñados. (Juzgo 157) non puedo estar que uos lo non diga. ( Troyana 200, 6) The noun clause may contain the negation nunca instead of won; it does not convey a negative meaning in this case: Noueno mandamiento me viene defender, Que nunca yo cobdiçie lo ageno auer. (Palacio 55a) One example was found with the future indicative: El ochauo defiende non serás mal testigo. (Palacio 52a)



This appears to be a direct quote with the future used to render a general order; defiende does not function as a governing verb, as further proved by the unusual omission of que, encountered nowhere else after defender. An example was also found containing deber in the present indicative: La tercera manera e razón manda e vieda que ninguno non deue usar nin querer de mugeres amor. (Talayera 13) It would appear that the verb mandar rather than the verb vedar governs the indicative here, since this type of construction is not uncommon with mandar (see § 86). § 96. After verbs of permission, acceptance, compliance, consent, concession, agreement, etc., a volitive subjunctive is used. Verbs of this group are acordar, otorgar, concordar, consentir, sufrir, dejar, permitir, etc. Non lo consintió ella que fuesse corrompido. (Milagros 348d) aquesto non lo sofrimos por nenguna manera que ella lo pueda fazer. (Juzgo 123) pero concord ose en esta manera: que la reina ouiesse la gouernaçion de allende los puertos. (Semblanzas 116, 16) consentid que vuestro sea. (Manrique 139, 726) permite que llame a mis criados. (Celestina 212, 20) Dexalos parler, dexalos deuaneen. (Celestina 257, 22) Allí fue acordado entre ellos que ella quedasse con la reyna (Amadis 186, 344) Dejar is sometimes constructed with a final porque'. Déxame porque fable e vos pueda désir Lo que a miparesçe. (Palacio 1119a) Here is an example of que + an imperative: Atorgo a uos encara que quai qujere que trassoro ujejo trobare . . . , áyalo qujto et franquo. (Teruel 536, 2) § 97. Verbs that indicate guarantees and promises, such as dar fidanza, poner fiador, assegurar, poner, prometer, etc., very often contain a strong volitive element and therefore take a subjunctive. Raquel e'Vidas, amos me dat las manos, que non me descubrades a moros nin a cristianos. (Cid 106) Mas dame fiador que sea segurado. (Milagros 641c) E prometo que viva en todas mis cosas segund la costumbre. (Juzgo 198) et yo vos prometo a buena fe que nunca desto vos venga danno. (Lucanor 246,17)



e possieron que se amasen de lealtad bien conplida. (Alfonso XI164) asseguradme que vos no partáys de mí. (Amadis 270, 571) The verb prometer, if void of any element of volition, takes the indicative. Since a promise normally concerns future events, the tenses used are mostly the future (if coordinated with the present) and the conditional (if coordinated with the past). Çient quintales promete que dará de su auer. (Apolonio 72c) me prometiste que me harías auer a Areusa. (Celestina 138, 24) y prométoos que lo haré. {Amadis 41, 127)



§ 98. Under this heading are treated expressions which contain a value judgment on actions or happenings stated in the noun clause. A hard and fast division between volition, judgment and emotion is not easily established and may often appear to be arbitrary, considering that judgment quite frequently contains an additional coloring of volition or emotion. § 99. Necessity. This group mainly comprises a series of impersonal expressions (convenir, es mester, es menester, es huebos, es necesario, es tiempo, etc.). The volitive element is very strong, and the subjunctive is used almost exclusively. huebos vos es que lidiedes. {Cid 3563) tienpo es ya que sepan de mi las mis conpannas, e yo sepa el mundo. {González 40) mester es que durmamos. {González 89) es menester que ames si quieres ser amado. {Celestina 131, 24) Conviene qu' esperemos. {Hita 1447a) Es tiempo may be constructed with de que as well as with que : y le dijo que ya era tiempo de que sus cosas tomase ella por suyas. {Moradas 225, 14) Some examples show parataxis: ya conviene Dexe desymular. (= que yo deje) {Palacio 905c) Es menester tenga paciencia quien lo leyere. {Moradas 15,21) The following example shows a coordination of an infinitive and a noun clause in the subjunctive:



mas es mucho menester no nos descuidar para entender sus ardides, y que no nos engañe hecho ángel de luz. (Moradas 21,34) The indicative was found only after convenir since the volitive element is somewhat weaker here: conuiene que de yra luego contra él vsarás. (Palacio 1605d) Lo que entiendo que más conviene que ha de hacer el alma . . e s lo dicho. {Moradas 76, 11) In the above examples, the presence of a volitive element (the future indicative and haber de) seems the make up for the lack of the usual modal indication of necessity. § 100. The subjunctive is used after governing expressions which put forth a subjective judgment (folgar\ ser bien, peor, mejor, ser digno (de) que-, ser derecho, tuerto, razón-, merecer,placer, etc.). bien es que vayas. (Apolonio 142a) non plazia a los dios que don Hector fuese a la batalla. (Troyana 201, 15) Lo peor del buen honbre Es que non faga bien. (Tob 137a) Pecado es muy grande e muy contra rason, Que vn orne mate a otro. (Palacio 37a) ca es grant caridat Que les sea en perdón. (Palacio 1441c) agora es razón que lo sepas. (Celestina 136, 11) Mejor sera que tu presencia sea su primer encuentro. (Celestina 206, 16) Crueldad seria que biua yo sobre ti. (Celestina 295, 2) no merecemos los haga. (Moradas 178, 4) The subjunctive is used also after semejar and parecer + an adjective or a noun, and after valer más as well. ca non nos semeia derecho que el libre deva ser condemnado por el testigo del que es franqueado. (Juzgo 147) Por end val mas agora que yo mesmo me mate. (Troyana 131, 101) Paresçe-me guisado Que de oy mas le loemos. {Tob 570c) Entender may occasionally express a value judgment (= I find it normal, natural), in which case it governs the subjunctive, as shown in this example: Mas como es vn putillo . . . entiendo que en tres noches no se le desmude la cresta. (Celestina 146, 24) The indicative is used concerning events in the past:



aun me plaze de mio Çid que fizo tal ganançia. (Cid 885) Plazeme que me has, hermano, auisado. (Celestina 207, 29) An example of an infinitive construction which reveals learned influence follows: Ca non seria rason tú non obedesçer Aquel que te crió. (Palacio 1023a) § 101. Plogo a Dios que. This periphrastic expression explains factual happenings as being part of a divine scheme, yet the writer's main purpose is clearly to present facts rather than to stress this somewhat formal introduction. In contrast to similar expressions treated in § 82, the indicative would seem to be in general use here, although one example was found of the subjunctive. The examples that follow show the indicative. plogo a Dios que vino a la merced del rrey. (Lucanor 132, 8) E plogo a Dios sin falla que los moros bien lidiaron e vençieron la batalla. (Alfonso XI984) This is the example with the subjunctive: plogole a Nuestro Señor que asy fuese. (Talavera 259) § 102. Ahondar and abastar take the subjunctive when doubt is implied, and the indicative when the primary purpose is to present facts rather than to pronounce a judgment on these facts. que ahondarle deve que salga sin pena. (Juzgo 158) ca abastarle deve que non peche el duplo. (Juzgo 180) The following examples show the indicative for the reason given above: é abastarles deve que les non facemos sofrir la pena. (Juzgo 195) Basta que ponen en la procuraçion vna general clausula. (Talavera 100) basta que el fue apartado de la priuança e poder que tenia. (Semblanzas 32, 17) § 103.

Por poco que takes the indicative: Por poco que con gozo non perdio la memoria. (Apolonio 589b) Por pocco que los monges que non foron quemados. (Milagros 322d)


Restar que was found governing deber in the subjunctive: E asi resta que deuamos creer que esta fue la obra de solo Dios. (Semblanzas 128, 14)




§ 105. Noun clauses depending on an expression of emotion are not very abundant in the older stages of the language, except in the case of semantic groups that present various affinities with other modal usages. Fear is related to volition, astonishment is related to uncertainty, and verbs as gozar and folgar are closely tied up with subjective judgment. The frequent use of the indicative about facts in the past and the use of the future tenses about probable happenings is a characteristic feature of Old Spanish; the subsequent generalization of the subjunctive mood after verbs of emotion is to be considered as a trend towards unification of a semantic group which, from the onset, shows relatively little cohesion. § 106. Verbs of fear (temer, haber miedo, haber recelo, etc.) are followed by a subjunctive when they present uncertain actions to take place in the future. The volitive element, which here takes the form of a negative wish, is relatively strong. Occasionally, a pleonastic no is used. e dalli adelante nunqua se temieron los romanos que los ostrogodos les fiziessen mal. (Alfonso 257, 2,30) Mas temo é hé rreçelo que engañada sea. (Hita 1369a) mas ouo recelo que la dueña no recebiesse daño de Arcaláus. (Amadis 169,581) Yo huue miedo que con aquellas diligencias no me topasse con la llaue. (Lazarillo 140, 1) When a construction has parataxis, the subordinate clause contains a pleonastic no in the majority of cases: temo no sea mortal. (Celestina 85,16) temo no me acontezca como a Alcibiades. (Celestina 122, 7) However, here is an infrequent example without no: y temo mi señor me açote. (Lazarillo 123,15) § 107. The indicative in different tenses is very common after verbs of fear. The past or present are used to present facts or probable actions or beliefs; the future and conditional are used to stress futurity. miedo iva aviendo que mio Çid se repintrá. (Cid 1079) temien que era muerto. (González 64) Reçelo he que mayores dapnos podrán rrecreçer. (Hita 589c) rrecelava que avia perdido el seso. (Lucanor 124, 21)



Que may also be omitted in the indicative construction. If a no should appear in the subordinate clause, it is not pleonastic, but has full negative value: temo sere culpado. (Silos 52b) temíame no aceptaría el combite. (Lazarillo 171, 7) § 108. Haber sospecha and sospechar were found governing either the indicative or the subjunctive with no appreciable difference in meaning. The first examples show the indicative: Si por auentura los fijos de padre o de madre lur aurán sospecha que alguna cosa les çela en la partición . . . , estonces el padre o lo madre iure les que ninguna cosa non les çela. (Teruel 439, 2) non sospecho que lo fazia por levar del el queso. (Lucanor 31, 19) sospechaua que no era biuo. (Amadis 245, 50) This example shows the subjunctive: Mas si los herederos . . . aurán sospecha que por falsedat diga que deuen debda, firme aquel que demanda. (Teruel 440, 2) § 109. Verbs which, in addition to their emotional content, stress the aspect of subjectivity, such as folgar, gozar, placer, etc., are mainly followed by a subjunctive in the subordinate clause. gozome, Parmeno, que ayas limpiado las turbias telas de tus ojos. (Celestina 58, 20) Bien me fuelgo que esten semejantes testigos de mi gloria. (Celestina 238,13) For further development of this group, refer to §§ 100 and 101. §110.

Alabarse governs the indicative. La tercera, quando se alaba que tyene lo que no tyene. (Talavera 83)

§ 111. Verbs that indicate astonishment (maravillarse and ser maravilla) take as subjunctive of doubt or uncertainty when the governing verb is negated, thus forming an obvious parallel with the modal conditions after negated declaratives or verbs of belief. Pues non es marauilla que sea obediente El omne. (Palacio 1466a) no me marauilloque aya peruertido su costumbre. (Celestina 153,19) no es de marauillar que ame antes a esta que a otra. (Celestina 169, 21) This sentence is essentially negative in meaning in spite of the lack of any formal negation:



menos marabilla es que aya departimiento en las voluntades. (Lucanor 3, 7) The indicative is used when these verbs are used in the affirmative: Grant marauilla puede omne auer que huna fembra tanto puede fer. (Egipciaqua 393) yo me marauillo que la cabeça no te tiro! (Amadis 29,312) But the subjunctive may also be used after an affirmative maravillar when a high emotional content is involved, as in this example with es bien de maravillar que: es bien de marauillar que franqueza y amores, dos propiedades que requieren alegria e plazer, que las ouiese onbre tan triste e tan enojoso. {Semblanzas 71, 14) The indicative is used with this construction after si, denoting facts. no quiero marauillarme si esta presente obra ha seydo instrumento de lid. (Celestina 16,4) § 112. Verbs of high emotional content, such as pesar, seralegre, espantar, etc., occur generally with the indicative in Old Spanish. The que clause appears to be of a causal nature, not only with more factual verbs as quejarse de, but also with pesar, for example, as clearly shown by examples where porque replaces que, for instance: pesauali sobeio porque el Rey peccaua. (Silos 147d) Here are further examples with the indicative: alegre era mio Çid e todos sos vasallos, que Dios les ovo merçed. (Cid 1739) pesa me que non somos çerteros del logar. (Silos 111 d) Et estaua estonces Philippo en quexo de que non tenie de que complir cosas quel eran mester. (Alfonso 221, 2,11) y pésame que no seré vengado. (Amadis 150, 633) Lo que más me espanta de todo es que ya habéis visto los trabajos. (Moradas 234, 26) This example shows afligirse combined with de ver (which is a verb of an objective nature); the mood is quite naturally the indicative: y aflígese en gran manera de ver que no se puede escusar de hacer muchos sin entenderse. (Moradas 165,19) De que is of a strong causal nature and calls for the indicative: A la réyna pesó fuerte de que vió tal pestilençia. (Alfonso




§ 113. The subjunctive was found only after negated emotional expressions. This particular syntax again points to uncertainty rather than to volition. The examples are all from a relatively late period; here are two: No es pequeña lástima y confusion, que por nuestra culpa no entendamos a nosotros mesmos, ni sepamos quién somos. (Moradas 6,9) y ansino tenéis para qué os afrentar de que sea yo ruin. (Moradas 39,17) A conditional construction may explain the modal usage in this example: yo sena muy alegre que tal cauallero aquíviniesse. {Amadis 154, 159) The subjunctive also appears after porque : y no me quexo porque dello n'os pesasse. (Manrique 102, 59) § 114.

The indicative is used almost exclusively after esperar. mas bien so yo seguro e espero que lo que de uos codiçio, que lo he avn de ver. (Troyana 125, 16) Espero en Dios que seras mejor para mi de aqui adelante. (Celestina 130,17) y hay gran esperanza de que entrarán más adentro. (Moradas 25, 21)

The indicative was found equally after a negated esperar : no espero que lo has de hazer. (Celestina 35, 13) One example was found with the subjunctive; however esperar here is the equivalent of "to wait", and is followed by a temporal que: Pues en aquel castillo estuuieron . . . esperando que las cosas necessarias . . . se aparejassen. (.Amadis 319, 528)



§ 115. In this large and complex group of governing verbs, the dividing line between the use of the indicative or the subjunctive is determined by the degree of certainty or doubt. The indicative appears with a high degree of certainty, whereas actions which are only possible, doubtful or impossible are expressed in the subjunctive mood. With expressions centered around this dividing line in modal usage, such as creer and parecer, modal fluctation is not uncommon. On the whole, this group presents a greater freedom in modal use than is the case with volition, and this again means that the subjunctive here preserves its full value, enabling the writer to reveal his attitude to a happening simply through the choice of mood.



§ 116. If the governing clause expresses certainty, the subordinate clause is always in the indicative. We have here impersonal verbs such as ser cierto, verbs of perception such as ver and oír, intellectual verbs such as saber, conocer, and aprender, declarative verbs such as decir, and also a verb as soñar. Generally speaking, these verbs must be in the affirmative in order to express certainty. Cosa es manjfiesta que es de mj irado. {Silos 161a) e sonno essa noche que emprennaua a su madre. ( A l f o n s o 9, 1,43) so cierto que ha ende envidia. (Lucanor 213,12) Bien conosco qu'estóy ciego. (Manrique 168, 1284) For the usage of declarative verbs introducing an order, see §§ 88 - 91. § 117. Acaecer and avenir are normally used about factual happenings and are constructed with an indicative. Acaesçiô que vino el bispo al lugar. (Milagros 896b) muchas uezes suele en esta uilla abenir que un omne o dos suelen todos los molinos traperos logar. (Teruel 354, 3) § 118. Simulated actions are reported in the indicative. Verbs of this group are fingir, hacer semblante, etc. Fazia ella senblante que feryda venia. (González 87) Responde Melibea a su padre, fingiendo que tenia sed. (Celestina 203, 13) § 1 1 9 . Parecer and semejar express a rather high degree of probability and are followed by a noun clause in the indicative. Semeja que en tierra de moros non a bivo omne. (Cid 1346) ya me parece que es tarde. (Celestina 85, 2) paresce que haze aquella vihuela hablar. (Celestina 98, 15) Only one example was found of the subjunctive: Parece por tu razón que nos pueda venir a nosotros daño. (Celestina 70, 18) The addition of por tu razón here seems to imply disbelief on the part of the speaker as to the validity of the statement contained in the noun clause, and therefore the subjunctive is in order. § 120. Verbs of belief such as cuidar and pensar are normally constructed with the indicative. In the case of creer, however, the subjunctive appears to be relatively frequent in the old language.



§ 121. Cuidar is mainly used in connection with a false belief, yet the mood is normally the indicative, as if the aspect of false belief were apparent from the use of cuidar alone; therefore the use of cuidar + subjunctive would appear to be pleonastic. Todos se cuedan que fetido es de muort. (Cid 3688) e por esto coydauan algunos que era medio onbre e medio cauallo. (Troyana 108, 1) Coydavan era preñada. (Hita 99b) cuydós' que era pastor. (Hita 994a) et cuydo que don Alvarhanez avia perdido el entendimiento. (Lucanor 124,24) todos cuydaron que Amadis era . . . mas . . . vieron que no era el que pensauan. (Amadis 181, 17) Only one example was found of the subjunctive: y la dueña que cuydó quel carcelero fuesse, dixo: Ay, varón. (Amadis 167, 441) Pensar may also state a false belief and governs the indicative: ca piensan que eres preso o que moros te han muerto. (González 51) § 122. Creer, when followed by the subjunctive in Old Spanish, expresses an attenuated belief, a subjective opinion. Ca nos creemos que sea provecho de cada un omne, que sea constrennido por facer bien. (Juzgo 178) Nazaret creo que sea. (Hita 22c) creed ya qu'ella consienta. (Hita 710c) The subjunctive is part of a conditional framework in the example that follows: Creo fuera mejor no decir nada. (Moradas 83, 5) Only fairly late examples were found of creer + subjunctive used about a false belief: fizo criar el donzel como si su hijo propio fuesse, y asilo creyan todos que lo fuesse. (Amadis 24, 477) El lo metió en su dedo creyendo que el suyo fuesse. (Amadis 84, 46) § 123. Creer, in its normal acceptation, takes the indicative, as seen. The indicative also predominates after creer bien que where, apparently, bien precludes any additional modal indication of subjectivity. Byen creo que de ángeles fué tal cosa enbiada. (Hita 1265c)



Bien creo que el que non las conosçe quierelas a prima vista. (Talavera 181) yo creo que es muy mesurado. (Amadis 122, 23) § 124. When negated, and at times also when interrogative or conditional, the abovementioned verb group no longer indicates probability. They express only possibility or doubt, and, consequently, are normally followed by the subjunctive. nom' semeja que en esto bien fagades. (González 102) E non creades que alguno dellos non sean presos. (Troyana 95, 26) No paresçe que ayas quinze años. (Celestina 141, 10) más soys que loco si pensáys que yo faga de la donzella sino lo que tengo acordado. (Amadis 147,460) Words with a negative connotation such as apenas and poco are also constructed with the subjunctive: apenas verás que menesteroso sea délias acorrido. (Talavera 115) § 125. The indicative is, nevertheless, extremely common after negated verbs of probability. It is used above all when the noun clause presents an undisputed fact. noi miembra que ha de morir. (Egipciaqua 170) Non se mienbra que la muerte A amos ygualará. (Tob 223c) ¿No sabes que el primer escalón de locura es creer ser sciente? 66, 23) ¿No sabes que dize el refrán que mucho va de Pedro a Pedro? 135,27)

(Celestina (Celestina

The indicative also occurs outside of expressions of a general truth: non cuydés que es libro de neçio devaneo. (Hita 16a) mas la glosa Non creo que es pequeña. (Hita 163 la) Mas no pienso que da muchos gustos. (Moradas 50, 28) These examples show the future and conditional tenses: aun non era don Hector bien çierto que los griegos se arredrarían de las barreras. (Troyana 41, 25) ¿Pues crees que podras alcançar algo de Melibea? (Celestina 74, 14) One case was found of a coordination of an indicative and a subjunctive: Non piense por ende alguno que prosperar en este mundo es reynar nin padesçer sea aterrar. (Talavera 276) § 126.

Puede ser expresses possibility and requires the subjunctive:



Y avn que la aborrezcas quanto agora la amas podra ser. {Celestina 35, 3) podra ser que yo no aya comprado tan cara habla en su vida. (Celestina 94, 9) Ya puede ser que yo me engañe. {Moradas 74, 13) Occasionally, a future indicative may be used: Bien puede ser que moriré. {Amadis 277, 349) When negated, puede ser is an expression of impossibility, and the mood is the subjunctive: Non puede ser quien malcasa que non se arrepienta. {Hita 436d) Non puede ser que non yerre orne en grand raçôn. {Hita 949c)

§ 127. Supposition, as shown with these examples with meter que, insofar as they present a gratuitously formed hypothesis, requires a subjunctive because of the irreality involved. meto que non me tomedes. {Hita 1208c) meto que non me falles. {Hita 1209b) With a weakened hypothetic aspect, the indicative may appear: si presupongo c'os veo, luego la tengo cobrada. {Manrique 104,104) § 128.

Dudar normally requires the subjunctive. ¿quien duda que no aya auido otros mas crueles...? {Celestina 288, 21)

However, here is an example with a conditional: dubdauan que non lo podrían fazer tan ligeramente. {Troyana 8 , 1 0 ) A si clause in the subjunctive is common after dudar: dubdo se pudiere fazer mal. {Talavera 4) dudo si en el mundo otros que a ellos ygualen se pudiessen fallar. {Amadis 144, 235) Examples of dudar in the affirmative, as shown above, are rather scarce in the older periods of the language. With the addition of a negation, the element of uncertainty and doubt is removed, and consequently the indicative is the mood to be expected. Connoçiola Ubert e non dubdó en nada, Que la del prior era. {Milagros 291c)



Non deves tomar dubda que del vyno se faze La sangre verdadera de Dios. (Hita 534a) e non dubdo que les plazia tener tal rey. (Semblanzas 137,14) These examples contain the future tense: e non dubdedes que muy bien les ferirà. (Troyana 68, 28) la su ynfinida gloria no es dubda que la alcanzaremos. (Talavera 3) One example did show a subjunctive. In this case, an element of doubt still persists in spite of the negated form. It should be noted in this connection that the negative of dudar is by no means the equivalent of the positive expression estar seguro. dubda non es quel tal haya condepnacion. (Talavera 3) Compare this with the first example quoted at the beginning of this section § 128 where quien duda is the equivalent of no duda nadie. A Latinizing accusative with infinitive construction appears after no dudar in this example: No dudo ya tu confederación con nosotros ser la que deue. (Celestina 157,26) § 129.

Negar, when used in the affirmative, is normally constructed with the subjunctive. ¿quien negara que aya contienda . . . ? (Celestina 16, 31)

However, in the medieval fueros, examples are often found of the indicative accompanied by a pleonastic negation; it would seem that there is a break in the construction, with the que clause expressing an objective fact only rather loosely dependent on negar. Otrosí, si el pastor negare que la bestia non le fué echada la que el sennor le demanda, firme el sennor con sus parçoneros. (Teruel 708, 2) Nuill ombre que sea ferme a otro por heredat et niegue que no es ferme, pueden le dar candela. (Novenera 31) The negated negar normally governs the indicative and is followed by a pleonastic negation in the que clause: por esta manera non puede ninguno negar que el alma non deve seer mas preciada et mas guardada que el cuerpo. (Lucanor 266,18) Non se puede negar que en el non ouo asaz virtudes. (Semblanzas 133,3) Occasionally there is no pleonastic non in the noun clause:



Non se puede negar que el ayudo e fizo mucho bien a muchos. (•Semblanzas 135,3) In one example, a negated negar appeared with a pleonastic non and a subjunctive: yo non te niego que los cuerpos superiores non den sus ynfluençias a los ynferiores. (Talavera 229) § 130.

A negated ignorar governs the indicative, being the equivalent of a positive saber. tú non ygnoras que yo de mi propia voluntad quise e me plogo dexar byenes temporales. (Talavera 289)

§ 131. If a noun clause precedes the main clause, it does not seem to present any special problems as to mood in Old Spanish. The governing verb, although it follows the que clause, determines the choice of mood. The first example shows the indicative: Que diz' verdat el sabio claramente se prueva. (Hita 73a) These examples show the subjunctive in the noun clause: Que les toviesse pro rogavan a Albar Fáñez. (Cid 1417) Que de tal onbre fuygas, Te digo. (Tob 497a) Que calle e non fable, me fase con el dedo. (Palacio 434b) desdezirse della sy,mas que ya non sea dicha ymposible seria. (Talavera 142) One example was found which does not seem to conform to this pattern: Que tal contreçion ssea é penitençia llena, Ay en la santa iglesia mucha prueva é buena. {Hita 1141a) Here, the que clause is pervaded by an element of uncertainty which accounts for the use of the subjunctive mood. § 132. Remark. Esto es que is a periphrasis which exerts no modal influence on the following verb; the mood is determined by the governing expression as shown in this example: mas es mester que se faga bien, et esto es que se faga a buena entencion. (Lucanor 275, 27) The insertion of an explanatory periphrasis such as esto es que has no bearing on the choice of mood, since que still refers back to the main governing expression.


§ 133. The subjunctive is used in the adverbial clause with its traditional value of volition and doubt. A volitive subjunctive appears mainly in the final, consecutive and concessive groups; the subjunctive of doubt appears elsewhere.



§ 134. The action of the temporal clause can be prior to or following that of the main clause, or else the two can be simultaneous. The subjunctive will mainly occur in the case of anteriority where it deals with actions that have not yet taken place, or are subsequent to the time of the governing verb and which, therefore, imply an element of doubt or uncertainty. The indicative is used about objective facts, and the future indicative expresses probability. § 135.

Ante(s) que, enante que are seen almost exclusively with the subjunctive mood. ca a mover ha mio Çid ante que cante el gallo. {Cid 169) Enante que entrremos delante en la rrazon, dezir uos he del conde quai fue su cryazon. (González 39) Mirate a vn espejo antes que respondas. (Talayera 287)

In the old language, ante(s) is often separated from que: Antes almuerzas que vayas a oraçion. (Cid 3384) Todo ffue ante ffecho que fuessen a yantar. (Apolonio 61 Id) mas ante morieron muchos de anbas partes que lo ende podiesen sacar. (Troyana 9, 23) Ante que may function as a preposition: Quesyste ser maestro ante que discípulo ser. (Hita 427a)



Only one example was found with the indicative, and this sentence deals with a general truth: Ca tal es çiertamente El honbre commo el vado: Reçelalo la gente Ante que lo ha pasado. (Tob 125a) § 136. Primero que, which has much the same meaning as antes que, governs the subjunctive: haun primero que muramos las perdemos. (Manrique 211,1914) primero que se consuma el matrimonio espiritual métela en su Morada. (Moradas 218, 26) § 137. With hasta que, fasta que and ata que, the subjunctive is the norm when uncertain or hypothetic future actions follow: non derranche ninguno fata que yo lo mande. (Cid 703) Toda muiller que sea preynnada non deue iurar . . . ata que sea parida. (Novenera 9) Ffasta que su marido pueble el çementerio, Non casara conmigo. (Hita 795a) dexame dormir hasta que sea hora de comer. (Celestina 229, 13) The indicative is used when facts of the past are stated: Tanto las rogó fata que las assentò. (Cid 2803) Fasta que fue en Tiro el non sse dió bagar. (Apolonio 29d) et no yssió d'aillí ata que dió fiador a los clamantes. (Novenera 269) In other cases, the indicative is used when a general statement is intended: por uertad no lo creo ata que io lo ueo. (Magos 115) Fasta que pasa agosto non quedan de rrebuznar. (Hita 1285c) Fasta may also function as a preposition: No nos partamos de aquí'fasta verla cima deste fecho. (Amadis 220,100) § 138.

With entró que and d'aquïa que only examples with the subjunctive were found: téngalo preso . . . entró que pague. (Teruel 541, 3) et deuen lo meter al clamant en su casa d'aquí a que lo meta en fierros en su poder. (Novenera 99)

§ 139. Tanto que, en tanto que, tanto quanto. Originally an adverb of quantity, tanto forms various conjunctions of time; the transition in meaning from quantity to time can be seen in this example:



y anduuo tanto que entró por vna floresta. (Amadis 46, 527) From so much that he entered it moves towards the temporal meaning of until he entered. The subjunctive is used about uncertain future actions: tanto quanto yo biva, seré dent maravillado. {Cid 1038) Atended aquí en tanto que socorra a la otra. {Amadis 179,411) The indicative is used about past facts: y anduuo tanto que entró por vna floresta. {Amadis 46, 527) En tanto que le reyna hablaua con don Galuanes, Oriana habló con Agrajes. {Amadis 208,318) § 140. Following esperar, the conjunction (a) que is used with the meaning 'until' and the modal norm is the subjunctive. y el, . . . por no esperar a que la gente se leuantasse y oyessen el p r e g ó n , . . . los mando justiciar tan de mañana. {Celestina 243, 2) Si, que no estaua Calisto loco, que a tal hora auia de yr a negocio de tanta affrenta, sino esperar que repose la gente, que descansen todos en el dulçor del primer sueño. {Celestina 266,3) Esperar may also be constructed with fasta que which admits either mood as outlined in § 137. The first example shows the subjunctive: Et todos los suyos dixieronle . . . que esperase fasta que fuesen guaridos el et ellos. {Lucanor 166,15) This example has the indicative: Mas don Lorenço Suarez . . . espero fasta que los moros le ferieron. {Lucanor 64,8) § 141. Desque, luego que, along with tanto que, and de que are Old Spanish equivalents of así que and tan pronto como. The subjunctive is used about uncertain future actions: desque ayas bevido, Verás que mi consejo te será byen avydo. {Hita 536c) y luego que ayáys entrado, bolueréys a ma.nyzqai&d&.{Manrique, 189,1610) desque este cauallero sea muerto, fazed tornar essa dueña a la cárcel. {Amadis 171,777) A future subjunctive may occur where indefiniteness is stressed:



Luego que tú la vieres, comiença Γ de fablar. {Hita 647b) Facts in the past as well as general statements require the indicative: luego que el fue muerto su pueblo fue vençido. (González 73) Cobdiçiô fer luxuria, desque con vyno estava. (Hita 539d) Et de que esto ovo dicho, tomo aquella yerba. (Lucanor 119,9) § 142. Después que and pues que show the same modal pattern as the previous conjunctions of time. ca ellos asmauan que pues que el rey fuesse muerto que podrien ellos cobrar el regno de su padre. (Alfonso 310,1,11) Después que vos ayades fecho este sacrifiçio, Ofreçervos los he yo en graçias. (Hita 777a) In the medieval fueros, indicative tenses (future and present) are used fairly frequently about non-factual happenings. What would normally appear to be mere hypothesis is here viewed as a more or less granted premise from which inferences may be drawn: Qual, después que las bestias aurá metido en la uilla, non es tenido el uezadero de responder por ellas a ninguno. (Teruel 698,2) después que el mes passa, non respondrá el daynnador al messeguero. (Novenera 168) § 143. Mientra que and demientre que require the subjunctive when uncertain future actions are expressed: mientra que vivades non seredes menguados. (Cid 158) Mientre el mundo sea, será él retraído. (Milagros 328c) non puede ser mientre yo sea biuo e sano. (Troyana 200, 21) But a future indicative is also common, stressing futurity rather than uncertainty: mando . . . que ningún heredero o fijo parta con el romanient demientre que biurá en esta uida. ( Teruel 450,2) In very general statements, the present indicative may occur, as in the following example which deals with orphans in general: mientra que son pequennos non pueden defender sus cosas. (Juzgo 136) Often, these conjuctions express indefìniteness, in which case the future subjunctive is used:



mientra que visquiérdes bien se farà lo to. (Cid 409) Mientre lo mio durare non uos faldra auer. (Apolonio 417b) Mientre el sieglo fuere non será oblidada. (Milagros 65d) Indicative tenses are used about facts in the past: Fincó el omne bueno mientre le dió Dios uida. (Apolonio 650a) mientra que se esforzó de salvar las cosas ayenas, perdió las suyas propias. (Juzgo 145) § 144. Quando governs modal conditions in the same ways outlined for mientra que above. These examples show the subjunctive used about future actions viewed as uncertain: porna el su cabeça sobre el tu costado, quando la aya puesta sera adormjdado. (Silos 722c) Y quando seas de mi hedad lloraras la holgura de agora. (Celestina 149,4) This example shows a future subjunctive expressing indefiniteness: Quando viniere la mañana, que apuntare el sol, verán a sus esposas. (Cid 2180) However, these examples of the future indicative stress simple futurity: a la mañana, quando los gallos cantarán, non vos tardedes. (iCid 316) Mas quando verna aquell tiempo, enfermo seras, tenlo por çierto. (Egipciaqua

1181) Que adulterio es quando algún casado con alguna casada de algún uarón engendrará fijo o fija. (Teruel 4, 3) The present indicative occurs in general statements: Quando a vos plaze, otórgolo yo, señor. (Cid 3415) Quando here may be the equivalent of si, however. Events that have already taken place are also stated in the indicative: Quando esto ovo fecho, odredes lo que fablava. (Cid 188) B.


§ 145. Generally speaking, an indication of cause is of an objective nature and does not imply any doubt or volition; for this reason, the causal clause presents very little interest



to mood, the indicative being the modal norm in by far most cases. The main exceptions to this general rule are the conjunction como and the negated causal conjunctions. § 146. Como, expressing cause or accompanying circumstances, is very frequently constructed with a subjunctive. This particular use is not restricted to past tenses as is the case in modern Spanish. The use of the subjunctive apparently reveals a learned, Latin influence, a direct imitation of modal conditions after Latin cum. These examples show the subjunctive: Qual, como el fijo sea en poder del padre, ninguna cosa non puede destinar ni dar. (Teruel 447, 2) Y como sea natural a estos no fazer lo que prometen, escusase como en el processo parece. (Celestina 269,6) Y, como me viesse de buen ingenio, holgauase mucho. (Lazarillo 78, 5) The indicative is also used after corno-, it may serve to stress the factual aspect of the statement, but there does not seem to exist any essential difference between the two modal usages. Et commo es ella muy falaguera, en poco tienpo fueron todos muy pagados della. (Lucanor 112,14) Pero como soy cierto de tu limpieza de sangre y hechos, me estoy remirando si soy yo Calisto. (Celestina 211, 29) § 147.

Por que is of a factual nature and governs the indicative: e pesauales mucho por que tanto tardauan los de la hueste. (Troyana 7, 22)

An isolated example was found of the subjunctive following a negated main clause because of the doubt implied: Nyn vale el açor menos Por que en vil nido syga, Nin los enxemplos buenos Por que judio los diga. (Tob 48a) § 148. The negated causal conjunctions such as no(n) que and non porque, may introduce an objective or a supposed cause. In both cases it is stated that this cause, whether real or imaginary, exerts no influence on the given happening. The modal norm here is the subjunctive: et mantouieron su sennorio . . . cuemo ante solien fazer; pero no que ouiessen rey ninguno, ni que mantouiessen caualleria ninguna; ante mantenien la tierra a manera de labradores. (Alfonso 210, 2, 52) e deste postrimero conde ouo un fijo . . . , del cual oy dezir, non que lo leyese, que vienen los de Mendoça. (Semblanzas 44,14)



solo cree la fe porque la heredo de su padre mas non porque della aya otra razón. (Semblanzas 91, 25) § 149. Following a direct question, a causal que clause may serve to justify why this question was asked. This "que des Fragegrundes" {"que as basis of the question"), to use Lerch's terminology, is of a causal nature. Examples are scarce and show little modal homogeneity. The first one is with the indicative: ¿que onbres sodes o que demandades, que asy andades armados de noche? {Troyana 120,15) This second example shows the subjunctive: ¿Pues qué le aprouechó al triste su amar . . . , que la su pobre de anima por elio despues en la otra vida perdurable detrimento o tormento padezca? {Talavera 24)



§ 150. Final clauses express desired actions, purpose or intentions. These are notions which are all strongly pervaded with volition, and which, almost exclusively call for a volitive subjunctive. § 151. Que is the most common final conjunction in Old Spanish. Very often, que follows an imperative or other syntactic equivalents of an order. The subjunctive is used throughout. de noch lo lieven, que non lo vean cristianos. {Cid 93) La Gloriosa me guie que lo pueda complir. {Milagros 45c) Acórreme, Sennor, que pueda bien acabar. {Palacio 397d) Parataxis is not very common in final clauses: y cierra la puerta con llaue no nos hurten algo. {Lazarillo 161,12) One example was found with the indicative appearing in a coordinated verb: La su buena sinplesa lo guarda ynoçente Que non sea ensusiado, nin mal ninguno siente. {Palacio 1033c) The form siente is hard to explain. Could it be simply caused by the fact that it appears in a rhyme gente1. Or is it due to the special syntax of coordinated verbs? Or is it merely to be written off as a mistake?



The aspect of intention or purpose may further be brought out by the addition of the preposition a, above all, logically, when motion is implied. Y embiauan sus escuderos y moços a que me acompañassen. {Celestina 177, 15) y alúmbrennos con estas candelas a que nos combatamos. (Amadis 109, 65) § 152.

Porque requires the subjunctive. por que fuesse conplido de toda dignjdat, qujso lo Dios que fuesse electo en Abbat. (Silos 258b) E formó en la cabeza lumbre de los oios, porque pudiese omne veer las cosas. (Juzgo 108) Troxiéronlos atados porque non escapasen. (Hita 1125a)

Some examples show por + infinitive + que + subjunctive: Púsonos en el mundo por los nuestros pecados Por padesçer en él como los desterrados, E que en penitençia estemos apartados. (Palacio 188a) ¿furtaste jamas joyas . . . por le leuar e que fueses della bien resçebido? (Talavera 75) § 153. Para que appears to be of slightly more recent origin than porque and it also requires the subjunctive: embia a Lucrecia para que sea causa de su silencio. (Celestina 255,6) verás cómo hazemos esta cama, para que la sepas hazer de aqui adelante. (Lazarillo 156, 5) The subjunctive is used even where the element of intention or purpose is weak. This is the case with expressions of degree where a latent demasiado or bastante is felt: es tarde para que venga el sastre. (Celestina 121, 22) Poderoso sois Vos, Señor, para que la gran mar se retire. (Moradas 166, 9) § 154. In Old Spanish, por is often followed by a demonstrative word such as esto, esso, tal, aquello, aquesto, and so on. These help prepare or clarify the conjunction que and these elements may then later merge into full-fledged conjunctions. The modal norm in this case is the subjunctive. These examples show por + esto, tal, etc. separated from que: por tal lo faze mio Çid que no lo ventasse nadi. (Cid 433) Dios por esso lo fizo que peccar non podiesses. (Silos 43lb) Other examples show por + esto, tal, etc. merged with que:



mandavan los cozer, . . . por tal que les podiessen mayor miedo meter. (González 23) Y esto establescemos por tal que la maldade de los malos sea refrenada. (Juzgo 157) Esto es establido por aquesto que los querellosos puedan auer derecho en el día ujernes. (Teruel 209, 3) § 155. Por ont, por ende and para con que all contain a relative element and are used as the equivalent of para que. The mood that they govern is then, naturally, the subjunctive. E por ende que todo enganno sea desfecho daquíadelantre, establescemos . . . que vista àbito seglar. (Juzgo 130) D'aquesto deuen seer apercebudos el alcalde et los mayorales, por ont el rey non pierda sus dreytos. (Novenera 210) y diómela a mí y la lança, para con que me vengasse dél. (Amadis 275, 257) Here is an example with a preceding que to which por ende is later added as a further clarification of the final relationship: Mas que el pueblo non pierda lo que non deve, . . . por ende tollemos la ley antigua. (Juzgo 137) § 156.

With por amor que and por razón que the modal norm is the subjunctive. Fué luego est mirado escripto e notado, Por amor que non fuesse en oblido echado. (Milagros 410a) e faziales muchos plazeres, por rrazon que fuesen todavía mejores e ouiesen mas coraçon de le ayudar. (Troyana 64,6)

Por razón que may also function as a causal conjunction, in which case it takes the indicative: los griegos entresy adelantauan sienpre al rrey Agamenón por rrazon que lo auian fecho su mayoral,... e por que veya o t r o s í . . . (Troyana 64, 23) § 157. que, although essentially a consecutive conjunction, may at times assume a final function, expressing purpose. The subjunctive is then used. las uellas sienpre deuen seer en las torres del sol puesto fasta en la mannana esclareçient el dia, assi que puedan ueer los que andaren. (Teruel 137, 5) e lo que'n(de) farà, . . . sea firme et estable, assi que ninguno non se pueda repentir después del traymiento. (Teruel 304,3)




§ 158. The consecutive clause is characterized by a rather loose combination of a que referring back to an antecedent which indicates manner or degree. Functioning as antecedents are adverbs, adjectives or pronouns, such as así, tan, tal, tanto, etc., which, although originally separated from que, may eventually merge with it into a consecutive conjunction (así que, por tal que, etc.). Nouns may also serve as antecedents, and they seem to combine more readily with que into full-fledged conjunctions (de manera [suerte, guisa] que). Occasionally, a consecutive que is used without any antecedent, in which case the context alone reveals the consecutive value. The modal usage in the consecutive clause is far more complex than in the final clause with which, however, it shows strong affinities. The subjunctive is used if an action is willed or desired; this is a transitional group, combining the consecutive element with an aspect of intention or purpose, characteristics of final subordination. The subjunctive also serves to express something purely imagined or supposed, especially in connection with a negated clause. This type of construction is closely related to modal conditions in the noun clause as well as in the relative clause with a negative antecedent. As always, the indicative is used with objective facts. § 159.

With a negated or interrogative tan (to) que the mood is subjunctive: Non hi fue tan casto que con ella non fiziesse pecado. (Egipciaqua 379) non se pudo el tanto guardar que lo non ouiese a ferir Ludal. (Troyana 31,27) Ninguno, es tan viejo que no pueda bivir vn afio, ni tan moço que oy no pudiesse morir. (Celestina 88,12) ¿Qual hombre ay tan loco y fuera de razón que no fuelgue de ser visitado ...? (Celestina 270,18)

In the affirmative, this construction takes an indicative since there is no longer any element of doubt: mi tribulaçion me tiene tan penado Que con amargura aquesto he fablado. (Palacio 931c) Ella se fué tras su madre con tan gran alteración, que quasi la vista perdida lleuaua. (Amadis 14, 189) One instance was found of the subjunctive used about future actions: e tanto te abaxaré, que quando me veas me fagas reuerençia. (Talayera 289) The indicative is used after an affirmative tanto + por que'. et destruyeron dellos tantos por que fincaron vencedores los cuervos. (Lucanor 75,17)

74 § 160.


With a negated or conditional tal + que the modal norm is the subjunctive. si tal es mj uentura que non pueda contigo auer ujda segura, dexar quiero tu tierra. (Silos 180a) no soys tal que deuáys ver lo que ay va. (Amadis 190, 249)

§ 1 6 1 . In the affirmative, tal mainly seems to introduce willed, intentional actions, requiring a volitive subjunctive: atales cosas fed que en plazer caya a nos. (Cid 2629) Yo le tornaré alegre tal que a comer pida. (Apolonia 488d) Fablad tanto é tal cosa, que non vos arrepintades. (Hita 721b) § 162. The conjunction que normally introduces final subordination (see § 151), but there are cases where the consecutive and final elements are merged. The mood is the volitive subjunctive. ten tu el tiempo que no ande. (= in such a way that + in order that) (Celestina 89,2) Habla que te pueda oyr. (Celestina 94, 21) The subjunctive is used also where the intentional element is weak or completely missing: et saquen carrera por dont uaya el agoa que menos enoio li faga. (Novenera 69) et si la mano yerra que mate el puerco, peytel. (= in such a way that, no intention involved) (Novenera 164) But the indicative is also found after the consecutive que: et si eill passa del sieglo que no'l puede nompnar, el p a r i e n t . . . peytará. (=so that) (Novenera 156) Los cavallos se espantaron, que tener non los podían. (Alfonso


§ 163. Por que and dont, although essentially relative in nature, may introduce a consecutive clause, being the equivalent of a consecuencia de que, por lo cual or de manera que. The examples show the subjunctive mood. Est es el menoscabo: si'l tailla el pie o'l plaga por que el can iaga enfermo.

(Novenera 133) et si'l fiere de trauiesso al can dont menoscabe el seinnor del ganado, por el menoscabo puede li dar candela. (Novenera 133) § 164. Así que is a conjunction of a consecutive nature, but in addition it very often implies a volitive element of intention. The modal norm is the subjunctive, whether or



not such an element is present. (Asi = thus, in such a way) was originally separated from que as shown in these examples: así deve seer tormentada antel iuez, ó ante los omnes buenos que non prenda muerte, nin pierda ninguno de sus miembros. (Juzgo 150) E todavía yo non los quiero asi escusar que de dos cosas non les de cargo. {Semblanzas 146, 8) Examples with asi que all show the subjunctive: Si algún ferier yegua aiena, ó ganado aieno, assi que la enflaquezca, ó que la mate de la fenda, peche otra tal animalia al sennor. (Juzgo 170) sea quemado et su casa sea destruyda de todo en todo, así que las (pa)redes non romangan sobre tierra. (Teruel 773, 2) § 165. Doñeas que has roughly the same meaning as asi que. The one example found shows final-consecutive value and the mood it governs is the subjunctive. Doñeas que la crianza de la generación, que es mal ordenada, sea tornada a su derecho, nos establescemos por esta ley, que siempre las mugieres de menor edad se casen con los barones de mayor edad. (Juzgo 123) § 166. Substantival antecedents form conjunctions such as de guisa que, de manera que and de suerte que. In some instances, tal is added as a further emphasis of the consecutive aspect (de tal guisa que). Half-consecutive and half-final in nature, these various conjunctions seem to show much greater modal freedom than is the case with así que or que, the indicative being quite common here. The subjunctive is used whenever an element of intention is present. dar te (he) vna çibdat, de guisa que la ayas syenpre por eredat. (González 117) ama an manera que seas de Dios amado. (Talavera 31) espantémosla de manera que le pese. (Celestina 218, 27) There was an example with the future indicative: e de tal guisa lo fezieron que, segund ellos cuydan, non osaremos de aqui adelante mouer contra ellos. (Troyana 8, 22) § 167. Where no intention is implied, modal conditions are related to those applying to certain types of noun clauses or relative clauses, as seen in § 158. The indicative is used about past or general type facts, presented as a direct consequence of the action contained in the governing clause. eran grandes los vasallos, de guisa que semejauan todos gigantes. (Troyana 14,18)



yo no dexaua (mis) pensamientos estar vagos ni ociosos, de manera que toue tiempo para saluar lo dicho. (Celestina 118, 28) Ellos le firieron el cauallo de manera que le derribaron con él. {Amadis 58, 116) The subjunctive appears when the conjunction is negated: mays pero avnque fue derribado, non fue fendo de guisa que le feziesen laga ninguna. {Troyana 40, 20) y començôse a defender, pero no de guisa que el Donzel no le traxiesse a toda su voluntad. {Amadis 60, 231) The subjunctive may also express doubt as in this example: os aviso que ninguna fuerza pongáis, . . . porque le enojaréis de manera que nunca os deje entrar en ellas. (= so that he may never let you enter) {Moradas 252,17)



§ 168. The subjunctive of concession is related to volition of which it represents but a weaker degree, its main function being to denote politeness or modesty (see § 40). The concessive subjunctive is encountered in the indefinite relative clause and the concessive subordinate clause. For treatment of indefinite relatives, see § 40ff. where, for convenience, various types of subordinating conjunctions also are discussed. The conjunctions treated below {aunque, maguera que, etc.) show no trace of grammaticalization as is the case in modern French syntax. The subjunctive is used about doubtful or uncertain actions, the indicative about general or past facts. § 169.

With aunque the subjunctive expresses doubt and uncertainty: mas avnque fuesse doliente, podría sanar. {Celestina 50,15) avnque mas digas, no te creo {Celestina 54, 17)

The indicative is used about general or past facts: Avnque malo es esperar salud en muerte agena, y quiça me engaña el diablo. {Celestina 26, 8) anque es la primera Morada, es muy rica. {Moradas 19, 17) At times there is no formal subordination, the verb being omitted: Del qual, avnque muy desseoso, siempre me juzgaua indigno. {Celestina 211,9)



§ 170. With aun por que the only examples found show a subjunctive used for doubtful actions: aun por que qujsiesse non ternja que dar. (Silos 176c) Non podriemos nos tanto escribir nin rezar, Aun porque podiessemos muchos annos durar, Que los diezmos mirados podiessemos contar. {Milagros 235a) § 171. Magueiia) que works much like aunque. The subjunctive is used to express doubt or uncertainty: maguer que mal le queramos, non gelo podremos far (Cid 1524) Conviene a tod omne, maguer que sea muy poderoso, someterse a sus mandados. {Juzgo 107) Que is very often omitted: maguer fuyr queramos fazer non lo podemos. {González 82) Otrosí su amiga maguer sea muy fea. {Hita 158b) The indicative is used with factual information: Dios del çielo non crio pecado, mager que es en todos homnes assentado. {Egipciaqua 41) Maguer que muchos son non valen tres arvejas. {González 47) Que maguer que somos clérigos, somos sus naturales. {Hita 1697a) The indicative can also appear with omission of que : Metime por la puente, maguer estrecha era. {Silos 236a) Maguer han mucha sçiençia, mucho caen en errores. {Palacio 314b) There are some examples without a subordinated verb. These examples seem to bear out that this construction is restricted to clauses giving factual information: maguer de pie buenos colpes va dando. {Cid 747) Todos lo conbidauan maguer mal vestido. {Apolonio 152c) maguer de pocos dias era muy mesurado. {Silos 11c) § 172. Pero que requires the subjunctive with doubtful or hypothetic actions. The example below shows parataxis. Mas pero los mas dellos o todos otorgasen lo que Palomedes quería, fincóse el fecho bien asy commo ante estaua. {Troyana 66, 28) It is rather difficult to explain the coordination of a subjunctive and an indicative in the following example:



Peroque ome non coma nin comiença la mançana, Es la color . . . alegría palançiana. (Hita 678a) The indicative is used about facts: Pero que ampia era la sancta vestidura, Issioli a Siagrio angosta sin mesura. (Milagros 72a) Pero que era locco, avie un buen sentido, Amaba la Gloriosa. (Milagros 101c) E sus fijos, pero que estauan muy tristes por la muerte de su padre, ouieron a fazer semeiança de alegría. (Alfonso 236,2,11) The example that follows has no subordinated verb: Querie, peroque malo, bien a Sancta Maria. (Milagros 272a) § 173. Porque shows the same modal distribution as the previously mentioned conjunctions, but numerically, the subjunctive seems to dominate. Here are a few examples with the subjunctive: porque vos lo neguedes, Non seredes creída. (Milagros 550c) Otro procurador non me mandes buscar, Ca porque lo buscasse non lo podrie trovar (Milagros 797c) por que el uno quiera negar que non tiene tuerto, tal iuyzio deue auer el uno como el otro. (Novenera 284) Here is an example that shows the indicative: Nuill ombre que mate a otro en trayción, si ha filio que se aderta en logar que xii aynnos aya, deue seer enforcado, por que no es de heredat. (Novenera 309) Once the condition has been established (si ha filló), the content of the concessive clause is viewed as a fact. § 174. Conditional concession is dealt with here. A concession may be expressed in hypothetic form (= even if) in constructions containing a past subjunctive with or without que. justo es lo que demandáys, y que lo no fuesse, conosciendo vuestra mesura lo haría de grado. (Amadis 176, 251) y se le mostrase muy al vivo una imagen del Señor, que no le pesaría. (Moradas 198,15) § 175. Si may also have concessive value (= even if), in which case it is normally followed by the -se subjunctive.



Sy yoguiesse en carçel non yazria mas çerrada. (Silos 622d) Non sintrie mal ninguno, si colgasse un anno. (Milagros 152d) § 176. Adversative clauses are of modal interest only when colored by an element of concession, and not when they simply state objective facts in opposition to the action contained in the main clause. Como seems to be adversative (= whereas) in this example with the subjunctive: E como los otros pecados de su naturaleza maten el alma, este, empero, mata el cuerpo. (Talavera 15) Puesto que has adversative meaning in this example with the indicative: puesto que son muchos los llamados, pocos son los escogidos. (Moradas 83, 22)



§ 177. The subjunctive appears in a conditional clause because of doubt concerning the fulfilment of the condition or because of the hypothetic nature of the entire construction. The most common conditional is si, which may introduce various types of conditions. § 178. A simple condition is one that concerns the present, and which stands a good chance of being fulfilled, for example, 'si viene, nos llamará'. This is the "realis" type, characterized by the use of indicative tenses: the present indicative in the si clause and the future indicative in the result clause, as illustrated above. Here are further examples of this type: Si tu con tu fijo me apagas, bien sanare daquestas plagas. (Egipciaqua 527) sy del Prior parlero derecho me non dades, leuare los thesoros. (Silos 166b) § 179.

Exceptionally, a present subjunctive occurs after si. Tanto fase vn escudo Entre él e la saeta, Quanto el mundo pudo Sy entre amos se meta. (Tob 104a) E pénalo gravemente si se non arrepienta. (Palacio 87d)

Por aventura helps to explain the choice of mood in this example: Mas si por auentura el pendrador aquel ganado como es dicho non faga pregonar et con él trasnochará et prouadoF será, duplado como es fuero lo rienda. (Teruel 403,4)



There are exceptional examples of a future indicative after si in the fueros


Si por auentura él uençrà, peche el homizilio. (Teruel 48, 5) In the Fuero de Teruel, the future indicative, as in the above example, is mainly used in connection with por aventura, and the condition is probably viewed as somewhat more concrete than is normally the case. § 180. In contrary to fact conditions, past subjunctives are used in the si clause, and conditionals (or past subjunctives) are used in the result clause. The imperfect subjunctive was not differentiated from the pluperfect subjunctive in the oldest texts, but later on, analytic subjunctive forms were created for the pluperfect. Such analytic forms were, no doubt, rare in the older periods of the language. The four brief sections that follow show the various combinations found in the texts: (a) The si clause is in the -se subjunctive and the result clause is in the conditional: Si vos viesse el Çid sanas e sin mal, todo serié alegre. (Cid 1402) sy esto te negassemos fariamos muy grant mal. (Silos 137c) Si mi espada dixesse lo que haze, tiempo le faltaría para hablar. (Celestina 272, 15) (b) Both clauses are in the -se subjunctive: si bien lo conociesses, no le juzgasses por el que has dicho. (Celestina 97,16) (c) The si clause shows a -se subjunctive and the result clause a -ra subjunctive: si ellos le vidiessen non ascapara de muort. (Cid 2774) si ellos adeuinar podiesen, muy poco cuydado ouieran de tomar tales consejos. (Troyana 198, 26) (d) Finally, both clauses contain a -ra subjunctive: S'yo cabe uos estodiera, este mal non me veniera. (Troyana 54,40) Non matára Caym a Abel, su hermano, Si touiera con pas el su coraçon sano. (Palacio 539a) si tú biuo fueras, no me consintieras de tal guisa leuar. (Amadis 213, 87) §181. Various mixed constructions are mainly found in the more recent periods. The examples that follow show indicative tenses other than the future-conditional group: si tu quissiesses e fuesse tu plaçer, En mi esti iudiçio non debie pereçer. (Milagros 786c) si más durara el mal perdida avía ssu tierra aquel rey. (Alfonso XI623)



Si yo touiese agora que dar, la mala muger en las manos la tenia. (Talavera 113) si lo no hazian descaueçabalas. (A mad is 56, 510) Preterites are found after the adversative si which presents no real condition, but rather states factual happenings: mas si él fue brauo, no falló flaco al otro. (Amadis 200, 85) § 182. The future subjunctive or hypothetic future is one of the most characteristic verb forms of Old Spanish. Restricted in modern Spanish to legal formulas and administrative dispositions, as well as a few fixed phrases, it was widely used in the old language after si, especially in the medieval fueros when they deal with abstract or hypothetic statements. The first examples are from non-legal texts: Si lo que digo fiziéredes, saldredes de cativo. (Cid 1026) sy fuéremos a Dios leales e derecheros, ganaremos coronas. (Silos 245c) Pero non vos enojedes si el pleyto se alongare. (Palacio 319a) These examples are from the fueros: Ca nengun omne non puede seer testimonia, si non iurare. (Juzgo 117) Si clérigo a lego matare, salue se por su orden. (Teruel 32, 2) Et si por auentura enfermare, o li dé qui'l sierua, o componga se con eill. (Novenera 42) The imperfect subjunctive is exceptional in this type of legal terminology, as shown in this rare example: E si en alguna d'estas nouenas non pagasse segunt fuero, luego en aquella nouena el iudez lo prenga. (Teruel 2 0 , 4 ) § 183. The formulas 'si non fuesse por', 'si non fuera por' or with omission of the verb, 'sì non por', may originally have been independent optatives. The modal norm is the -se or the -ra subjunctive and the negation is non. These examples show the -se subjunctive: e todo fuera oy acabado todo el nuestro fecho, sy non fuese por el fiio de Tideo. (Troyana 111,14) días há que estaría so la tierra, sy non fuese por la grand misericordia de Dios. (Talavera 318) The following examples show the -ra subjunctive: E sy non fuera por Palomades . . . , todos . . . fueran muertos.





E syn falla fuera Teuzer muerto o preso, sy non fuera por Menesteo que lo acorrio. (Troyana 45,12) At times the component elements of this formula may be separated by the insertion of other parts of the sentence, as shown here: sy por las buenas armas non fuera, vierase don Hector en execo. (Troyana 75,18) Finally, here is an example with the omission of the verb: el fuera ally muerto aquella ora, sy non por Teuzer quelle acorrio mucho ayna. (Troyana 45, 28) § 184. The coordinated conditional clauses (si - e(t), si -o, si -y que), generally speaking, are characterized by a great fluctuation in modal usage, as has been already pointed out. The next three sections show examples of the various possibilities. § 185. In some cases, both clauses contain a future subjunctive. This construction appears to be the norm in the legal language of the fueros. Si vos assi lo fiziéredes e la ventura me fore complida mando al vuestro altar buenas donas e ricas. (Cid 223) sy fer non lo quisiere o demostrare saña, alli lo entendremos que trae mala mafia. (Silos 96c) E si algún omne la ascondiere por enganno, é la non quisiere mostrar, peche otro tanto de lo suyo. (Juzgo 121) Mas si la flriere e por aquella occasion abortar la fìziere, peche la calonia de la ferida et el homizilio. ( Teruel 39, 3) § 1 8 6 . In other cases, the si clause is in the present indicative and the coordinated clause is in the future subjunctive, and the condition expressed in the si clause appears to be a more concrete one, as opposed to the hypothetic condition stated in the coordinated clause. E si es omne de menor guisa, é non oviere de que pague el duplo, nunqua puede seer testimonia. (Juzgo 117) E si algún omne viene de otra parte que non lo sepa, é cayere en ellos, si muriere ó enflaqueciere, el cazador peche la tercia parte de la emienda. (Juzgo 171) § 187.

Only one example was found showing the coordination of two -se subjunctives: si tu quissiesses e fuesse tu plaçer, En mi esti iudiçio non debie pereçer. CMilagros 786c)



§ 188. The use of the future indicative is an Aragonese feature as shown in these examples from the Fuero de Teruel. The first ones show a future subjunctive coordinated with a future indicative. Mas si non oujere de que pechar e parientes o amigos (a él) non le acorrerán, sea dado en poder a los parientes del muerto. (Teruel 21,3) E si alguno sin mandamiento se leuantare e prometrá dar alguna cosa, sea apedreado. (Teruel 55,4) These examples show a future indicative coordinated with a future subjunctive: E si por auentura algún uezino querrá dar fidança . . . , et el merino lo prisiere e a la presón lo leuare,... el merino pecha CCC sueldos. (Teruel 26, 3) E si el merjno de Teruel con otro uezino baraiará por sí mismo et el merino al uezino matare, peche el merino CCCC morauedis alfonsís. (Teruel 26,4) Finally, these examples show two coordinated future indicatives: Si por auentura la nodriça a su criado lech enferma dará e por aquella occasion aquel ynfant morrà, pagadas primera mientre las calonias, ixca por enemiga. (Teruel 40, 2) E si por auentura la muert e la fidança de saluo ensenble negará e . . . non podrá seer uençido con testigos, salue se con XII uezinos. (Teruel 48,6) § 189. A construction similar to that of French where the coordinated clause introduces what is originally an independently formulated wish of the optative type, is also found in Spanish. The mood of the coordinated clause is the present subjunctive and the conjunctions are si - e or si - y que. Si a vos ploguiere, Minaya, e non vos caya en pesar, enbiar vos quiero a Castiella. {Cid 1270) Si Dios me llegare al Çid e lo vea con el alma, . . . vos non perderedes nada. {Cid 1529) Pues si tu quieres ser sana, y que te descubra la punta de mi sotil aguja sin temor, haz para tus manos y pies vna ligadura de sossiego. (Celestina 186, 21) § 190. A potential subjunctive is used to express actions that might take place, but towards the realization of which no specific conditions are assigned. Such clauses contain no formal conditional subordination, but are, nevertheless, perfectly clear and self-sufficient expressions of latent conditions or circumstances restricting the validity of the enunciation. The mood is the -ra or -se form of the subjunctive. vn firme cauallero, . . . (mas para Sant Mjllan podiera ser meior) {Silos 127c) ¿Quien explanara sus guerras... ? {Celestina 15, 31)



In most cases, the sentence contains elements which assume the role of a hypothesis: Valiera mas solo que mal acompañado. (= si fuese solo) (Celestina 67, 8) Mas seguro me fuera huyr desta venenosa bivora que tomalla. (= si huyese) (Celestina 107, 3) pues yo te certifico no diesse mi parte por medio marco de oro. (Celestina 198,2) § 191. Other conditional conjunctions. Characteristic of the conditional clause, introduced by si, is its tendency to precede the main clause. Conditional clauses other than the si clause generally, although not always, follow the main clause to which they add restriction. The strong interdependence of the two clauses which are found with si, is here replaced by a relatively high degree of independence of the main clause. The modal norm after these various conjunctions (tal que, por tal que, con (tal) que, en que, puesto que, etc.) is the subjunctive. § 192. These examples with tal que, por tal que, con tal que, en que, con que, con tanto que, all show the subjunctive. E S tilico otorgogelas por tal que uenciessen a los franceses. (Alfonso 208, 1,21) ¡O quan dichosa me fallaría, en que tu y Sempronio estuuiessedes muy conformes! (Celestina 133,15) siempre la tienes de mi, tal que mi honrra no dañes con tus palabras. (Celestina 186, 3) Esso faré yo — dixo él — con que vengáys vno a vno. (Amadis 113, 372) lo hará con tanto que la batalla de las espadas cesse. (Amadis 315, 223) tu picaras vna vez y yo otra, con tal que me prometas no tomar cada vez mas de vna vua. (Lazarillo 92, 8) § 193.

Examples with con, a, so (tal) condición que, en dado que require a subjunctive: dauos tres vent medidas de farina çernuda en dado que non sea mudada njn uenduda. (Silos 457c) E si alguno diere alguna cosa so tal condicion, que se le tenga consigo en su v i d a , . . . aquel que la dió la puede toller. (Juzgo 141) Yo te perdono con condicion que me vengues de vn caballero. (Celestina 271,30) Hazello he a condición que me vos toméys en vuestra guarda. (Amadis 334,323)

§ 194.

Examples with solo que, menos que and puesto que also show the subjunctive: solo que yo pudiesse la tu mano besar, de toda esta cuyta cuydaria sanar. (Silos 342c)



non podemos Condepnar esta duenna menos que la probemos. (Milagros 553a) Puesto que sea todo esso verdad, por ser tu hombre eres mas digno. (Celestina 34,21) Y puesto caso que asi no fuesse, puesto caso que no echasse lo passado a la mejor parte, acuerdate, Calisto, del gran gozo passado. (Celestina 243, 9) § 195. Puesto (caso) que, when constructed with an indicative, seems to be bordering on a causal meaning; such sentences deal with objective facts in the past. Puesto que todo aquesto falló bien conçertado, Pensaba luego en al. (Palacio 648a) puesto caso que yo no auia menester muchas salsas para comer, todauia me holgaua con las cortezas del queso. (Lazarillo 136,4) § 196.

Cuando may introduce a condition as seen in the following example: Cuando fuese del Demonio, todo seria al contrario. (Moradas 187,4)




§ 197. The hypothetic comparative clause, introduced by como si or que si, is closely related to the conditional clause. Other comparative clauses point to the group of modal (circumstances) subordination, dealing like it with manner and representing but a special form of this larger group. § 198. The hypothetic (or conditional) comparative conjunction como si is followed by an imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive. Despues fueron aluos et blancos como ssi del dia fuessen amassados. (Egipciaqua 764) Así travava d'ellos como si fuese gato. (Hita 1109d) vnas tetas tiene . . . como si tres vezes ouiesse parido. (Celestina 168, 22) § 199. tive:

Como que is used as a synonym of como si in these examples with the indicaAçor en mano levava commo que iua a caçar. (Alfonso XI264) Y alçô la spada como que lo quería herir. (Amadis 234, 156)

§ 200. A conditional comparison introduced by que si following a comparative antecedent such as más and mayor, is constructed with a past subjunctive. Non preçiaua ssu castigamiento mas que ssi fuesse hun viento. (Egipciaqua 103)



mayor mal noi' fizieron que sy comies pinnones. (González 26) non me ual mas la mano que si fuesse agena. (Silos 618c) This example omits si: non vos valen eglesias más que fuésiemos puercos, (Alfonso XI95) § 201.

Como and así como can take the indicative, as shown here: jure como por mjes, asín como ya es dicho de suso. (Teruel 410, 2)

However, the subjunctive appears where doubt is implied: conviénenos que ayamos merced de los mezquinos, cuerno piega á Dios. (Juzgo 185) ha lo a mendar . . . como dos ombres uean por bien. (Novenera 30) Passemos como podamos. (Lazarillo 157,13) A concessive subjunctive (in the imperfect or future) also occurs after como: Díxole que le pyntase, como podiesse mejor, . . . un cordero menor. (Hita 479c) han menester acudir a menudo, como pudieren, a su Majestad. (Moradas 20, 12) The subjunctive has potential value in this example: queriendo catar manera commo se vengase, vinose para mi. (= how he could avenge himself) (Lucanor 73, 20) § 202. Comparisons of inequality are introduced by que, que non que, referring back to a comparative word in the main clause such as más, menos, mejor etc., or to the adverb ante(s). The subjunctive seems to be the norm in view of the hypothetic or negative nature of the comparative clause, but the indicative does occur when objective existence is expressed. Infinitive constructions often replace a finite verb form in the comparative clause. § 203. With ante(s) que, the modal norm is a past subjunctive, since que introduces a hypothesis. ca ante nos dexariemos todos morir que esso fuesse. (González 96) ante querría yo ser muerto e todo despedaçado que ninguno de uos se mostrase oy aqui por couarde. (Troyana 23, 5) sy yo hombre fuera, antes me degollara que a tal mi cuerpo diera. (Talavera 136)



These examples are with the infinitive: mi muerte quisiera enante que tal fijo tener muerto. (Alfonso XI1601) ante me combatiré que ser preso endonado. {Amadis 228, 318) The verb of the comparative clause may be omitted if identical with the main verb following antes: antes amansarles vn brauo leon que a la muger. (Talavera 160) §204. If the antecedent is a comparative word such as más, menos, etc., there seems to be some modal hesitation in the comparative clause, which is introduced by que or que non que, but the predominance of the subjunctive is unquestionable. This preference is easily accounted for since, in most cases, the comparative clause contains doubtful actions or mere assumptions. The indicative stresses objectiveness. The infinitive construction is also quite common, as is a comparison containing no verb at all. These examples show the subjunctive: Mas uale que enfermo a Parayso uayas, que sano e ualiente en el infierno cayas. (Silos 432a) E menos de mal será que esto poco çeledes, Que non que vos descobrades. (Hita 879a) El os dará más que sepáis desear. (Moradas 109,16) This example has the indicative: mas valen çien(t) caveros todos d'un euer yguales, que non fazen trezientos de los descomunales. (González 61) Here are some examples with the infinitive: ca mas bale que morramos que non salir de nos maldat. (Troyana 35,10) Mas vale sofrir fanbre que tragar bocado dannoso. (Lucanor 255,12) Finally, there are examples of que (non) not followed by any verb form: mas vale digan esso que chistas njn locuras. (Silos 470c) alguno ha entre nos todos que ha mayor seso que non el. (Troyana 65, 20) vuestro marido . . . se paga mas de otra muger que non de vos. (Lucanor 182, 17)


T H E S U B J U N C T I V E IN A D V E R B I A L C L A U S E S H. M O D A L ( O R C I R C U M S T A N T I A L )


§ 205. The conjunctions of this group vaguely indicate way, manner, or accompanying circumstances (que - no, sin que, etc.). This broad definition would encompass the comparative clauses as well, but these are treated separately for convenience. § 206. The que - no construction is relative in nature and is closely allied with the relative clause that depends on a negative antecedent. Only the degree of dependence on the antecedent can serve as a guiding principle in keeping the two apart. This example serves to illustrate this: Mas non era aquella noche que el diablo con ella non fuesse. (Egipciaqua 395) Que - non may be the equivalent of sin que, yet the strong dependence of que on the antecedent aquella noch points very definitely to the interpretation of que as being a relative word. Concerning the modal conditions after que - no, the norm is the subjunctive whenever the main clause is negated. Non amanesçie dia que non fuese llorada. (Apolonio 326d) Ni irie a la eglesia nin a ningún mandado Que el su nomne ante non fuesse aclamado. (Milagros 102c) e con todo aquello non pudo el rrey Menon tenerse en el cauallo que a tierra non veniese. (Troyana 169, 24) Ninguna cosa el gallo come que no participe y llame (a) las gallinas a comer dello. {Celestina 9 1 , 2 4 ) no passará por aquí ninguno que suyo sea que no lo mate. (Amadis 155, 232) Only the Fuero de la Novenera yielded examples of the indicative following an affirmative main clause: et si eill passa del sieglo que no'l puede n o m p n a r , . . . aqueill peytará. {Novenera 156) Nuill alcalde que dé iudicio ha uezino o a ombre ninguno que dreyto iudicio no h a , . . . deue perder el cayssar de la boca. {Novenera 285) The subjunctive is also used after an affirmative main clause: et si no'l mete en casa, puede comprar el marido que no aya part la muyller. {Novenera 121) ¡vete . . . , y esta otros tres años que no me buelvas a ver! {Celestina 38, 18) § 207. Sin que appears later and gradually replaces the que - no construction. Only examples with the subjunctive were found after this construction.



sin que me alabes te amo, y sin que me ganes de nueuo me tienes ganada. (Celestina 264, 29) pero no os dexaré sin que os conozca. (Amadis 53, 302) Sin could be separated from a que which introduces a relative clause, as shown in this example: e el mal biuir se continua mas, syn henmienda que veamos. (Talavera 4) Further examples of this construction are found in § 33. § 208. With fuera que, the word fuera exerts no influence on the choice of mood. Que depends on a governing verb and, consequently, it is the nature of this verb that determines the mood. non sauja el mezquino otra cosa pedir fuera que li deñasse Dios los oios abrir. (Silos 346c) § 209. With sacado que, just like with fuera que, the choice of mood is determined by a governing verb on which que directly depends. The two examples of this construction found below are both from the Fuero de Teruel and show (sacado) que depending on an order, a law or regulation which must be abided by. The mood is the subjunctive: mando que . . . firme et estable sea, sacado que . . . non puedan dar ninguna cosa la muger al marido nin el marido a la muger. (Teruel 443, 2) Esto mismo dezimos de la nodriça . . . que alguno tema en su casa, sacado que toda la soldada prenga que aurá seruido. (Teruel 678, 3)


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INDEX Numbers refer to pages

abastar w. ind. or subj., 53 abondar w. ind. or subj., 53 acaecer w. ind., 58 adversative clauses, 79 ante(s) que w. subj., 64, 86-87 a que w. subj., 71 assaber es que w. subj., 18 assi w. subj. in indep. clauses, 16 assi que w. subj., 72, 75-76 ata que w. ind. or subj., 65 aunque w. ind. or subj., 76-77 avenir w. ind., 58 Bischoff, Fr., 19 Boheman, M., 7 cada que w. ind. or subj., 33 catar w. ind. or subj., 48 causal clauses, 68-70 certainty, w. indicative, 58 circumstantial clauses, 88-89 como w. subj., 79; w. ind. or subj., 69 como que w. subj., 85 como quier que w. ind. or subj., 33-34 como si w. subj., 85 comparative clauses, 85-87 comparisons of inequality, 86-87 concessive clauses, 76-79 concessive subj. in indep. clauses, 19-21; in adv. clauses, 76-79 con condición que w. subj., 84 conditional clauses, 79-85 conditional concessions, 78 consecutive clauses, 73-76 con (tal) que w. subj., 84 con tanto que w. subj., 84 convenir w. ind., 52 creer w. ind. or subj., 59-60 cuando w. subj., 85; w. ind. or subj., 68 cuidar w. ind. or subj., 59 curiarse w. subj., 49

d'aquïa que w. subj., 65 dar fidanza a w. subj., 50 de guisa que w. ind. or subj., 75-76 de manera que w. ind. or subj., 75-76 demientre que w. ind. or subj., 67-68 después que w. ind. or subj., 67 desque w. ind. or subj., 66-67 de suerte que w. ind. or subj., 75-76 doñeas que w. subj., 75 dont w. subj., 74 do que w. subj., 33 doquier(a) que w. ind. or subj., 32-33 dor que w. subj., 33 doubt, subj. of, in indep. clauses, 22-23; in noun clauses, 57-63; in rei. clauses, 24-25 dudar w. ind. or subj., 61-62 el que w. subj., 30, 38 emotion, subj. of, in noun clauses, 54-57 emotion, verbs of, w. ind., 56 enante que w. subj., 64 en dado que w. subj., 84 en que w. subj., 84 entró que w. subj., 65 esa dezir que w. subj., 18 eshuebos que w. subj., 51 es me(ne)ster que w. subj., 51 esperar w. ind. or subj., 57 fasta que w. ind. and subj., 65 fear, verbs of, w. ind. and subj., 54-55 final clauses, 70-72 fingir w. ind., 58 filera que w. ind. or subj., 89 guardarse w. subj., 49 hasta que w. ind. or subj., 65 hypothetic comparative clauses, 85-86 imperative, subj. as, 16-18 judgment, subj. of, in noun clauses, 51-53 judgment, verbs of, with ind., 46-47 Larsen, J.K., 7



Lerch, E., 70 lo que w. subj., 30, 38 luego que w. ind. oí subj., 66-67 maguer(a) que w. ind. or subj., 77 mandar w. ind. or subj., 44-45 maravillarse w. ind. or subj., 55-56 más que w. subj., 85-86 más. . . que w. ind. or subj., 87 mayor que si w. subj., 85-86 menos. . . que w. ind. or subj., 87 mientra que w. ind. or subj., 67-68 modal clauses, 88-89 necessity, subj. following expression of, 51 negar w. ind. or subj., 62-63 negative antecedent preceding subj., 25-26 ninguno w. ind. or subj., 28-29 non (por) que w. subj., 69-70 nuill w. ind. or subj., 28-29 Nyrop, Kr., 9 o quier que w. subj., 33 para con que w. subj., 72 para que w. subj., 71-72 parataxis, 23, 44, 45, 49, 51, 54, 70; defined, 23 parecer w. ind. or subj., 58 pero que w. ind. or subj., 77-78 pleonastic negation, 62 plogo a Dios que w. ind. or subj., 53 pluperfect ind., 22 por acaso w. subj., 22 por ( + adj. or noun) que w. subj., 36 por + adverb +que w. ind. or subj., 36-37 por más. . . que w. subj., 35-36 por mucho que w. ind. or subj., 35 por muy . . . que w. subj., 35-38 por + noun + que w. ind. or subj., 37 por ont que w. subj., 72 por poco que w. ind., 53 porque w. subj. 71; w. ind. or subj., 78 por que w. ind, 69; w. subj. 74 por tal que w. subj., 84 por ventura que w. ind., 22 potential subjunctive, 83-84 primero que w. subj., 65; w. ind. or subj., 27 puede ser que w. subj., 60-61 pues que w. ind. or subj., 67 puesto que w. ind., 79; w. ind. or subj., 84-85

qualquier +noun w. ind. or subj., 30-37 quando w. subj. 85; w. ind. or subj., 68 quando quiere que w. subj., 32 quanto w. subj., 32 quanto quiere que w. subj., 32 que w. subj. in consec. clauses, 74; in final clauses, 70; in indep. clauses, 15 que . . . no w. ind. or subj., 88 question, indirect, 39-41 qui(en) w. subj., 37-38 quienquier(a) w. subj., 31-32 quier w. subj., 20-21 qui quier(a) que w. subj., 32 quiso Dios que w. subj., 42-43 quiso mi fortuna que w. 42-43 quizá w. ind. or subj., 22 -ra form as plup. ind., 22 relative clauses, defining, 24; indefinite, 28-38; non-defining, 18, 24 sacado que w. ind. or subj., 89 Schultz, H„ 7 semejar w. ind., 58 si w. subj., 78-79; ind. or subj., 79-83 siw. subj. 15 si no fuera por w. subj., 81-82 si no fuese por w. subj., 81-82 sin que w. subj., 88-89 siquiere w. subj., 35 so condición que w. subj., 88 solo que w. subj., 84-85 sospechar w. ind. or subj., 55 Spaulding, R. K., 9 superlative preceding subj., 26-28 supposition w. subj., 61 tal que w. subj., 84; w. ind. or subj., 74 tanjtoj que w. ind. or subj., 65-66, 73 temporal clauses, 64-68 todo (lo) que w. subj., 28 vamos, subj. of ir, 17 volitive subj., indep. clauses, 15-19; noun clauses, 42-51; w. verbs of communication, 45-46; w. verbs of permission or consent, 50; w. verbs of prohibition, 49-50; w. verbs of promise, 50-51 ; w. verbs of purpose, 47-48 von Wartburg, W., 46 ya w. subj., 15