The syntax and morphology of the verb in Chepang 085883278X
257 6 18MB
English Pages 287 Year 1982
The syntax and morphology of the verb in Chepang
Contents iii
Acknowledgements ix
Abbreviations x
Maps xiv
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION x
1.1. BACKGROUND INFORMATION 1
1.1.1. Location 1
1.1.2. Language Name 2
1.1.3. Population 3
1.1.4. History of Contact 3
1.1.5. Economy 5
1.1.6. Trade 5
1.1.7. Social and Political Organisation 5
1.1.8. Religion 6
1.1.9. Previous Studies 6
1.1.10. Source of Data 8
1.1.11. Classification 8
1.1.12. Dialects 8
1.2. MOTIVATION AND SCOPE 10
1.3. THEORETICAL APPROACH 12
1.3.1. Functions of Speech 14
1.3.2. Requirements of Effective Communication 15
1.3.3. Functional Systems of Language 17
1.3.3.1. Modality 17
1.3.3.2. Referential Identification 17
1.3.3.3. Role Identification 18
1.3.3.4. Cohesion 21
1.3.3.5. Background and Deictic Information 32
1.3.4. Structure of the Work 33
1.4. OUTLINE OF PHONOLOGY 34
1.4.1. Phoneme Inventory 34
1.4.2. Phonetic Realisation 34
1.4.3. Tone and Stress 38
1.4.4. Vowel System 39
1.5. OUTLINE OF SYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY 39
1.5.1. Typology 39
1.5.1.1. Order of Constituents 39
1.5.1.2. Morphological Typology 41
1.5.1.3. Functional Typology 42
1.5.1.4. Phonaesthetic Forms 44
1.5.2. Verb Types 46
1.5.3. Morphology 48
1.5.4. The Verb as a Unit 51
CHAPTER II: THE VERB IN RELATION TO CONTENT 53
2.1. REFERENTIAL INFORMATION 53
2.1.1. Verbal Cross-reference 53
2.1.2. Pronominal Categories 54
2.1.3. Reduplication 56
2.1.4. Double Cross-reference 56
2.1.5. Possessor Cross-reference 56
2.1.6. Choice for Cross-reference 57
2.2. THE VERB AND ROLE INFORMATION 57
2.2.1. Perspective Role Features 58
2.2.2. Role Encoding 58
2.2.3. The Relation of Perspective Cases to Semantic Roles 62
2.2.4. Variation of Perspective 66
2.2.5. Constraints on Choice of Perspective 69
2.2.6. Participant Addition and Reduction 71
2.2.7. Co-ordinate and Comitative Participants 74
2.2.8. Summary 75
2.3. SELECTION FOR CROSS-REFERENCE 75
2.3.1. Cross-reference and Perspective 75
2.3.2. Case 77
2.3.3. Communicative Role 77
2.3.4. Semantic Category (Animacy) 79
2.3.5. Pragmatic Factors 80
2.3.6. The Function of Cross-reference 82
CHAPTER III: THE VERB IN RELATION TO CONTEXT 83
3.1. INFORMATION FLOW 83
3.1.1. Introduction 83
3.1.2. Primary Functions 83
3.1.3. Distribution and Secondary Functions 87
3.1.4. Pronominal Functions of -te? 89
3.2. MODAL FUNCTIONS 90
3.2.1. Declarative 90
3.2.1.1. Marking and Function 90
3.2.1.2. Emphatic Assertion 90
3.2.1.3. Uncertainty 92
3.2.1.4. Hypothetical Statements 93
3.2.1.5. Necessitatives 94
3.2.1.6. Negation 95
3.2.1.7. Emotive Expression 97
3.2.2. Interrogative 98
3.2.3. Jussive 100
3.2.3.1. Jussive Types 100
3.2.3.2. Imperatives 100
3.3. THE VERB AND THE CONTEXT OF UTTERANCE 104
3.3.1. Tense and Aspect 104
3.3.2. Aspectual Functions 105
3.3.3. Stative Situations 107
3.3.4. Auxiliary Roots and Aspect 107
3.3.5. Summary of Tense and Aspect Marking 110
3.3.6. Other Auxiliary Roots 112
3.3.7. Lexical Origins of the Auxiliary Roots 113
3.3.8. Reduplication and Aspect 113
CHAPTER IV: THE VERB AND COHESION 115
4.1. CROSS-REFERENCE AND COHESION 115
4.1.1. The Noun Phrase in Cross-reference: Subject, Topic or Theme? 115
4.1.2. Subject 116
4.1.3. Topic 119
4.1.4. Theme 120
4.1.5. Pragmatic Peak 121
4.1.6. Summary 122
4.2. REDUCED CLAUSE HIERARCHIES AND INTERCLAUSAL RELATIONS 122
4.2.1. Reduced Clauses 122
4.2.2. Unreduced or Primary Clauses 123
4.2.3. Complex Predicate Hierarchy 124
4.2.3.1. Levels and Function 124
4.2.3.2. Secondary Clauses 124
4.2.3.3. Tertiary Clauses 126
4.2.3.4. Compound Verb Clauses 128
4.2.3.5. The Complex Predicate Hierarchy: A Summary 129
4.2.4. Nouniness Hierarchy 130
4.2.4.1. Structure and Function 130
4.2.4.2. Nominalised Clauses 130
4.2.4.3. Nominal Compounds 136
4.2.4.4. The Nouniness Hierarchy: A Summary 137
4.2.5. Setting Hierarchy 138
4.2.5.1. Justification 138
4.2.5.2. Repetitive Setting Clauses 138
4.2.5.3. Conditional Reduced Clauses 139
4.2.5.4. Resultative 141
4.2.5.5. Summary of Contrasts within the Setting Hierarchy 142
4.2.6. Interclausal Linking of Unreduced Clauses 142
CHAPTER V: THE DEVELOPMENT OF PRONOMINAL AFFIXATION 145
5.1. THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT 145
5.1.1. The Problem in Relation to Tibeto-Burman 145
5.1.2. Topic Shift and Afterthought Hypotheses 146
5.2. THE GENERAL DEVELOPMENT OF PRONOMINAL AFFIXATION IN CHEPANG 147
5.2.1. Problems with the TS and AT Hypotheses 147
5.2.2. The Modified Topic Shift Proposal 148
5.2.3. The Explanatory Power of the MTS Hypothesis 154
5.2.4. General Features of the Paradigm In Relation to TS Hypotheses 158
5.2.4.1. Introductory 158
5.2.4.2. Double Cross-reference 158
5.2.4.3. Plural Reduplication 159
5.2.4.4. Verbal Case Marking 160
5.2.4.5. Possessive Cross-reference 162
5.2.4.6. Second Person Dual 163
5.2.4.7. Past Tense Forms 164
5.2.5. Summary of Topic Shift Hypotheses 165
5.3. ALTERNATIVE PROCESSES OF DEVELOPMENT 165
5.3.1. General 165
5.3.2. Characterisation Clause Process 166
5.3.3. Possessive Analogy 167
5.4. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEPANG PRONOMINAL SYSTEM IN DETAIL 168
5.4.1. Pronominal Elements and Rules of Change 168
5.4.1.1. Proposed Pronominal Group Elements 168
5.4.1.2. Proposed Order of Elements 169
5.4.1.3. Proposed Rules of Change 169
5.4.1.4. Ordering of Combinations and Changes 171
5.4.2. Examples of Development 172
5.4.2.1. Method 172
5.4.2.2. Free Pronouns 172
5.4.2.3. Development of Verbal Affixes 173
5.5. CONCLUSIONS 178
CHAPTER VI: COMPARATIVE MORPHOLOGY 181
6.1. INTRODUCTION 181
6.2. DIALECTS OF CHEPANG 182
6.2.1. General Discussion 182
6.2.2. Eastern Dialect 182
6.2.2.1. Northern Subdialect of Eastern Chepang 182
6.2.3. Western Dialect 184
6.2.3.1. General Features of Pronominal Affixation 184
6.2.3.2. Bujheli Subdialect 188
6.2.4. South-western Dialect 190
6.2.5. Summary 190
6.3. OTHER TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUAGES 192
6.3.1. Types of Pronominal Systems 192
6.3.2. Comparison of Pronominal Systems 193
6.3.2.1. Classification 193
6.3.2.2. Bodic Division 194
6.3.2.3. Burmic and Baric Divisions and Gyarong 201
6.2.3.4. Distinctive Features of Chepang Pronominal Affixation 202
6.3.2.5. Comparison with Bauman's Reconstruction 204
6.3.3. Origins of Tibeto-Burman Pronominal Affixation 206
6.4. NON TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUAGES 208
6.4.1. Language Affiliation 208
6.4.2. Indo-Aryan Languages 208
6.4.3. Munda Languages 210
6.4.4. Kusunda 212
6.5. CONCLUSIONS 213
APPENDICES
1. Pronominal Charts 215
2. Sample Text 243
3. Fossil Prefixes and Suffixes 257
4. Swadesh lists for Eastern and Western Chepang 261
BIBLIOGRAPHY 263
TABLE 1. Pronominal Affixes (Basic forms only) 54
2. Independent Pronoun Forms 55
3. Perspective Cases (for Intentive Actions) 59
4. Contrast between Levels of the Complex Predicate Hierarchy 129
5. Contrast between Levels of the Nouniness Hierarchy 138
6. Contrasts within the Setting Hierarchy 142
7. Distribution of Pronominal Features 191
8. Typological Classification of Tibeto-Burman Pronominalisation 193
9. Pronominal Elements in West-central Himalayish 195
10. Pronominal Elements in West Himalayish 197
11. Pronominal Elements in East Himalayish 200
12. Pronominal Elements in Burmic, Baric and Bodish 203
13. Reconstructed Tibeto-Burman and Chepang Pronominal Elements 204
14. Pronominal Elements of Santali 210
CHART 1. Consonant Combinations 38
2. Communicative Role and Cross-reference 78
3. Use of the CIF Affix 86
4. Tense and Aspect Marking 111
5. Distribution of na and -te 155
6. Limbu Prefixes 198
7. Distribution of Chepang te and -tyh 199
8. Distribution of Rawang -, Tiddim -te and Gyarong t/k- 201
9. Reconstructed Paradigm for Tibeto-Burman 205
10. Reconstructed Paradigm for Chepang 205
11.-35- Pronominal Charts - see Appendix 1 215
Figure 1. General Relationships for Pronominalised and Other Representative Tibeto-Burman Languages 218
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PACIFIC LINGUISTICS Series B
-
No. 84
THE SYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY OF THE VERB IN CHEPANG
by Ross Charles Caughley
Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific Studies THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Caughley, R.C. The syntax and morphology of the verb in Chepang. B-84, xvi + 285 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1982. DOI:10.15144/PL-B84.cover ©1982 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.
PACIFIC LINGUISTICS is issued through the Linguistic Circle of Canberra and consists of four series: SERIES A - Occasional Papers
SERIES B - Monographs SERIES C - Books
SERIES D - Special Publications
EDITOR: S.A. Wurm ASSOCIATE EDITORS: D.C. Laycock, C.L. Voorhoeve, D.T. Tryon, T.E. Dutton EDITORIAL ADVISERS: B.W. Bender
John Lynch
University of Hawaii
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David Bradley
K.A. McElhanon
La Trobe University
University of Texas
A. Capell
H.P. McKaughan
University of Sydney
University of Hawaii
Michael G. Clyne
P. Miihlhiiusler
Monash University
Linacre College, Oxford
S.H. Elbert
G.N. O'Grady
University of Hawaii
University of Victoria, B.C.
K.J. Franklin
A.K. Pawley
Sum mer Institute of Linguistics
University of Auckland
W.W. Glover
K.L. Pike
Sum mer Institute of Linguistics
University of Michigan;
Sum mer Institute of Linguistics E.C. Polome
G.W. Grace
University of Texas
University of Hawaii
Gillian Sankoff University of Pennsylvania
M.A.K. Halliday
University of Sydney
W.A.L. Stokhof
E. Haugen
National Center for
Language Development, Jakarta;
Harvard University
University of Leiden
A. Healey Summer Institute of Linguistics
E.M. Uhlenbeck
Australian National University
J.W.M. Verhaar
University of Leiden
L.A. Hercus
NguyE; n Dling Liem
Gonzaga University, Spokane
University of Hawaii All correspondence concerning PACIFIC LINGUISTICS, including orders and SUbscriptions, should be addressed to: The Secretary
PACIFIC LINGUISTICS
Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific Studies The Australian National University
Australia. Copyright
®
. Canberra, A.C.T. 2600
The Author
First Published 1982 Typeset by Mrs Judy Wise
Printed by A.N.U. Printing Service
Covers by Patria Printers
Bound by Adriatic Bookbinders Pty. Ltd.
The editors are indebted to the Australian National University for assistance in
the production of this series.
This publication was made possible by an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund.
National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 0 85883 278 X
TA B L E O F C O N T E N TS
Page A cknowledgement s
ix
Abbreviat i ons
x
Map s
xiv
C HA P T E R I :
1.1.
I N T RO D U C T I O N
1
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
1
1.1.1.
L o c at i on
1
1.1.2.
Language Name
2
1.1 . 3.
Populat i on
3
1.1.4.
H i s t ory of Cont a c t
3
1.1.5.
E c onomy
5 5
1.1.6.
Trade
1.1.7.
S o c i a l and P o l i t i cal Organ i s at i on
5
1 . 1 . 8.
Re l i gion
6
1.1.9.
Previous Stud i e s
6
1 . 1 . 1 0 . S o u r c e o f Data
8
1 . 1 . 1 1 . Cl as s i fi c at i on
8
1 . 1 . 1 2 . Di a l e c t s
8
1.2.
MOTIVATION AND SCOPE
10
1.3.
THEORETICAL APPROACH
12
1. 3.1.
Fun c t i on s of Spe e ch
14
1.3.2.
Requirements o f E f f e c t ive Communi cat i on
15
1.3. 3.
Fun c t i onal S y s t ems o f Language
17
1.3.3.1.
Moda l i t y
17
1.3.3.2.
Referen t i a l I dent i f i cat ion
17
1 . 3 . 3. 3 .
R o l e I dent i fi c at ion
18
1.3. 3.4.
Coh es i on
21
1.3.3.5.
Background and De i c t i c Info rmat i on
32
iii
iv
Page 1.3.4. 1.4.
St ruct ure o f t h e Work OUTLINE OF PHONOLOGY
33 34
1.4.1.
Phoneme Inventory
34
1.4.2.
Phone t i c Real i s at i on
34
1.4.3.
Tone and S t r e s s
38
1.4.4.
Vowel S y s t em
39
1.5.
OUTLINE OF SYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY
1.5 . 1.
Typ o l o gy
39 39
1.5.1.1.
Order o f Const ituents
39
1.5.1.2.
Morph o l o g i c a l Typ o l o gy
41
1.5.1.3.
Funct i onal Typol ogy
42
1.5.1. 4 .
Phonae s thet i c Forms
44
1.5.2.
Verb Typ e s
46
1. 5 . 3.
Morpho l o gy
48
1.5.4.
The Verb as a Unit
51
C HA P T E R I I :
2.1.
T H E V E R B I N R E L A T I O N TO C O N T E N T
REFERENTIAL INFORMAT ION
53 53
Ve rb al Cro s s-reference
53
2.1.2.
Pronominal Cat e go r i e s
54
2.1.3.
Redup l i cat i on
56
2.1.4.
Doub l e C ro s s - re ference
56
2.1.5.
P o s s e s s o r C ro s s -re feren c e
56
2.1.6.
Choi c e for Cro s s - re ference
57
2.1.1.
2.2. 2.2.1.
THE VERB AND ROLE INFORMATION
57
P e r s p e c t ive Ro le Feat ure s
58
2.2.2.
Ro l e Enc oding
58
2 . 2. 3.
The Re lat i o n o f Perspe c t i ve Cases t o Semant i c Roles
62
2.2.4.
Vari at i o n o f Pers p e c t i ve
66
2.2.5.
C o n st raints on Cho i c e o f Perspe ct ive
69
2.2.6.
Part i c ip ant Addit i on and Reduct i on
71
2.2.7.
C o - o rdinate and Comi t at ive Part i c ip ant s
74
2 . 2 . 8.
Summary
2 . 3.
SELE CTION FOR CROSS-REFERENCE
75 75
2. 3.1.
C ro s s -reference and Perspe c t ive
2.3.2.
Case
77
2.3.3.
Commun i cat i ve Ro l e
77
2 . 3. 4 .
Semant i c Cat egory ( Animacy )
79
2.3.5.
Pragmat i c Fac tors
80
2.3.6.
The Fun c t i on o f C ro s s -reference
82
75
v
Page C HA PTER I I I :
TH E V E R B I N R E L A T I O N TO C O N T E X T
83
INFORMAT ION FLOW
83
3.1.1.
I nt ro duc t i on
83
3.1.2.
Primary Fun c t i on s
83
3.1.3.
Distribution an d Se c ondary Funct i on s
3.1.4.
Pronominal Fun c t i ons o f
3.1.
3.2.
-t e?
87 89
MODAL FUNCT IONS
90
De c larat i ve
90
3.2.1. 3.2.1.1.
Marking and Fun c t i o n
90
3.2.1.2.
Emphat i c A s s e rt i on
90
3.2.1. 3.
Un cert aint y
92
3. 2 . 1 . 4 .
Hypothe t i cal S t at ements
93
3.2.1.5.
N e c e s s i t at i ve s
94
3.2.1.6.
Negat i o n
95
3.2.1.7.
Emot ive E xpre s s i o n
97
3.2.2.
Int e rro gat ive
3.2. 3.
J u s s ive
3.2. 3.2. 3.3.
98 100
J u s s ive Typ e s
100
Impe rat i ve s
100
THE VERB AND THE CONTEXT O F UTTERANCE
104
3. 3.1.
Ten s e and A s p e c t
104
3.3. 2.
A s p e c t ual Fun c t i ons
105
3. 3. 3.
S t a t i ve S i t uat ions
107
3.3.4.
Auxil i ary Roots and A s p ec t
107
3.3.5.
S ummary o f T e n s e and A s p e c t Marking
110
3. 3.6.
Ot her Auxi l i ary Roo t s
112
3.3.7.
Le x i c al Origins o f t he Aux i l i ary Roo t s
113
3. 3.8.
Redup l i cat i on and A s p e c t
113
TH E V E R B A N D C O H E S I O N
115
CROSS-REFERENCE AND COHES ION
115
C HA P T E R I V :
4.1. 4 . 1.1.
The Noun Phrase i n Cro s s -referenc e : Subj e c t , T op i c o r Th eme ?
115
4.1.2.
S ubj e c t
116
4 . 1. 3.
Top i c
119
4.1.4.
Theme
120
4.1.5.
Pragma t i c P e ak
121
4.1.6.
S ummary
4.2.
REDUCED CLAUSE H I ERARCHIES AND INTERCLAUSAL RELATIONS
122 122
4.2.1.
Reduced Clau s e s
122
4.2.2.
Unre duced o r Primary Cl aus e s
123
vi
Page 4.2.3.
Comp l e x Predi cate H i erarchy
124
4.2.3.1.
Levels and Func t i on
4 . 2. 3.2.
S e c ondary Cl aus e s
124
4.2.3.3.
T e rt i ary Cl aus e s
126
4 . 2 . 3. 4 .
Compound Verb Claus e s
128
4.2.3.5. 4.2.4.
124
The Comp l e x Predi cate H i erarchy :
A Summary
Nounine s s H i e rarchy
129 1 30
4.2.4.1.
S t ru c t ure and Fun ct i on
1 30
4.2.4.2.
Nomi n a l i s e d Cl au s e s
130
4.2.4 . 3.
Nominal Compounds
136
4.2.4.4.
T h e Nounine s s H i e rarchy :
A S ummary
137
S e t t ing Hie rarchy
138
4.2.5.1.
Just i f i cat i on
138
4.2.5.2.
Repe t it ive S e t t i n g Cl aus e s
138
4 . 2 . 5. 3.
Condi t ional Reduced Cl aus e s
1 39
4.2.5.4.
Re sultat i ve
141
4 . 2. 5. 5 .
Summary o f Contrast s within t he S e t t i n g H i e rarchy
142
4.2.5.
I nt e r c l au s a l Linking o f Unreduc e d Claus e s
4.2.6.
C HA P T E R V :
5.1.
THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT
5.1.1. 5 . 1.2. 5.2.
T H E D E V E L O P M E N T O F P RO N O M I N A L A F F I X A T I O N
142 145 145
The Prob lem i n R e l at i on t o T i b e t o -Burman
145
Top i c Shi ft and A ft e rt hought Hypothe s e s
146
THE GENERAL DEVELOPMENT O F PRONOMINAL AFFIXAT ION IN CHEPANG 1 4 7 147
5.2.1.
Prob l ems w i t h t h e TS and AT Hypothe s e s
5.2.2.
The Modi fied Topi c Shift Propo s al
14 8
5.2.3.
The Explanat ory Pow e r of t h e MTS Hypot he s i s
154
5.2.4.
General Feat ure s of t h e P aradigm i n Re lat i on t o TS Hypothe s e s
158
5.2.4.1.
Int rodu c t ory
158
5.2.4.2.
Doub l e Cro s s -reference
158
5. 2 . 4 . 3.
P lural Redup l i c at ion
159
5.2.4.4.
Verb al Cas e Marking
160
5.2.4.5.
Po s s e s s i ve Cro s s -re ference
162
5.2.4.6.
S e c ond Person Dual
16 3
Past Tense Forms
164
5.2.4.7. 5.2.5. 5.3.
S ummary of Top i c Shi ft Hypoth e s e s ALTE RNATIVE PROCES SES O F DEVELOPMENT
165 165
5 . 3.1.
General
165
5.3.2.
Chara c t e r i s at i on Cl aus e Pro c e s s
166
5.3.3.
Pos s e s s ive Analogy
167
vii
Page DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEPANG PRONOMINAL SYSTEM IN DETAIL
5.4.
Pronomi nal E l ement s and Rul e s o f Change
5.4 . 1.
168 16 8
5.4.1.1.
Prop o s e d Pronominal Group E leme n t s
168
5.4.1.2.
Propo s ed Orde r of El ement s
169
5.4.1.3.
Propo sed Rul e s o f Change
169
Ordering of Comb inat ions and Changes
171
5.4.1.4.
E xamp l e s o f Development
5.4. 2 .
172
5.4.2.1.
Met hod
172
5.4.2.2.
Free Pronouns
172
5.4.2.3.
Deve l opment o f Ve rb al A f f i x e s
CONCLUS I ON S
5.5.
C HA P T E R V I :
C O M P A RA T I V E MO R P H O L O G Y
173 178 181
6.1.
INTRODUCTION
181
6.2.
DIALECTS OF CHEPANG
182
6.2.1.
Gen e ra l Di s cus s i on
1 82
6.2.2.
Eas t e rn D i a l e c t
1 82
Northern S ubdiale c t of Eas t e rn Chepang
6.2.2.1.
We s t ern Diale c t
6.2.3.
6 . 2 . 3 . 1 . General Feat ures o f Pronominal Affixat ion Buj he l i Sub diale c t
6.2. 3.2.
Sout h - we s t e rn D i a l e c t
6.2.4.
Summary
6.2.5.
182 184 1 84 188 190 190
OTHER TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUAGES
192
6.3.1.
Type s of Pronominal S y s t ems
192
6.3.2.
Comp ari s on o f Pronominal S y s t ems
6.3.
193
6· 3 . 2 . 1 .
Clas s i fi cat i on
193
6.3.2.2.
Bodi c D i vi s i on
194
6.3.2.3.
Burmic and Bari c Divis ions and Gyarong
201
6.2.3.4.
D i s t inct ive Feat ure s of Chepang Pronominal Affi xat i on
202
6.3.2.5.
Compari son w i t h B auma n ' s Re c o n s t ruct ion
6.3.3.
Origins of T i b e t o-Burman Pronominal A ff i xat i on NON TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUAGES
6.4.
204 206 20 8
6.4.1.
Language A ffi l i at i on
208
6.4.2.
I ndo-Aryan Languages
20 8
6 . 4.3.
Munda L anguages
210
6.4.4.
K us unda
212
CONCLUSIONS
213
6.5.
APPENDICES 1.
Pronominal Chart s
215
2.
Samp l e Text
243
vi i i
Page 3.
Fo s s i l Prefixes and Suffixes
257
4.
Swade sh l i s t s for East ern and We s t e rn Ch epang .
261
BIBLIOGRAPHY
263
P ronominal Affixes ( Bas i c forms only )
54
2.
Independent Pronoun Forms
55
3.
P e r s p e c t ive Cas e s ( fo r Int ent i ve A c t i o n s )
59
4.
Contrast b e t w ee n Leve ls o f t h e Comp lex Predi cate H i erarchy
5.
Contrast b e t w ee n Leve ls o f the Nounine s s H i erarchy
138
6.
Con t ras t s within t he S e t t ing H i e rarchy
142
7.
Di st ribut i on of Pronominal Features
191
8.
Typ o lo g i c a l Clas s i fi cat i on o f Tibeto -Burman Pronomi nal i s at i on
19 3
9.
Pronominal E lement s in We s t - central H imalay i s h
195
10 .
Pronominal E lemen t s i n We s t Himalay i s h
19 7
11.
Pronominal Element s i n E a s t Himalay i sh
200
12 .
Pronominal E l emen t s in Burmi c , Bari c and B od i sh
203
13.
R e c o n s t ru c t ed T ib e t o-Burman and Chepang Pronominal E lements
204
14 .
P ronominal E l ement s o f Sant ali
210
TABLE 1 .
CHART 1 . 2.
129
Consonant Comb inat ions
38
Communi c a t i ve Ro l e and Cro s s -r e ference
78 86
3.
Use o f the CIF A ffix
4.
Tense and Aspect Marking
5.
D i s t r ib ut i on of
6.
Limb u Prefixes
19 8
7.
D i s t ribut ion o f Chepang
199
8.
t e ? and -t a y h D i s t r i b ut i on o f Rawang e- , T i ddim - t e? and Gyarong t a / k a -
9·
Re c onst ructed Paradi gm for Tib eto -Burman
205
na and - t e ?
III 155
201
R e c o n st ru c t ed Paradi gm for Chepang
205
1 1 . - 3 5 . Pronominal Chart s - s e e Append i x 1 .
215
10 .
F igure 1 .
General Re l a t i onships for Pronominal i s e d and Other Repres entat ive T ib e t o -Burman Language s
218
A C K N O W L E D G M E NTS
Thi s pres ent monograph was originally writ t e n as a p art i a l ful fi lment o f t he requi rement s f o r t h e degree o f Do c t or o f P h i l o s ophy at the Aust ral i an Nat i onal Uni ve r s it y .
It i s presented here in a
s li ght ly re v i s e d form for pub l i c at ion . I would l ike t o e xpre s s my appre c i a t i on for a l l those who h ave h e l p e d i n its p reparat ion , i n part i c ular Pro fe s s or S . A . Wurm and the s t aff of the Department of Lingu i s t i c s , I ns t i t ut e o f Advan ced S t udi e s , e s p e c i a l l y Drs . D . C . Lay c o ck and C . L . Voorhoeve for t h e i r c ri t i c i s m a n d s ugge s t i on s . I would a l s o l ike to thank Mrs . Judy Wi s e for her work in doing the t y p e s e t t ing of the text and many chart s , and my w i fe K at h l e e n f o r h e lping w ith t h e proo freading . Finally I w ould l ike to expre s s h ere my grat i t ude t o Mr . Bhab i kan Chepang for t h e many hours he s pent in t eaching me ab out h i s l anguage , c u l t ure and peop l e .
ix
A B B R E V I AT I ONS
Gloss
Basic Form
Description
Ab
- s ay -? I -?u -n - t a l) -ya - b ra s -ca k -bay -t a ? - t e? -10 -t aga - rn a -kus -khe -may ? -tak - b h a n a l) -pay -co?/-cok -ca -n l s -?a -da -5 1 ?
Ablat ive ' from '
Ag " "
All Alt Ass Aug Cer Ce s s CIF Cmp Cns Co Com Con CPl Cs Ct DIF Dim Dl "
DLc Dur ECs
Agent Case ( NP ) "
"
"
"
( Verbal ) "
A l l at ive ' to ' A l t ernat ive , I n t errogat ive A s s o c i at ive or Co- ord inat e Augment ative Cert ainty Ce s s at iv e Imp erat ive Contrary Info rmat ion F low Comparat ive Consequenc e Co-ordinator ' a nd, arso ' Comit a t ive Contrast ive reference Co l l ec t ive P l ural Cau s at iv e Cont inuative Direct Informat i on Flow ( s e e Chart 3 ) D iminut ive Dual Numb er "
"
D i r e c t i onal L o c a t i ve Durat ive Emo t i onal Caus ative ( c ausing mental s t at e , emo t ion . )
x
xi
Gloss
B a s i c Form
Des cription
Em
-?a -j a / - j e ?
Re ferent ial Emphat i c
Ev
Expre s s ive ( e xpr e s s ing fee l ing conc erning part i c ipant )
Eq Eqv Exc Fin Fel Gen Gl "
HNg Hor Hyp Icp Idf IFu IIF
-t a - j am l aw -Je? -ga r - ko ? -kay -t a - l am -pa? -d l k - k h ay - I a l) ( ? ) -ca? - t a l)?
Equat ive
' suoh '
Equivalenc e E x c lama t i on F in a l i t y F e e l ing Genit ive Goal ( NP ) "
(Verb al )
Negat ive , Imp erat ive Prohib i t ive Hortative Hypo t he t i cal Inceptive I nd e f i n i t e I nd e f i n i t e Fut ure I nd ir e c t Info rmation Flow ( s e e Chart 3 ) R ep o rt at ive
ILc ImE Imm ImP IN INc Ind Int Ins Inst Lim Loc ML Mns Neg NFu NN
-ka/kha -?a -khe? -na -sa - h a l) -jok - I ak - ?I - ka d e -cyuk - h a l)? -ka? - d harna -Ia - d h a l) -10
Nom N Pt NrPt NSmS
I n e s s i v e Lo c at ive Imp erat ive Empha s i s Imminenc y Imp erat i ve P l ural I rreal i s Nominal Inde f i n i t e N e c e s sative Individual
' ea o h sepa�a te Zy '
I n t ent ive I n s t rument I n s t an t aneous Limit
' t hi s muoh '
Lo cative ( general ) Mob i l e L o c at ive Means Negat ive Near Fut ure ( or Limit e d Present ) Negat i ve Nominal Bound N ominal
-na? -?a t a ? -ma kha
Non-pa st , Non-t erminat e d Near Past Negat ive , S imul t aneous S e t t ing
xii
Gloss
Bas i c Form
Des cription
PA s
ba -sa - l am -? I -gana - b at -?a ka -?a l a -t a - ba l e - ma ? s l - I a l) -kay - I e? - j h u l) -ha -dha rna -? I -?o -rna ? -?a k - t o k h a l) - ? a kt l ko tI -may -got e - ka I a -ya do/ l l m -va
Propo s it ional A s s ert ion
PI 11 11
PLc Po s Pt 11
Pt Pf PSmS Prv Pur Rcp REm Rep Res Resl Rfl RN RNg RPt SmS SqS SRf Sub TAb Tern Unc Voc IE l In 2 2Dl 2 ry 2S - I S
Plural Plural ( NP) Plural Proximal Locat ive ' n ear, at t h e 8 urfa c e o f ' Po s s e s s ive Cros s-referenc ing Pas t 11
Pas t Per f e c t ive Progre s s ive S imult aneous S e quence Privat ive Purp o s ive Re c iprocal Re ferent ial Emphat i c ( Contrast ive) Rep e t i t ive Re s t r i c t ive Result Reflexive R e a l i s Nominal Reduced C l au s e Negat ive R e l at i ve Past S imul t aneous S e t t ing S equent ial S e t t ing Swi t c h R e ference S ubj unct ive Temporal Ablat ive
' from t hen o n '
Temporal Un certainty Vo cat ive
-I)a - t ay h - n a l) -j a -to -c l
First Pe r s on E x c lus ive of Addre s s e e
- da -t a -? a k -t I - d h ay
Tert i ary Cont inuous
F i r s t Person I n c l us ive o f Addre s s e e S e c ond Per s o n S e cond Person Dual S e c ondary Link S e c ond Pe rson S ingular Agent , F i r s t Person S i ngular Goal
3Ct 3Ng 3Pr 3ry 3Sm
Tert i ary Negative Tert iary Pre c edent Tert i ary L ink ( Unsp e c i fi ed ) Tert i ary S imul t aneous
xiii
Kinship
YoBro .
Younger Bro t h er
OBro .
O l der Brother
Bro .
Brother
Fa .
Father
Mo .
Mother
KN .
Kin ( Re lated p e r s on)
Other Common Abbreviations
AT
A ft e rthought ( pro c e s s )
MTS
Modified o p i c - s h i f t ( pro c e s s )
TS
Top i c - s h i ft (pro c e s s )
C
Consonant
V
Vowel
App
Append i x
TG
Tran s format i onal G enerat i ve
CH
Chap t e r
EX
E xamp l e
#
Word b oundary
Map 1
Pronominalized
Kham SA TER
Non Pronominalized
Tlbeto-Burman
RAUTE
Non Tibeto-Burman
Tharu
Note:Neps/J ;s spoken throughout the country
THE N E PA L L I N G U I ST I C A R E A
Ma
2 KUSUNDA
Tamang DHADING
Magar
--�ll"i'ii ------ ----p"
Road
GDRKHA
Bujheli Magar
THARU
District Chepang dialect
.
Tlbeto-Burman Language Non Tlbeto- Burman language
T H E C H E PA N G A R E A
>< ds ' A b l at ive ' fr>om ' I ne s s ive
'in '
Mob i l e Lo cative C omit at ive 'w i t h ' Pro xima l L o c at i ve
'n ear>, o n , upon '
The s e and other l e s s frequent p eripheral c a s e affixes are l i st e d i n t h e L i s t o f Abbreviat ions .
The Mob i l e Lo c at ive is u s e d with animat e or
moving obj e c t s ( such as a b us ) and i s often c omb ined with other 1 0 cat ional affixes .
T h e Genit ive
- ko ? i s n o t i n c l uded w i t h t h e c a s e ro l e s
b ec au s e i t do e s not re late a Po s s e s so r .
S i n c e p eriphe ral ro l e s have
l it t l e t o do with the verb i n Chep ang they w i l l not b e dis cus s e d furt he r . Non-intentive Si tuations
In Non-Intent ive s i t uat i ons the feat ures of [+ Init ial ] and [+ Nuc l ear ] u s ually c o i n c ide ( e xcept where a Comi t at ive Part i c i p ant i s invo lved - s e e 2 . 2 . 7 . ) .
This redundancy i s n o t surp ri s ing s in c e t h e
feat ur e s primarily app ly t o Int ent ive s it uat ions .
I t i s us e ful t o have
a t e rm for the part i c i p ant whi c h is mo s t highly marke d with respe c t to p o s i t ive perspe c t i ve ro l e feat ure s , for any s i t uat i o n . w i l l be t e rmed the
' A ctor ' .
Thi s part i c i p ant
In an Int ent ive s i t uat i o n the mo s t h i ghly
mark ed part i c ip ant i s t h e Agent o r Agent ive A c t o r (+ Init ial , + I nt e nt , + N u c l e ar ) .
I n a Non-Int ent ive act ion t h e part i c ipant that i s b o t h
[ + Init ial ] a n d [ + N u c l e ar ] w i l l s imp ly b e c a l l e d t h e A ct o r , or t h e Non-Agent i ve A c t o r ,
i f i t i s n e c e s s ary t o d i s t ingu i s h it from an Agent .
A Non-A gent ive A c t o r i s indi c at e d b y z ero case marking on t h e NP rep res ent ing i t , and by pronominal affixe s , a l s o with z e ro c a s e marking , in t h e verb : 7a .
� ? a I - n a -I)? - c a b a j a r - t a l)
w e - Dl go -NPt - 1E-Dl b az aar>-Al ' We two go t o t h e b a z aar>. '
b.
? o ? - n l s s l l) ? - s a y d y a s - n a ? -c a t h a t-Dl t r> e e -Ab
fa l l -NPt-Dl
'Those two fa l l fr>om a t r> e e . '
61
States
The only p er s p e c t ive feat ure t hat c an b e app l i e d to s t at e s is that o f nuc l earit y , though even t h i s is largel y i rr e l evant s i n c e many s t at ive s i tuat ions have o nly one part i c ip ant , and it is p robab ly b et t er to r e gard perspe c t i ve features a s non-app l i c ab l e t o s t at e s .
N e verthe l es s ,
by analogy with Non- Int ent ive act ions , one part i c ipant i s repre s en t e d by c ro s s - re ferencing a f f i x e s i n the verb , witho ut t h e r e b eing any case affi xat ion . 8a.
Thi s p art i c ip ant I w i l l t erm a ' S t at ant ' .
b ra w - n a ? -c a
?ow? n l s-ca k
t h a t two-p erson t a t t -NPt-Dl ' T h o s e two are t a t t . '
b.
?1
ro
du -na?
t h i s ftower re d- Npt ' T h i s ftower is red. '
I f other part i c ipants are i n cl uded in a s t at e then they are e ither g iven the app ropriate non-perspe c t ive c as e affixes ( a s i n E x i s t ential s it uations , e x . 9 a . b e l ow ) , o r are given p ersp e c t ive cases - t h e l a t t e r b eing defined s t ri c t ly o n l y for act ions .
T h e t w o p e r s p e c t ive c a s e
a f f i x e s t hat a r e u s e d i n thi s manner a r e tho s e for Ins trument a n d Goal . The Inst rument a l affix i s us e d to indi c at e a Non-Intent ive ent i t y t hat was invo lved i n b ri nging about the st ate b e ing des c rib ed ( e x . 9b . ) . The Goal affix i s us e d t o indicate an ent ity fo r wh i c h t h e s t at e was b ro ught into b eing ( e x . 9 c . ) . 9a.
b an
� ro
na?-na?
fo r e s t - L o c ftower b e -NPt
' In t h e fore s t t h e re are flowers . ' b.
kuy?-n l s hme?-? 1
dog -Dl
h yum-?a ka-ce
fi re I n s b urn - Pt -
-Dl
' T h e two dog s s uffe re d b urns from fi re . ' c.
naQ-kay ?amh mu
y o u- Gl
-na?
foo d s t ay - NPt
' Th e re is fo o d fo r y o u . The part i c ipant s marked a s Ins trument i n 9b . and Goal i n 9 c . c annot b e repre sented i n the verb b y Pronominal affixes , indicat ing that t h e fire i n 9b . c annot b e an Agent a n d t h a t the G o a l i s 9 c . i s not a t rue persp e c t ive Goal c a s e , otherwi s e e a ch could be cro s s -re feren c e d .
It
i s not eworthy a l s o t hat Non-Intent i ve act ions c annot have I n s t rument o r Goal part i c ipant s , s in c e these are defined b y feature comb inat ions t hat inc lude Intent .
The s i t ua t i ons represented b y l Oa . , l Ob . must be
e xp re s s e d mo re e xp l i c i t l y as i n l O c o and 1 0 d . resp e c t ively :
62
lOa.
x� a s l � ? - ? 1 w a h - n a - � ? I
,I
b.
s ti ak Ag w a � k-NPt - IE -
wa Z k w i t h a s t i a k . '
x�a n a �- k a y ? a l - n e ? - n a � I
'I
c.
you-GI
�a s l �?
I
,I
d.
g o -NPt - 2
wi � � go for y o u . '
�o r ? - t l
w a h -na -�?
s ti a k � e an - 3 ry w a � k-NPt - IE
w a � k � e aning on a s ti a k . '
n a �-kay � a l e?- l a � ?a l -na -�?
y o u-GI ,I
I
ge t-P ur go -NPt - IE
w i � � go t o g e t i t fo r y o u . '
The fact that states c an inc lude Ins t rument and Goal marked p art i c i pant s i s probab ly another indi c at ion t hat t h e s e affixes are not b e in g u s e d t o indicate t rue persp e c t ive c a s e s , b ut a r e rather b e ing u s e d i n an e xt ended o r s e condary w a y f o r s it uat i ons in whi c h persp e c t i ve fea tures do not apply . I f a s t a t e i s viewed as b ro ught int o b e ing by t h e int ent ion o f s ome p art i c ipant , then a C ausat i ve form of t h e verb i s u s e d and t he who l e s it uat i on t re at e d a s an act ion ( s ee 2 . 2 . 6 . ) . I t i s important t o note that certain s i t uat ions wh i c h at first s i ght might appear t o b e state s , are regarded sometimes a s I nt en t i ve a c t ions in Chepang : lla.
?1
s l � ? - ? i � a - ka y I i ?
t h i s w o o d-Ag I - G l
-na?-ta -�?
w e i g h -NPt-GI-IE
' T h i s wood w e i g h s me down . ' b.
n y a m - ? 1 � a - ka y r a w ? - n a ? - t a - � ?
s un -Ag I - C I
b � a z e -NPt-GI-IE
' T h e s un b � a z e s down on me . ' In b o th ins t anc e s the e ffect on t h e animate p art i c ipant i n c r e a s e s with t ime . a c t ions .
For t h i s reaso n , p erhap s , the s it uat ions are v i ewed a s A l s o i t i s s i gn i f i cant t h at the dist inct ion b etween animat e
and inanimate ent i t i e s is muc h l e s s c l ear in a C hepang world view . Hence inan imat e obj ect s are mo re o ft e n at tributed int ent ion in Chepang than might otherw i s e be e xp e c t e d . 2 . 2 . 3.
T H E R E L A T I O N O F P ERS P E CT I V E C A S ES T O S E MA N T I C R O L ES
Non-persp e c t ive ro l e s , as has b een ment ioned ( 2 . 2 . 2 . ) , are r e l at e d fairly d i r e c t l y t o t he phy s i cal s i t uat i o n b eing des c r ib e d .
This i s
n o t always t h e case , howeve r , w i t h persp e c t ive ro l e s , and i t i s n e c e s s ary t h e r e fore t o dis cuss at s ome l ength t h e s emant i c r e l at ionships
63
c overed by persp e c t i ve ro l e s and t h e perspect ive c a s e s whi ch e xpre s s them . Agent
This i s t h e part i c ipant init i at ing an act ion intended t o affe ct another through this act i on .
I t c o rresponds very c lo s e l y t o the agent
part i c ipant in a tran s i t ive c l ause .
I t i s t y p i cally animat e t ho ugh , as
e xampl e 1 1 . abo ve shows , an Agent may b e s omet imes inanimate ( ac c ording t o a non-Chepang point of v i ew ) , e s p e c i a l ly if i t is an ent i t y that affe c t s humans in a harmful or b en e f i c ial manner .
Int ent ive s i t uat ions
are c onvent i a l l y ext ended t o i n c lude s ome s it uat ions t hat are not c l e arly act ive o r do not obviously affect another part i c ipant .
The s e
inc l ude s it uat ions involving s e e ing o r hearing , with t he experiencer l b e �ng regarded as an Agent i n Chepan g : 12 .
g o p a l -? I Q a - k a y s a y ? -? a - t a - Q? h e ar - Pt - G l - 1E
Gop a Z - A g I - G l
' Gop a Z h e ard me . ' Goal The p er s p e c t i ve case of Go al is not so e a s i l y relat e d to common notions of case ro l e s .
It indicates t he part i c ipant t o whi ch an a c t ion
i s directed ( hence the t erm ' Go al ' ) , with t he int ent ion o f affe c t ing i t . It i s not s imp ly a l o c at i onal de s t i nat ion , in fact purely l o c a t i o nal de st inat ions are e x c luded from the Goal c a s e in Chepang , s in c e they are not regarded as b e ing affe c t e d b y the act ion .
P art i c ipant s whi c h may
be marked a s Goal in clude p a t ient s ( p art i c ipan t s whi c h undergo a change of s t at e as a result of the a c t i on ) , obj e c t s o f percept ion , r e c ip i e nt s , benefa c t ive and mal e factive part i c ipant s , and spatio-t emporal go a l s ( t h e p l a c e o r t ime f o r whi ch the act ion i s c arried o ut - s e e 1 3 g . b e low ) - provided alway s t hat t h e part i c ip ant indi cat e d as Go al i s s e e n as int ent i onally b e ing affe c t e d .
C ert ain Purpo s i ve c l au s e s are also marked
with t h e Goal c a s e , i f they do not share a common Actor with the mai n c l aus e ( s e e 1 3j . ) . Examp l e s o f the u s e o f the G o al c a s e are : 1 31 . a.
Pat ients
r a m - ? I gopa l - k ay g h a n - ? a ka - n
Ram-Ag Gop a Z - G l
b e a t -Pt
- Ag
' Ram b e a t Gop a L '
l
�
Nearly all languages clas s i fy the verb ' s ee ' in the same C f . Di , 1979 : 10 3 . way as ' cut ' . More surpr i s ingly the perceiver o f ' se e ' i s always agent ive .
64 b.
s i !)- k ay p u ? c o r)
- ? I ?o l - ? a k a - n - I
t r e e - G I b ro t h e rs - A g fe L L - pt
-Ag- P I
' Th e bro t hers fe L L e d t h e t re e . ' c.
I an
-? I -t e? n l !)-j l - kay ? a l ? - n a -j a
demon-Ag-C IF y o u-2DI-GI
t a k e -NPt- 2DI
' Th e demon wi L L take y o u two . ' ii. d.
Obj e c t o f Perc ept ion
co?
- k ay I a n
c h i L d- G I
-? l s a y ? - ? a -!..b2.Y
demo n-Ag h ea r- Pt -GI
' Th e demon heard t h e c h i L d . ' iii . e.
R e c ip i ent
r) a - ? 1
n
1 !)-j I - kay t u r) g u I I r) b ay ? - n e ? - n a -!)-j a
I -Ag y o u - 2DI-GI
drin k
gi v e -NP t - 2 - I E - 2D I
, I w i L L g i v e y o u t w o drin k . ' iv . f.
Lo cat ional Goal
- ? I s l !)? - k ay ? a p
n i s p u?ca?
two b ro t h e rs -Ag t r e e - G I
- ? a ka -c - u
s ho o t-Pt
-DI -Ag
' Two b ro t h e rs s h o t ( a t ) the t re e . ' v.
g.
T emporal Goal
dya h m ay- kay g o y ? t y u m h
t o n i g h t - GI
y am
- ? a l a - r) ?
co L L e c t-pt
-IE
, I co L L e c t e d y ams for tonig h t . ' Benefa c t ive
vi . h.
n a r) - ? I !)a - kay r) a ?
y o u -Ag I - G I
p re k - ? a - c l
fi s h s p L i t -P t - 2 S 1
' Yo u s p L i t t h e fi s h for me . ' vii . i.
Mal efact ive
n i g- k ay r a m - ? I ? a m h j e? - t e ? - n a -Yl
y o u- G I
Ram -Ag foo d e a t - C IF-N P t - P I
' Ram e a t s y o ur fo o d . ' ( l i t erally : vii i . j.
'Agains t y o u R a m e a t s foo d . ' )
Purpo s ive
?a pa
- ? I d h y u r) - s a - k a y n i s n a ? c a ? - ? I y a m
fa t h e r-Ag s tand-IN-GI
ra - n a ? - c - u
two s i s t e r s -Ag r i c e c u t -N P t -D I -Ag
' Th e two s i s t e r s cut r i c e for t h e fa t h e r t o s tand up (for a fe s t i va L ) . ' The t rue Bene fac t i ve and Mal e fa c t ive u s e o f Goal marking i s rare n orma l l y the manner in whi c h t h e part i c ipant b enefit s i s made e xp l i c i t w i t h a Purpos ive c lause , a s in e x . 1 3j .
A c ommon u s e o f Goal i s for
s i t uat ions where the b en e f i c iary or male f i c iary is a l s o t he pos s e s s0r , e s p e c ially the inal i enab l e p o s s e s s o r , o f another ( Obj e c t marked ) par t i c ipant :
65
14 .
C O ? d*aQ - kay ? a ma
daug ter- G l
-? I mya� t i s
-na?-t hay
mo t h e r - A g h a i r p Z ai t -NPt-Gl
' Th e m o t h e r p Z a i t s the daug h t er ' s h a i r . ' ( l i t eral ly :
' t h e mo t h e r p Z a i t s hair for t h e daug h ter . ' )
A n e xt e nded use o f the Go a l affix i s found i n s ome condit ional claus e s whi c h have , fo r what i s l o g i c a l l y t he p ro t a s i s , a Nomina l i s e d Alt ernat ive c l au s e ( s e e s e ct ion 4 . 2 . ) with a Goal affix : 15 .
?I
say? -ya - kay d a j u
this h e ar-Al t - G l
- n l s - ? I sat - ? a - n a ? - t a - � ?
b r o t h er- two-Ag k i Z Z - Em-NPt - G l - 1E
' If t h e y h e a r t h i s t h e n ( fo r t h i s r e a s o n ) t h e b r o t h ers wi U k i U m e . ' Here t h e u s e of the Goal affix s e ems t o have b e e n ext ended from marking the future s i t uat ion t hat i s the purpos e o f the main a c t ion ( it s Purp o s ive us e , a s in e xamp l e 1 3j . above ) t o marking a p o s s ib l e s it uat i o n t hat may b e t he reason for a furt her sub s equent act ion . Instrument
Thi s c a s e c overs ro l e s t hat are usually regarded as inst rument al , t hat i s , t he r o l e s o f non- inst igat ing b ut e f f e c t ing part i c ipant s .
It
i s not , however , res t r i c t ed t o inan imat e e nt i t ie s ( as with F i l lmore , 1 9 6 8 ) as e xamp le 6 d . above indicat e s .
For C hepang the Inst rument c a s e
marks t he part i c ipant that i s t h e non- int ending , but init ially invo lved , e f f e c t o r o f an ac t ion . Ob j ect
The Obj e c t case in Chepang i s rat her l ike F i l lmore ' s s emant i c a l l y neutral Obj e c t ive c as e , t ho ugh t h e former i s r e s t r i ct e d t o t ho s e nuc lear p art i c ipan t s of an act ion wh i c h are not regarded a s init iat ing i t , nor int ent iona l l y affe c t e d by i t - they are v i ewed a s b eing only i n c id ent ally affe c t e d , i f at all .
This c a s e t herefore , i s u s e d t o ind i c at e pat i ent s
o f various t y pe s , inc luding obj e c t of t rans fe r , wh i c h are no t the prime target s o f the a c t ion . Examp l e s o f t he u s e o f the Obj e c t C a s e are : 16a .
n l -c l - ? 1 ? a m h j e ? - n a - � ? - c - u
w e -D l-Ag fo o d e a t -NPt - 1E-Dl-Ag , We two e a t foo d . '
b.
r a m - k a y g o p a l - ? i may? b ay ? - ? a k a - n
Ram-Gl
Gop a Z -Ag m e a t g i v e-Pt
' Gopa Z gave Ram m ea t . ' c.
gopa l -? i k i m
j a �h-?aka-n
Gop a Z -Ag h o us e make -Pt ' Gop a Z made a house . '
-Ag
-Ag
66
Not i c e t hat the Goal o f t h e act ion need not be expres s e d , a s in e xamp l e s l 6 a . , l6b .
I n s uch c a s e s the une xp re s s e d Goal i s usua l ly
unde r s t o o d to b e the P o s s e s s o r o f the Obj e c t p ar t i c ipant .
Thi s gives
t h e s omewhat unexp e c t e d result t hat t he Reflexive ( fo r whi c h t h e A gent and Goal p art i c ipan t s are the same ent it y ) form o f mean ' to e a t o n e ' 8 8 e lf ' , b ut
j e? - ' e a t ' does not
' to eat o n e ' 8 own fo o d ' .
The f i rs t , t ruly
r e fl e xive meaning would have to be e xpre s s e d by making e xp l i c i t what was eaten : 17.
k u y ? - ? I l a y ? - ko ? ? a l) - ko ? ma y ?
j e? - ? a k a - s e
do g -Ag own -Gen b o dy Gen f l e 8 h e a t -Pt -
-Rfl
' T h e do g ate the fl e 8 h o f i t s own b o dy . ' Even h ere o f c o ur s e t h e Agent ( co-re ferent with t h e Goal ) i s s t i l l the Po s s e s s or o f the Obj e c t . Actor
The A c t o r , as noted b e fo re , ( 2 . 2 . 2 . : 6 0 ) is the mo st highly marked part i c ipant in an a c t i o n .
The Actor in an I nt ent ive s i t uat ion is the
Agent , already d i s c u s s e d above ( 2 . 2 . 3 . : 6 3 ) . act ion i s a Non-Agent ive A c t o r .
The Actor in a Non-Int ent ive
Chepang do e s n o t dist ingu i s h formally
b etween Non-Agent i ve A c t o r s t hat e x er c i s e c on t ro l o r int ent ion in an a c t i o n , and t h o s e whi c h do not : l 8a .
gopa l k i m
- t a l) ? a l - ? a
Go p a l h o u 8 e - A l
g o -Pt
' Go p a l w e n t to t h e h o u 8 e . ' b.
g o p a l s l l) ? - s ay d ya s - ? a fa l l - Pt
Gop a l t r e e -Ab
' Gopa l fe l l from t h e t re e . ' In t h e first examp l e , l 8a . , t h e act ion would naturally b e int e nded and under the A c t o r ' s contro l .
I n t he s e c ond e xamp l e l 8b . the a c t ion
i s presumab l y not int ent i onal .
There i s however no fo rmal c a s e marking
to d i s t ingu i s h the two di fferent A c t o r re lations .
Imperat ive forms may
b e used for non- contro l led ( or partly contro l l e d ) a c t ions , as in
' di e ' , 2. 2.4.
s l . ?e
? e n ? ? a ' 8 l eep ' . V A R I AT I ON O F P ER S PE C T I V E
A c c ording t o t h e de finit ion given i n s e c t ion 1 . 3 . 3 . 3 . , t h e persp e c t i ve r o l e s in a s i t uat ion are those wh i c h may b e des cribed in a vari e t y o f way s , depending o n t he speaker ' s v i ewpo int , and t h e f e at ures h e s e e s a s be ing invo lved i n t h e part each part i c ipant plays i n t h e int eract ion . The part i c ul ar c omb ination o f features t hat t h e s p eaker a s s o c i at e s with the r o l e of each p art i c ipant det ermines t he case marking o f that par t ic ip ant .
For Chepan g , if t he feature c omb ination includes n u c l earit y ,
67
t h e n the c omb i na t i on defines what I have t ermed a p er s p e c t ive c a s e .
If
the c ombinat ion do e s n o t i n c lude t h e feature [ + Nucl e ar ] t h e n t h i s gives a non-perspect ive c a s e .
It i s important to rememb er t hat , as noted
ear l i er ( s e c t i on 1 . 3 . 3 . 3 . : 2 0 ) , one part i c ipant with a p e r s p e c t ive ro l e may neverthe l e s s b e viewed by t he s p eaker as [ - Nuc lear] and t here fore i t s ro l e i s marked by a non-p e r s p e c t i ve c a s e affix ,
( s e e e x . 2 2b . b e l ow ) .
Intentive Versus Non-Intentive
One c ho i ce that t h e spe aker may have i s whe ther o r not to regard a s i t uat ion as I nt ent ive , with one part i c ipant de l i berat e l y a ffe ct ing ano t her .
C ertain s it uat i on s , such as t ho s e o f eat ing , ho lding and
b eat ing , c an hardly be regarded a s not having two part i c ipant s relat e d i n t h i s way and are therefore alway s t reat e d a s Intentive .
F o r other
s it uat ion s , such a s t h o s e invo lving l aughing , the p o s i t ion i s not s o c lear a n d a c ho i c e i s ava i l ab l e : 19a.
ram
I)
11
-1a
Ram Zaugh-Pt , Ram Z a u g h e d . '
b.
g o p a l - k a y r a m - 1 1 1) 1 1
Copa Z - G l
- 1 a - t h ay
Ram -Ag Z a ug h - p t G l -
' Ram Z a u g h e d a t Copa x. . ' The phy s i c al act ion p erformed by Ram i s t he same in b o t h instan c e s and t h e same verb r o o t i s u s e d t o e xpr e s s t hi s , b ut in s e c o nd examp l e , 1 9b . , int ent ion t o affect anot her is exp l i c i t l y a s c r ib ed to t h e s i t u at i on . Even when a s ituat i on i s regarded a s Int ent ive there i s s t i l l o ft e n variat ion p o s s i b l e i n t h e a s s i gnment o f perspe c t ive feat ure s .
T h e par
t i c ipant int ending t o p erform an a c t ion is also expe c t ed to b e i n i t i a l l y invo lve d , so t hat t h e p er s p e c t ive c a s e o f Agent i s predet ermined .
There
is s t i l l s c ope , however , for vary ing a s s ignment of t he features defining t h e c a s e s o f Instrument , Ob j ec t and Goal , since Non-Agen t s can be v i ewed in d i ffering way s .
Within the var iat ion al l owab l e there i s s ome o rder
ing of po s s i b i l i t i e s on the b a s i s of the a c t ual phy s i c a l s it uat i o n . The nearer any Non-Agent part i c ipant i s to b e ing invo lved from t h e out s et o f the a c t i o n , t h e more l ikely i t i s t hat i t will be d e s c r i b e d a s a n I n s t rument , t h e mo re remot e it i s from phy s i cal init i al i nvolvement , and from t he a c t ion i t s e l f , t h e mo re l ikely i t i s t hat it w i l l be de s cr i b ed
as an I n s trument , the more remo t e i t i s from phy s i c al init i al
invo lvement , and from the act ion it s e l f , the mo re l ikely it i s that i t will b e d e s c ri b ed a s a Goal . neut ral p o s i t ion .
Obj e c t s a r e i n a mo re int ermediat e or
The main alt ernat ives therefore , for vary ing the
a s s ignment o f p er s p e c t ive feature s , are b etween Instrument and Obj e c t , and b etween Obj e c t and Goal .
68
A n i l lustration o f t h e di ffering c ho i c e s b etween I n s trument and Obj e c t i s g i v e n in examp l e s 2 0 a . and 20b . 20a .
gopa l -? I n l s l a?
-? I wa? -kay ?ap
Gop a Z - A g two arrow - In bird-Gl
-?aka-n
s hoo t-Pt
-Ag
' Go p a Z sho t ( a t ) a bird wi t h two arrows . ' b.
gopa l -? I wa? -kay n i s l a?
Gopa Z -A g bird-Gl
?ap
-?aka-n
two arrow s hoo t - Pt
-Ag
I n the f i r s t c a s e , e x . 2 0a . , the arrow i s marked a s an Instrument , s ignify ing that it i s regarded as init ially involved as part o f the means o f p erforming the act ion .
In t he s e cond c as e , ex . 2 0b . , t he re
l a t i on o f the arrow t o the a c t i on is s t r i ct ly unmarked , but i t could b e t aken that t he arrow i s r egarded as b e ing affec t e d , in a n inc idental way , by the act ion .
Another part i c ipant c o ul d , i n fact b e added to 2 0b .
and marked a s I n s trument , fo r e x amp l e ,
l u y ? - ? i ' w i t h a b ow ' .
Examp l e s o f the c ho i c e b etween Obj e c t and Goal are : 2la.
h aw
( where YoBro . b.
- n i s - ? i s a t - ? a - t h ay
- k ay p u?
Yo Bro . - Gl OBro . -Dl -Ag k i Z Z -Pt -Gl ' Th e two o Z der bro thers k i Z Z e d t h . younger bro t h e r . '
pu?
=
Young er bro t her, OBro .
- n i s - ? i h aw
OBro . -Dl
-Ag YoBro .
=
O Z der b ro t h e r )
sat -?aka-c - u
ki Z Z -Pt
- Dl-Ag
' The two o l der bro t h ers ki Z Z e d t h e y o un g e r bro t h e r (aaaidentaZZy) . ' c.
pu?
- n l s - ? i n y a m?
-kay ?ap
Obro . -Dl -Ag ari a k e t - G l
-t l
h aw
sat -?a ka-c - u
s ho o t - 3ry YoBro . k i Z Z -Pt
-Dl-Ag
'Aiming at the ariaket, the two brothers ki Z Zed the younger brother.
I
Not i c e that in 2 lb . int ent ion t o affe c t something is s t i l l imp l i e d i n the s it uat ion , but the Goal o f t h e a c t i o n was s omething other t han t h e younger b r o t h e r ( in fac t , in the t e xt from whi ch the e xamp le was t aken , it was a c r i cket s it t ing on t h e boy that was the intended Goal ) .
In
such a r e l at ive l y unusual s it uat ion one w o u l d e x p e c t a comp l e x c laus e , as in 2 l c . In an a c t ion o f t rans fer it i s simil arly p o s s i b l e t o view e i t her the obj e c t t ransferre d , o r the r e c ip ient , a s t h e one int ended t o b e affect ed : 2 2a .
p u?
-n l s-? I bah
- kay h aw
OBro . -Dl -Ag un a l e - Gl
dak
-?aka-c - u
YoBro . de l i ve r - pt
-Dl-Ag
'The two brothers deZivered their younger brother to/for their unaZe. ' b.
p u?
- n l s - ? I h aw
- kay b ah
OBro . -D l -Ag YBro . - Gl
- k a? -t a Q d a k
u n a Z e - ML -Al
-?a ka-c - u
de Z i ve r- Pt
-Dl-Ag
'The two brothers deZivered their younger brother to their unaZe. ' In the first e xamp l e , 2 2 a . , it is indicated that the act ion was p er formed fo r the unc l e ( at the unc le ' s request , for h i s b enefit ) .
I n t he
s e c ond examp l e , 2 2b . , the a c t i o n i s fo r t h e younger b rother ( at h i s r e q u e s t f o r h i s benefit . )
69
C O NSTR A I NTS O N C H O I C E O F P ERS P E C T I V E
2.2.5.
Semantic and Lexical Constraints
I t has already b e en ment ioned ( 2 . 2 . 4 . : 6 7 ) that c ert ain act ions , such as beat ing and holding , b y their very nature c learly involve int ent ion t o affect .
Others , such as t h o s e invo lving stri king against s omething ,
or go i ng to s ome p l ac e , are rare ly a s s o c iated in t hems elves w i t h int en t io n to affect something .
In b etween are act ions such a s laugh i ng ,
wh i c h may o r may not b e a s s o c i at ed with intention to affec t .
There i s
t herefore a cont i nuous range o f po s s ib i l i t i e s for di ffering types o f s it uat i o n , and the verb s that repres ent t hem , b etween t h e two ext remes o f ' never Int e nt i ve ' and ' always Int ent ive ' .
It is not c lear that in
Chepang any verb b e l ongs c omp l e t e ly to one ext reme or the other .
Verb s
s a t - ' ki Z Z ' , wh i c h rate h ighly as far as t he l ik e l i ho o d o f b e ing
such as
Int ent ive is conc erned , neverth e l e s s may at least have the int ent i o n d ivert ed from the obj e c t o f the k i l l ing , a s i n e xamp l e 2 1 .
And , whi l e
i n g eneral it i s not p o s s i b l e t o have a Bene fa c t i ve G o a l dire c t ly with t h e verb
w a Q - ' come ' o r ? a l - ' go ' , in certain l imi t ed c on t e xt s i t doe s
appear t o b e p o s s i b l e t o as s o c i a t e int ent i o n t o affect with t h e s e verb s . The one examp l e that I have i s : 23 .
d ya h m a y j h y a
- l a Q wa Q -c l
t o n i g h t drumb e a t - Pur come
' To n i gh t come to drumb e a t for me. ' The affix
- c i ind i c at e s a 2nd Person Agent and a 1 s t Person Goal ,
t hat i s , an Int ent ive s i t uation with t he s p e aker as Goal .
Thi s par t i c
ular reque s t i s o n e t hat i s very common in Chepang s o c i e t y , b e i ng i n fact a r e q u e s t f o r a s haman to c ome a n d heal s omeone , hence perhaps t h e Intent ive v i ewpoint i s al lowe d .
T h e exampl e i s s omewhat a k i n t o ' walk
the dog ' in Eng l i s h , whe r e here a l s o a c ommon c ontext a l l ow s an otherw i s e una c c ep t ab l e c ons truct ion . Wit h i n Int ent ive s it uat ions , t h e freedom t o vary as s i gnment o f fea t ures a l s o depend s on t h e nature o f t h e s it uat i o n , and on t h e l e x i c a l pos s ib i l i t i es o f t h e language .
In a s i t uat i o n in whi c h an obj e c t i s
t rans ferred from part i c ipant A t o p art i c ipant B , i t i s p o s s i b l e t o indi c at e A a s init ially involve d , and B a s non- init ially involved , by us ing s ay , the verb
b ay ? - ' g i v e ' .
Alt ernat ively it i s p o s s ib l e t o view
B as init i a l ly invo lved by using i n s t ead the verb
t ya k - ' ta k e ' .
Even
with an a c t i o n s uc h as A b e at ing B i t may be p o s s ib l e to v i ew B as b e ing init i a l ly involved , t hough at t h e c o s t o f l o s i ng its act ive s t atus causing t h e c l aus e to lo s e it R a c t ive s t atus . 24.
r a m - s a y g o p a i g h a n - ?o d o ? - ? a
Ram-Ab
Gop a Z b ea t-RN g e t -Pt
' Gopa Z g o t a b e a t i n g from Ram . '
70
S u c h a usage would b e rat h er for c e d i n Chepang .
F o r s i t uations s uch
a s eat ing i t 16 difficult t o s e e how init ial invo lvement c o ul d be as s igned t o any part i c ipant other than the p erformer .
C e rtain b o d i ly
a c t i ons , such as urinat ing and defae c at ing , are on the b order o f b ei ng r egardab l e as I nt e nt ive .
In t h e s tandard Mai s e rang dialect o f Chepang
t h e s e are treated as Intent iv e , though no Goal part i c ipant i s in fact s t a t e ab l e : 25.
co?
-? I k l l ?
?ot
-?aka-n
e h i Z d-Ag fae e e s e xe re t e - P t
-Ag
' Th e e h i Z d defa e e a t e d . ' In t h e w e s t e rn dialec t s however t h i s i s t re at ed as Non- I nt ent ive , with
k l I ? e f fe c t ively incorporat ed into the verb : co?
kl l ?
-?a
-?ot -
e h i Z d fa e e e s - exere te - Pt ' T h e e h i Z d defa e e a t e d . ' Pragmat i c Con straints
As well as the semant i c and l e x i c a l cons t raint s o n free dom of p e r s p ec t i v e there are a l s o o t h e r l imit ing factors .
In part i c ul ar , wh e n the
s peaker o r addre s s ee i s a Non-Agent part i c ipant in an I nt e nt ive a c t i o n , thi s part i c ipant mus t b e a s s i gned t h e feat ure [ + I nt ent ] , o r e l s e b e out s ide t h e p er s p e c t i v e case sys t em altogethe r , with a non-p ersp e c t ive c a s e affix ( e x . 2 7c . ) .
A sp eaker o r addre s s e e c annot b e t reat ed a s an
Obj e c t , s omething only i n c ident ally affec t e d by the act ion . 2 7a .
n a � _ x ( ka y ) yom - ? I J ay k - t e ? - ? a
you-
GI
b ear-Ag b i t e - CIF-Pt
' A bear b i t y o u . ' b.
n a � - x ( ka y ) b a h
you-
Gl
- k a? - t a � d a k
une Z e -ML -Al
x where ( ) indi c a t e s t hat the enclo s ed mat erial i � not opt io nal .
-t e?-na?
de Z i v e r-C IF-NPt
' Yo u w i n b e de Z i ve re d to y o ur une Z e . ' c.
?ow? co?-
k a y n a �- k a? - t a� d a k
t h a t e h i Z d-Gl
yo u-ML -Al
-na -�?
de Z i v e r-NPt - 1E
, I wi Z Z de l i ver t h e e h i Z d to y o u . ' In e xamp l e s 2 7a . , 2 7b . , t h e Goal affix is ob l igat ory for the 2nd P e r s on part i c i pant , and this would be t rue also i f i t were a 1st Person part i c ipant .
Evident l y a factor such as int erlocutory ro l e p laces s ome
c ons traints on freedom of perspect ive .
For part i c ipants other than
t h e s pe aker and addre s s ee , t he cho i c e o f p ersp ect ive , and hence t h e a s s i gnment o f perspect ive features and t h e r e s u l t i ng p e r s p e c t ive c a s e s , can vary mo re freely . The u s e o f the Goal affix , however, has no n e c e s s ary connect ion with definitene s s , as t h e fo l lowing examp l es s how :
71
2 8a .
?ow? ?amh j e?-?a ka-c - u t h a t foo d e a t - Pt -Dl-Ag 'The two ate the fo o d . '
b.
?uyh l e
ma n t a - kay J e? - ? u - t o
former ly p e rson- G l
k e s ya ? - ? i
e a t -A g- 2 ry de e r
-Ag
, Fo rm e r l y t h e de e r used t o eat p eop l e . ' I n t h e first e xamp l e , 2 8 a . , t h e fo o d i s de finite a n d s p e c i fi c , as ind i c at e d by the demo n s t rat ive form affix .
I n t he s e cond e xamp l e , 2 8b .
? o w ? ' t h a t ' , but i t has no Goal
; ma n t a
' p ers on ' is indefinit e and
non- spe c i f i c but has the Goal affi x , to indi cat e that t he deer ate p e o p l e int ent iona ll y , o ut o f mal evo le nc e . Nor i s the u s e o f the Goal affix n e c e s s ar i l y c onne c t e d w i t h a h i gh degree of animacy . 29a.
Comp are the fo l lowing examp l e s :
? o w? - n i s - ? I h ew
t h a t - Dl -Ag YoBro .
s a t - ? a ka - c - u
k i l l - Pt
-Dl-Ag
' T h e two k i l l e d t h e i r y ounger b ro t h e r ( un i n t e n t i o na l ly ) . ' b.
?i
s i �?-kay d u h -�o-to
t h i s t r e e -Gl
b ump - 1E- 2ry
, I b ump e d t h i s tree ( i n t e n ti ona l l y ) . ' The u s e o f the Goal affix with an inanimat e obj ect in the s e c ond examp l e , 2 9b . , and the lack o f i t i n the first e xamp l e 2 9a . , wh ere there i s a defini t e and s p e c i f i c human obj e c t , indi cat es t hat i t i s not ani macy whi c h is the primary factor determining the use o f the Goal marker . It c an b e s e e n then , t hat the a s s i gnment o f p e r s p e c t i v e feature s , such as [+/- Int ent ] , depends primar i l y upon t h e part i c ular s emant i c int erpre t at ion o r persp e c t i ve that t he spe aker w i s h e s t o p l a c e upon t he s it uat i o n , and not upon t he p ragmat i c factors suoh as d e f i n i t e ne s s , s p e c i f i c or animacy .
Neverth e l e s s there i s , in fact , a h i gh degree o f
correlation b etween t h e s e fa ct ors and the u s e o f t h e Goal marker , s i n c e t.he p art i c ipan t s int ended t o b e affect e d b y a n Agent are very o ft e n human , and usually have b e e n intro duc ed in s ome ot her ro l e , s o that indeed they are definit e .
At first s i ght , t h e r e fo re , i t may s e em as
though t h e G o al do e s mark d e f i n i t e o r human part i c ipan t s ( compare Wat t e r s ' remarks on a s imilar affix in Kham , Wat t e r s 1 9 7 3 : 1 9 9 ) . 2.2.6.
PART I C I PA N T AVV I T I O N A N V R EV U C T I O N
Causative Parti cipants
I n s ome c ircums t an c e s a s peaker may wish to introdu c e anoth e r par t i c ipant to the s it uat i o n , with t h e s emant i c rol e of causer or p ermi t t er . In Chepang thi s part i c ip ant i s alway s a s c r i b e d the features [ + Intent ] , [ + I n i t i a l ] , that i s , it i s always given t h e P e r s p e c t ive c a s e o f Agent .
72 Be c au s e there c an only be one o f e ach Perspe ct ive c a s e per c laus e , t h i s means t h at , t o a d d a c aus e r t o s i t uat i on s normally already r e garded as I nt ent ive ( s uch as t ho s e invo lving b e at ing , k i l ling and e at i ng ) , there must be a di fferent as s i gnment o f perspe ct ive feat ure s from t h e usua l . In part i cular t h e direct performer o f the a c t i on can no longer b e given the Persp e c t ive case o f Agent , s in c e this is alre ady as s i gned to the c au se r .
Th e s p eaker th erefore has the cho i c e o f regarding t h e p e rfo rmer
a s an Inst rument , Ob j e ct o r Goal , depending on his persp e c t i ve .
For t h e
b a s i c s it uat i on given in e xampl e 3 G a . b elow , t h e cho i c e s p o s s i b l e whe n a causer i s added a r e shown i n t h e n e x t t hree examp l e s ( 3G b . , 3G c . , 3 G d . ) . 3Ga.
n I s-ca k
-? I w i n ? sat -na ?-c -u k i Z Z - NPt -Dl- A g
two - p e rs on - Ag b a t
' Tw o m e n k i Z Z b a t s . ' b.
d i l) -? I n l s-ca k - ? I w l n ? - ( ka y ) s a t - t a k - n a - w ? s p i r i t - A g two - p e rs o n - I n s b a t - ( Gl ) ki Z Z - C s -NPt -Ag
' T h e s p i r i t c a u s e s the two men t o k i Z Z b a t s . ' x
c.
d l l) -? I n l s-cak -? I w l n? - kay s p i ri t - A g two - p ers on-Ag b a t - ( G l )
sat -t a k-na ?-c
-u
k i Z Z - C s -NPt -Dl-Ag
d l l) -? I n l s-ca k - k� w i n ? s a t - t a k - n a - w ? s p i ri t - A g two-p e rs on - G l b a t k i Z Z - C s -NPt -Ag
' T h e s p iri t c a us e s the two men to ki Z Z b a t s ( fo r the i r b e n e fi t ) . ' or: d.
d l l) -? I n l s-ca k - kay w i n ? s a t - t a k - n a ? - t h a - c a s p i ri t -Ag two -p ers o n-A l b a t k i Z Z - C s -NPt -Gl -Dl d l l) -? I n l s -cak w l n ? - ka y s a t - t a k - n a - w ? s p i ri t -Ag two - p e rs o n b a t - G l k i Z Z - C s -NPt-Ag
'The s p i r i t caus e s the two m e n t o k i ZZ b a t s ( to de s t roy t h em ) . ' The p o s s ib l e variation o f perspe ct ive with a c au sat ive can b e s e e n i n e xamp l e s 3 Gb . t o 3 G d .
In 3Gb . t h e t w o m e n a r e regarded as init ially
invo lved and are t h er e fo r e marked as Ins t rument s . referenced on t he verb .
They c annot b e c ro s s
I n 3 G c . t h e who l e act ion i s int ended for the
b e n e f it o f the two men and hence they are marked as Goal .
The two men
may o r may not be in verb al c r o s s -referenc e , t h e s e l e ct ion for this b e ing a c c o rd ing t o other fa c t o r s ( s ee 2 . 3 . b e l ow ) .
In 3 G d . t h e a c t ion
is int e nded t o aff e c t t h e b at s , with t he men b e ing regarded as inc i dent al .
Such a construction i s unus ual and 3 Gb . , with t he b at s marked
a s Goal , would b e mo re c ommon fo r thi s int erpret at i o n .
T h e s e const ruc
t ions may a l s o be given a P e rmis s i ve rat h e r than a C aus a t i ve int erpret at ion . For s it uat i ons normally treated as Non- I nt ent ive t he addit ion o f a c a u s e r p art i c ipant l eads to a former A c t o r or S t at ant b e c oming an Obj e c t o r G o a l , again depending on whether it i s viewed a s b e Ing int ent ionally affected o r not .
The augment e d s i t uat ion i s now treated as Int ent ive .
73
31a.
gopa l -kay ram-? I 5 1 -t a k-?a ka-n
Gop at-Gl
Ram-Ag di e - C s -Pt
-Ag
' Ram c a us e d Gopa Z t o di e . ' or: b.
gopa l - kay r a m - ? I 5 1 - t a k - ? a -� Gopat- G l
Ram-Ag di e - C s -Pt-Gl
g o p a l - ? I m a y ? - ( ka y ) y a r
Gop a Z - A g m e a t - G l
-t a k- n a -w?
y e Z Z o w - C s -NPt-Ag
' Go p a Z mak e s t h e m e a t y e Z Zow . ' c.
? o w ? b a t)
ray
-5 I ?-na?
t h a t s to n e fri g h t - E C s -N Pt ' T h a t r o c k is fri g h t e n ing . '
Emotional Ca u sati ve
I n c e rt ain S t a t i ve c laus e s i n whi c h t h e St at ant i s t o b e de s c rib e d a s caus ing a part i cular emo t i o n , rather than undergoing it , t h e s uffix - 5 1 ? is added t o indicate t h i s
fact .
The c l ause remains S t a t i v e in
type , a s i n E x . 3 1 c . ab o ve . Posses sors
Another way of e f f e ct ively increas i ng the numb er of part i c ipant s i n a n intera c t i on i s t o u s e t h e P o s s e s s o r c ro s s-reference i n t h e verb , a s ment ioned in 2 . 1 . 5 . ab ove .
T h i s h a s t he e f f e c t o f r e l at in g t h e P o s s
e s s or o f a part i c i pant mo re c lo s e l y to the s it uat i o n .
I t s u s e e s p e c i al l y
s e ems t o imp ly s t rongly t hat the po s s e s s or i s , o r w i l l b e , emot i onal l y affec t ed by t he s it uat ion i n whi ch t h e p o s s e s s e d part i c ipant i s invo lved, as in : 32.
n l -c l - ko ? c o ?
5 1 - ? a - b at - t a - t) ? - c a
w e - Dl -Gen c h i Z d di e - Pt -P o s - G l-1E-Dl
' Our c h i Z d has di e d . ' Altho ugh the verb al G o al c a s e affix is u s e d with t h i s construc t ion it do e s not ind i c at e that the s it uat ion i s b e ing t reat e d as I nt ent ive , and the P o s s es s o r c an only b e r e ferred t o by an NP w i t h a Genit ive affi x , not b y o n e with a Goal affi x .
The reas ons fo r t h i s are des c r i b e d
in s e c t ion 5 . 2 . 4 . 5 . Re flexive S ituat i on s O n e type o f s it uat i on i n whi ch t h e t o t a l numb er o f part i c ipants i s reduc e d i s t h e r e f l e x ive one , where o n e part i c ipant i s act ing i n two ro l e s .
For Chepang I n t ent ive s it uat ions the two c o i n c i d ing ro l e s are
t h o s e whi ch would normal l y be indi c at e d as A gent and Goal .
That i s , i t
i s t h e intending part i c ipant a n d t he int ent i onal l y aff e ct e d part i c ipant whi ch are the o n e ent i t y , not s imp ly the agent ive and pat i ent p art i c i pant s .
Thi s g i ve s t h e s omewhat curious res ult , not e d in 2 . 2 . 3 . : 6 6
above , that t h e r e f l e xive o f a verb s uch as
J e ? - ' t o e a t ' do e s not mean
74
' to e a t o n e ' s s e l f ' , b ut ' to e a t one ' s own fo o d ' .
Be cause there i s
l it t le p o s s i b i l it y o f amb i guity a s t o ro l e t h e N P Agent affix i s o f t en omit t e d .
Ins t ead o f t h e regular case marking on the verb there i s a
R e fl e x i ve affix .
The Refle xive Pronominal forms c an b e s e en in chart s
1 1 - 1 4 in Appendix 1 . 33.
An exampl e of a Refl e x ive c laus e i s :
s l t a - ( ? i ) h m e ? m u t I ya n ? - ? a ka - s a
Si ta- ( Ag ) a s h
rub
-Pt
-Rfl
' S i t a rub b e d h e rs e l f w i t h a s h . ' Reciproc a l S ituations
Another type of s it uation for wh i ch an action t hat i s normally Int en t i ve do e s not have the ful l quot a o f Perspe ct i ve c a se s , is that o f Re c ip r o c a l act ion .
The s e are t r eat ed in Chepang s imp ly as tho ugh they
were Non-Intentive s i t uat ions and the verb c arr i e s a Re c iprocal deri vat i onal affix 34.
-ka y :
r a m g o p a l - k u s m t n h -� - n a ? - c a
Ram Gop a l - C om fig h t - R cp-NPt D l -
' Ram fo ugh t w i t h Gopa l . ' 2.2.7.
C O - O RV I N A T E ANV C O M I TA T I V E PART I C I PANTS
One kind o f Non-Intentive s i t uat ion for wh i c h t h e feat ure [ + Nuc l ear ] do e s not s impl y c o i n c ide with t h e one part i c ipant t hat i s a l s o [ + Init i al ] , i s t hat involving a C omit ative . regarded a s having t he features [ + Nuclear ] ,
Th i s part i c ipant could b e [ - I nit ial ] , and a s such
i t contras t s wi th t h e A c t o r in t h e s ame s i t uat io n , which i s [ + Nuclear ] , [ + I nit ial J . t he affix
The C omit at ive c a s e i s indicated i n Chepang b y t h e u s e o f
- k u s a s i n e x amp l e 3 4 . abov e .
I n t h i s examp l e , the fac t t hat
Ram , b ut not Gopal , is t h ereby a s c ribed the feat ure [+ I n i t i a l ] , s upports the sense o f thi s c l ause that Ram was the init iator o f t h e a c t io n of f i ght ing .
Even i f Gopal did in fact first at t ack Ram , t h e imp l i c at i on
i s t hat i t was Ram ' s init iative that l e d to t he f i ght ing . The Comit at ive construc t ion l i nking t h e two part i c ipants i s in s ome ways treated a s a type of Co-ord inate c o n s t ruct ion , i n that b o t h t h e s e part i c ipant s may b e grouped t ogether f o r cros s-refer enc e - n o t e t h e Dual Numb er a f f i x in 34 . and t h e I n c lus ive Dual in 3 5 . : 35.
� a n a � - k u s k r aw - n a ? - t a y h - c a
I
y o u Com fl e e - NP t - 1 I n -Dl -
, I w i l l flee w i t h y o u . ' A t rue Co-ordinate c o n s t ruct ion comb ines two l inke d part i c i pant s int o a s ingl e c ompound part i c ipant .
Features s uch as init ial invo lvement
are a s s i gned to t h i s as a who l e , so t hat neither c an be regarded as more of an init iat o r than the o ther .
A Co-ordinate l i nking o f two part i c i
p ant s i s indi c at e d by addit i o n of the s uffix pronoun s repr e s ent ing t h e part i c ipant s :
-ma ? to each o f t h e N P s /
75
36a.
r a m -� g o p a l -� m l n h - ka y - n a ? - C 9
Ram-C o Gop a l - C o fig h t -Rcp-NPt-Dl
' Ram and Gopa l fi g h t each o th e r . ' b.
n a Q -� Q a -� k r aw - n a ? - t a y h - c a
y o u - Co I - Co f l e e -NPt - 1 In -Dl ' Yo u and I w i l l fl e e . '
The symmet ry o f the Co- ordinate const ruct i o n , i n c ont ras t t o the as ymmet ry of t h e Comit at ive , i s p robab ly a r e fl e c t i o n o f t h e fact t hat in the former the two part i c ipant s are c omp l e t e ly equal i n all t he i r re lat i onships within t he c l au s e . Somet ime s t h e Comit at ive affix added to it .
- k u s has an addit ional s u f f i x - ? I
The funct i on o f t h i s s uffix i s not comp l et e l y c l ear , b u t
i t i s po s s ib ly a n ext ended use o f the Inst rument marker , i n whi ch c a s e i t may be s i gnalling that t he C omit at i ve p art i c ipant i s t o b e re garde d a l s o as i n i t i ally invo lved .
Th e who l e const ruc t i on would th ere fore b e
very c l o s e t o a Co-ordinate one :
?ow ? - k u s - ? i ( Q a ) w a h - ? a l a - Q ? - c a
37.
t h a t - Com-In ( I) ,I
mo v e - Pt
- lE-Dl
went a b o ut w i t h h i m . '
S UM M A R Y
2.2.8.
T h e dis cus s i on o f r o l e e ncoding p r e s e n t e d s o far i n t h i s s e c t i on ( 2 . 2 . ) has shown t hat t h e verb in Chepan g i s c l o s el y i n t e grat e d i n t o t h i s s y s t em .
I ndeed s ome p erspe c t i ve ro l e s , s uch as that o f I n s t rument , c an
be d i s t inguished only by t aking b oth the verb al and NP case marking i n t o a c count ( s e e 2 . 2 . 2 . : 5 9 ) .
In gene ral , as might be e xp e c t e d , t h e NP s ub
s y s t em o f r o l e encoding i s t he more c omp le t e , and the verb al s ub sy s t e m carr i es t h e l oad p rimar i ly when there are no overt NPs i n a c laus e , a s i s o f t e n t h e c as e i n c onne c t e d dis cours e .
T h e verb a l s ub sy s t em a l s o
make s s ome mo re s ub t l e d i s t in ct ions , s uch as b etween E x c l u s i ve and I n c l u s ive for 1 st Person , t hat are not s hown by the NPs .
A lthough there
i s not alway s o vert case marking i n the verb ( it is ab s e nt in the 1st S ingular Agent s e c t ions o f t he p aradi gm , also where t h e addr e s s is Goal ) the overall d i s t ribut ion o f Agent and Goal c a s e aff i x e s i s such t hat it i s always p o s s ib l e to t e l l , for Intentive s it uat i on s , whe t h e r the par t i c ipant i n c ro s s -re feren c e is an Agent o r a Goal ( s e e c hart s 11-14 , App . l . ) . 2. 3. 2 . 3. 1.
S E L EC T I ON FO R C RO S S - R E F E R EN C E C R O SS - R E F ER E N C E A N D P E RS P ECT I V E
The not i on o f a p art i c ip ant in a perspect ive ro l e b e ing regarded a s non-nuc l ear , a n d re ferred t o by a n NP with a non-pers p e c t i ve c a s e marking ( s e e s e c t i on 1 . 3 . 3 . 3 . : 2 0 , 2 . 2 . 4 . : 6 7 ) , i s s omewhat remi ni s c ent o f the R e l at i onal grammar notion of an NP originally i n a ' pure ' grammat i c a l r e l at ion ( Subj e c t , Obj e c t o r Indirect Obj e c t ) b e ing demo t e d t o an
76
' impure ' re lat ion ( Ob l ique Obj e c t ) ( Johns o n . 1 9 7 7 ) . However e x amp l e s s u ch as 3 8a . - 3 8 c . show t hat there are two e s s en t i al ly i ndependent dimens ions o f variat i o n whi c h migh t b e thought o f as invo lving promo t i o n 3 8a .
pu?
-n I s-? I bah
- kay h aw
OBro . -D I -Ag una l e - GI
da k
or
derotion:
-?a-�
YoBro . de l i ver-Pt-GI
' Th e two b r o t hers de l i ve re d t h e i r y o unger bro t h e r to t h e una l e . ' b.
pu ?
- n l s -? I b a h
- ka y h aw
OBro . -DI -Ag una l e - G I
YoBro .
dak
-?a ka-c - u
de l i v e r- Pt
-DI-Ag
' T h e two b r o t h e rs de l i v e re d t h e i r y o unger bro t h e r to t h e i r una l e . ' c.
pu?
-n l s-? I b ah
- k a? - t a � h a w
OBro . -DI -Ag una l e-MLc-AI
dak
- ? a k a -c - u
YoBro . de l i ve r-Pt
-DI-Ag
'The two b ro t h e rs de l i ve re d t h e i r y o unger b r o t h e r t o t h e i r una l e . ' Not i c e t hat , altho ugh t h e Eng l i s h t rans lation is t h e s ame for a l l t h r e e e xamp l e s , t h e unc l e i s t reat ed i n di fferent way s i n each .
In t h e
f i r s t s e ntenc e , 3 8a . , the unc l e i s d e s i gnated as G o a l and i s c ro s s r e ferenced i n t he verb , a s shown by the underl ining .
In the s e cond
s ent e nc e , 3 8b . , t he unc l e i s s t i l l a Goal , b ut i s no longer c ro s s r e ferenc ed .
I n t h e t hi rd e xamp l e , 3 8 c . , t h e unc l e i s n o longer marked
w i t h a Persp e c t ive c a s e affix .
Moreover , whi l e the di fferenc e b e tween
the last two examp l e s , 3 8b . and 3 8c . , i s t he r e sult o f t h e d i fferent s eman t i c v i ewpo int t aken by t h e s p e aker in each case ( s e e 2 . 2 . 4 . ) , t h i s i s n o t t rue f o r t h e f i r s t t w o e xamp l e s , 3 8 a . and 38b . - t he r e i s no meaning differen c e b etwe en t hem .
There are t herefore two ways in wh i c h
a part i c ipant in a persp e c t ive ro l e may b e ' demo t e d ' .
The f i rs t ,
governed by non-s emant i c factors , is removal from verb al c ro s s -referenc e , t h e s e cond , wh i c h has semant i c imp l i c at ions , i s b y i t b eing treat e d a s though i t w e r e in a non-p ersp e c t ive ro l e .
Th e only c onnect ion b etween
t h e s e two kinds o f demot ion i s t hat a part i c ipant with a Non-Pers p e ct ive c a s e affix c annot b e exp l i c it ly ero s s -r e ferenced i n the verb . It i s the r e c o gn i t ion o f the two independent dimens i ons o f var i at ion t hat i s t h e basis of Foley and Van Valin ' s Ro l e and R e feren c e grammar var i a t i o n in p ersp e c t ive b e ing c onne c t e d with rol e , and variat i o n i n some s y s t em such as cros s-reference b eing a s s o c iat e d with referent ial o r pragmat i c factors .
And s o , b e c au s e a recognit ion o f the independe n c e
o f t h e t w o rel evant d imensions i s e s s ent i a l t o underst anding Chepang morpho l o gy , I have used their appro ach in t h i s s t udy . However , i f the s e l e c t ion o f a part i c ipant t o b e r epres ent e d in t h e v e r b by c ro s s -referencing affix at ion i s n o t on s emant i c grounds , t hen what factors do govern it?
I t t urns o ut t hat t here are s everal factors
a s s o c i at ed with s e l e c t ion for verb al c ro s s -reference and these are d i s c u s s e d b e low ( 2 . 3 . 2- 5 . ) .
77
2 . 3. 2.
CASE
For s i t uat ions regarded a s Non- I ntent ive , t h e only part i c ipant s t hat c an be represented b y verbal c r o s s -reference are the A c t o r , for a c t ion s , and t h e St at ant for s t at e s .
The ques t i on of s e l e ct ion for c ro s s
referen c e therefore d o e s n o t ari s e .
F o r Intent ive s i t uat ions however
there i s a p o s s i b i l it y of c ho i c e b etwe en p art i c ipant s for c ro s s r e ferenc e , t ho ugh t his c ho i c e i s l imit ed t o tho s e part i c ipant s t hat are indicated either as Agent or Goal .
Thi s l imit ation is p r e s umab ly par t l y
c onne c t e d w i t h t h e s igni f i c ant part t hat t h e verb p l a y s i n encoding role , together wi t h t he fact t hat t here are only two verb al c a s e affixes .
If
par t i c ipant s other t han t h e Agent o r Goal were regularly c ro s s -referenced then the b urden of enco ding ro l e would fall much more heavily on t h e NP sy s t em t o d i s t ingui sh I nt en t i ve and Non- Intent iv� s i t ygt ions .
It i s
not , o f c o ur s e , p u r e c o i n c idence t h a t Agent and Goal are t h e t w o c a s e s t hat may b e i n c ro s s -reference - t hey are r e lat e d t o two k e y r o l e s i n a n interac t i o n , and mo reov e r , t h e part i c ipant s i n t h e s e r o l e s a r e usual l y pragmat i c a l l y imp o rt ant . Neverthe l e s s it is s t i l l p o s s i b l e t o avo id c ro s s -referenc ing either the Agent or t h e Goal , even for an I nt ent ive s i t uat ion .
Thi s is achieved
b y s imp ly omitt ing a l l Pronominal affixat ion : 39 .
hQa
?a pa
- k a y k ay k - h a Q p e n h - n a ? l a
fi r s t fa t h e r- Gl
n ea k - L o c t i e -NPt t hread
'The t h read i 8 fi r s t t ie d around t h e fa th e r ' s n e a k . ' In t h e c ontext from wh i ch t hi s e xamp l e was t aken , it is t h e t hread which i s t h e s ubj e c t o f t h e d i s c ours e s e gment , t h e di s cu s s ion b eing ab out the way t h e t hread i s dyed and t hen t ied around the n e c ks of dif ferent p er s ons .
The Agent s in this act ion are i rrel event .
The lack
o f c r o s s - r eferenc ing therefore indicat e s t h e great e r pragmat i c s i g n i f i c an c e of a part i c ipant wh i c h c anno t , however , be repres ent e d in the verb , b ecause i t i s not an Agent o r Goal .
This pragmat i c s igni fican c e
i s d i s c u s s e d further b elow ( 2 . 3 . 5. ) . 2 . 3 . 3.
CO MMUN I CA T I V E R O L E
One maj or fac t o r affe ct ing t h e s e l e c t ion o f a p art i c ipant for c ro s s r e f e r e n c e i s t h e c ommun i c at i ve o r interlo cut ory rol e as a sp eaker , addr e s s e e , o r a third person .
The influence o f c ommun i c at i ve role i n
s y ntax has b ee n n ot e d , for i n s t anc e , by Hawkinson and Hyman ( 1 9 7 4 ) and S i lver s t e in ( 1 9 7 6 ) .
They point e d out the fact , whi c h I had al s o ob s erved
for Chepang ( Caugh l ey , 1 9 7 1 c . ) , that there is a hierarchy of ro l e s , in wh i c h t he s p eaker and addres s e e t ake p r e c e dence o ver any th ird person par t i c ipant in various s y n t a ct i c p ro ce s s e s .
In Chepang this hierarchy
i s s e e n part i c u larly in the precedence for s e l e c t ion for c r o s s -referenc e .
78
The way i n whi c h t h i s p reference i s man i f e s t e d in Chepang c an b e demon 's t rat e d by means of a chart , b a s e d on the a c t ually o c curring Pronominal a f f i x e s given in c harts 11- 1 4 in the Appendix .
In this chart ( chart 2 ,
b e low ) a numb er i s g iven to repres ent t h e Person cat egory o f t ha t par t i c ipant wh i c h dominat e s fo r c ro ss - re feren c e in each s e ct ion o f the p aradi gm . CHART 2 COMMUN ICATIVE ROL E
�'
1+2
1 S
AND CRO S S - REFERENCE
Dl
PI
Dl
3
2 PI
S
Dl
PI
S
Dl
PI
Agent
S 1
Dl
R e fl e x ive
2
1
PI
1
Dl
2
PI
2
1+ 2 Refl exive
S
(S)
Dl
2
1
R e fl e x ive
2
PI S 3
Dl
1
1+2
2
--
PI S
=
Supp let ive form
A l t ho ugh t h e numb ers g ive the Person catego ry of the dominant par t i c ipant ( fo r ins t anc e , t h e 1 s t P e r s on is dominant in b o t h t he top right hand c orner of the parad i gm , and the b o t t om l eft hand corner ) , the dominanc e a s far a s c r o s s -referenc ing Pronominal affixat i o n i s c o n c erned i s not c ompl e t e , and Numb er e l emen t s of the r e c e s s ive part i c ipant may some t imes o c c ur along with t h e Person and C a s e affixes of the dominant one .
This is mo st common with a 1 s t P er s on Singular Agent and a Non
S ingular Goal .
79
40.
� co?
- l am- ka y b a y ? - ? a l a -�- s
I -Ag o h i Z d-rr - G l
give-pt
-�
-lE-Pl-Ag
' I g a v e to t h e ohi Z dr e n . ' Here t he double underl ining repre s ent s dominant part i c ipant ( Person and c a s e ) c ro s s -referenc e , the s i ng l e underl ining r e c e s s ive part i c ipant ( Numb e r ) cro s s - re ferenc e . A n examinat ion o f t h e c hart shows t hat whenever the s p eaker o r addr e s s e e are int eract ing i n a s it uat ion with a t h ird part i c ipant t he n t h e sp eaker and h earer a r e preferred fo r c r o s s -r e ferenc e .
Wh ere b ot h
t h e Agent and Goal a r e 3rd Person ( b o t t om r ight hand corne r ) t h e n o f c o u r s e communi cat ive rol e c annot a f f e c t c h o i c e f o r cros s - referen c e , and other factors mu s t b e looked at . Whe n the s p eaker i s invo l ved in an interact ion wh i ch i n c ludes the addre s s e e , then t h e latt er is dominant whe n t h e s p eaker i s Agent and t h e addr e s s e e i s Goal ( t o p row , t hi rd c o lumn ) .
When t h e s e r o l e s are
reversed however the addr e s s e e i s only dominant if t h e 1st Person has S i ngular Numb e r .
For 1 s t Person Non- S i ngular t h e speaker i s pre ferred
for cro s s -referenc e . 2 . 3. 4 .
S E MA NT I C C A T E GO R Y
( AN I MA C Y )
I t was ment i oned i n the previous s e c t ion ( 2 . 3 . 3 . ) that , whe n 3rd Person p art i c ipant s are b ot h Agent and Goal , f a c t o rs other than c ommuni cat ive role mus t be invo l ved i n the s e l e c t i o n o f a part i c ipant for cros s-referenc e . One p o s s i b l e fact o r i s t h e re lat ive animac y s t at u s o f the part i c ipant s in a s i t uat i on .
In an early paper on this que s t i on ( Caugh l ey , 1 9 7 8 )
I s ugge s t e d , on t h e b a s i s o f a st udy o f Chepang narrat i ve s , t hat there was a ranking of s emant i c c a t ego r ie s as fo llows ( in des c ending order ) : Human > Spirit > Non- p e r s onal Animat e > Inanimate Whichever of the Agent o r Goal p art i c ipants was the h i gh e s t ranke d w i t h r e s p e c t t o the s e c at egor i e s w a s t he one whi c h was s e l e c t e d f o r c ro s s re ferenc e , provided there was n o difference i n c ommuni c at ive ro l e . Hawkinson and Hyman ( 1 9 7 4 ) have p ro po s ed a s imi lar ranking or h i e rarchy for t he Shona language , where t h e animacy h i erarchy , along with com municat ive r o l e , p lays an imp ort ant part in the o verriding of certain grammat i c al p ro c e s s e s fo r a s s i gning c a s e rol es . a " Natural t o p i c hi erarchy " .
They c a l l t h i s ranking
O ne interest ing difference b e twe e n the
Chepang and Shona h i erar c h i e s was t h e fact t hat s p i r it s o c cup i e d a definit e po s i t ion in t h e C hepang o rdering .
In t h e t e x t s examined , out
o f a l l t he many s i t uat ions des cribed as invo l ving human and s p i r i t part i c ipant s , only in one o r t w o i n s t anc e s were s p i r i t s preferred o ver
80 humans f o r c r o s s -referenc e , and t h e s e e x c eptions c o u l d b e expl ained on other ground s .
L ikewi s e spirits almo s t invariab ly took preference over
non-pe r sonal animat e e nt it ie s . Further inve st igat ion i n Chepang has s hown that , whi l e the c orrelat i o n b etwe e n animacy rank and the c ho i c e f o r c ro s s -reference i s v e r y h igh , t h e r e are ins t anc e s where a lower ranked part i c ipant is s e l e c t e d i n p r e f e r e n c e t o a higher ranked one .
A l s o t here wi l l , o f c ours e , b e many
ins t an c e s where b o t h t h e Agent and Goal part i c ipant s are equal in animacy s t atus , in part i c ular where b o t h are 3rd Person and huma n , s o t h e s e l e c t ion must c le arly b e made on t he b a s i s o f other fact or s .
The sugges t ion
made in t he earl i e r p ap e r , that s o c ial rank might p l ay a part i n s e l e c t io n , h a s n o t proved val id under further examinat ion . 2 . 3. 5 .
PRAGMA T I C F A C T O R S
Wh ere t h e animacy ranking i s o verridden , o r cannot app l y i n regard t o s e l e c t i on for c ro s s -r e ferenc e , t hen it might b e expect ed t hat prag mat i c fac t ors s u ch a s definiten e s s , and g ivenn e s s could be invo lved . O f t h e two fact or s , definit ene s s , as noted earl i e r ( 1 . 3 . 3 . 4 . ) has more t o do with t h e t y pe of r e ferring expre s s i o n t hat a s p eaker c ho o s e s t o u s e , and i s n o t a feature c l o s el y l inked t o t h e par t i c ipant i t s e l f , e x c ept t hat t he u s e o f a definite referen c e imp l i e s t hat the part i c ipant has b e e n encountered b y t he h earer .
Moreover , for many s it uat ions
d e s c r ib ed i n a d i s c ours e s uc h a s a narrat ive , a l l the main part i c ipan t s are d e f init e , s o t hat definit enes s c annot provide a qual i f i c at ion for s e l e c t i o n for c r o s s -referenc e .
O n the other hand , givennes s , a s defined
in t erms o f a s s umed presence i n the h.earer ' s cons c iousne s s ( s e e 1 . 3 . 3 . 4 . ) , is a feature that a part i c ipant acquires l arge l y from t h e immediat e and t ot a l c o n t e xt of ut t e ranc e , b oth the context o f the world at large , and that built up by t h e dis course i t s el f .
G ivenne s s t herefore , would
s e em a more l ikely c andidat e a s a fa c t or in det ermining s e l e c t ion for c r o s s -referenc e . A p s y c ho l o g i c al ly defined feat ure , such a s givenne s s , obviously i s n o t available for d i r e ct measurement .
However i n narrat ives i t could
b e e x p e c t ed t hat t he givenn e s s o f a part i c ipant i s c lo s e l y r e l at ed to t h e frequency and r e c e n t n e s s of previous ment ion o f thi s part i c ipant ( c ompare A l l erton , 1 9 7 8 : 1 4 2 , Chafe , 1 9 74 : 1 2 9 ) .
That i s , i f a c hara c t e r
h a s b e en ment ioned o ft e n previou s l y , o r i f it h a s j ust b e en ment i oned , it i s reasonab l e to e x p e c t t hat it w i l l be given .
And it i s p o s s i b l e
t o ke e p track o f t h e frequency and re c entnes s o f previous ment ion for any part i c ipant in a t ext .
In a s tudy t hat I made o f e i ght narrat ive
t ext s ( wi t h a t o t a l o f 1 , 2 1 4 s ent enc e s ) I e xamined three syntac t i c
81 feature s , init i al po s i t i on ( w i th respect t o other NPs ) , s e l e c t i o n for c ro s s -referenc e , and t h e p r e s e n c e o f the e nc l it i c
- p a y ( s e e 3 . 1 . ) , all
o f whi c h appeared t o related t o givenne s s , and checked t o see how o ft en the s e c o inc ided with r e c ent and frequent ment ion .
Each part i c ipant
in a part i c ular sent e n c e was given two indi c e s , one indi c at ing how many t imes it had b een referred to previous l y , the o t h e r ind i c at ing how far b a c k , in t erms of the numb e r of intervening s e nt e nc e s , was t h e l a s t reference t o that part i c ipant .
B e c ause i t was n o t p o s s i b l e t o
det ermine the r e l at i ve impo rtan c e o f r e c entness versus frequency , only c l ear cases were used whe r e a s ingle p art i c ipant was b o t h mo st r e c ent and most frequent , or l east frequent and l east r e c ent .
The r es ult s
showed t hat , out o f the 2 6 5 sentenc e s t o wh i c h t h e t e s t could b e appl i e d , in 2 0 0 i n s t anc e s ( over 7 5 % ) the part i c ipant in c r o s s -reference was a l s o the mo s t frequent a n d t h e mo s t r e c e nt ly mentioned one involved i n t h e s e n t e nc e .
I n o n l y 3 6 i n s t an c e s ( 14 % ) the part i c ipant in c ro s s -referenc e
was least frequent and l east r e c ent , t h e rema ining 2 9 s ent e n c e s b e ing indet erminat e .
There was also a h i gh degree o f correlat ion o f r e c ent
ness and frequency of previous ment ion with i ni t ial NP po s i t i o n , and with the p r e s e n c e of
-pa y .
The t hree feat ur e s therefore c ommonly
c o inc ided in t he one part i c ipant . In view o f t h e s e resul t s it s e ems reasonab l e to suppo s e t hat given ne s s i s the b a s i s for s e le c t ion for c ro s s -referenc e .
The fact t ha t for
some 1 4 % o f t h e s en t e n c e s examined t he part i c ip ant i n c r o s s -reference was t h e least frequent and l east r e c e nt do e s not make t h i s s uppo s it ion imp l au s ib l e , s i n c e these factors ar e not expe c t e d t o b e dire c t ly , and unfai l ingly , r e l at ed to givennes s . I f givenne s s i s indeed t h e b a s i s o f s e l e c t i on then thi s would explain t he influence o f c ommuni c a t i v e r o l e , and a l s o the c o rr e l at ion w i t h the animacy h i erarchy .
The s peaker and h earer c an always be t aken as given
i n any interlo c ut ory s i t uat ion ( and hence referred to by p ronouns ) and t h erefore t ake preference over a l l other part i c ipant s .
Also , the
l i ke l ihood o f a part i c ipant from a p ar t icular c qt egory i n t he animac y h i erarchy b e ing given i s c o n c e ivab l y r e lat ed t o how e a s y i t i s t o t ake no t e o f , o r ident i fy , individual s from t h i s c at egory - a l l other fac t o r s b e ing equal .
Humans have a highly developed c apac ity , as w e l l as s t rong
mo t ivat ion t o recogni s e individual s from their own l eve l , b ut t he mo t ivat ion and innate ab i l it y t o r e co gni s e individual s l ower down t h e s c al e o f animacy dec rea s e s .
S p i r it s , for instanc e , s in c e they are
general l y amo rphous be ings , are l e s s l ikely to b e given t han humans , and t h i s explains t h e re sult noted earl i er ( 2 . 3 . 4 . ) , t hat they are l e s s preferred than humans fo r c ro s s-referenc e .
82
S i lverstein ( 1 9 7 6 : 1 1 3 ) s e e ks t o explain t h e c omb ined hi erar c h i e s o f c ommuni c a t ive ro l e and anima c y ( g iving addre s s e e > s peaker > pro per NP > human > animat e > inanimat e ) i n t erms of the " s emant i c natura l n e s s
f o r a l ex i c al l y s p e c i f i e d NP t o funct ion as t h e agent o f a t rans i t iv e verb " .
What ever ' s emant i c nat uralne s s ' means i t cannot b e t aken t o
r e f e r t o t h e real world pro b ab i l it y o f agent hood , s in c e a l l humans , wh e t h er the sp eake r , t h e addr e s s e e or s ome other , are equal ly likely t o a c t a s agent s i n real world s i t uat ions .
It mu s t rather refer t o
the l ikel ihood o f b e i ng d e s c r ib ed by t h e sp eaker a s agent s , i n other words t h e l i ke l ihood in s ome ego c ent r i c v i ew o f t h e world .
This i s
c l o s er t o the not i on propo s e d here , invo lving the s emant i c natural n e s s for an ent i t y to b e given . 2. 3. 6 .
T H E F U N CT I ON O F C R O SS - R E F E R E N C E
A l t hough a b a s i s for t h e s e l e c t ion o f a part i c ipant fo r c ro s s r eference h a s b ee n sugg e s t ed , t he funct ion o f c r o s s -reference remains t o b e d ealt wit h .
The que s t i o n o f whether t he part i c ipant i n c ro s s
r e fe r e n c e funct i ons l ike a s ubj e c t , t o p i c o r theme , w i l l b e d i s cus s ed in s e c t i on 4 . 1 . , under t he general heading o f cohe s ion .
CHAPTER THREE
THE VERB IN RELAT I ON TO CONTEXT
I N FO RMAT I O N F L OW
3. 1. 3. 1. 1.
I N TRO V U C T I O N
C hepang h a s a n interest ing s e t o f three morphemes wh i c h form a sy s t em r e l at ing t h e informat ional cont ent o f an ut t eran c e to t h e s pe aker and t he addr es s e e , part i cularly with r e s p e c t to the d i r e c t ion of flow o f informat i o n .
The t hree forms wh i c h con s t i t ut e t h i s sy s t em are
- t e ? , and - t a Q ?
-pa y ,
Th e func t ions o f these mo rphemes were first des c ribed
in a pre l iminary p aper c a l l ed " S ome p erformat ive markers in Chepang . " ( C aughley , 1 9 7 1b ) , though , a s the t it l e indicat e s , t h i s des c ript i o n was i n t erms of p erformative not i ons rather t han informat ion flow .
The
reason for inc luding t h i s s y s t em in a s t udy of the verb is t hat two o f t h e forms ,
- t e ? and - t a Q ? , a r e found a s verbal affixes a s w e l l a s - t e ? a l s o b ei ng very c lo s el y l inked with t h e
e nc l i t i c t o NPs , with
pronominal affixat ion o f the verb ( 3 . 1 . 4 . ) .
T h e fun c t ion o f the s y s t em
as a who l e is t herefore d i s c u s s ed in s ome detail here . 3. 1 . 2 .
PR I M A R Y F U NC T I O NS
The primary u s e o f t h e three morphemes may b e i l l u s t rated as fo l lows : lao
Q a - ? i -� b a y ? - n e? - n a - Q
I -Ag-DIF g i v e-NPT- 2 - IE ' I wi n g i v e i t to y o u . '
b.
n a Q - ka y b ay ? - t e ? - ? a
y o u- G l
g i ve - C IF-Pt
'He g a v e it t o y o u . '
83
84
c.
r a m - ko? ? a ma
s t t a - t a � ? - t e?
Ram- Gen m o t h e r Si ta- I IF -REm 'Ram ' s mo t h e r i s Si t a ( h e s a i d ) . '
O f t h e s e morphemes t h e s emant i c a l ly mo st t ransparent is c l early has a report ative func t ion .
- t a � ? , which
That i s , it indicat e s t ha t the
c ont e nt o f an utterance in whi c h it o c c urs i s not original to the sp eaker , but rather i s a rep e t i t ion o f something he has h eard . nearest equivalent s in Engl ish are whe n added t o an utteran c e .
The
' . . . , i t i s s a i d . ' or ' Xh e y s ay .
.
. ',
I t s use does not app ear to n e c e s sarily
imply doubt c onc erning t h e t ruth of the c ont ent mat erial .
The morpheme
- t a � ? is found in s t o r i e s and other non-first -hand narrat ive s , a s well a s in repeated statement s ( such as t h e t hi rd s e nt en c e in e xamp l e 1 above ) . In oppo s it ion t o
- t a � ? is t h e form - p a y , wh i ch is p r imarily a s s o c iat e d
with ut t eranc e s originat ing with t h e speaker, and is therefo re norma l ly in c ompl ementary dist ribution with
ta�?
Thi s morpheme empha s i s e s t h e
s p eaker ' s pers onal and direct r e l a t i o n t o the ut t e ran c e cont ent , usually b ec au s e he is t h e source o f the mat erial .
However , the morpheme i s
a l s o found in f o l k t a l e s and narrat ive s w h i c h are c l early n o t origina l . Here i t s pr imary fun c t ion is evident ly e x t ended to indi cate the s peaker ' s personal ident i fi c at ion with t h e s ub j e c t matt er .
I t s u s e in s uc h s i t u 'I
a t i on s i s roughly equival ent to the Eng l i s h ' I t e l l y o u . . . ' as in
TELL YO U, Ja ak s l i d down t h e b e a n s t a l k l i k e g r e a s e d l i g h t n i n g ' . e f f e c t of
The
- p a y i s , howeve r , weaker in emphat ic for c e than the Eng l i sh
c o n s t ruc t ion .
The morpheme is c ommonly found in hort at o ry spe e c h , a s
well a s in first hand narrat ive and in answers t o quest ions ( ex . l . , first sentence ) . The third morpheme , anomalous .
- t e ? , at first s ight appears t o b e s omewhat
It is c ommonly found in c laus e s re ferring to s it uations in
whi c h t h e addre s s e e is a part ic ipant , whe ther as an Agent , Goal , or in s ome o t her role ( s e e ex . lb . ) .
This of c o ur s e is where one would exp e c t
t o find a 2 n d Person pronoun ( and in fact ,
- t e ? a t t imes do e s ful fi l
t he funct ion o f t h i s pronoun ) , b u t there i s cons iderab le eviden c e t o show t hat
- t e ? do e s not b e long t o the pronoun s y s t em . I n t h e first - t e ? i s alway s e nc l it i c , and do e s not
p la c e , when o ut s ide the verb ,
exist a s a free form a s do a l l t h e t rue pronouns .
Moreover there i s
already a p erfec t ly good 2nd Person pronoun whi c h do e s o cc ur a s a free form .
Thi s is
n a � , wh i c h i s ident ical with Benedic t ' s r e c on s t ruc t ed
fo rm for t h e Proto-Tibeto -Burman 2nd Person pronoun ( Benedi ct , 1 9 7 2 : 9 3 ) . Indeed
- t e ? may even b e enc l it i c t o n a � ( se e e x . 3 c . , p 87 ) . - t e ? i s that it
A further argument against a p ronominal s t atus for
i s not used for Impe rat ive utt eran c e s , o r for s it uat ions t hat involve
85
the addre s s e e but have t h e sp eaker in an Agentive ro l e ( t ho ugh it i s u s e d wh en there is a 3rd Person Agent w i t h t h e 2nd Person Goal , a s i n examp l e l b . ) . 2a.
I n c on t rast , t h e pronoun
n a � i s a c c ep t ab l e in t hese c a s e s :
n a � - ? I - ( X t e ? ) b a y ? - ( xt e ? ) - ? u
yo u-Ag- ( C IF )
g i v e - ( C I F ) -Ag
, Yo u g i ve i t! ' b.
� a - ? I n a � - ka y - ( X t e ? ) ? a m h b ay ? - n e? - n a - �
I -Ag y o u - G l - ( C IF )
foo d g i v e -NPt - 2 - lE
, I g i v e y o u foo d . ' F inally
-t e ? has an unusual d i s t ribut i on , very di fferent from that
of any pronominal morpheme , but whi c h e xa c t l y parall e l s t hat of the c l early non-pronominal affix ( 3 . 1 . 3 . : 8 7 ) .
- t a � ? , whi c h i s enc l i t i c to N P s and also a verbal
Indeed it was on the b as i s o f t h i s unu s ua l d i s t r i
b u t i o n t h a t I o riginal l y sugge s t e d t h a t
- t e ? a n d -t a � ? , t ogether w i t h - p a y ( wh i c h is mo re o r l e s s in c omp lementary d i s t ribut ion wi t h t h e s e
two ) , form a s ingle s y s t em ( C aughley , 1 9 7 1b ) . Bauman , whe n di s c u s s ing t h e u s e o f
-t e ? and s imi l ar morphemes in
Gyarong and Rawang , s t at ed that t hey expr e s s a spat ial o r i e ntat ion t hat invo lve s movement not under t he s pe aker ' s contro l , and s ugge st s t hat t hey form part o f an evident ial s y s t em ( 1 9 7 5 : 2 3 0 ) .
H e did not give
any reason a s t o why s uch a funct ion should form part o f an evi dent i a l s y s t em , l and t h e not ions o f c ontrol and spat ial orient a t i on would s eem to b e l ong mo re nat ural ly to ro l e informat ion .
It i s p o s s i b l e , however ,
to define a c ommon funct ion for all t hree mo rphemes
- p a y , - t a � ? and , - t e ? , in C hepang , so t hat the l a s t two are l inked in a s ingl e s y s t em .
This func t ion may b es t be de s c rib ed in t erms o f a not ion o f ' in format ion f l ow ' , wh ich r e l at e s t he s ourc e of information in an ut t eran c e t o t h e sp eaker-hearer s i t ua t ion .
Under this conc ept
- t a � ? may b e
d e s c ribed a s ind i c at ing indirect informat ion flow , i n t ha t t h e infor mat ion p as s e s to t he hear e r , not dire c t ly from the s o ur c e , but i ndir e c t l y v i a t h e pres ent s p eaker ( as in the third s entence o f examp l e 1 ) . contrast ,
with t h e speaker b eing a l s o the source o f the informat ion . form
In
- p a y , in i t s b a s i c u s e , represents di rect informat ion flow , Th e t h ird
- t e ? t herefore ind i cat e s a f low o f informat ion whi ch i s contrary
to t h e exp e c t ed direct ion , s i n c e a p erson is normal ly expec t ed to b e t h e s o ur c e , n o t the rec ipi ent o f informat ion conc erning his own a c t i on s . In e f f e c t it is al ert ing the addre s s e e t o t he fact that the utt eranc e conc erns him , not someone e l s e .
The t hree mo rpheme s I have c ons equen t l y
l a b e l l e d the D ire c t I nfo rmat ion F l o w marker ( DI F , l
Though h e does link te? via Rawang 2 31 , see also s ect ion 6 . 3 . 2 . 3 : 202 ) .
e
and
Ie
to
a
- p a y ) , t he Indir e c t
' direct ional '
function
( Bauman
1 9 75 :
86
Info rmat ion , F l ow marker ( I I F ,
l Flow marker ( C I F , t e? ) .
- t a � ? ) and the Cont rary lriformat ion
Thi s concept o f informat ion flow marking e xplains why
- t e ? i s not
used in c ommands , s in c e here the sp eaker i s the expe c t e d sour c e , even though t he act i on involves t h e hearer .
I t c an also e xp l ai n why
- te?
i s not u s ed for s i t uat ions invo lving the addre s s e e , b ut with t h e speaker h im s e l f also involved i n an init iating ro l e .
I n such cases t h e nat u
ralness of the s pe aker b e ing the s ource of the information is muc h h i gher t han f o r the rever s e s it uat ion , whe n the addre s s e e i s a n Init i at o r and t h e speaker i s in s ome o t h e r rol e .
' I saw y o u
In other words ,
y es t e rday . ' i s a much mo re l ike ly s t at ement t han ' Yo u s a w m e y e s t e rday . ' The l at t e r ,
if it convey s any n ew info rmat ion , imp l i e s t hat t h e addr e s s e e
l a cked knowl e dge c o n c e rning h i s own p erforman c e o f a norma lly vol i t ional act ( b e cause of h i s forge t fuln es s , o r b e ing unaware o f the s i t uat ion ) .
And , in a c c o rdan c e with t h e C I F funct ion o f
- t e ? , it can
b e u s ed for t h e rever s e s i t uat io n , where the addre s s e e i s the performer of an a c t ion whi c h includes the s p eaker in s ome other ro l e . at i ons for wh i c h
The s i t u
- t e ? may b e us ed in D e c larat ive utterances c an b e
s hown i n c hart form a s fo llows :
CHART
3
USE OF THE C I F AFF I X
I�
Int ent ive Go al
Non-Intent ive
1 s t Pn .
2nd Pn .
3rd Pn .
-t e?
-t e?
-t e ?
£5
Actor 1st 2nd 3rd
l
-t e?
-te?
Direct Informat ion Flow Thi s gives the following system for + .
Informat ion Flow markers : +
ContrarY t o Expectation
.-
pay t e?
ta�? te?
pay
ta�?
87 I t i s interest ing t o note t hat t h e geograph i c ally very d i s t ant Tibeto-Burman l anguage Gyarong , ha s an almo st id ent i c al syst em u s i ng the phonologically s im i l ar form
The forms are pr e f i x e s
t a- ( � k a- ) .
in Gyarong , rather t h a n suffix e s , b ut e v e n in Chepang
- t e ? i s c ommonly
found a s an enc l i t i c j us t b e fore t he verb ( marking new informa t i o n s e e 3 . 1 . 4 . ex . 5a . ) ,
so t hat t h e d i fferent p o s i t ion i s not e s p e c ially
s igni f i c ant ( s e e a l s o s e c t ion 6 . 3 . 2 . 3 . ) . Que s t i ons are reques t s for , rat her than transfers o f informat ion , but are treated in C hepang in t h e s ame way as D e c l arat ive u t t e ranc e s , in t hat the rul e s for the u s e o f the C I F affix are t h e s ame .
Indeed
que s t ions are forma l l y ident i c al t o D e c larative forms , e x c ep t for intonat ion , and the u s e o f Int errogat i ve pronouns where n e c e s s ary . Further examp l e s o f the u s e o f the t hree Informat ion Flow morphemes l are : 3a .
R . C . to T.
na� ?en? -te?-bus
-na?-ya
y o u s Z e e p - C I F - a arry -NPt-Alt ' ''A r e you t i red ? '"
T ' s father �o T .
n a � ? e n ? -�-t e ? - b u s , ,, ( H e a s k e d )
T . rep l i e s
- n a ? - ya
y o u s l e e p - I I F - CIF- aarry -NPt-Alt ' A re you t i r e d ? ' '' '
� a -� ? e n ? - b u s
-?a-na -�?
I -D I F s Z e ep-aa rry -Em-NPt - 1E ' ''I am t i re d . '"
b.
t en
-� ? a l - j a d a y h -t l -� ? a p a
t o day-DIF g o -Dl say - 3ry - I IF
- ? I -� ? a ma
fa t h e r - A g - I IF
-kay
mo t h e r - G l
� to - ? a k a - n I IF
s ay - Pt
-A g
, "You two go t o day , " t h e fa t h e r s ai d to t h e mo t h e r . ' c.
doh
h a y - t l - t e ? n a � - t e ? g re � - t l - t e ? ? a l - t e ? - ? a
w h a t d o - 3ry- C IF y o u - C IF t hi n - 3ry - C I F g o - C IF-Pt ' Why have you got so t h i n ? '
3. 1 . 3.
V I S T R I BU T I O N ANV S E CO NVA R Y F U N C T I ONS
I t has already b e en ment i oned in the previous s e c t ion t hat t he two morpheme s ,
- t e ? and - t a � ? ( and t o a l e s s e r ext ent - p a y ) , have an unusual
dist ribut ion , e sp e c i a l ly i n the l ight of their primary func t ion of i nd i c at ing informat ion flow for an ut t eran c e .
Not only are the first
1 Note that Sunwar ( Pike and Pike , 1977 : 298ff ) h a s t h e forms : -m ' Direct observat ion ' ( "The speaker is certain he has s een the event " ) . -t ( a ) ' Indirect observat ion ' ( "The speaker i s not certain he has s e en the event " ) .
88
two forms found b o t h a s enc l i t i c t o non-verbal const ituent s , and affixed to verb s , but they a l s o o c c ur many t imes within a s ingle d i s c ours e , and even in a s ingl e sentence ( s e e examp l e 3 above , a l s o t h e text samp l e , App . 2 . ) .
With r e s p e c t to t h e ir primary func t ion one might e x p e c t them
to o c c ur only o n c e per d i s c our s e , or at least only once for each s e c t io n w i t h a s ingle s o u r c e and uniform invo lvement ( or non- invo lvement ) , o f t h e addre s s e e .
Thi s , however , i s c l early n o t t h e c a s e .
The s tr iking p o t ential for repeated o c c urrenc e ari s e s , in fac t , from the s e c ondary func t ion of the three morpheme s , t hat of indicat ing t he new or given st atus of informat ion expre s sed by t he c on s t i t uent to whi c h they a r e attac hed .
Evidenc e for this s e c ondary func t io n is noted in
s e c t ion 2 . 3 . 5 . , b ut it i s mo s t e a s i ly s een in the dis tribution o f
-t a � ? ,
whi c h i s enc l i t i c t o mo s t NPs introduc ing new part i c ipant s into a non o r iginal d i s c o ur s e .
It is a l s o c ommonly found in verb s , s inc e t h e s e
norma l l y int roduc e new informat ion .
Bec aus e a c laus e may introduce
more than one new p ar t i c ipant , e s p e c ially when it i s at the b e g inning of a d i s c our s e ,
- t a � ? may o c c ur s everal t imes in the c lause ( as in
examp l e 3 b . , whi c h i s from the opening o f a narrative ) .
Each o c c urrenc e
o f t h e morpheme may b e r e garded as ind i c at ing a s eparat e informat ion b l o c k ( s ee 1 . 3 . 3 . 4 . : 2 5 ) . The morpheme
- t a ? may s imilarly b e used to mark new informat ion in
s i t uat ions involving the addres s e e , but i t s primary func t io n appears It may , for instanc e , be enc l i t i c t o every c on
to be more dominant .
st it uent of a c laus e , not b e c au s e each c onst ituent c ontains new infor mat ion , b ut rather to empha s i s e that t he c ont ent invo lves the hearer ( ex .
3c . ) .
There i s not hing t o dire c t ly ful fil the funct ion o f d i s c o ur s e ( in wh i c h
- t a � ? in original
-t a � ? , a s a Reportat ive marker d o e s not o c c ur ) , b ut - p a y , whi c h is c ommonly enc l i t i c t o
an inve r s e funct ion is performed by
c on s t i t uent s c ontaining non-new ( given ) informat io n .
I t usually o c c urs
on only one c on s t i t uent per c lau s e , inc luding Secondary and Tertiary verb s , b ut it is never enc lit ic to Pr imary verb forms .
In narrat ives
it is p erhaps most c ommonly found with Repetit ive S e t t ing verb forms ( s e e s e c t ion 4 . 2 . 5 . ) , s in c e t h e s e naturally c ontain given informat ion , r epeat ing as t hey do a previous c lause . 4.
? o w ? ma n t a
t ya w ? - t a � l a n h - t a � ? - ? a
t h a t p erson up
a Z imb - I IF -pt
-Al
' The man wen t up ( s t a i rs ) . '
t y a w ? - ? a l a n h - ? a kt l k o ? - �
up
An examp l e of th i s u s e i s :
- D IF
-DL a l imb-SqS
' Hav ing a Z imb ed up
.
.
•
'
89
3. 1.4.
P R O N O M I N A L F U N C T I ONS 0 6
-te?
The morpheme
- t e ? may i n s ome instanc e s take over the func t io n o f t h e r egular 2nd Person pronoun n a � , and may i ndeed b e the only indi c at ion that t h e addre s s e e is a part i c ipant i n the s i tuat io n : 5a .
ten
?a l -?a
t o day g o -Pt
' Today h e w e n t . ' Compar e :
ten
-t e? ?a l -?a /t en ?a l -t e?-?a
t o daY - C IF g o -Pt
' TODA Y you w e n t . /Today you WEN T . ' b.
?ana srayk mu
much Z i c e
-na?
s tay -Npt
, There are many Z i c e . ' Compare :
? a n a-te? srayk mu
much-CIF Z i c e
-na?
s tay -NPt
, You have MA NY Z i c e . ' c.
?amh bay?-n a -w?
fo o d g i v e NPt Ag -
-
, He g i v e s fo o d . ' C ompare :
? a m h -t e ? b ay ? - n a - w ? / b a y ? - t e ? - n a- w ?
fo od- C I F g i v e N P t -Ag
---
-
' Yo u g i v e FOOD . /You GIVE fo o d . ' also :
? a m h - t e ? b a y ? - n a ? / b ay ? -t e ? - n a ?
fo od-C I F g i v e - NPt
, You are g i v e n FOO D . /Yo u are GIVEN fo o d . ' N o t e t hat t h e form
- t e ? i s attac hed t o whi c hever c o ns t it uent c ontains
s i gn i fi c an t l y n ew informat ion ( underl ined in the examp l e ) .
I n 5b . ,
for i ns t anc e , what i s s ignificant l y new i s not that t he addres s e e has head- l ic e , but t hat there are many . fier
Thus
- t e ? is enc l i t i c to the qua l i
?ana.
This u s e o f
- t e ? , as a s ub s t it ut e for a pronoun , i s c ommo n , part i c
ul arly when it i s u s ed a s a verbal affix .
F o r t h i s reason i t has b e en
inc luded in t he c hart s o f pronomina l affixes for Chepang ( chart s 1 1 - 1 4 , App . l . ) . nat e t o
I n T iddim Chin ( Hender s on , 1 9 5 7 ) , i t appears t hat a form c o g
- t e ? , has b ec ome a l argely r edundant marker o f the Non- 1 s t
Person pronoun .
I t i s t h e s e c o ndary func t ion of t h e C hepang morpheme
- t e ? , which put s i t i n a c l early non-pronominal s y s t em al o ng w i t h - t a � ? , that has probably prevented it from suffering a s imilar fat e t o t h e T iddim Chin form .
90
3. 2.
M O DA L F U N C T I O N S
3 . 2 . 1.
D E C L A RA T I V E
3.2. 1. 1.
M a r k i ng a nd F un c t i o n
Acc ording t o the de finit ion given earlier ( 1 . 3 . 3 . 1 . ) , modal infor mat ion c o n c erns t h e way in whi c h the speaker relat e s him s e l f , and the hearer , t o the c ont ent o f what he is s aying .
This informat ion i s not ,
in g eneral , directly marked morpho lo g i c a l ly in Chepang - I nt errogative u t t e ranc e s are often dist inguished from Dec larat ive s only by intonat ion , wh i l e Jus s ives differ from the l at t er mainly in t hat they lack T e n s e affi x e s . D e c l arat ive ut t eranc e s are p erhap s t h e mo s t neutral in r e s p e c t t o moo d , s i n c e t hey do not overt ly indicat e the response exp e c t e d from t h e l addre s s e e , a s do I nt errogat ive and J u s s ive utt eranc e s . An important feature of D e c l arat ives is the way that they ind i c at e the type of as s er t i o n t hat is b e ing made , e s p e c i a l ly the degree t o whi c h t h e s p eaker i s p repared t o a s s ert t he truth of what he is stat ing .
There are
s everal morphemes which ind i c at e the type o f as sert ion in Chepang , and most of the s e can be found w ithin the verb .
The s e , along with t he
N egat ive , will b e d i s c u s sed in the remainder of this s e c t ion . 3.2. 1.2.
Empha ti c Assertion
The s t rong e s t form o f a s s ertion i s marked b y c ert ain empha t i c forms whi c h o c cur b o t h in t h e verb , and as enc l i t i c s to NPs and o t her c laus e const it uent s .
The s c o p e o f t h e a s s ertion empha s i s ed may b e t h e t o t al
s i tuat ion d e s cribed by t he c lau s e , or it may b e l imited to s ome e l ement , o f t en a re ferring expr e s s ion such as an NP .
Emphat ic a s s ert ion is
often found in answe r s to que s t ions , with the s c ope o f the empha s i s c o rr e s ponding t o t h e s c ope o f t h e int errogat ive ( s e e 3 . 2 . 2 . ) .
The two
b a s i c t ype s of emph a s i s are t herefore terms here ' s ituat iona l ' and ' ref erent ial ' empha s i s . S i tuational Emphas is
The main part i c le u s ed for s i t uat i onal empha s i s is
b a n e or b at I ) .
ba ( sometimes
Altho ugh this part i c l e fo llows c lo se ly after the verb ,
it is phono l o g i c a l ly s eparate and c annot b e regarded as a suffix o r enc l i t i c . l
Examp l e s o f i t s u s e are :
It i s not uncommon to find Declarative forms used , ( with appropriate intonat ion ) for int errogat ion and commanding , but Interrogative and Jus sive forms are rarely used for making declarat ions .
91 6a .
n yam yah-?a ba
sun
s e t Pt PEm -
' Th e s un has s e t ! ' b.
?i
t yut -sa d u k
-Ia
ba
t h i s p u l l - IN di ffi c u l t-Neg PEm ' Th i s i s not diffi c u l t to e x tra c t ! '
There i s a c lo s ely related fo rm suffix .
- b a y , however , whi c h i s a verbal b a , but the par t i c l e is
I t s func t ion is s imilar to that o f
u s ed more for d i r e c t o b s ervat ions , as in exampl e 6 , 1 whi l e the suffix t ends t o ind i c at e certainty and comp l e t e n e s s conc erning s ome s i tuat ion wh i c h may not b e any longer o b s ervab l e . 7a .
co?
-kay dut
chi l d- G l
n a ? - ba y - I a
mi Z k b e - Cer-Neg
' Th ere i s defini t e l y no mi l k for the c h i Z d. ' b.
g r yo k w a ? t ya w ? - t a Q m u abo ve-Al
go o s e
-bay-na?
s tay C e r- NPt -
' Ge e s e a lways rema i n up h i g h . ' c.
gopa l -? i t o
- b a y - ? a ka - n
Gopa l -Ag t e l l - C er-Pt
-Ag
' Gop a l s p o k e to h im b l unt l y . ' Referent ial Emphas i s
Re ferent i a l emphas i s b a s i c al ly invo lve s t h e s p eaker ' s s t rong a s s ert ion o f t h e c orrec t n e s s o f ident i f i c a t i o n o f p art i c ipant s o r t h e i r int er act ion .
That i s , the s pe aker is emph a s i s ing that , out of all the p o s s
ib l e p art i c ip ant s , t h e o n e r e ferred t o by h i m ( and only t h i s one ) i s t h e correct p art i c ipant .
Thi s funct ion i s s omewhat s imi lar t o t hat o f
c l e ft s e n t e n c e s i n Engli s h , where t h e ident ity o f o n e part i c ipant i s empha s i s e d :
' I t was John who .
emphat i c forms ,
.
.
'.
However the Chepang referential
- I e ? and - ? a , are much more frequen t ly used than are
the c left c on s t ruc t ions i n E ng l i sh , and they are weaker i n empha s i s . They are o ft e n found with s e le c t ive ly new e xpre s s ions , e s p e c ially where the c ho i c e for a part i c ul ar role i n a s i t uat ion is s urpr i s i n g , o r po t e n t i a l ly d i sputab l e , but t h ey are not dire c t ly markers o f new infor mat io n . The two morphemes
- I e ? and - ? a o c c ur b o t h a s enc l it i c t o NP s and
Non-Primary verb s , and as affixes within the Primary verb s .
In t he
latter c a s e they are us ually found directly after the verb s t em , t ho ugh o c c as io nally after an A u x i liary Root .
They d i ffer s l ightly in emphas i s ,
- ? a b e ing s t ronger than - I e? , with a s en s e o f finality and definit ivene s s lAnd suggest s previous counter-expectancy
'It i s indeed! '
92
_
the corre c t n e s s o f t h e ident i f i c at ion o f the part i c ipant i s not t o
b e quest ioned .
The two forms may b e found in c onj unct ion with e ach
other ( ex . 8 c . ) . 8a.
o a - ko ? k i m
?I
- I e? ( k h e ? - n a ? )
I -Gen h o us e t h i s -REm ( b e
-NPt )
' My h o u s e ( i s ) THIS o n e ! ' b.
?ow ? - ko ? r I
payh
- I e?-?a
t h a t-Gen s p i ri t re t urn -REm-Pt ' H i s s p i r i t has RETURNED . '
c.
n a o - ko ? p e
- t o - I e? - ? a m u
-na?
y o u - G en go o d - 2 ry - REm-Em s tay-NPt ' Yo urs is GOO D . '
3. 2 . 1 . 3.
U n c e r t a i n ty
In oppo s i t ion to emphat i c st atement s are those for whi c h t he s peaker e xpre s s e s doubt conc erning the factual it y , o r cert aint y , of the s i t u a t i o n s and p ar t i c ipant s des c r ib e d .
A gain t he s cope o f t h e unc ertainty
may be the total s i t uat ion , o r it may be s imp ly in regard to the ident i t y o f one o r more part i c ipan t s , o r t h e interact ion .
The former is t h e
mo re general , s i n c e r e fe rential uncertainty c an a l s o b e treated a s doub t conc erning the who l e s ituat ion .
Indeed the main way o f e xpres s ing
uncert aint y in Chepang is with reference to the t o t al s i t uat io n . S i tuat ional Uncertainty
O ne of the mo s t c ommon markers of uncertainty i s a verb al affix
ca? ,
whi c h b e longs t o the s e t that I have l ab e l l ed the Tense affixes ( 3 . 3 . 1 . ) . I t s us e i n d i c at e s either t h e s pe aker ' s unc ert ainty conce rning the o c c ur rence o f non-past s i t uat ions , o r e l s e their hypothet i c alit y . s e n s e therefo re is s imilar to a
subj unct ive .
I t s mo dal
The affix is c ommonly
u s e d for warnings ( exx . 9 c . , 9 d . ) and this use has b e en e xt ended t o give it a Prohib it ive fun c t i on ( 3 . 2 . 3 . 2 . ) . 9a.
sya Oh
Examp l e s o f its u s e are :
b aj a r - t a o ? a l - c a - O ?
tomo rrow mark e t - L o c
- IFu-1E
' Tomo rrow I may go t o t h e mark e t . ' b.
doh
I an
-?a na?-ca?
w h a t demon-EM b e -IFu ' Wh a t demon mi g h t t h e re b e ? '
c.
c u y - p a y w a ? - ? I J e? - c a - n a - w ?
ri ce - DI F b i rd-Ag e a t - IFu-NPt -Ag , Bi rds may be e a t i n g the ri ce . '
d.
j a?
- ? I - t e ? o a y ? - ca ?
t i ge r- Ag- C I F g e t - IF u 'A t i g e r m a y g e t y o u ! '
93 Another method o f expre s s ing s i t uat i onal unc ert aint y ( used e s p e c i a l l y i f the s t at ement i s purely s p e c ulat ive , wit hout any warning int ended ) i s b y means o f post -verbal part i cl e s .
The s e part i c l e s are
y a d o and 1 1 m .
The first o f t h e s e two i s e v i dent ly a comb ination o f the Alt ernat ive Interrogat ive marker ( o riginally from Indo -Aryan ) and the Indefinite o r Int errogat ive pronoun
The part i c l e
do h .
Chepang form , and has b ee n repl a c e d b y
1 1 m is p o s s i b ly t h e older y a do , e x c ept i n a few o ld s ongs
and s t o r ie s . lOa .
ten
ti?
- n a ? ya do
wa
t o day rain fa t t - NPt Unc
' To day rain wi t t fa t t p erhap s . ' b.
w a n ? - ? o - I e? m u
-na? 1 1 m
b ri n g - RN-REm s ta y - NPt Unc
' It may have b e en b r o ug h t p erhap s . ' Referential Uncertainty
If the i dent i t y of a p art i c ipant is c omp l e t e ly unknown to t he s peaker then h e will use an indefini t e p ronoun , somet imes with an Indefinit e affix
- l a Q ( ? ) , t o refer t o it .
lla.
�
E xamp l e s are :
-� I) a y ? - c e? - n a - Q
w h e re - I df g e t - IFu- 2 -IE 'I wi t t ge t you s omewhe re . '
b.
�
-� w a n - n a ?
who - I df
come -NPt
' Someone is comi ng . I f the identity i s s imply uncertain then t h e A lt ernat ive affix i s u se d , a long wit h an i ndefinit e p ronoun ( 1 2a . ) .
I f t h e i d e nt i t y i s
unc ertain , b ut t h e fact t hat something i s i nvolved i s t o b e s t re s s e d , t he n t h e emphat i c part i c le part i c l e 12a .
- ? a c a n b e u s e d , i n conj unc t ion with t h e
y a d o ( ex . 1 2b . ) . k a m ? - t a Q yom
b e low-AI
-�
doh
-�
J ya l - n a ?
b ear-Alt wha t-Altfte e -NPt
' Down b e l ow a b ear p erhap s is f t e e i n g . ' b.
t en
I an
-� � w a Q - n a ?
t o day demon -Em Unc
come -NPt
, To day some t h i ng w i t t come - a demon p e rhaps . ' 3. 2 . 1 . 4 .
Hy p o t h e t i c a l
S ta t e me n t s
Hypothe t i cal S t at ement s are e xp re s s i ons conc erni ng p o t e n t i a l s it u at ions that have not o c c urred at t h e t ime o f sp eaking ( o r at least they have not o c c urred as far as t h e s peaker is c onc erned ) .
They are s em-
94
ant i c ally s imi l ar to uncertain s t at ement s in t hat t he l a t t er are a l s o conc erned with p o t ential s i t uat ions - those who s e factuality i s uncer tain .
It i s n o t s urpri sing therefore , t hat the s ame form
- c a ? i s used
b o t h for hypo t h et i c al st atement s and for uncertain ut t eranc e s .
Hypo
t he t i c al forms are found mo s t l y in condit ional construc t ions , whi c h relate t h e hypothet i c al condit ion t o some result ing s i t uat ion .
These
c o n s t ru c t ions a r e d e a l t with under t he h eading o f Int er- c l ausal Relat ions ( 4 . 2 . 5 . 3 . ) .
c o u l d have . . . verb form .
The less common hypothe t i c al alt ernat ive
-
' He
( b u t di d no t ) ' - do e s not , for Chepang , require any s p e c ial
I n s tead it invo lves a construct ion , a doub l e emb e dding
of the hypothe t i c a l claus e , firs t ly a s a nominal in relation to the a b i l a t i v e verb
k h a y - ( or s ome s imil ar verb ) .
The comp l e x c laus e formed
in t h i s way is then it s e l f treated as a nomina l in relat i on to the verb
k h e ? - ' b e , have ' , u s e d in i t s Se condary form , wi t h the imp l i cat ion that the s t a t e de s cribed doe s not hold at the t ime of speaking ( se e 4 . 2 . 3 . 2 : 125) : 13.
[ [ go pa l w a Q - s a ] k h a y - ? o ] k h e ? - t o Gop a t com e - I N
ab l e -RN
' Go p a l c o u l d have come . '
be
- 2ry
( More l it erally :
'It was ( th e
cas e ) tha t Gop a t w a s ab l e to come/capab l e o f coming . ' 3. 2. 1.5.
Nec e s s i ta t i ves
N e c e s s i tatives are forms whi ch convey ' deo nt i c mo dal ity ' 1 9 77 : 791 ) .
( Lyon s :
That i s , t hey indi c at e , not the degree o f certainty ( or
l a c k o f i t ) conce rning a s i t uation , b ut t he spe aker ' s fee l ing t hat c i r c ums t an c e s mo ral ly or causally require ( o r require d ) t h e o c c urren c e o f a yet unreal i s ed s i t uat ion .
In E ng l i s h s everal degrees o f ob l i gat ion
may be e xp l i c i t ly e xpre s s ed by the u s e o f di fferent modal auxi l iaries have , mus t , n e e d , o ught , shoul d , and so on .
I n Chepang , variat ion i s
achieved b y put t ing t h e c l ause e xpres s in g t he n e c e s s ary s it uat ion into t he I rreal i s Nominal fo rm ( 4 . 2 . 4 . 2 . ) , in conj unct ion with various forms of the verb 14a.
k h e ? ' b e , have ' .
The vari ous c o n s t ru c t i on s p o s s ib l e are :
Qa waQ -sa- ( ?a ) - ( Q a )
I
come - IN - ( Em ) - ( IE )
' I s h o u l d come/I am to come . b.
Qa w a Q - s a k h e ? - ( Qo ) -t o
I
come - IN b e
- ( lE ) - 2ry
, I mus t come . ' c.
D a wa Q - s a k h e ? - n a ( - Q ) ?
I
come - IN b e
-NPt ( - lE )
' I o ug h t to come/I have to come . '
95
d.
� a w a � - sa k h e ? -c a ( - � ) ?
I
come- IN b e
- I Fu ( - l E )
, I m i g h t ha ve to come . ' e.
� a w a � - sa k h e ? - ? a ( l a - � ? )
I
come-IN be
-pt e
-lE )
, I had to come . ' N o t e that t h e u s e o f the d i fferent Tens e and A s p e c t affixes with t he
k h e ? ' b e ' , is not arb it rary , b ut i s r e lated to t h e func t io n s o f F o r instance - n a ? i s u s e d f o r t emporary s t at e s , whi l e - t o s igni f i e s p ermanent one s , a n d thi s i s
verb
t h e s e affixes with S t at ive verb s ( 3 . 3 . 3 . ) .
r e f l e c t ed in the stronger form o f t h e N e c e s s i t at ive that r e s ul t s whe n
- t o i s u s ed .
T h e addit ion o f t h e pronominal a f f i x ( here
- � ? ) evident ly
makes the o b l igat ion mo re personal t han is t h e case i f it is ab s ent as w i t h t h e Engl ish ' I mus t
•
.
.
' and ' It i s n e c e s s ary for me to
.
•
.
•
'
An inde finit e Ne c e s s itat ive is expr e s s e d by us ing the Aux i l iary - h a � ( s e e 3 . 3 . 6 . ) . This ind i c at e s that the o b l igat ion is not f e l t
Root
t o b e immediat e , a n d the c onst ruct ion h a s t h e sense
' I t w i l l b e n e c e s s ary
s om e t im e / l a t e r . ' a s in examp l e 1 5 a . A past unre a l i sed N e c e s s it at ive i s fo rmed by t reat ing the who l e N e c e s s it at iv e s it uat ion a s b e ing Past Perfect ( e x . 1 5b . ) : 15a.
�a wa � -sa khe? - h a � -n a - � ?
I
com e - IN b e
-INc-NPt - 1E
' I o ug h t to come some t im e . ' b.
� a w a � - sa k h e ? - ? o k h e ? - t o
I
come - IN b e
-RN b e
- 2 ry
, I o ugh t to have come . ' 3.2. 1.6.
Negat i on
The u s e o f a Negative form in a s s o c iat ion with a c l au s e may b e re garded a s a s p e c i f i c type o f a s s ertion , namel y one whi c h a s s ert s the non- o c c urren c e o f the s i t uat ion spe c ified b y t h e c laus e , in s ome cont ext . In Chepang negat ion is marked in t he verb by one o f two affixes - I e o r
ma?
The s c op e o f t h e N egat ive c annot b e l imited t o referring ex
pre s s ions in Chepang , a s it can b e in Engl i sh ( as with ' N O CA T may e n t e r 1 here. , ) . T h e s c op e o f t h e negat ion must b e the whol e c lause in Chepang . None of the Tense affixes
( - ? a , - n a ? and - c a ? ) c an o c c ur in c onj unct ion
l The nearest equivalent to this i s :
puse-ko? doh -ma wa� - l am
cat -Qen what-Co come-HNg 'Of all cats, all may not enter. '
96
with a Negat ive affix , s o that N egat ive verb s have n o marking for ab s o l u t e t ens e . The form
- I a i s used for negat ing Primary verb s and s t ands i n ult imate
o r p enult imate p o s i t ion in t he verb , aft er t he pronominal suffixe s . Chepang b e l ongs to a minority o f Tibeto-Burman language s t hat do not use
- rna ? , o r a related form , a s their main negat ive .
A l s o , in mo s t
Tibet o-Burman language s , t he negat ive morpheme is a prefix o r pre-verbal part i c l e , not a verb-final s uffix a s it is in Chepang .
An explana t i o n
for t hi s unusual feature o f Chepang is suggest ed in s e c t ion 5 . 2 . 3 . Examp l e s o f t h e u s e o f this negat ive form in C hepang are : l6a .
Qn .
- I a?-te? je?-?u- I u
j ugaQ
comp l e t e-REm- e IF e a t - Ag N eg
An .
-
' Di dn ' t y o u e a t it a t a l l ? ' b.
yoh
j ugaQ
J e? - Q a- I a
comp l e t e e a t - 1E-Neg 'I did not eat it at all. '
?a l ?-n - i - I I
y es terday t a k e -Ag-Pl-Neg , Ye s t erday t h e y did no t take i t . '
The Negat ive form
- rn a ? is used t o negat e S e condary , T ert iary and In t he verb it o c c ur s c lo s ely after the main and
Nominal verb forms .
Aux il iary Roo t s and b efore the marker o f verb type . l7a .
n a Q w a Q - rna ? - t o
b ay ? - t e ? - I a
y o u com e-RNg- 2ry g i v e C I F Neg -
-
' Si n c e y o u did n o t come h e di d n o t g i ve it t o y o u . ' b.
che? ka
- rn a -rna ? -t a k h a Q - ? u
s a l t p u t i n - Co -RNg- 3N coo k - Ag ' Co o k i t a l s o wi t ho u t p ut t ing in s a H . ' ( l i terally :
c.
' No t p u t t ing in s a H , c o o k i t . ' )
n a Q - ? 1 p a y s a wa n ? -rna ? - I o - y a
y o u-Ag money bring-RNg-NN-Alt ' Ha v e you n o t b ro ug h t money ? '
Negative Emphas i s
Chepang h a s a rat her curious form o f negat ive emphas i s whi c h u s e s redup l i c a t i on o f the verb root .
It i s used mo re o ft e n in free ly
c o l lo quial s p e e c h t han in a formal s t y l e - in fact I have no e xamp l e s at a l l from t ext . l 8a .
E xamp l e s o f thi s construction are :
Q a - ? i cya w ? - n a - Q ? cyaw ? cya w ?
I -Ag s e e
-NPt-1E s e e
see
, I h a v e n o t s e en i t ( a t any t i me ) . ' b.
?i
t a Qh -?o g h a Q khe?-na? k ha? khe?
t h i s larg e -RN ho l e �-NPt � � ' Th i s i s NO T a large ho l e . '
97 N o t e that t h e co ns truct ion h a s no overt negat ing e l ement in it at al l .
Compare the Mikir N egat ive form :
sonant giving , for examp l e : 3. 2. 1.7.
Root + Redup l i c at ed Root Con
d a m - de 'Not go . '
( Gr i e r s o n , 1 9 0 9 ) .
E mo t i v e E x p r e s s i o n
The fact t hat a s peaker has c e rtain f e e l ings t owards a s i t uat ion t hat he is d e s c r ib i ng i s o ft e n ind i c at ed , in Chepang , b y the u s e of t he ' Ex pr e s s ive ' forms
- j a ( us ed with N P s ) , and - j e ? used in t h e verb . - j a , in c onj unc t ion w i t h an N P ,
E s s ent i a l ly the u s e o f t h e first form ,
l imit s t h e s c op e o f the feel ing p ar t i c ul arly t o the part i c ipant re ferred t o .
It ind i c a t e s affec t i on for t h i s part i c ipant ( wh i c h may b e
t h e s peaker hims elf ! ) .
The s e c ond form ,
- J e? has t h e who l e s ituation
a s its s co p e and ind i c at e s s at i s fact ion and pl easure in respect t o t h i s s it uat ion .
A l t ernat ively t h e s e two morpheme s may b e used ironi
cally to expr e s s d i s s at i s fact ion and d i s l ik e ( ex . 1 9b ) .
S imilar e x
pre s s ions o f f e e l ing , s u c h as affe c t ion , are ind i c at e d in Engl i sh b y t he u s e o f no rmally abus i ve t e rms ( as in ' Th e L i t t L e b e gg a r has rea L Ly
t a k e n a L i k i ng to me ! ' ) , or by diminut ives or expletive s .
Examp l e s
o f t h e u s e o f t h e Expre s s i ve s are : 1 9a .
? a h e Q a - ko ? c o ?
Exc
-� 5 1 - ? a - b a t - t a - Q ? b a
I - G en c h i L d-Ev die. - P t - P o s - G I - IE Cert
'Oh my c h i L d has d i e d ! ' b.
Q a - k a y - j a n e ? -je ? - ? a - t a - Q ?
I -Gl -Ev b i t e -Ev - P t - G I - IE ' It has b i t t e n m e ! '
c.
? o w ? w a ? - ko ? c o ?
j ya l -je? - ? a ka - y ?
t h a t b i rd-Gen c h i L d f L e e -Ev -Pt
-PI
' Th e y o ung b i rds e s cap e d ( L ucki L y ) . ' The s i t uat ional emo t i ve form
- j e ? a l s o c onvey s a sense o f c omp le t i o n
o r finality with regard t o t h e s it uation .
T h i s is nat ural enough , s in c e
it i s the c omp l e t ion or final r e s o lut ion o f event s wh ich mo s t c ommonly provo kes expr e s s ions o f s at i s fa c t ion or d i smay .
The c omp l et ive s en s e
i s often foremo st in Imperat ive s : 20a :
l aw
? a l -j e ? ? u y a
righ t go -Ev
t h e r e fore
' Ri g h t , go then ( fo r g o o d ) ! ' b.
l aw
n o h -� j e ? -je?
righ t t a k e -Ev
e a t -Ev
' Ta k e i t then and eat it up ! ' It is p o s s ib l e that t h e verbal affix - j e? derives from the verb root j e ? ' e a t , d e v o ur ' via t he not ion o f ' g e t rid o f comp L e t e Ly or fi n a L L y ' ,
98
t h e latt er l eading t o an emot ive s e n s e .
The N P e n c l i t i c
- j a may c ome from t h i s s ame root o r , more l ikely , have a c ommon origin with j h a k ' l i k e , l o v e ' ( from the Proto-Tibet o-Burman * m - j a ' lo v e ' Bene d i c t 1 9 72 : 28 ) . 3. 2 . 2 .
I NT ER RO G AT I V E
Alternative or S i tuational I nterrogati ves
I n the s i t uat iona l , o r y e s -no Int errogat ive the reality ( past , pres ent o r fut ure ) o f th e s it uat ion expre s s ed by the who l e c lause i s what is b e ing que s t ioned .
In Chepang the b a s i c method o f forming a s i t uat ional
Int errogat ive i s t o pres ent t h e hearer with both t he p o s it ive and nega t ive expre s s i ons o f t h e s it uat i on , often wit h t h e s e expr e s s ions c onj o ined b y the A l t ernat ive affix
-va .
The hearer i s expect ed to reply with t h e
c orre c t alt erna t ive - h e c annot , o f c ours e , r e p l y appropriately with t he Chepang equival e nt o f ' y e s ' o r ' no ' b e c au s e o f the disj unc t nature o f t h e quest ion : 21a.
Qn .
n a � ka t h ma n d u - t a � d a h
y o u Kat hmandu-AI
- t e ? - ? a - ( ya ) d a h
arri v e - C IF-PT-Alt
-t e ? - I a - ( va )
arri v e - C IF -Neg- A l t
' Ha v e y o u b e e n to Ka t hmandu or no t ? ' An.
dah
-?a l a -�?
arr i v e - Pt
- IE
' I have b e e n . ' b.
g o p a l - ? l ma y ? w a n ? - ? a k a - n - ( va ) w a n ? - ? u - I u - ( va ) Gop a l -Ag m e a t bring-Pt
-Ag-Alt
bri ng-Ag-Neg-Alt
' D i d Gopa l bring the meat or no t ? ' The full A l t ernat ive c o n s t ruct ion may b e shortened by pres ent ing only one alt ernat ive , but with t he s ame int onat ion patt ern used for t h i s as would o c c ur on the first c lause o f the full c o n st ruct ion (a r i s i ng p i t ch on t h e last syl lab l e ) : 22 .
g o p a l - ? l m a y ? w a n ? - ? a ka - n - v a
Gop a l -Ag m e a t bring-Pt
-Ag-A l t
' D i d Gop a l b r i n g t h e m e a t ? ' I t is p o s s ib l e t o ques t ion the s ituation expres sed by a Non-Primary c l ause whi l e pre-suppos ing the truth of the main c l au s e s i t uat ion : 23.
n a � j e ? - t i - t e ? w a � - ? a - ya
j e ? - ma ? - t a w a � - ? a - y a
y o u e a t - 3ry-CIF com e - Pt -A l t e a t - 2Ng-NN come -Pt-Alt ' Were you e a t ing w h e n you came or no t ? ' ( l i t eral ly :
' D i d y o u come e a t ing or n o t e a t i ng ? ' )
I f t h e , c ontext i s c l ear enough even t h i s may b e reduced t o a s ingle c l au s e quest ion :
99
24.
n a � t h e s -t l
je?-ne -w?-ya
y o u o ffer- 3ry e a t-Npt-Ag-Alt ' D i d you make an o ffering when you a t e ? ' ' D i d y o u ea t mak i ng an o ffering ( o r no t making
( l i t erally :
an o ffe ring) ? ' ) . From the c ont ext i t woul d b e obvious enough a s t o whe t her t h e que s t io n c onc erned the addres s e e ' s eat ing o r not eat ing , o r whether it c on c e rned t h e way in wh ich h e at e . Referential Interrogatives
If the r e a l i t y of the o veral l s it uat ion is pre-suppo sed , b ut the speaker requires informat ion c on c erning t h e ident i t y of a part i c ipant , or the interre l at i on , then a Re ferent ial Inte rrogat i ve i s u s e d .
Thi s
type o f interrogat ive is formed by t h e u s e o f pronouns b e longing t o t h e same s e t t hat i s used f o r indefinite referen c e , t o gether with t he appro priate c a s e affi x .
Apart from the u s e o f t h e s e pronoun s the s t r u c t ure
o f th� Referent i a l Interrogat ive , indeed o f al l Int errogat ives , is ident i c a l t o the equivalent D e c l arat ive - there i s no word order c hange . The pronouns u s ed for R e ferent i al I nt e rrogat ives are :
doh su gaw ga? gel e
'what ' 'who ' 'which ' ' wh ere ' 'when '
Examp l e s o f Re ferent ial Int errogat ives are : 25a.
Qn .
kam? - t a � doh
b e low-AI
wa � - n a ?
wha t come-NPt
An .
'What is coming down there ? '
�
b.
pe
g h o d u l) w a ? - ? a
v a l l e y b i rd-Em
-na?
,A val ley bird. '
?-
- I e?
WFl ic h goo d-NPt
t h i s - REm
' Wh i c h i s t h e b es t ? '
' T h i s one . '
To obtain informat ion conc erning an int erac t ion t h e impersonal pro noun
d o h is u s e d , t ogether with the pro-verb h a y - ' do some t hi ng ' and
its appropr iate affixes ( that i s , t ho s e t hat would be used in the equiva l ent D e c larative expr e s s ion ) .
Be caus e Tert iary verb s o f t en perform a
funct ion s imilar t o t hat o f adverb s , t h e pronoun form of
h a y - may be used t o expres s t he equival e nt o f the Eng l i s h Manner
Interrogat ive ' how ' ( e x . 2 6b . ) .
A l t ernat ively a type o f Manner adverb ial
g et e may b e used i n s t e ad o f do h ( e x . 2 6 c . ) . 2 6a .
d o h p lus the T ert iary
Qn .
ten
gopa I -? I doh
h a y - n e -w?
t o day Gopa l - Ag w h a t d o -NPt-Ag ' What i s Gopa l do i n g t o day ? '
100
An .
-na
s ya ? g u l h
-w?
deer fo � � ow-NPt-Ag , Hunting de e r . '
Qn .
b.
doh
�-t l
j a � h-ca -�?
what do - 3ry make-IFu-1E ' How do I make i t ? '
An .
la
I ya s - t i
j a � h -? u
rope twi s t - 3ry make -Ag ' Ma k e it by twis t i ng rop e ! '
c.
Qn .
� �- t 1
j a � h -c a - � ?
do - 3ry make-IFu-lE
how
' Ho w do I make i t ? ' An .
sarh-t i
j a�h-? u
aare- 3ry make-Ag 'Ma k e it aarefu � �y ! '
Not i c e that t here i s a s l ight d i fferen c e between t he Manner Int er rogat ive s of examp l e s 2 6b . and 2 6 c .
The first o f t h e s e ( in e x . 2 6b . )
e xp e c t s an answer in t erms o f the act ions required , whi l e the s e cond ( e x . 2 6 c . ) imp l i e s a more t ruly adverb ial answer i s e x p e c t e d . r e f l e c t the fac t that comp o s e d o f a s t em
This may
g at a was originally a phonae s t he t i c proform ,
g a plus t h e regular phonae s t h e t i c marker t a ( s e e
1 . 5 . 1. 4 . ) . J USS I V E
3 . 2 . 3. 3. 2. 3. 1.
J us s i ve Types
I n Jus s ive expres s ions t h e s p eaker indicat e s t hat h e des ires the addr e s s e e t o cause or p ermit s ome s i t uat i on t o b e r eal i s e d either dir ectly ,
( indicated b y Imperat ive utterances ) , o r indire c t ly , by pass ing
on t he c ommand ( as with Hortat ive s ) .
Negat ive Imperat ives are o f two
kind s , tho s e wh ich require a s i t uation to be not rea l i s ed ( Prohibit ions ) , and t h o s e wh i c h require an a lready prevail ing s i t uat ion t o c ea s e ( C e s s a t iv e s ) .
The u s e o f the t erm ' Ju s s ive ' t o c over a l l the types o f e x
pre s s ion ment i oned above fo llows that o f Lyons ( 1 9 7 7 : 7 4 8 ) . 3. 2. 3.2.
Impera t i ves
Posit ive Imperatives
The form of the verb used for posit ive Imp erat ive utt eran c e s i s s imilar t o t hat u s e d f o r D e c l arat ive s , b ut h a s n o T e n s e affixe s , and t h e pronominal affixes differ s ometwhat ( s e e Chart 1 4 , App . l . ) .
Pro
nominal affixes represent ing the Goal part i c ipant may be present in the v e rb , and free pronouns , re ferring t o the addr e s s e e a s A c t o r , can o c c ur , but the CIF form
- t e ? i s not used ( s e e 3 . 1 . 2 . ) .
This means that , in
101
those s e c t ions o f t h e verbal p aradigm i n which - t e ? i s t h e only indi cat i o n o f 2nd Pers on involvement ( as with N on-Intent i ve s , o r with 2nd Person- 3 rd Person I ntent ive s ) , t here may b e no pronominal affixe s , if the Goal is also unexpre s s ed ( ex . 27 b . ) .
In such c a s e s an Imperat ive
Empha t i c affix may be u s ed , but only if the verb has no a f f i x e s o t her than der ivat i onal ones ( 2 7 a . ) . with a s ingle addre s s ee ) and
The Imp erat ive Emphat i c s are ? e ( used ne ( pl ural addr e s s e e - ' y o u a l l ' ) . The
l a s t syllab l e o f an Imp erat ive u t t eran c e i s s t r e s s ed , even if it is an E xamp l e s o f Imperat i v e s are :
affix and not a free part i c l e . 27a .
?o
-haQ ?a l -?e
t ha t -LOC g o - I mE ' Go o v e r t h er e ! '
b.
?i
-taQ waQ
this-Al
oome
' Come h e r e ! ' c.
n i Q -j i
?amh khaQ-j
-u
dey
y o u- 2Dl fo o d o o o k - 2Dl-Ag Exc
' Yo u two oook t h e foo d p le a s e ! ' d.
renh -to
b e y ? - t a - Q ? -c e d a
q u i o k - 2ry g i ve - G l- 1E-Dl Exc l
' Bring us ( tw o ) the fo o d q ui o k l y ! ' e.
hew
- I em- ka y b e y ? - ? u - s u
o hi ld-Pl -Gl
gi v e -Ag-Pl
' Gi v e it t o the o h i l dren ! ' The exc lamatory part i c l e s ,
d ey and d a ( e xx . 2 7 c . , 2 7 d . ) , are often
inc luded t o t ake the utt eranc e- final s t re s s , e s p e c i a l l y i f the u t t eranc e i s l engthy , or is meant to c arry over a long d i s t anc e . the s e ,
The first o f
d e y , s e ems t o b e t h e m o r e p o l i t e form , henc e i t s t ranslat i o n a s
' p l e a s e ' ( ex . 2 7 c . ) . the Augment at ive form
Pol i t ene s s i s a l s o expre s s e d s omet imes b y u s i ng
- ca k
( ex . 28a . ) , or by using the Near Future
Auxil i ary ( 3 . 3 . 4 . ) , wh i c h i n this c a s e has t he s en s e o f ' for a momen t ' ( ex . 2 8b . ) .
C o nd e s c ens ion may b e shown by us ing the D iminutive - c o k
( ex . 28c . ) : 2 8a .
j e?ga bey? -ca k-c i
fo o d
g i v e -Aug- 2 S 1
' P l e a s e g i v e me fo o d . ' b.
n a Q - ko ? r a m a
bey?-d ha Q-c i
y o u G e n s i o k l e g i v e -NFu- 2 S 1 -
, L e nd me y o ur s i o k l e for a mome n t . ' c.
j e ? g a b e y? - c o k - c i
fo o d
g i ve-Dim- 2 S 1
' Gi v e m e foo d . '
102
F i rst Person Imperatives
F i r s t Person Imperat ives are tho s e wh ich include the speaker in the s i t uat ion .
In Chepang , however , the 1 s t Person Inc lus ive affix
-t eyh
i s n o t used , but only the Numb er and C a s e affixe s : 29a .
d y a h ? a l -c a
l aw
right now ,Right,
b.
go -Dl
Z e t ' s go now . '
? o w ? - k a y b ay ? - c - u
tha t - G l
g i v e - D l -A g
, L e t us two g i v e i t to h i m . '
d y a h j e? - n
now
-I
ma n i
ea t-Ag-Pl a Z Z
' Now Z e t u s a Z Z ea t . ' Prohib itions
Prohibit ions may be expr e s s e d in one of two way s .
The first method
invo lves us ing t h e verb with t he Indefinit e Future affix and a 2nd Per s on A c t o r .
The prohib it ive s e n s e o f t h i s form is an extension o f the
u s e o f t he Indefin i t e Future t o s i gnal warnings conc erning s i t uations in whi c h t he addr e s s e e i s not intent ionally invo lved ( e x . 3 0a . ) .
From
t h i s warning func t ion the const ruct ion has come t o b e used for s i tuat ions in whi ch the addre s s ee could have s ome c ontrol ( e x . 30b . ) .
Th i s has led
t o its b e ing interpreted a s a prohibit ion and i t s c ons equent use for s it uat i ons where the addr e s s e e is c learly int ent ionally invo lved ( ex . 3 0c . ) : 30a .
naQ has
- t e ? -c a ?
y o u v om i t - C IF-IFu ' Yo u may b e s i c k ! '
b.
baQ
-say ton -t e?-ca?
s t o n e -Ab
fa Z Z - C IF-IFu
' You may fa Z Z from that r o c k ! /Don ' t fa Z Z from tha t r o c k ! ' c.
j u g a Q -ma - t e ? g l y u Q h - c a ? - j a
e v e r - C o - CIF go o u t - IFu- 2Dl Don ' t y o u two e v er go o u t ! '
Thi s is the only Imperat ive fo rm wh ich has t he CIF affix
- t e?
In
deed prohib i t ions almo st without e x c ept ion use this affix t o emphas i s e t hat t he addr e s s e e i s invo l ved .
The fact that
- t e ? i s allowed c l early
refl e c t s the Non-Imp erative origin of thi s c o n s t ruc t ion . The s e c ond method of expr e s s ing prohibit ion i s to u s e the Hortative N egat ive affix
- l a m wit h t he verb , in place of any Pronominal affixes .
It is a mo re p o l i t e form o f exp r e s s ing prohib it ion :
103
3la .
h aw
- l am- k a y b ay ? - I a m
chi l d-Pl -gl
g i v e -HNg
' P l ea s e don ' t g i v e i t t o t h e c h i l dre n . ' ' D o n ' t l e t t he c h i l dren be g i v e n i t . ' )
( l it erally : b.
n i -c l b rak-
-t a wa h - l a m
w e -D l toge t h er-Eq mo v e -HNg , L e t ' s no t go abo u t toge t h e r . '
Cess a tive s
The C e s s at ive c on s t ruc t i on i s formed in a manner d i fferent from that o f the o t her Prohib i t ives , a s i t uses a non-affixal C e s s at ive part i c le
t a ? ( somet ime s redup l i c at e d ) b e fore the regular Imperative negat e d b y - I a.
the a f f i x 3 2a .
t a? t a7 dayh -?a - I a
Ces C e s s p ea k - ImE-Neg ' S top ta l ki ng ! '
ta? bay?-?u-su- I u
C e s g i v e - Ag Pl-N e g -
' Stop g i ving i t to t h e m ! ' Hortat ive
The Hortat ive ( o r Third Person Impe rat ive ) constru c t i on exp re s s e s a n indirect command ' L e t him/them do . . . ' .
The form o f t he verb in the
Hortative c o n s t ruc t ion i s t h e s ame as that u s e d for D e c l arat ive utt er anc e s , exc ept t hat the Hortative affix o f t h e T e n s e affixe s .
- p a i s present , usually in p la c e
I f any o f t h e Tens e a f f i x e s a r e u s ed t he n it i s
with t h e i r a s p e c t ual , n o t t heir t en s e marking funct ion ( e x . 3 3 c . , s e e also 3 . 3 . 2 . ) . The Negat ive form o f the Hort at i ve u s e s
- l a m as indicated above .
E xamp l e s o f Hort at ive expre s s ions are : 3 3a .
j e ? - I e ? -� - t a - Q ?
e a t-REm-H o r - Gl l E -
, L e t i t e a t me ! ' b.
h aw
- I am - ? i y o
-�
-n
-i
c h i ld-Pl -Ag l o o k -Hor-Ag- Pl ' L e t the c h i ldren l o o k ! '
c.
m o m ? c o ? w a Q - l a m g o y c o ? wa Q
women
come -HNg men
-�
-na -y
come-Hor-NPt -Pl
' L e t t h e m e n come but not t he wome n ! ' d.
? a I ? - t e ? -�
t a k e C I F H or -
-
' L e t him take y o u ! ' The use o f
- t e ? where t h e 2nd Person i s a Go a l , as in examp l e 3 3 d . ,
is probably a r e f l e c t ion o f t h e D e c l arat ive origin of these forms , t hough
104
i t could p e rhaps b e argued t hat a n ins truc t ion on behalf o f the addre s s e e i s contrary t o t he e xpe c t ed c a s e , where t h e addres s ee reque s t s o n h i s own b ehal f .
3. 3.
THE V ERB A N D T H E CONTEXT O F UTTERAN C E T ENS E ANV A S P E C T
3. 3. 1.
Among the funct i ons o f the verb whi c h relat e the content o f a n utteran c e t o t h e speaker and h i s a c t o f sp eaking , o n e o f the mo st important i s t he indication o f t en s e .
That i s , ind i c at ion o f the t emporal r e l at ion
b etween a s i t uat ion and the u t t eran c e d e s c rib ing it ( ' ab s o l ut e ' t en s e ) or b etween t h e s i tuat ion and some other under stood t emporal r e ferenc e p o i nt ( ' relat ive ' t e n s e ) . However , alt hough t en s e marking is important , Chepang , l ike many o ther l anguages , do e s not have a pure t en s e s y s t em .
I n s t ead , t h e ab s o l
u t e t e n s e ( o f Primary c l aus e s ) i s inferred from the t emporal s e t t ing const ituents of the c l aus e , in c omb inat i on with one of a set of t hree affixes wh i c h a l s o have aspec t ual or mo dal functions . affixes are
The s e three
- ? a , - n a ? and - ca ? , t h e last having b een des cribed earl i er
under i t s modal func t ion ( 3 . 2 . 1 . 3 . ) .
Every p o s i t ive Primary verb in a
D e c l arat ive utt erance has one o f these three forms o c c urr ing along with t he Pronominal affixes . Imperat ive verb forms .
They do not o c cur , however in Negat ive and B e c au s e these t hree affixes p lay an import ant
part in indicating t en s e , t hey are termed here ' Tense ' aff ixes , to d i s t ingu i s h t hem from ot her , mor e purely aspec tual forms .
N evert h e l e s s in
d e s c ribing t hem it is e a s i e s t t o b egin with their a s p e c t ual funct i ons . The f i r s t o f t h e s e affixes ,
- ? a , i s p erfect ive in a s p e c t , ind i c at ing
that t h e s it uat i o n referred t o i s c omp l e t e with r e s p e c t t o some p o i nt in t ime .
I f t h i s t emporal reference point i s t h e a c t of d e s c r ib ing
the s i t uat i on , then the use o f thi s form imp l i e s that the s i t uat ion i s comp l e t e a t t h e t ime o f utt eran c e . place i n t h e past , and the affix
In other words t he s ituat ion t ook
- ? a i s th erefore effect ively a Past
Tense marker ( e xx . 3 4 a . , 3 4b . ) . The s e cond affix ,
- n a ? , i s imperfect ive in a s p ec t , indic at i ng that
the s ituation re ferred to is incomp l e t e with r e s p e c t t o some po int i n t ime .
I f thi s t ime re ferenc e i s a fol lowing s i tuat ion , or s it uat ions ,
then t hat s ituation wh i c h i s marked a s imperfect ive is s imul t aneous with t h e s e .
However if the re ferenc e po int i s t he a c t o f utteran c e
then t h e imperfe c t i ve a f f i x marks Non-Past Tens e , s in c e i t indicat e s that t h e s i t uat ion i s not comp l e t e a t t h i s po int in t ime , regard l e s s o f whether o r n o t i t has in fact b egun .
105
The third affi x ,
- ca ? , a s has b een ment i oned , i s used pr imarily for
hypothe t i c al s i tuat ions , o r those for whi ch the speaker i s uncertain However i t i s c ommonly used fo r future
a s t o their eventual o c c urrenc e .
s ituat ions C 3 4 f . ) , and i s c l e arly part of the s ame s y s t em a s
- ? a and - n a ? , in that it normally func t i ons in oppo s i t ion t o t hem , and o c c up i e s the s ame p o s i t ion in the verb .
Moreover , unlike o t he r a s p e c t ual and
modal affixes , it is sub j e c t to exac t l y t h e s ame r e s t ri c t ions as and
-?a - n a ? , i n r e s p e c t t o the verb types i n which i t may o r may not o c cur .
I have t ermed it here t h e ' Indefinite Fut ure ' affix . Examp l e s of the u s e o f the Tense a f f ix e s , in t he i r t en s e marking fun c t i o n , are : 34a.
bhena
yoh
dah
-?a
Past
husband y e s t e rday a rri v e - Pt
' My h usband a rr i v e d y e s t e rday . ' b.
deQe
n i -c i wa Q - ? a - t ayh-ca
a b o u t now w e -Dl come- Pt - l I n
-
Dl
' We ( two ) came j u s t now . ' c.
nyam yah-na?
s un
Non-Past
s e t -NPt
' Th e s un is s e t ti n g . ' d.
k asya? cyaw?-na -Q?
deer
see
-NPt-lE
'I s e e a de e r . ' e.
n a Q-kus ?a l - na -Q?
y o u - com g o -NPt-lE 'I w i H go w i t h y o u . '
f.
Q a - ? i go? -ce ? - n a - Q
I -Ag c a Z Z - IFu- 2 - I E
Fut ure
' I wi Z Z/may c a Z Z y o u . ' g.
ga?
-t a Q ?o l -ca - Q ?
where-AI
fa Z Z - IFu- lE
' Wh e re w i Z Z I fa Z Z ? ' 3. 3 . 2 .
AS P E C T UA L F U N C T I ONS
Whether one of the t hree Ten s e affixes i s primarily indicat ing t en s e , or asp e c t , can usually b e det ermined from the c ont e xt . maj ority o f c a s e s they are s imp ly indicat ing t e ns e .
In t h e great
A c o n t e xt where
the a s p e c t ua l func t ion i s foremo s t i s when one o f these affixes o c c ur s in c ombi nat ions with another , s i n c e b o t h could n o t b e marking t en s e a t the s ame t ime .
For ins t an c e - n a ? is n o t uncommonly found f o l l owing - c a ? , in whi c h case the fo rmer is a sp e c t ual in func t io n , with i t s
imp erfe ct ive s e n s e o f ind i cating a cont inuing , uncomp l e t e d s i tuation :
106
35a .
y a t j y o ? s i Q ? g at a l y u Q -c a ? - n a ?
one
w o o d how
b urn-IFu-NPt
' Ho w can a s i n g l e p i e c e o f wood e v e r b urn (by i t s e lf) ? ' b.
ja?
yom - ? I - t e? Q a y ? - ca ? - n a ?
t i g e r b e a r-Ag- C I F g e t -IFu-NPt ' Ti g e r s or b ears may g e t y o u . '
The affix
- ? a may o c c ur preceding e i t her - n a ? or - c a ?
Be cause o f
this p o s i t i o n i t could alt ernat ively b e anal y s e d as t h e Emphat i c affix ( 3 . 2 . 1 . 2 . ) , s in c e the o veral l effect would be s imilar . arguab l e that only one morpheme
Indeed it is
- ? a is in fact invo lve d , with the s en s e
o f comp l e t io n in t h e verbal contex t , and a n emphasis o f final ity o f a s s ert ion primarily in the nominal context . find
C ertainly one woul d not
- ? a used as an Emphat i c alongs i de the affix - ? a , with the l a t t e r
an a s p e c t marker .
However whi chever way the morpheme i s int erpr e t e d ,
i t s u s e along w i t h
- n a ? o r - c a ? ind i c a t e s t h e comp l e t e ne s s o f t h e s it u
at i o n , whi c h i s an aspec tual type o f func t ion . with
Whe n this affix i s u s e d
- c a ? it appears t o s igni fy complet ene s s o r d e finit ene s s after
previous uncert a inty ( exx . 3 6 c . , 3 6 d . ) : 3 6a .
sat -?a -na?-t a -Q? ki l l-Pt-NPt-GI-IE 'I wi l l b e k i l l e d ! '
b.
Qa-pay n u k -?a-na -Q?
I -DIF h i de - Pt -NPt - IE ' I wi H h i de ! '
c.
s yo - ? a - c a - Q ? ? I
hme?-kay
b l ow - P t - IFu-lE t h i s fi re-Gl
'I wi l l indeed b l ow t he fire ! ' d.
d ya h t o
now
- ? a -c a - Q ?
t e l l -Pt- IFu- lE
' I wi l l indeed now t e l l h i m ! ' The Non-Past fo rm
- n a ? , in c e rtain context s , may have a purely as
p e c t ual funct ion even when it o c c ur s b y i t s e l f .
This i s part i cularly
t he c a s e when it is found in a verb t hat i s part o f a dis course c l early set in the past .
I n s u c h an i n s t anc e , t h e s i t uat ion expr e s s e d by t h e
v e r b forms part o f the bac kground t o the fo llowing event s - that i s , i t i s an ongo ing event t hat continues whi l e t he s u c c eeding event s t ake p l ac e . 37 .
vat kyo? co?
one
- ko ? ? a m a
s 1 -?a
c hi l d- G en mo t h e r di e-Pt
' A c e r ta i n c hi l d ' s mo t he r di e d . '
107
? o h a n s a y ko ? ? a p a
- ? I k a n c h l ? a ma - t a Q ? - ? a w a n ? - ? a k a - n
fa t h e r-Ag s t epmo t h e r - I I F -Em bring-pt
Sen
-Ag
' Th e n t he fa t h e r marr i e d again . '
?ow? kanch l ?ama
?ow? co?
- k a y ? a n a g h a n -� - w ?
t h a t s t ep -mo t h e r t h a t ahi l d- G l
muah b e a t N p t -Ag -
' Th e s t ep -mo t h e r often beat the ahi l d . ' Not i c e t h e u s e o f the Non-Past Imperf e c t iv e form i n the l a s t s e n t e nc e , though t h e st ory as a who l e i s c learly s et in the past .
Here it i s an
ind i c at ion t hat t h e s t ep-mother ' s act i on i s a hab i t ual one , whi c h pro v id e s a b a c kground for many o f t he sub s equent event s . 3. 3 . 3.
STAT I V E S I TU A T I ONS
Whe n used with verbs a s s o c ia t e d with s t at ive s i tuat ions , t he affix
- n a ? has both its Non-Past and Imp erfe c t ive funct ions .
It s u s e i s i n
f a c t l im i t e d t o s t at e s t hat a r e o n l y t emporary cond it i ons .
I t woul d
s e em therefore that verbs a s s o c iated with s t at e s are primar i ly process verb s , d e s c r ib ing a c hange i n s t a t e , with t h e use o f
- n a ? indi c at ing
t hat the pro c e s s is not comp l et e o r final - i n other words the s t at e i s t emporary ( e x . 3 8a . ) .
I n c ontrast , i f a s t at e reflec t s a p ermanent
charac t eris t i c of an obj e c t , then the S e condary verb affix
- t o is u s e d ,
i n i t s Perfect aspe c t ual s en s e ( 4 . 2 . 3 . 2 . ) , t o i nd i c a t e t ha t t h e pro c e s s br inging about t h e s t ate has ended, t ho ugh t h e r e s ul t s o f t h e pro c e s s p er s i st ( e x . 3 8b . ) .
I f the s t at e i t s e l f no longer holds , t h i s i s indi
c at e d by t h e u s e o f t h e verb ( ex . 3 8c . ) . 38a .
ten
k h a ? - ' b e ' , a l s o i n its S e condary form
Examp l e s of s t at i ve s i t uat ions are :
mus
?ana du -na?
to day a l o ud muah re d -NPt ' Today the a l o uds are v e ry red. '
b.
?ow? b a Q
bham -to -?a
tha t s to n e wh i t e - 2ry-Em ' Th a t s to n e is whi t e . '
c.
yoh
mus
d u -to
khe?-to
y es t e rday a l o ud r e d- 2ry b e
- 2ry
' Y e s t e r day t h e a l o uds w e re r e d . ' 3. 3 . 4 .
A U X I L I A R Y R O O TS A N D AS P EC T
There i s a s e t o f forms t h a t o c c ur immediat e ly aft er the m a i n root o f t h e verb , o r c lo s e to i t , whi c h o f t e n are used to give aspe c t ual o r t en s e info rmat ion .
Th e s e I have t e rmed ' Auxil iary Roo t s ' , s i n c e they
are s emi l e x i c a l i n nature , s ome o f them being s imi lar s emant i c a l ly and formal ly to fully l e x i c a l ro o t s ( s e e b elow 3 . 3 . 7 . ) .
They have quite a
range o f func t i on s , and are d i s t inct from the T en s e s e t o f affixes i n
108
that they a r e found in Negat ive and Imperat ive verb form s .
S everal o f
t h e s e Aux i l i ary Roo t s funct ion as t emporal mo di f iers , adding detai l s c o n c erning t he t ime and t emporal structure o f the s i tuat i on s they refer to.
L i ke the Ten s e affixes they are not found with verb s express ing
permanent s t at e s . The Auxil iary Roo t s mo s t c lo se ly c onne c t ed with t en s e and a s p e c t are : i.
-dhaQ
l Thi s is e s s ent i a l ly a Near Future marker .
It i s s ome
what unusual in that it is found b oth a s a verbal affix and e nc l i t i c t o NPs , b e ing s omet imes i n b oth p o s i t ions i n t h e one c lause ( ex . 39 a . ) . B e c aus e it s u s e imp l i e s t hat the present s i t uat i on b e i ng des cribed w i l l c ont inue f o r only a s hort wh i l e longe r , n o t indefinit ely , i t i n c ludes a sense of e xp e c tancy of change , as is the case with the Engl ish and ' s ti l l ' . 39a .
E xamp l e s o f i t s use are :
n a - ? J - ( d h a Q ) yo
I
'yet '
- ( d h a Q ) -ca - Q ?
-Ag-NFu l o o k-NFu
- IFu-lE
' I am a b o u t to l o o k . II wi l l now l oo k . ' b.
?ow? ray? m u
- J e?-dha Q-na?
t h a t di rt s tay -REm-NFu -NPt ' Th e di rt s ti l l remai n s . '
c.
nyam J ya l -dhaQ- l a
s un
mu
-?a-na?
f L e e -NFu -Neg s tay -Em-NPt
' Th e s un has no t y e t s e t ,
it remai n s . '
The p arenthe s e s u s e d in e x amp l e 39 a . ind i cat e that the affix may o c cur opt i onally in e i t he r , o r both , o f the po s i t i ons shown .
It nor
mally c o - o c c ur s with the I ndefinite Future Ten s e form b ecause b o t h refer t o future event s , b ut i t c an a l s o co-o c cur w i t h the Non-Past form
- n a ? ( ex . 39b . ab ove ) . I t do e s not app e ar t o b e used with the Past affix - ? a , no doubt b ec ause of the confl i c t in t e ns e . - ? a t a ? Thi s is evident ly a Near Re lat ive Pas t form with a s t rong ii . perfect ive s en s e .
It has the s ame d i st rib ut ion as the Near Fut ure ,
b e ing found both as a verbal affix and an NP e n c l it i c , b ut it i s much l e s s c ommon .
O ri ginally it was probably a ful ly ope rat ing perfe c t i ve
past form b ut has fal len int o comparat ive disus e , e s p e c ially i n Primary verb s , b e c au s e of c onfusion with t he Past Tense plus Goal c a s e c omb i nat ion ( 5 . 2 . 4 . 7 . ) .
l
A more accurate description would perhaps b e a ' Limited Pres ent ' , with the s ense of 'just now ' , in which case the affix is formally and s emant i c ally very clo s e to the fre e form deQ I ' just now ' .
109
40a.
p u n - ? a t a ? l e ? - t l ? a l ? -c - u bark-NrPt g e t - 3ry t a k e -D1-Ag ' A 8 800n a 8 w e have g o t the b a rk Z e t '8 t a k e i t . '
s a t - ? a t a ? - ma ? - t o
? a l -c e
k i Z Z -NrPt -RNg- 2ry g o -D1
' Wi t ho u t h a v i n g k i Z Z ed it j U 8 t now, iii .
-?ak
Z e t ' 8 go ! '
Thi s morpheme i nd i c at e s a Non-Perfe c t ive R e l at ive Past ,
that i s i t ind i c a t e s a s i t uation t hat o c curred prior to s ome t emporal reference po int , but is unmarked wi th respect t o comp l e t i o n .
I t is
found only a s a verbal affix , mo st c ommonly with Negat ive and Imp erat ive forms , and , i n D e c l arat ive ut t er an c e s , in comb inat ion with t h e I ndefini t e Future form
-ca?
When u s e d w i t h
- n a ? i n a De c larat ive ut t e ran c e , the
Non-Past affix has its imperfect ive s ense ( 3 . 3 . 1 . , a l s o see e x . 4 1b . ) . The s ame form i s a l s o u s e d i n conj unct ion with verb s t ems t o s i gn i fy a T e rt i ary s i tuat i o n prec e dent t o the main s i tuat ion ( 4 . 2 . 3 . 3 . ) . 41a.
I) a - ? I d y a w? - ? a k -c a - I)? ? o h a n s a y y o
I -Ag di g
-RPt -IFu- 1E S C n
-n - I
Z o o k-Ag-P1
'I w i Z Z fi r8 t dig, t h e n Z e t ' 8 Z oo k . ' b.
h aw
- l am l ay 7 - l a y ? t o n - ? a k - n a ? l ay ? - I a y ? r ya ? - n a ?
ahi Z d- P 1
own -own
fa Z Z -RP t - NPt own - o w n
ary -NPt
' Chi Z dren fi r8 t fa Z Z o v e r by them8 e Z v e 8 , t h e n -/; hey ary . ' c.
la
t et
-?ak-J
-u
7 0 h a n s ay t U I)
rope b reak-Rpt- 2D1-Ag Sen
-j
-u
dri nk- 2D1-Ag
' Yo u two fi r 8 t b r e a k t he rop e , t h e n dr ink . ' d.
I) a w a l) - 7 0 b e l a - h a l) c y o k
I
- l e 7 - t e 7 - ? a k- l a
aome -RN time-Loc g e t up -REm-C IF-RPt-Neg
' Wh en I aame b e fo re y o u had no t go t up . ' iv .
- k h e7
Thi s morpheme indicates t h e imminence o f a s it uat ion -
t h e equival ent of t h e English ' ab o u t t o ' .
I t normal ly o c curs with t h e
affix
- ? a , e v e n though t h e s ituat i o n h a s not y e t t aken p l ace . This s hows t h at - ? a i s b e ing u s ed i n its p erfe c t i ve aspe c t ua1 func t i o n , with
the s en s e t hat t h e a c t ion a s a c omp le t e d unit is about t o o cc ur , not j us t t hat i t i s about to b egin . use of 42a.
The latt e r sense i s conveyed b y the
- k h e ? , t o ge t h er with - n a 7 i n i ts aspe c t ua1 fun c t ion ( e x . 4 2b . ) . j a?
- 7 1 ma k
- k h e ? - ? a -t h ay
t i g e r- Ag de v o ur Imm - P t - G 1 -
' A t i g e r i 8 a b o u t to de v o ur him . ' b.
kim
- t a l) d a h
hou8e-A1
-khe7-na?
a rri v e - Imm -NPt
' He i8 a b o u t t o arr i v e a t t h e h o u8 e . '
llO
- k h ay ?
v.
Th is affix has an incept ive func t ion , t ha t i s , it indi It is formally and funct ionally s imilar
c at e s that an a c t i o n has b egun . to
- k h e ? and probab ly h a s c ome from the s ame original morpheme . B e cause - k h ay ? i t s e l f n e c e s sarily imp l i e s an inc omplet e s i t uat i o n , wh e n it i s used in conj unct ion with -?a and - n a ? t h e s e l a s t t w o morpheme s funct ion as Ten s e marke rs .
Any asp e c t ual s e n s e woul d t end to c o n f l i c t with t he
imp erfe c t ive a s p e c t impo s e d by
- k h ay ? or b e redundant .
The I n c ep t i ve
fo rm i s l argely b eing replaced in everyday s p e e c h by the calqued con s t ruc t i on from Nepal i ( e x . 4 3c . ) . 4 3a .
n y a m t ho Q - k h ay ? - ? a
sun
Z i g h t-Inc
-Pt
'The B un b e gan t o brig h t e n . ' b.
say?
g l e?-khay?-na?
frui t fa Z Z - In c
-NPt
' Fruit are b eg i nn i ng t o fa Z Z . ' c.
say?
g I e?-sa
I
aga
-na?
fru i t fa Z Z - IN b e g i n ( Nep . ) -NPt ' Frui t are b e gi n n i ng to fa Z Z . '
vi .
-j huQ
Thi s funct i ons as a Repet it ive morpheme , equivalent t o
t h e Engl ish ' o ften ' :
44.
Qa b aJ a r - t a Q ? a l -�- n a - Q ?
I
mark e t- A l
g o -Rep -NPt-1E
, I often go t o the mark e t . ' 3. 3. 5 .
S UM M A R Y O F T E NS E A NV A S P ECT M A R K I NG
From t h e d i s c u s s i on in t h e p revious four s e ct ions ( 3 . 3 . 1- 4 ) it c an b e s e e n that Chepang do e s not have a very t l ght ly o rgani s e d s y s t em o f ind i c at ing t en s e and a s p ec t , b ut rather t here i s a cons iderab l e degree of o ve r l ap and amb i guit y .
The p o s i t ion may b e c l ar i f i e d s omewhat b y
i l l us t rat ing graphi cally the initiat ion , durat ion and comp l e t i o n o f a s i t uat ion ' S '
( as indi c at e d by t h e various t e n s e and asp e ct fo rms ) , in
relation t o a t ime l ine .
I n this d iagram ( chart 4 , oppo s it e ) , the
durat ion of a s it uation is indicat e d by a hori zont al line ( in the case o f a non-event ( Negat ive ) by a do t t e d line ) , wh i l e any c ommitment the s p e aker make s t o the init iation o r comp l e t ion o f the s it uat ion i s indi c at e d by a short vert i c a l l in e at , r e s p e c t ively , the b eginning o r end o f thi s l in e .
Three t emporal reference points are shown ; T
t he t ime of utt eran c e of the c lause des crib ing S , T
repres ent ing o represent ing a
xp representing a future variab le xf The affixes repres ent e d by each l ine are g i ve n
p a s t variab l e re ference point , and T po int of referen c e .
a b o v e it , whi l e an appro x imat e Engl ish g lo s s i s given underneat h .
111
CHART
4
TENSE AND ASPECT MARKING
na?
?a
t-----i
S Past
I
I
S R e l Past
l
I-------l
S Fut ure , Pfve
Now S
Soon S Po s s ----- � I-
I
?ata?
I I
I
S R e l Past
Pfve
Pfve
? a k+ c a ? S R e l Past
? a k+ l a
1
? a k+ l a
Not-S Past
Not-S Rel Past
Not-S , Rel Past
khe?+ na?
I---
S ab out to b e I
k h e ?+ ?a I
I I I I I j h u l) +
S ab out to b e ( Pfve )
kh ay?+ na?
k h a y ? + ?a
f--- - - - - - - -
�------
S b egin Non-Past
S b egin , Past
xp Past Reference
ca?
S o ft e n , Non-Past S Poss o ft en
S o f t e n , Past
T
Abb rev iat ions :
I
Now not-S E xp ec t S soon
I
I I I I I I I I I I I
I I I I I I I
Exp e c t not-S soon
S Rel Past
? a k+ l a
S P o s s . Impfve
d h a l)+ n a ?
I � I
--------
ca?+ l na ?
?a+ n a ?
S Past , Impfve
?ata?
S Poss
S Non-Past
(na?)
I I I I I I I I I I
ca?
T
T
xf Future Reference
O
Time o f Ut t eranc e
Po s s P o s s i b l e Fut ure , Imp fve Imperfe ct ive , Pfve Perfect ive , Rel Relat ive , ( t o variable referenc e po int ) =
=
=
=
112
3. 3. 6 .
O T H E R A U X I L I A R Y R O O TS
Several other affixes o c c upy the s ame p o s i t ion in the verb as the Aux i l i ary Ro o t s dis c u s s e d above ( 3 . 3 . 4 . ) , but do not have aspe c t ual fun c t i ons ,
if a s p e c t i s defined as indicat ing the t emporal relat ions
and const ituency o f s i t uat ions ( s e e 1 . 3 . 3 . 4 . ) . They are t o b e treated here , however , for the sake o f comp l e t e ne s s . The s e affixes inc lude : i.
- c a k and -co ? , whi c h have augment ative and diminut ive func t ions
resp e c t ively ( ex x . 4 5a . , 4 5b . , b e low ) . ii .
- h a Q , whi c h ind i c at e s inde finiteness with N e c e s s at iv e s ( ' s om e
t i m e n ec e s s a ry ' - e x . 4 5c . ) . iii . iv .
- b a y , whi c h indicat e s c ertaint y ( ex . 4 5d . ) . - j e? , which ind i c a t e s finality and is al so a s s o c iat ed with
emo t ive func t ions ( s e e 3 . 2 . 1 . 7 . , a l s o ex . 4 5e . ) . v.
- g a r , which e s s ent ial ly indicat e s t hat t he speaker f e e l s a s though
t h e s i t uation he i s d e s c ribing were indeed the c as e , ( t hough in fact it may not b e ) , o r he i s attributing this f e e l ing t o a par t i c ipant . This morpheme fil l s the fun c t ion o f Engl i s h verb s such as
( that} . . . ) ' ,
' t o s e em ' ,
' to app ear ( t o b e . . . ) ' ,
' to fe e l
( exx . 4 5 f . , 4 5g . , 4 5h . ) .
The Causat ive and Rec ipr o c al affixes ( 2 . 2 . 6 . ) may a l s o b e r e garded a s Auxil iary Roo t s , since they are found in the s ame p o s i t ion in the verb a s t h e affixes j ust d e s c r ibed and , l ike thes e , are semi lexi cal . Examp l e s o f the Aux i l i ary Roo t s d e s c r i b e d above are : 4 5a .
t en
tl?
wa
- ca k - ? a
t o da y r a i n fa l. l. - Aug-Pt ' To day much rain fe l. l . '
b.
ten
tl?
wa
-co? -?a
t o day r a i n fa l. l. -D i m-Pt
' To day a ?.i t tz. e rain fe n . c.
'
D a ? a l - sa k h e ? -� - n a - D ?
I
g o -IN h a v e - IN c-NPt -1E
, I mus t go (some time ) . ' d.
dyah na k
n ow
- ? I j e ? - � - ? a - t h ay
s e rp e n t-Ag e a t - C er-Pt-Gl
' No w t h e s erpent wi l. l. certainl.y have de v o ur e d h i m . ' e.
sya Qh
? a l -� - n a - D
tomo rrow g o -Fn -NPt - 1E , Tomo rrow I wi l. l. go for g o o d . '
f.
? a ma
r y a ? -� - ? a
mo t h e r cry -Fel-Pt
' Mo t h e r fe B ?.ike cry i n g . '
113
g o p a 1 ? a n a me
g.
-�- n a ?
Gop a t much s i ng - F e l -Np t ' Gopa t fe e t s U k e s inging a to t . '
h.
? o w ? b a l)
ga 1
-�- n a ?
t h a t s t o n e b t ack-Fel-NPt
' That s t o n e s e ems b t ack . /Th a t s to n e i s b ta c k i s h ( o r grey ) . ' 3. 3 . 7 .
L EX I C A L O R I G I NS O F T H E A UX I L I A R Y R O O TS
It i s l ikely t hat all t h e s e Aux i l iaries were or iginally ful ly inde pendent roo t s whi c h , b ecause of their frequent use in verb c ompounds ( 4 . 2 . ) , have b ec ome funct ional morpheme s .
Indeed ful ly l exical roo t s
s t i l l exist whi c h are ident i c al i n form t o each o f t he s e affix e s , t ho ugh any s emant i c relat i onship is o f t e n o b s c ure .
The s e roo t s are : khe? k h ay ? - ' a v o i d, i gnore ' , d h a l) - ' appear i n a n ew s t a t e ' , ? a k- ' b eg i n t o s p t i t ' , j h u l) - ' s quat ' , h a l) - ' s hi n e w e a k t y (s un) " b a y - ' b e a t t e n t i v e ' , j e ? - ' e a t , i ng e s t ' , g a r ? - ' b e e q u a t ( i n g i r t h ) ' , c o ? ' chi t d ' , - c a k ' p er s o n ' ( only a s a b o und root ) , k a y ' arg ue ' , t a k- ' me n d ' .
' p a s s by/o v e r q u i c k t y , j ump ' ,
Mat is o f f ( 1 9 7 4 ) d e s c r ib e s , fo r Kachin , s imilar func t ions wh i c h are c arried out by forms t ha t are c l e arly l ex i cal root s .
Amongst t h e s e is
m a ? ' to u s e up ' , o r when c o n c at enat e d , ' to V comp t e te ty ' as in s i ma ? Compare this with t h e Chepang j e? - whi c h , a s a ' b e comp t e t e t y dead ' . full root , means
' ea t '
as an Auxil iary it ind i c at e s comp l e t e ne s s o r
s i - j e ? - ? a ' b e comp t e t e ty dead ' . The probable c o gnat e o f the Kachin m a ? is Chepang ma k - ' cons um e , de v o ur ' . fina l i t y a s in
3. 3.8.
R E V U P L I CA T I O N A N V AS P EC T
F o r a cons iderab l e numb er o f verb s ( o f the o rder o f one hundred ) the root may b e p artly redup l i cat e d by rep e at i ng the vowel , o c c a s i onally fo l l owed b y an added g l o t t al s t op a s in
?o l o ? - , compare ? o l - ' t ean ' .
For mo st c a s e s o f verb s des crib ing act ions t h i s redup li cat ion i s a s s o c i ated with a Cont inuat ive o r Repet it ive asp e c t , as in :
t yo p ?o l h l ew-
' dr i p ' ' t ean ' ' to s s ( o f t r e e i n wind) ,
t yo p o ?o l o ? h l ewe?-
' drip c o n t i n ua t ty ' ' r o c k b a c k and for t h ' ' to s s r ep e a t e d t y '
For s t a t e s t h e s ense is evident ly I n t e n s i ve :
I yo r ? h yo k -
' wa t ery (of m e a t ) ' ' fi t (of s i z e ) ,
I yo r o ? h y o ko -
' very wa t e ry ' ' fi t w e H '
1 14 However there are a c on s i derab l e numb er o f re-dup l i c at e d forms for whi ch the non-redup l i cated root do e s not now existm as with :
k ro p o ? i n i ?-
' p a t t e r ( o f rai n )
,
'wobb Z e '
I
a k a? h r i k i ?-
' grind w i t h Btone ' ' b end b a c k and fo r t h '
In o t her c a s e s there has b ee n s ome s eman t i c shift :
? ap b ur?ren-
' b e t hi rs ty ' ' b urrow ' ' kn o c k a s k e w '
? ap a b ururen e-
'be hot (of person) , ' co v e r o n e ' s trac k s ' ' vi b r a t e ( o f w i ng s ) ,
The s e l a s t two fac t s s uggest t hat the pro c e s s i s no longer produc t ive , with the redup l i cated roo t s b eing frozen as l e x i c a l it ems , rather than t he alt ernat ive , t hat t h e p ro c e s s i s s t i l l act ive b ut r e s t r i c t e d in i t s app l icat ion t o c ert ain verb s .
CHAPTER F O UR
THE VERB AND COH ES I ON
4. 1 . 4. 1 . 1 .
C R O SS - R E F ER E NC E A N D C O H E S I O N T H E N O U N PHRAS E I N C R O SS - R E F ER E N C E : S U B J E C T ,
TO P I C O R T H EM E ?
I t was pointed o ut i n s e c t ion 2 . 3 . 5 . that the s e l e ct ion o f a par t i c ipant for c r o s s-reference in Int ent ive c lauses appears to be governed by pragma t i c fact ors , in part i c ul ar by givenne s s .
Be cause the c ho i c e
o f subj e c t s and t o p i c s i s presumab ly a l s o c onne c t ed w i t h pragma t i c and c ohe s ive fac t o r s , the ques t ion a r i s e s :
C an the NP re ferring to the
part i c ipant that is c ro s s-referenced in the verb ( ab b rev iat ed from here onward a s the NPCR ) be equat ed with t h e mo re t radit ional notions o f subj e c t , t o pi c , o r theme? I n a t t empt ing to answer this que s t ion , two points are c l ear even from a c ur s o ry examinat ion of the prob l em .
Firs t l y , t he factors t hat
govern t h e c ho i c e of a part i c ipant as a s ubj e c t in E ng l i s h are c ertainly not ident i c al t o tho s e governing t h e cho i c e of the NPCR in Chepang . Th i s b ec omes obvious when t rans lat ing from one language to ano t her , s i n c e it is o f t e n not p o s s i b l e to render an Engl i sh s ub j e c t as an NPCR in Chepang , and v i c e ver s a , as t h e fol lowing examp l e shows ( no t e t hat t he NPCR i s underlined ) :
1.
Engl i s h t o Chepang
x k u y ? - ? I I) a - k a y j a y k - ? a ka - n dog -Ag I -Gl b i t e - Pt -Ag Qa - k ay k u y ? - ? i j a y k -� I - G l dog -Ag b i t e -G l- 1E
'A dog b i t m e . '
Alt hough the dog c an be t h e s ubj e c t in Engl i sh it cannot b e the NPCR in Chepang .
The reverse s i t uation s imilarly holds :
115
116
2.
co?
- kay I a n
c h i l d- G l
- ? l j e ? - s a bO I) ? - n a ? -�
demo n - A g e a t -IN s e e k -NPt-Gl
, A demon s o u g h t to de v o ur the chi ld. ' x ' The chi l d w a s often s o ug h t to b e e a t e n by a demo n . ' Here t h e c h i l d c an b e t h e NPCR in Chepang , b ut not t h e s ub j � c t in t h e Engl i s h equivalent . S e co ndly , i n s o far as t h e formal markings are c onc erned , t he c ho i c e for c r o s s-reference i s comp l et e ly symmetrical with r e s p e c t t o t h e two I nt entive r o l e s t hat can b e c ro s s -referenced ( t he Agent and Goal ) - no c ho ic e is i nd i c at e d as marked o r unmarked , nor i s t here any change in NP c a s e marki ngs .
This of course i s not t ru e for Engl i s h , whe r e the
c ho i c e o f the patient a s s ub j e c t resul t s in a marked construc t ion , t he P a s s ive , and there are also obl igatory case marking change s : 3a.
co?
- I am - ? i ? a m a p a - n i s - k a y b O I) ? - n a - n - i
ch� td- P l -Ag paren t -Dl - G l
s e e k -Npt -Ag-Pl
' Th e c h i l dren s e e k the two paren t s . '
? a mapa - n l s - k ay c o ?
p a r e n t -Dl - G l
Agent as NPCR A gent as sub j e c t
- I am - ? i bO I) ? - n a ? -t h a -c a Goal as NPCR
c hi l d- P l -Ag s e e k-NPt-Gl -Dl
' The two parents are s o ug h t b y the c hi l dr e n . '
Pat i ent as s ub j e c t
Not e t h e s ymmetry o f t h e C hepang pair, in contrast t o t he de f i n i t e asymmetry o f the Engl ish equivalent s .
The s ymmetry e xhib i t e d by Chepang
means t hat t h ere i s no formal mot ivat i on within the c laus e for no t ions s u c h a s ' advanc ement ' t o the p o s i t ion o f cros s-referen c e .
Indeed there
i s no formal evidenc e to show wh i ch of the two Chepang c o n s t ruct ions l i s t h e mor e b as i c . 4.1. 2.
SUBJ ECT
To s imply show , however , that t h e factors invo lved i n the c ho i c e o f t h e s ub j e c t i n Eng l i s h d i f f e r from thos e governing t h e cho i c e o f t he NPCR in Chepang , does not in i t s e l f suffi c e to prove t hat the NCPR i s s ign i f i cantly d i f f erent from a subj e c t .
Keenan ( 19 7 6 : 31 2 ) , for ins t an c e ,
argues that t h e notion o f s ub j e c t is a ' mult i-factor ' conc ept , hence a sub j e c t in any g iven language w i l l not b e charac t e r i sed by the s ame s e t of proper t i e s as a sub j e c t in some other l anguage .
His s e t o f
p ropo sed sub j e c t propert i e s w i l l t herefore b e d i s c u s s e d b r i e f l y here . A cons ideration o f the ' b a s i c - s ub j e c t ' ( b - s ub j e c t ) propert i e s s hows that t hey fal l into one of three main c l a s s e s : i.
Tho s e propert i e s t hat result from the ident i fi c at ion o f the
b - s ub j e c t with t h e role o f agent ( Keenan ' s property C . 2 . 1 ) , where the l A further di fference between the Engl i s h Pas s ive and t he Chepang clause with t h e Goal as t he NPCR i s that the Pass ive i s often u s e d t o omit reference t o t h e Agent , whereas in Chepang it i s the cro s s -referenced Goal NP that i s most likely to be omitt e d , not the Agent .
117 t erm ' agent ' presumab ly corres ponds t o t h e term ' A c t o r ' u s e d i n t h i s work . ii .
Thos e propert i e s t hat r e s ult from t he i dent i fi cat ion of the
b - subj e c t wi th t h e topic ( s e e Keenan ' s property A . 3 . 8 ) . iii .
Synt a c t i c propert i e s , such as t ho s e invo lving c o re fe rent ial
d e l e t i o n ( propert i e s A . 3 . 1- 4 ) , wh i c h are not so e a s i l y r e l at e d to the ident i f i c at ion o f the b - s ub j e c t with s ubj e c t and top i c . As far as t he first c l a s s o f proper t i e s are concerned , it may b e o b served t hat A c t o r s are , b y definit ion , t h e p art i c ipant s that are init ially invo lved in an a c t ive s it � t i o n - that i s , from the out s e t .
Therefore , for a statement involving an A c t o r to b e, appropriate o r
meaningful , and t rue , t h e A ct or mus t e x i s t independent l y o f the s itu ation, and c annot b e c reat ed by i t .
A s a r e sult , b - s ub j e c t s which are
A c t o r s w i l l have t h e propert i e s o f independent e x i s t ence ( Ke enan ' s property A . l ) , and o f ab s o lute reference ( A . 3 . 5 ) . s t a t e s is not quite so c l ear .
The p o s i t ion for
However it would s e em that , in mo s t
languages , t h e ent it y t o wh i c h a property i s at t r ibuted ( th e Statant part i c ipant ) is treated formally i n a manner analo gous t o t hat of an Actor .
T h i s is not b e c aus e a Stat ant can b e s a i d to b e ' in i t ially
,invo lved ' i n a s t at e , but b ec aus e t he ent i t y mu s t exist ( or at least have b e e n propo sed a s e x i s t ing , in some sense ) , from the b eginning o f any period for whi c h t h e property could b e s a i d t o hold for i t .
If
b - s ubj e c t s are i dent i f i e d with A c t o rs i n act ive s i t uat ions , then it f o l l ows t hat t h ey s hould b e ident i fied with Statant s i n s t a t e s .
And
Statant s , as no ted above , are part i c ipants that have propert i e s s uc h a s pre- suppo sed re ferenc e ( Ke enan ' s property A . 3 . 6 ) . It i s a l s o to be e xp e c t e d t hat the addr e s s e e o f an imp erat ive w i l l b e an A c to r , b e cause o n l y a n i n i t i a l l y invo lved part i c ipant can perform 1 an act ion . Therefore t h e s t atement t hat b - s ubj e c t s normally e xpre s s t h e addr e s s e e phras e o f imperat ives ( property C . 2 . 2 ) again r e s ul t s from t h e i r a c t o rho o d .
Moreover the c au s e r , in a s i t uat ion expr e s s e d by a
c aus at ive c l aus e ,
is by definit ion the prime init iator , or A ct or i n
t h e causing, and c ause d , s it uat ions .
I t i s n o t surpri s ing therefo re ,
that the causer may b e e xpre s s ed by an NP with a po s i t ion , c a s e marking , and verb agr e ement s imilar t o that o f an A c t o r ( and hence b - s ub j e c t ) in a non- c ausat ive c lause ( prop e rt y C . 2 . 3 ) .
And s in c e t h e causer has
b e come the primary A c t o r , t he forme r A c t o r o f the caused s it uat i o n ( now t h e caus e e ) may h a v e t o change i t s c a s e marking ( property B . 2 . ) , e s p e c ially i f only one NP can b e marked a s A c t o r in a claus e .
Finally ,
indisp ensab i l it y i s l inked t o act orhood in t hat every ( ac t ive ) c lause mu st have an initially invo lved part i c i pant , and t h i s w i l l b e e xpre s s ed expl i c i t ly , unl e s s t h e c l au s e i s 1
Compare Dixon 1979 : 11 1 .
' c ontext dep endant ' and therefore not
118
t he ful l e s t b a s i c form ( Keenan , 1 9 7 6 : 3 0 8 ) ( compare property A . 2 ) . Propert i e s tha t follow from the ident i fi c at ion o f b - s ubj ec t s with topics inc lude high referent iality ( A . 3 . 9 ) , and a c c e s s a b i l i t y t o rela t iv i s a t i o n and que s t ioning ( A . 1 3 ) . quant i f i er s '
The a b i l i t y t o l aunch ' fl oat ing
is l inked by S c hachter wi th definit ene s s ( S c ha c ht e r ,
19 7 7 :
2 8 6 ff . ) , and t h erefore i s related through t h is to t o p i c a l ity . S c ha c ht e r , when d i s c u s s ing some o f the above t o p i c and a c t or re lat ed propert i e s of subj e c t s in conne c t ion with Phil ippine languages , sp eaks of these propert i e s b eing d ivided b etween two marked c lausal const itu e nt s , c ommonly t ermed the ' Ac t or ' and the ' Top i c ' in grammat i c al de s c riptions - though these may not c o i nc ide with the d e f init ions give n her e ( S c hacht e r , 1 9 7 7 : 27 9 ) .
T h e r e a s o n that S chachter can s p eak o f a
d i v i s i o n , or s p l i t , o f subj e c t prop ert i e s l i es in the fact t hat he does not ident ify b a s i c s ent enc e s for these languag e s .
In Eng l i s h P a s s ives ,
for instanc e , Ke enan ' s b - s ubj e c t propert i e s are s p l i t b etween t h e P a s s i v e subj e c t and the agent ive NP .
But pas sives do not b e long t o t h e s e t
o f bas i c s entenc e s ( Ke enan , 1 9 7 6 : 3 1 0 ) so t here i s n o problem here . ba s i c sentenc e s were d e f ined f o r t h e Phil ippines
If
l anguage s t o b e those
for wh i c h , among o t her propert i e s , the A c t o r was a l s o the Topi c , then t h e b - subj e c t propert i e s would indeed b e united in the subj e c t s o f these s entenc e s .
That S c hachter does not ident i fy a s et o f b a s i c sent e n c e s
pre sumab l y re sult s from the f a c t t hat t here i s l i t t l e or no formal mo t ivat ion for making t h i s ident i f i cat ion .
Furth ermore a d e f init ion
o f a basic subj e c t might only comp l i c at e a de s c ript ion o f the languag e , unl e s s one i s prepared t o work i n t erms o f subj e c t s at different l e v e l s ( Sc ha c ht e r , 1 9 7 7 : 3 0 1 ) .
Even i f this lat t er solut i o n were ado p t ed there
would s t i l l be prob l ems b e c au s e , as S c ha c ht er points out , when t h e A c t o r i s n o t the t op i c ( s urface subj e c t ) it s t i l l p o s s e s s e s some s ubj e c t propert i e s - i t i s n o t a ' c homeur ' a s def ined f o r Re lat ional Grammar . C hepang i s s imilar t o t h e Phil ippines language s with r e s p e c t to the prob l em s mentioned above .
Tho s e b - s ubj ect prop ert i e s p o s s e s sed by t he
NPCR wh i c h do not r e sult from Act orhood , are j u st tho s e wh i c h are c hara c t e r i s t i c of t o p i c s - inc lud ing the propert i e s of l e ftmo st p o s i t i o n i n a c lause , h i g h referent i a l it y , and so forth .
It i s t herefore p o s s
i b l e t o s p eak o f a s p l i t o f b- subj e c t propert i e s f o r C hepang a l s o , w i t h a s imilar l a c k o f mo t ivat ion for d e f ining a b a s i c s entenc e ( or bas i c c l aus e ) .
And various syntact i c c o n s t raint s , such a s t h o s e governing
t h e format ion o f c ompl ex c l au s e s us ing Tert iary verbs ( 4 . 2 . 3 . 3 . ) , are s t atable only in t erms of their p o s s e s s ing a common A c t o r , and have no c onnect ion with the NPCR .
In other words the NPCR do e s not p lay any
part in defining synt a c t i c c o n straint s .
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4. 1. 3.
TOPIC
The fac t t hat t h e c harac t er i s t i c s o f t h e NPCR i n Chepang which are not role d e t ermined are tho s e that are e xp e c t e d o f t op ic s , make s it worth c o ns ider ing wh ether the NPCR is not b e t t er regarded as a t op i c , of the t y p e t hat has b een re s c r ib ed for other T i b e t o-Burman languages ( fo r instanc e , L i s u - Hope , 1 9 7 4 ) .
I n the s ame volume t ha t c o nt ains
Ke enan ' s art i c l e , Li and Thomp son ( 1 9 7 6 ) d i s c u s s t h e notion o f t o p i c , t op i c prominent languag e s , and t h e relat i on b etween sub j e c t and t op i c . Top i c prominent languages , such as L i s u , Lahu, and Mandari n , regularly allow expl i c i t reference to a part i c ipant ( th e Topi c ) whi c h need not i t s e l f b e d irec t ly invo lved i n the c lausal s i t uat ion , but i s c l o s e ly a s s o c iat ed ( in a non-ex p l i c i t way ) t o some par t i c ipant whi c h i s involved . Two Mandarin exampl e s , t aken from L i and Thomp son are ( giving t h e Eng l i sh only ) : 4a. b.
'
Tha t fire ( Top i c ) , fo r t una t e l- y t h e fi r e - b r i g a de came q ui c k l- y . '
' Th o s e tre e s ( Topi c ) , t h e trun k s are b i g . '
L i and Thomp son give a numb er o f c r i t e r i a for d i s t ingu i s h i ng t o p i c s . It mu st b e s t r e s s ed that t h e s e prop ert i e s may not app l y t o t o p ic s i n t h e general s e n s e o f the t erm , b u t a r e int ended t o define a spe c if i c t o p i c cat egory found i n language s such a s Chine s e and L i s u .
The c r i
t er i a are : i. ii.
Top i c s mu s t b e definit e , whi l e sub j e c t s need no t b e . Top i c s need not b e s e l ec t iv e ly r e l a t ed t o the verb a s argument s
o f a pred i c a t e c o n s t i t uent .
I n o t her words t h ey need not b e ful l y
invo lved in t h e s ituation des cribed by t h e verb , whereas subj e c t s are involved . iii .
Top i c s are not det ermined by t h e verb , whereas s ubj e c t s are .
That i s , t h e verb t ends t o det ermine wh i c h part i c ipant w i l l b e sub j e c t . If the verb requir e s an agent , for instanc e , t hen t h i s par t i c ipant w i l l be t h e subj e c t , unl e s s t he c ons t ruc t ion i s marked . iv.
Topi c s have a c on s t ant func t ional ro l e with r e s p e c t t o t h e
c lau s e - that o f s p e c i fy ing the domain w i t h i n whi ch t h e pred i c at i o n ho lds . v. vi .
Top i c s , unl i ke subj e c t s , rare ly have verb agr eement . Top i c s are almo s t invariab ly s entenc e - ini t ia l , sub j e c t s need
no t b e . vii .
Top i c s p lay l i t t l e part i n grammat i c al pro c e s s e s such a s
refl e x iv i sat i o n , p a s s i v i s a t i o n , verb s er ia l i s at io n , imp erat ive format ion and co referent i a l d e l e t i on . An examinat i o n of t h e s e proper t i e s in relat ion t o the NPCR in C hepang shows t ha t t h i s NP is t o p i c - l ike with r e s p e c t to condit ions i . , i i i . , v i . and v i i . , and sub j e c t - l ike w i t h r e s p e c t t o the remainder .
120
The t o p i c al i t y o f the NPCR i n regard t o the first condit ion , for i n s t anc e , resul t s from the fact t hat t h i s NP is g iven .
Be c au s e a par
t i c ipant t hat is in the hearer ' s consc iousne s s must have a lready b een enc ount ered by him, a given part i c ipant can always be repres ented b y a d e f i n i t e NP in l anguage s wh ere d e f i n i t e n e s s i s marked ( t hough the con verse does not n e c e s sar i l y hol d ) .
The o b s e rved c orrelat ion o f the
part i c ipant that i s in c r o s s -referen c e , with gi venne s s , means that the NPCR is very o f t e n tran s l at ab l e by a definit e NP i n Engl i s h . F ur t hermore , t h e s e l e c t ion of t he NPCR is not governed by the par t ic u l ar verb i t is a s s o c iat ed w i t h ( compare c ondit ion i i i . ) . however , a lmo st always in init ial p o s i t i o n ( cond i t i o n v i . ) .
It i s , And , as
has already b e en not ed ( 4 . 1 . 2 . : 1 1 8 ) , interc lausal synt ac t i c c o n s t ra int s are governed by a c t orhood , not by the NPC R , whi c h i s not r e l evant t o any o f t h e pro c e s s e s noted i n c o nd i t ion v i i . I n other r e s p ec t s t h e NPCR i s s ubj e c t - l ike .
The cros s-re ferenc ing
i s , of c o ur s e , a t yp e of verb agreement , so t hat by definit ion the NPCR always ful f i l s cond i t io n v.
in r e s p e c t t o subj ec t s .
And t he part i c ipant
repr e sented by the NPCR must be more c l o s e ly involved in the s it ua t i o n d e s c r ibed by the c lause than i s allowab l e f o r t o pi c s , t hough the fact t hat c ert ain p o s s e s s o r s can be i n c r o s s -re ferenc e ( 2 . 1 . 5 . ) do e s mean t hat the invo lvement may b e l e s s direct t han i s the case for , s ay , E ng l i sh subj e c t s . 4. 1.4.
T H EM E
I t can be s e e n t hat t h e NPCR fal l s part -way b etween sub j e c t s and t o p i c s in regard t o their r e s p e c t ive prop ert i es , as out l ined ab ove (4.1.2. , 4.1.3).
One c at egory that has been defined as s imilarly
having b o t h subj e c t - l ike and t op i c - l ike propert i e s i s t hat o f ' t heme ' . A l l erton ( 1 9 7 8 : 1 5 6 ) , fo l lowing Hal l iday , defines a theme as " p o i nt o f d eparture f o r the spe aker " , or t h e " p eg on whi c h the r e s t o f the s en t en c e is hung" .
He c areful l y d i st ingu i sh e s t heme from the mat t er und er
d i s c u s s ion in a s e c t i o n o f d i s c o ur s e , and regards t heme as b e ing c l o s ely paired w i t h t h e not ion of ' rheme ' i n t h e informat ional s t r u c t ure o f a s e n t e n c e ( 1 9 7 8 : 1 3 3 ) , equat ing the theme-rheme pair w i t h ' t o p i c - c omment ' . Wh i l e themes are t o p i c - l ike in t erms o f proper t i e s s u c h as givenn e s s and l eftmost p o s it ioning , t h e y a r e a l s o ( at l e a st a s exemp l i fied i n Engl i s h ) direct ly involved in t h e c lausal s it uat ion - this invo lvement be ing ind i c at ed by t h e u s e of c a s e pro p o s i t ions as i n : 5a . b.
' A n d WITH t h e p a i n t, John s L a t h e r e d t h e wa L L s . ' ' A n d TO Jo e , Bi L L gave t h e b o o k s . '
121
I n this r e s p e c t a n Engl i s h theme i s l i ke the NPCR . o n e important r e s p e c t however .
T h e t w o d i ffer i n
I n Engl i s h , a n N P who s e re ferent i s
b e ing s o ught in a que st ion i s regularly t r e a t ed a s a theme by b e ing placed in i n i t i a l po s i t i o n , b ut in Chepang the r eferent ially inde finit e NP need not b e in thi s po s i t i o n , nor need it be t h e NPCR ; 6.
?ow? wa? -? I doh -kay rek tha t bird-Ag w h a t - G l
-na
-w?
ca L L _NPt -Ag
' Wh a t is t h a t b i rd ca L L i ng for ? ' Here t h e que s t ion c onc erns t h e i dent i t y o f the Goal o f the a c t i o n , hence thi s c ould b e r egarded as t h e them e , b ut it is the Agent ( th e b ird ) that i s repr e s ented by t h e c l au se-init ial NP and by verbal c r o s s referenc e . 4. 1. 5.
PRAGM A T I C P E A K
In v i ew o f t h e d i ff i c u l t y of ident i fy ing t he NPCR with any o f the more trad i t i ona l notions o f s ubj e c t , top i c , o r t heme i t s e ems pre ferab l e t o fo l low Foley and Van Val i n a n d s eparat e r eferent ial o r pragmat i c s t r u c t ure from r o l e struc t ure , with t he grammat i c al cat egory o f subj e c t r e s u l t ing from t he c o inc idence o f certain r o l e and pragmat i c feat ur e s in t h e one NP i n s ome languages .
Thi s s eparat ion of ro l e and pragmat i c
structures i s i n a c c o rd w i t h the fact ment io ned earl ier ( 2 . 3 . 1 . ) , namely that there are two maj o r , e s s ent ially independent , dime n s i o ns o f var i at ion in p er s p e c t ive , whi c h aff e c t s t he role structure , and variation i n s e l e c t ion for cro s s-reference i n t h e verb , t he latter b eing l inked with pragmat i c fac t or s .
I n Foley and Van Val i n ' s approach one NP i s
marked a s a ' pragmat i c p eak '
( PrP ) , t hat i s , a n NP wh i c h i s s igni f i c ant
b e c au s e of pragma t i c fac t o r s , s u c h a s givenne s s o r definitene s s , and wh i c h is a c entre for c lause s t ru c t ur e ( Van Val in and F o l ey , 1 9 7 9 : 1 0 ) . For C hepang the NPCR c learly f i t s the definit ion of a pragmat i c p eak . The funct ion of the PrP var i e s from l anguage t o language .
A c c ording
t o F o l ey and Van Val in , for Engl ish and G e rman , part i c ip ial re lat i v i s at i o n , c ore ferent i a l delet ion and equi-NP-delet i on are a l l r e s t r i c t e d t o PrP s .
The PrP t h erefore may b e regarded as a syntact i c
' p ivot ' , a
bas i s for interc laus al l inkage , in these l anguage s . For Mandar i n , and other t o p i c -prominent language s , t h e PrP ( t o p i c ) i s evident l y not a synt a c t i c pivot ( Li and Thomp s o n , 1 9 7 6 ) , b ut i s rather a c entre for informat i o n s tr u c t ure , spe c i fy ing a s i t do e s t he referential domain o f pred i c at i o n .
In contrast the PrP in Taga l o g ,
t hough a l s o t ermed a t o p i c , i s apparent l y a c entre for referent ial c o h e s ive s t r u c t ure , indicat ing part i c ul arly de finitenes s .
S chachter
makes i t c l ear t hat the t op i c i n Tagal ong i s not keyed to i nformat ion s t ru c t ure a s i s t h e t o p i c in Mandarin ( S chacht e r , 1 9 76 : 2 9 8 ) .
122
T h e NPCR i n C hepang i s not , a s has b ee n po int ed out earl i e r , a s y n t a c t i c p ivot ( 4 . 1 . 2 . : 1 1 8 ) , nor i s it a c entre for informat ional s t ru c t ure ( 4 . 1 . 4 . : 120) .
I t i s not even a c e ntre for referent ial cohe s io n , s i n c e
i t i s n o t o b l igat or i l y definit e .
Rather t h e NPCR would s e em t o b e
funct ioning, a t l e a s t a t t h i s s t a g e i n the h i s t ory o f the language , a s a c entre for the verbal ro l e encoding .
Thi s would e xplain why , for
Int ent ive s i tuat ions , the pronominal affixes are usually ac c ompan ied by a s eparate affix to i nd ic a t e c as e , i n c ontrast t o mo s t o t her c r o s s referenc ing languages , whi c h e ither do n o t i n d i c a t e c a s e , or mark i t indire c t ly , by the p o s i t ion o f the pronominal affixes i n t h e v e r b ( as for instance with Kham , s e e 6 . 3 . 2 . 2 . ) .
By marking the ro l e o f the mo s t
pragmat i c al l y s igni f i c ant ( t hat i s , the mo s t g i v e n ) par t i c ipant via t h e c a s e aff i x , the r o l e s o f the o t h e r part i c ipant s in the s it ua t i o n c an usually b e det ermined .
Such a verbal enc o ding s y s t em i s by no means
a c omp l e t e and unamb i guous way of i nd i c at ing ro l e , but i t is s t i l l mo re expl i c it t han having n o overt ro l e marking a t a l l , a s in some o t h er T i b e t o-Burman languages ( such a s L i s u - Hop e , 1 9 7 6 : 6 ff ) .
And the
verbal s y s t em i s now supplement ed by the NP case s y s t em ( 2 . 2 . ) . 4. 1 . 6 .
S U M MA R Y
From t h e previous d i s c u s s ion i t c an b e seen that t h e NPCR do e s not a c c ord w e l l with either o f the mo re tradit ional categories o f sub j e c t and t o pi c , inst ead i t has s ome proper t i e s a s s o c iat ed w i t h each o f t he s e . Moreover t h e NPCR does not appear t o b e part o f informat ion struc t ure o f t h e t h eme-rheme type .
Rather t h e NPCR is b e s t regarded as a PrP
with a pivotal func t io n i n the role encoding s y s t em of the language . The way in wh i c h it might have c ome t o have this s omewhat unusual fun c t ion i s d i s c u s s e d in Chap t er 5 .
4.2. 4.2. 1.
R E D U C ED C L A U S E H I E R A R C H I E S A N D
I N T E R C L A U SA L R E L A T I O N S
R EV U C EV C L AUS ES
I n the introdu c t ory c hapt er ( 1 . 3 . 3 . 4 . : 2 8 ) it was ment ioned that reduced c lauses ( th o s e exhib i t ing l e s s t han the full pot ent ial o f marking for t e ns e , a s pe c t , pronominal referenc e , and so fort h ) could be p l a c ed in one o f t hree formally and func t ionally different hierarch i e s , the c omp l e x pr e d i c a t e h i erarchy , t h e nounine s s hierarchy or , p o s s ib l y , a s e t t ing hi erarc hy .
The formal d i s t inct ions b etween c lause s , b o t h ver
t ic a l l y wit hin a hi erarchy and h o r i zontally acro s s hi erarch i e s , are carried almo s t ent irely b y t he verb s - NPs are not affe c t ed by c l ause r educ t ion , although in general , t h e lower a c l au s e i s p l ac e d w i t h in
123
a hi erarchy the fewer t h e numb er o f exp l i c it NPs t hat are l i ke l y t o b e a s s o c iated with i t .
The d i s c u s s i o n o f r educ ed c l aus e s and int er- c l ausal
r e lat ions whi c h follows i s therefore in t erms o f the various verb forms wh i c h s ignal them. U NR EV U C EV O R PR I M A R Y C LA U S ES
4.2.2.
At t h e t o p o f each hi erarc hy i s the independent Primary c laus e .
Its
b a s i c s t ru c t ure has already b e en outl ined i n s e c t ion 1 . 5 . 2 . : 4 6 , b ut wi l l b e r epeat ed here for the s ake of c onvenienc e : Roo t
( InF )
( where Conj affix , Aux Int
=
= =
( Conj )
( De r )
{ Tense Pron
( Aux )
C o nj unc t io n , InF
=
Pron } Neg
( In t )
Informat ion F l o w , Der
Aux i l iary Root , Pron
=
=
Der ivat ional
Pronominal affixe s , Neg
=
Negat ive ,
Int erro gat i ve marker . )
There may b e more t han one Der ivat ional affix o r Auxil i ary Root and the Informat ion flow marker may a l s o o c cur after e ither of t h e s e two . Furt hermore one or b o t h o f t h e emphat i c affixe s ,
- I e ? and - ? a , may b e
interp o s ed a t any p o s i t ion b etween t h e root and t h e Tense affixes . Examp l e s o f Pr imary verb s t aken from t ext or c onver sat ion are : 7a .
ma k
-t a Q?-?a-khe?-?a-t ha-ca
devour-I IF -Em- Imm - P t - G l -Dl
' He w a s about to devour the two . ' b.
r e w? - t e ? - ? a - t a k - ? a - n a - Q - j a
e v i Z - C IF-Em- C s -Pt - 2 - lE-2Dl , You two c a u s ed me e v i Z. '
c.
c i ? - t a Q?-t a k-?a ka-c
know-I I F - C s -pt
-u
-Dl-Ag
' Th e two c a u s e d him t o know. ' d.
h l o k- t e ? - t a k - d h a Q - c a - w ?
s e nd- C IF-Cs -NFu - D I -Ag ' D o n ' t p ermi t it t o b e s e n t j u s t y e t ! '
e.
cyok
- t e? - d h a Q - t e?-?a k- l a
g e t up C IF-NFu - C IF-RPt-Neg -
' Yo u had no t y e t got up . ' Pr imary verb s are negat ed by t h e affix or penul t imat e affix .
- l a , whi c h o c curs as t h e last ,
Pr imary c laus e s may be fo und as independent
s ent enc e s i n di sc o ur s e , o r t hey may o c c ur in a s s o c iat ion w i t h o ne or mo re reduc ed c l ause s .
In the latt er c a s e the Pr imary verb follows t h e
a s s o c iat ed reduc ed c lause s .
124
4. 2 . 3.
C O M P L EX PR ED I C A T E H I ERAR C H Y
4 . 2 . 3. 1.
L e v e l s and F u n c t i o n
This i s t h e mo s t developed o f the hi erarch i e s i n C hepang , having t h e great e s t numb er o f c learly d e f ined level s .
T h e thr e e l eve l s b e low t h e
pr imary level a r e s igna l l ed by S e c ondary , Tert iary , and C ompo und verb s It i s the c omb i ning o f clauses from various leve l s o f
r e s p e c t ively .
the c omp l e x pred i cate hi erarchy which provide s interc lausal l inkage s o f t h e sort t hat are formed in Engl i s h by construct ions invo lving p ar t i c ip l e s and c onj unc t ions such a s ' an d ' ,
' b u t ' , and ' t h en ' .
However the
number of ind iv idual c lauses t hat c an b e l inked in this way i n Chepang may be great er t han would be exp e c t ed in a normal Eng l i s h equivalent . 4 . 2 . 3. 2.
S e c o n d a ry C l a u s e s
S e c ondary c laus e s are the least reduced constructions within the c omp l e x pred i c a t e h i erarc hy . ( D er )
Roo t where 2ry
=
( InF )
The struc t ure of S e c o ndary verb s i s : { Neg } Pron
( Aux )
S e c ondary verb marker - t o .
2ry
( C onj )
Emphat i c affixes may b e int erpo s e d
anywhere b etween t he R o o t and the Pronominal affixes , as with Primary Verb s . Thes e verb forms c arry no Tense affix , their t en s e b e i ng the s ame a s t ha t of the Primary verb t o whi c h t hey are l i nked . by t he affix
They are negated
- rna ? , whi c h appears t o rep lace the Pronominal a f f i x e s -
I have no examp l e s of S e co ndary verb s with b oth .
Some examp l e s o f
S e c ondary verb forms : Sa .
s a t - l e ? - k h e ? - t a - 8? - t o
k i Z Z -REm- Imm - G l - 1E- 2ry
'I was about to be k i Z Z e d . ' b.
to - l e?-na -8 -to t e Z Z-REm- 2 - lE-2ry
'I t o Z d y o u ! ' c.
n a 8 w a s - d h a 8 - rna ? - t o
8a ? a l - 8 a- l a
y o u aome NFu -Ng - 2ry I -
go - lE-Neg
' B e a a u s e you had not y e t a ome I di d no t go . ' A Sec ondary verb , l i ke any o ther c lause c onst i t uent exc ept a Pr imary verb , may have enc l i t i c Emphat i c or Informat ion Flow marker s attached t o it .
The s e markers , t herefore , may b e int ernal t o the verb , a s affixe s ,
or e x t er nal , a s enc l i t i c s .
A S e c o ndary c l au s e need not share any par
t ic ipant with t he fol lowing Primary c laus e . The func t i o n o f a S e co ndary verb i s t o s ignal a c l o s e s emant i c re l a t i o n b etween the c l au s e to wh i c h i t b elongs and the a s s o c iat ed Primary
125 It do e s not however s p e c i fy what t h i s relat ionship i s - it may
c l au s e .
b e adver sat ive ( e s p e c ially when t he Primary c lause is negat ive - ex . 9 c . ) , or ind i c a t e act i on- cons equenc e ( 9a . ) , o r s i mply a c l o s e t emporal relat ion ( 9b . ) .
In t h i s r e s p e c t i t s fun c t i o n i s t o c o nvey what i s e s s ent ially
a perfe c t , or r e l at i onal aspe c t .
I f t h e verb repr e s e n t s a state then
the Sec ondary c l aus e i s adverb ial in func t ion ( 9 d . ) .
Examp les o f the
r e l at ionship b etween S e c o ndary and Primary verb s are : 9a .
Qa ? e n ? - Q a - t o s y a ? - ? i y a m ma k - t a k-?a l a-Q? s l eep - l E-2 ry cow -Ag r i c e de v o ur- C s -Pt - I E
I
, I s l ep t (and s o ) b.
kasya?-? i t UQ
deer
l e t t h e cows e a t u p t h e ri ce . '
-? u-to
c an
g l yuQh
-?a
-Ag dri n k - Ag- 2ry crab come o ut-Pt
, ( a s ) the d e e r drank a crab come o u t . ' c.
?apa
-kay go? -?u-to
fa t h e r - G l
?apa
t ya Q
-Ia
ca l l -Ag- 2ry fa t h e r answ er-Neg
, He c a l l e d for his fa t h e r ( b u t ) h e di d no t answe r . ' d.
gopa l -? I k i m
pe
-to
j a Q h - n a -w?
Gop a l -Ag h o u s e g o o d- 2ry mak e-Npt-Ag ' Gopa l makes the house w e l L '
Imp l i c i t Relational Funct ions
O c c a si onally a S e c ondary c lause may b e found st anding a lone , without be ing c lo s e l y r e l a t e.d to a fo llowing Primary c l aus e .
I n such i n s t anc e s ,
as with Engl i s h Perfe c t c o n st ruct � ons when they are unrelated t o a fo l lowing c l au s e , the re lat i onship i s under s t o o d to b e with t he s i t u ation de fined by the context o f utt eranc e .
Again t h e nature o f the
r e lat i onship is not spe c i fied , but must b e und e r s t o o d from the c o ntext and t he part i c ular verb .
I f t he e x i s t ent ial verb
k he ? - ' b e , exi s t '
o c c ur s in a S e c ondary c lau s e s t anding a lone , t hen t h e imp l i c a t i o n i s t hat t h e s t a t e o f e x i s t en c e n o l o nger ho lds ( ex . l O c . ) .
This sugges t s
that t h e verb s c ommon l y a s s o c iated with s t a t e s are r e a l l y pro c e s s verb s , s i n c e s t a t e s are o f t en expr e s s e d by S e c o ndary claus e s unrelated t o a Pr imary c l au s e ( e x . l O b . ) .
In ot her words the u s e o f the S e co ndary form
of the verb is an indicat ion that the pro c e s s des c rib ed by the verb has c ea s e d , t ho ugh t h e e f f e c t ( th e r e s u l t ant s t at e ) remains . Examp l e s o f S e condary c lauses with t he i r imp l i c i t relat ional func t ion are : lOa .
yoh
- I e? t o
-na-Q -to
y e s t erday -REm t e l l - 2 - l E 2 ry -
'I warn e d y o u y e s t e rday !
( Now s e e wha t has happe n e d ! ) '
126
b.
?ow? nay
du -to -?a
t h a t e l o th red-2ry-Em ' Th a t e lo t h i s r e d . '
c.
?I
-haQ k i m
k h e? - t o
t h i s -Loc h o u s e b e
- 2ry
' Th e r e was a h o u s e here ( b u t t here i s no longer) . ' 4. 2. 3. 3.
T e r t i a ry C l a u s e s
Tert iary verb forms c l early exhibit l e s s o f the full verbal pot en t ial t han d o S e c ondary verb s .
L ike the Sec ondary v erb s they have no
a b s o l ut e t en s e marking , t heir t en s e b eing re lat ive to tha t of the followi ng Pr imary verb .
But unl i ke S e c ondary ver b s th ey may not have
any pronom ina l affixe s , and the Tert iar y c l ause in whi c h they o c c ur mu st share at l east one part i c ipant , t h e A c t o r ( A gent ive or Non Agent ive ) , or St atant , with t h e fol lowing Primary or S e c ondary c laus e . Tert iary c l aus e s are t herefore l e s s independent , and more t ight ly l inked t o the a s s o c iated h i gher l ev e l c l ause , t han i s the case for S e c ondary c l aus e s .
They s hare s e t t ing , for i n s t anc e , with t h i s h i gher c laus e ,
and t h e s i t uat i o n expr e s s e d by a Tert iary c lause c annot in i t s e l f b e t h e s ub j e c t o f interro gat ion , inst ead t he who l e c laus e i s quest i o ned ( ex . l l d . ) . The s t r u c t ur e o f Tert iary v erbs i s simp l e , b e ing usually l i t t l e mor e than a r o o t p l u s a T ert i ary a f f i x - t h e l at t er ind i c at ing the t emporal r e l a t i o n b etween the reduced c laus e and the fo l lowing Primary or S e c o nd ary c l au s e .
O c c a s i o nal l y t h e Tert iary verb may have a D er ivat ional
o r A u x i l iary affi x , but Emphat i c and I nfo rmation Flow markers are always ext ernal to the verb s , o c c urring only a s enc l it ic s .
Their s t ru c t ure
is : Root
( D er )
( Aux )
( C onj ) ( C onj )
wh ere 3Ng deno t e s a s p e c ial Tert iary affix Negat i ve ( wh i c h i s
- t a t hat o c cur s w it h the -rna ? , a s with S e c ondary verb s ) .
The var ious Tert iary affixe s , i nd i c at ing e s s e nt i al ly re lat ive t en s e f o r a c t ions , are a s fo l lows ( wi t h glo s s abb reviat ions i n c l uded ) : i.
-a k?
Perfect or Relat ive Past ( RPt ) - t h e T ert iary ac t io n was
c omp l e t e b efore the Primary ( or h i gher l ev e l ) a c t i o n t ook p l a c e ( ex . l l a .) . ii .
- d h ay S imul t an e i t y ( 3Sm ) - t h e Tert iary and Primary a c t ions
were s imul t aneous ( e x . ll b . ) . iii .
- d a ( 3Du ) Durat ive - the Tert iary act ion took p la c e over a
c ons id erab l e t ime ( ex . l l c . ) . s everal t ime s .
A Durat ive Tert i ary verb i s o ft en repeated
127
iv .
- t i Unmarked ( 3ry ) - t h e t emporal relation b etween t h e Tertiary
and Primary a c t ions i s unspe c if i ed ( e xx . l l e . , f . ) .
This a f f i x is a l s o
u s ed when the verb refers t o a s t a t e rather t han a n a c t ion ( e x . l ld . ) . Exampl e s o f t h e var i o u s relat ions b e tween Tert iary and Primary o r S e c o ndary c lau s e s are : lla .
kim
pho l -?ak ?ama
?a l -?a
house s h u t - Rpt mo t h e r go -Pt ' Having c Z o s ed the ho u s e the mo ther went off. '
b.
I an
- ? i w a D - d h a y ? o ? - n i s - ka y j e ? - s a b O D ? - n a ? - t h a - c a
demon-Ag come - 3 Sm
t h a t -Dl - G l
e a t- IN s e e k- N p t - G I -Dl
' Wh e n t he demon c om e s he s e e k s to eat the two ( p er s o n s ) . ' c.
I an
gu l h
dah
-?a
-da
gu l h
-da
gu l h
-da
l on e
kim
-t a D
demon fo Z Z ow- 3Du fo Z Z ow-3Du fo Z Zow- 3D u Z a t e r h o us e -A l arr i v e -Pt
' Th e demon fo Z Z owed and fo Z Z owed ( t he p e r s o n s ) and e v e n tua Z Zy arri v e d a t t he h o u s e . ' d.
n a D gya
-t i
cum -na -w?-ya
g ya
- ma ? - t a
cum
y o u w i Z Z i ng- 3ry ho Zd-NPt -Ag-A lt wi Z Z ing-RN g- 3Ng ho Z d
- n a - w ? - ya
-NPt -Ag-A l t
' D o y o u ho Z d i t wi Z Z i n g Z y o r no t ? ' e.
t enewa?
-? i do l ? p h u ? -t l
sat I -haD Daw-t i
yuk
- ka y
w o o dp ec k er-Ag g rub roas t - 3ry o i Z -Lo c fry - 3ry m o n k e y - G l
kya n? bay?-?a-t hay
curry g i ve - P t - G l
' Th e woo dp e c ker, roas t i ng grub s and fry i n g them i n o i Z , gave t h e cur ry t o t h e monkey . ' f.
? o w ? - m a y ? me
that-CPl
-t l
syah -t i
wa h - n a -y?
s i ng - 3ry dance- Jry m o v e -Npt-Pl
' Th e y go a b o u t dan c i ng and s i nging . ' g.
? a m h we
-t i
b a y ? - ? u - t£
k r u t c um -?a-t hay
fo o d d i vide - 3ry g i v e -Ag-2ry hand h o Z d-Pt-Gl
'As h e divided and gave the foo d h i s hand was s e i z e d . ' N o t e that in examp l e l l e . the Tert iary a c t ions ( ro a s t i ng and fry ing ) are ant e c edent t o t h e Pr imary a c t ion o f giv ing .
In examp l e I l f . ,
however , t he Tert iary a c t ions o f s inging and danc ing are s imultaneous with the Primary action of go ing about . Examp l e l l e .
shows t hat t h e p art i c ipant c ommon t o the Tert iary and
Pr imary c laus es ( in t h i s c a s e the woodpe cker ) need not b e the part i c i pant repr e s ented by t h e Pronominal a f f i x e s i n t h e verb ( here i t i s t h e monkey that i s c r o s s -referen c ed , t hough i t i s n o t a part i c ipant i n t he a c t ions o f roast ing and b o i l ing ) .
S imilarly the c ommon part i c ipant i n
t h e l i nked c laus e s o f e xamp le I lb .
( th e demon ) i s n o t the part i c ipant in
128 c r o s s-reference i n the Pr imary verb .
The s i gnifi cance o f th i s fac t ,
that the c ommon part i c ipant n eed not b e the one in cro s s-referenc e , has been d i s c u s sed ear l i er in this c hapter
(4.1. 2. ) .
Examp l e I l g . shows a Tert iary c l au s e linked t o a s e c ondary c l au s e , with t h i s c omp l e x unit in t urn re lat ed t o a Pr imary s i t uat ion . Tertiary Purposive C l ause
Another verb form whi c h i s s imilar t o Tert iary verbs is fo und in a part i c ular Purp o s ive cons truc t io n .
I t has t h e s ame s t ruc t ure a s o t her
Tert i ary verb s , with a s p e c ial t ert iary affix
12.
ten
88 1
- 1 8 8 as in :
s a t -� 1 a l - 1 a l a - 8 - I
t o day f i s h k i l l - Pur g o -Pt
- IE-PI
' To day w e went t o fi s h . ' Like o t he r Tert iary c laus e s , ( b ut unl ike the general Purpo s ive con s t ruc t io n marked with t h e Goal affix
- k a y - s e e s e c t ion 2 . 2 . 3 : 6 4 ) t hi s
Purp o s ive must share the A c t or with t he a s s o c iated Primary c l aus e .
It
c annot however b e s eparat ely nega t ed - i n t hi s respect , a n d i n i t s func t ion it i s more l i ke a c ompound c l ause from the next l e v e l down in the h i erarc hy .
Indeed it may o ri g inally have b e en part o f a c ompound
form but has s in c e been s eparat ed o f f . 4 . 2 . 3. 4.
Compound V e r b C l a u s e s
The l owe s t l ev e l o f the c ompl e x pred i cat e hi erarchy i s repre s ented by c lauses l inked s impl y by adding one verb root to another t o form a c ompound roo t . p o s s ib l e .
C laus e s l inked in t h i s way are as muc h reduc ed as i s
The ir verb s c arry n o affixes a t all , and therefore are not
independent ly negat ab le , nor marked for t en s e , aspe c t , and pronominal c r o s s-referenc e .
They mu s t share the A c t o r or St at ant with t h e Primary
c lause to wh i c h t hey are l inked .
1 3a . n I - c 1
r
a8
c
Examp l e s of Compound "erh forms are :
hyap-1a I -na - 81
-
c
a
we-Dl fi e l d c l ear-go -NPt- lE-Dl
' We two go t o c l ear a fi e l d ( o r : We two go fi e l d- c l earing ) . ' b.
n 1 - c 1 h m e 1 t a y k - 1 a I - n a - 8 1 -c a
w e - D l fi re l i g h t - go -NPt- lE-Dl , We two go t o l i g h t fi r e s ( or : We two go fi r e - l i g h t in g ) . '
c.
1ow1 wa1
1ap
- k l a 1 -na -81-c - u
t h a t b i r d s h o o t - drop-NPt- lE-D l -Ag , We two bring down the b i r d . '
The two verb s are always c omb ined as a phono logical unit , with str e s s on t h e first e l ement .
The Obj e c t part i c ipant o f t h e Tert iary c l au s e
may b e phono l o g i c ally and s emant i c a l l y incorporated i n t h e verb ( as i n
129
e xamp l e s 1 3a . , 1 3b . ) , i n whi c h c a s e t h e s t r e s s falls on t h e Obj e c t . A l t ernat ively t h i s par t i c ipant may b e s epara t e from the verb ( e x . 1 3 c . ) . The s emant i c r e l at i o n b etween c laus e s linked thr ough c ompound verb forms is u s ually t hat o f a c t ion-purp o s e ( ex . 1 3a . , 1 3b . ) , b ut o c c a s io nal l y ant e c edenc e - c o ns equenc e ( e x . 1 3c . ) .
No t i c e t hat t he o rder ing o f c laus e s
( or the verb s repre s ent ing them ) , relat ive t o t h e i r r e s p e c t ive t imes of o c c urrenc e , differs for the two types o f s emant i c relat ion .
For
t he purpo sive r e lation the order o f expr e s s i o n i s t he oppo s i t e o f t he exp e c t ed s equenc e of event s , with the verb o f the p urpo s i ve c lause pre c ed ing t hat o f the a c t ion .
However for the ant e c edent - consequence
relation the order o f the verb s c o inc ides with t h e order o f the event s . 4 . 2 . 3. 5.
T h e C o m p l e x P r e d i c a t e H i e ra r c h y : A S u m m a r y
T h e f o u r l ev e l s o f t h e c omp l e x pred i c at e h i erarchy , inc l ud ing the Primary leve l , provide a ranking o f c lause reduct ion with the pro gre s s ion from highe st to lowest repres ent ing : i. ii. iii .
A decreas i ng amount o f e xp l i c it informat i on c arried b y t h e verb . D e c r e a s ing independenc e o f the c l aus e . Increas ing t ight n e s s o f s emant i c and formal l inkage with an
a s s o c iated higher level c laus e , usually a Pr imary c lau s e . The d i fferen c e s b etween t h e four l eve l s can b e i l l ust rated b y the t ab l e g iven below ( Tab l e 4 ) .
Here a ( + ) s ignifies t hat a c l au s e , at
t h e l ev e l i nd i c at e d , i s indep endent o f a fo l lowing Pr imary c la u s e with respect t o the l i s t ed independent feature s , o r else t hat it p o s s e s s e s a part i c ul ar d i s t inct ive featur e .
TABLE
4
C ONTRAST BETWEEN LEVEL S OF THE COMPLEX PRED I CATE H I ERARCHY LEVEL : Independent Feature Aspect N egat ion Int erro gat i o n Pronominal Affixat i on Part i c ipant s e t S e t t ing Absolute Tense Semant i c R e l a t i ons D i s t inct ive Feature Negated by - I e Emphat i c o r Information Flow marker affixed
PRIMARY
SECONDARY
+ + + + + + + +
+ + + + + +
+ +
±
TERT IARY + +
COMPOUND +
1 30
It must b e emphas i s e d that the s it uat ions expre s s e d by Pr imary c laus e s are not n e c e s sarily semantica lly mo re s igni f ic ant t han tho s e r e ferred t o by Tert iary c la u s es .
In fact the verbs o f Pr imary c l aus e s are o ft en
fairly general in deno t at ion , re ferring t o act ions or s t a t e s s u c h a s
, coming ' .
' g o i ng ' .
' mo ving ' o r ' remaining ' .
Moreover a Pr imary c l au s e
i s j u s t a s t ight l y l inked semant i c al l y t o i t s a s s o c iat ed Tert iary o r S e c ondary c lau s e s a s t hey a r e t o i t .
Together they form a comp lex
c l aus e repres ent ing a c ompl ex s i t uat ion wh i c h i s i n some way a conc ept ual unit .
I t i s the degree o f formal c omp l et e ne s s , and of independence
from s ub s equent c lauses t hat det ermines t h e level in the h i erar c hy . 4.2.4.
N O U N I N ESS H I ERAR C H Y
4.2.4. 1.
Structure and F uncti on
The nounine s s hierarchy i s l e s s developed i n Chepang t han i s t he c omp l ex predicate hi erarchy , having o nly two l e v e l s b e s ides t h e Primary leve l .
These two l ev e l s are the Nominal i s ed C l ause l evel and the Com
pound Noun l e ve l . The func t ion o f c o n s t ruc t i ons in t h e Nouni n e s s hier ar c hy i s to rep r e s ent s i t uations that are t o b e t reated a s part i c ipant s in s ome wider s ituat i o n .
I n other words t h e s e cons t ru c t ions act a s nouns , o r NPs ,
hen c e t h e name o f the hi erarchy . 4.2.4.2.
Nomi n a l i sed C l a uses
The v erb s o f Nominal i s ed c l auses are relatively s imp l e i n form , in t hat they lack Pronominal and Tens e affix e s .
Ins t ead o f the t hree
c at egory s y s t em of Past , Non-Past , and Inde fi n i t e Future found in p o s i t ive Primary verb s , the po s i t ive verb o f a Nomina l i s e d c l au s e h a s a b inary s y s t em wh i c h may b es t be des c r ib e d as a ' realis - i rreal i s ' oppo s i t i o n - in t h e s en s e o f an opp o s it ion b etween s i tuations that have ac tually t aken plac e , and t h o s e wh i c h have not , at some po int o f t em poral referenc e .
The two affixes whi c h ind i c at e this oppo s i t ion are
- ? o ' Real i s ' , and
-sa
' I rreal i s ' .
The i r p r e s e n c e also s igna l s t hat the
verb b el o ngs t o a Nominal i sed c l au s e . Roo t where Nom
( De r ) =
( Aux )
( Ne g )
The s t ructure o f the verb i s :
Nom
Nomina l i s at ion marker ( t hat i s ,
-?o,
-sa
or - 1 0 , the last
b e ing a form u s e d in c onj unc t ion with t h e Negat ive affix ) . b ut Pr imary verb s t h e Negat i ve affix i s
-
rn
As w i t h all
a?
Rea l i s - I rreal is Versus Past-Non-Past
Evidenc e showing that the d i s t inct ion b etween
- ? o and
-sa
is r ea l i s
versus i rreal i s , rather t han past -non-past , proves t o b e meagre .
This
1 31
is b ecause c ontrary-t o-fact past construct ions ( in part i c ul ar , c on d i t ional e xpre s s ions such a s the Contary - t o - fa c t C o nd it ional
gone . . . '
and t h e corresponding res ult
' If he h a d
' H e w o u l d h a v e . . . ' ) , wh i ch might
b e expe c t e d to a s s i s t i n det ermining the b a s i s of the oppo s i t i o n , do not in fact use Nominal i sed c l au s e s ( 4 . 2 . 5 . 3 . ) .
The s t ronge s t evidenc e
for the real i s - i rrea l i s d i s t i nc t ion comes from t h e fact that the form
- ? o does not o c c ur wi t h t he N e gat ive affix , even if the past i s b ei ng In Ins t e ad a s eparat e Nominal i s at io n marker - 1 0 is u s ed . c ontrast , t h e affix -sa c a n o c c ur with t he Negat ive . T h i s i s t o b e expe c t ed i f -?o indi c a t e s r e a l i s and -sa irreal i s , s i n c e t h e Negat ive s igni f i e s that t h e s it uat i on was not real i s ed and t herefore -?o could
r e ferred t o .
not b e u s ed in conj unc t ion with i t .
But , from a s l ight ly different
po int of view , the Negat ive s igni fi e s the r e a l i sation of the non o c c urrenc e o f a s i t uat ion and this is probab l y why t he t hird nominal affix
- 1 0 i s used in mo st c a s e s , rather t han - sa .
The use o f
- 1 0 there
fore , with t h e Negat ive , ind i c at e s that i t was a fact t hat t h e s i t ua t i o n did not o c c ur ( ex . 1 4 d . b e l ow ) , whi l e t he u s e o f
-sa wi t h t h e Negative
i nd i c at e s t hat the s it uat ion i s unreal i s ed , b ut neverth e l e s s p o t e nt i a l l y r e a l i s a b l e ( ex . 1 4 c . ) . Examp l e s o f Nominal i s e d c l aus e s ( underl ined ) act ing a s nouns i n a mat rix c l ause are ( w i t h persp e c t ive c a s e s given underneat h ) : 14a.
n aQ t e n
dah
waQ -?o p e
-t l
-na?
y o u t oday arriv e - 3ry aome -RN g o o d-NPy S t at ant , Yo ur having aome t o day is g o o d . '
b.
dya h m ay d a h
-sa syaw
-na?
tonig h t a rriv e - IN b eaome - NPt St atant
' A r r i v i n g t o n i g h t wo u l d b e a l l r i gh t . ' c.
gopa l dya h m ay d a h
- ma ? - s a p e
-Ia
Cop a l t o n i g h t a rr i v e -RNg-IN g o o d-Neg St at ant ' Co p a l ' s n o n - a rr i v a l t o n i g h t w o u l d be b a d . '
d.
n an YO h
dah
-ma ? - I o s y a w
-Ia
y o u y es t erday arrive RNg-NN b e aome-Neg Statant -
' Your non- arri v a l y es t e rday was n o t ri g h t . ' e.
n a Q - ? i ma n t a - kay j e ? - ?o p h e
y o u -Ag p er s o n - G l Obj e c t
-?u
e a t -RN l ea v e-Ag
' Stop e a t i n g p eop l e ! ' f.
? apa
- ? I d hyua- s a - kay yam
fathe r -Ag s tan -IN-Gl Goal
ra -c
-u
r i a e aut-Dl-Ag
' L e t us two a u t riae fo r fa t h e r t o s e t up ( fo r a fe s ti va l ) . '
132
No t ic e t ha t , a s i n examp l e 1 4 a . , a Nomina l i s e d c lause may i t s e l f have a c omp lex pred i c at e , in t h i s c a s e a c omb inat ion of a Tert iary and a Nomina l i s e d c lau s e .
I n such a n instance the s eman t i c re lat ionship
b etween t h e two c laus e s i s t h e same as b etwe en a Tert iary c lause and a fol lowing Primary c lause ( s e e 4 . 2 . 3 . 3 . ) . Nominal ised C lauses as Referring Constructions
As noted above ( 4 . 2 . 4 . 1 . ) , s it uat ions expres sed by constructions in t he nounin e s s h i erar c hy are tho s e whi c h are regarded by t he sp eaker as equival ent to part i c ipants i n s ome wider s it uat ion .
As memb ers referring
to ab st rac t e nt i t i e s - s i t uat ions vi ewed as part i c ipant s - and are treated a s nouns .
Thi s means t hat they may t ake nominal affixe s , such
as t h o s e o f c a s e , though t here are o f cour s e s emant i c c on s t ra int s o n t he r o l e s wh i c h c a n b e a s c ribed t o s u c h ab stract ent it i e s .
F o r instance
a s i t ua t i o n c annot b e regarded as having int ent , and there fore it c an not be an Agent .
U sually Nomina l i s ed c lau s e s have the roles of Obj e c t ,
Stat ant , Goal , or Temporal L o c at ive . Re lat ive C lauses
Nomina l i s ed c l aus e s may a l s o be used to r e s t r i c t t he r e f erence o f t h e head noun i n a n N P , j us t a s t rue nouns may ( e x . 1 5a . ) .
I n such
ins t anc e s t h ey funct ion a s relat i ve c l aus e s or as adj e c t ives , there b e ing no formal d i fferenc e b etween t h e s e two categor i e s ( s e e exx . 1 5b . , 1 5 c . , 1 5d . , b e l ow ) : 15a.
Noun Mod i f i er :
1 0w 1 - p a y gh o d u ng w a ? - ? a
tha t-DIF vaZZey
b i r d- Em
' Tha t wa s a va t t ey b i rd ( o n e w h i o h i n hab i t e d t he va H ey s ) . ' b.
Relative Clause:
?ow? t e n
j i k - ? o ma n t a
t ha t today s i o k -RN p e rson ' Th e p er s o n who was siok t o day . '
c.
Adj ect ival Equivalent :
? o w ? j i k - ? o ma n t a
tha t s i o k -RN p erson ' Th e siok p er s o n . '
d.
?ow? s u k - s a kodo
tha t s o w - I N mi t t e t
' T h e s e e d mi t t e t ( o r : mi t t e t w h i o h i s for s o wi n g . ) , l
l Non-verbal adj ectives limited bas ically to plus a few less common forms .
?ay 'otd ',
raw
'new ', soh 'emp ty!bare ',
133
A s noted earl i er , ac c e s s i b i l i t y t o re lat i v i s a t i o n ext ends a s far a s Locat ives ( 1 . 5 . 1 . 3 . ) . S i n c e the head noun may b e omi t t ed , relat ive c laus e c o n s t ru c t ions merge with Nomina l i s e d c lauses a c t ing d ir e c t ly as nominal s .
Th i s i s
part i c ularly the c a s e whe n the Nomina l i s ed c lause defines a s l o cat ion : 16.
w i n ? mu
bat
- ? 0 - h a9 ? a l - ? I
remain-RN-Loc go -Pl
' Le t ' s go (to the p l a c e ) w h e re t h e re are b a t s •
• '
The re i s , in fac t , no general noun o f lo c a t i o n in Chepang whi c h c ould b e used a s t h e head noun i n such a c o n s t ruc t io n ( though a Nepali word
t h a w ' p l a c e ' i s s om e t imes u s e d for t h i s func t ion ) .
The Nomina l i s e d
c laus e i s t herefore p erhaps b e st regarded as act ing as a s t r i c t nomi nal , rather t han a re lat ive c laus e , in these instan c e s . Nomina lised Clauses as S tates
A c t ions expr e s sed a s Nominal i s ed c laus e s t end t o be viewed as s t a t e s , s i nc e their a c t i v i t y i s , as i t were , fro z e n with r e s p e c t to the wider s i tuation in whi c h they are part i c ipant s .
I t i s not surpr i s ing t herefore
that hab i t ual a c t ions , whi c h b y their c ont inuity or frequency are mo re l i ke s t at e s , are r epre s en t e d in Chepang by Nomina l i s e d c laus e s emb edded in an Equat ive c lause .
Compare , for inst anc e a Hab itual c o ns t ruct ion
( ex . 1 7 a . ) with t h e mo re normal Equat ive type c l ause ( ex . 1 7b . ) in which one nominal i s equat ed with ano t her : 1 7a .
g o p a 1 r)a - ko ? k i m
- h ar) w ar) - ? o k h e ? -t o
Gop a l I -Gen ho u s e -Lo c come-RN b e
- 2ry
' Gopa l u s e d to come to my h o u s e . ' b.
gopa 1 k i m
- ko ? ? apa
khe?-to
Gop a l h o us e-Gen fa t h e r b e
- 2ry
' Go p a l was t h e h ea d of t h e h o us e . ' Here the u s e o f the Se c ondary verb i nd i c at e s that t h e s it uat ion held i n the pas t , a s exp lained previo u s l y ( 4 . 2 . 3 . 2 : 1 2 5 ) .
A n Equat ive c l au s e
whi c h is unmarked f o r t en s e d o e s n o t require a verb b ut may s imp ly j uxtap o s e two N P s ( ex . 1 8a . ) .
S im i l arly an Hab i t ual c o n s t r u c t i o n whi c h
i s unmarked f o r t en s e a l s o o f t en cons i s t s o f j us t a n NP ( th e St at ant ) plus t h e Nomina l i s e d c l au s e ( ex . 1 8b . ) : 18a .
gopa l k i m
- ko ? ? apa
- I e?
Gopa l h o u s e -Gen fa t h er-REm ' Gopa l is t he h ead of t h e h o u s e . '
b.
g o p a l !)a - ko ? k i m
- t a9 w ar) - ? o - I e ?
Gopa l I - G e n h o us e -A l
c ome -RN-Em
' Gopa l c o m e s /c ame to my hous e ( hab i t ua l l y ) . '
1 34
c.
g o p a l Q a - ko? k i m
Gop a L I - o f
- t a Q w a Q -ma ? - I o - I e ?
ho u s e - A l
come-RNg-NN-REm
' Gopa L do e s n ' t come to my h o u s e . ' C o n s t ru c t ions o f the type shown in example s 1 8b . , 1 8 c . often provide the general s e t t i ng o f event s i n narrat ives .
They are a l s o c ommon in
que s t ions and answe rs . The u s e o f
- ? o for the Pres ent Hab i t ual provides further eviden c e
that it ind i c at e s t h e c at egory o f real i s , rather than s imp ly a past t en s e , t ho ugh i t i s t rue that , for a s i t uat ion t o be r e garded a s hab i t u a l a t t h e present t ime , it must have o c c urred t o some ext ent i n the past ( or i f negative , a s i n 1 8c . , i t mu st not have o c curred for some t ime prev i o u s ly ) . Characterisat ion C l auses
If the s i t uat ion repr e s ented by a Nomina l i s ed c l aus e i s viewed , not a s a hab itual s it uat ion , b ut a s a s i t uat ion c hara c t eri s t i c a l l y a s s o ci at ed with a part i c ul ar part i c ipant , then a cons t ruct i on i s u s ed wh i c h I have t e rmed a ' Chara c t er i s at ion ' c laus e .
I t s nearest equival ent i n
Engl i s h i s s e en p erhaps i n t he que s t ion and answer o f the form :
are y o u ( c om e ) from ? ' ,
'I am ( come ) from Ka t hmandu ' .
equival ent o f this i s g iven i n e xamp l e 1 9 c . b e low .
' Wh e r e
T h e Chepang The Pronominal forms
found after t he verb i n a C hara c t er i s at ion c l au s e are a l s o fo und in the s ame c l au se-f inal pos it ion i n c ertain Equat ive c laus e s ( ex . 1 9 d . ) .
For
t h i s reason these forms are best anal y s e d , not as verb affixe s , b ut an enc l i t i c t o t h e who l e construc t ion .
E xamp l e s o f Charac t er i s at ion c l aus e s ,
c o n t ra s t ed with a Hab i t ual c l au s e ( ex . 1 9a . ) , are : 19a .
n i Q -j i
I an
-kus w a h -?o- I e?
y o u-2Dl demon-Com mo v e RN-R em -
' Yo u two hab i t ua L L y go a b o u t w i t h demo ns . ' b.
n i 9-j i
I an
- k u s w a h - ? o - t e ? - ? a ��
y o u - 2Dl demon-Com move -RN C I F-Em 2D l -
-
' Yo u two are a s p o c i a t e s o f demons ( o r : You two are o n e s who go a b o u t w i t h demons ) . ' c.
Qn .
ga?
- s ay w a Q - ? o - t e ?
w h e r e -Ab
come-RN-CIF
' Wh e r e are you from ? ' d.
n i Q-j i
? o w ? - ko ? h aw
An .
�
I
ka t h ma n d u - s a y w a Q - ? o - �
Kat hmandu-Ab
come - RN-l
'I am from Ka t hmandu . '
- I e ? - t e ? - ? a -�
y o u- 2Dl tha t - G en YoBro . REm- C IF - Em - 2D L -
' Yo u two are h i s y o unger b ro th e rs . ' The s e c ond t rans l at ion in examp l e 1 8b . above ( ' You two are o n e s who go
a b o u t w i t h demon s . ' ) sugge s t s that Charac t er i s at ion c lauses might b e regarded a s a t ype o f c l eft construct ion , w i t h t he f i r s t NP!pronoun
135
( n i 8 j i ' y ou two ' ) represent ing a Stat an t i n a verb l e s s Equative c lause and the r emaind e r ( I a n - k u s ) represent ing a Stat ant in a verb l e s s Equative c lause and t h e remainder ( I a n - k u s wa h - ?o - t e ? - ? a - j a ) a Relat ive c l au s e i n c on s t ruc t ion w i t h t h e Pronominal affix e s a s i t s head . Nec e s s itative C lauses
Ano t h er c o n s t ru c t i o n in wh i c h Nomina l i s ed c l au s e s o c c ur is one whi c h expr e s s e s nec e s s i t y o r o b l igat ion .
T h e s e c on s t ruc t ion s a r e b a s i c a l l y
Equative c lau s e s in whi c h an unrea l i s e d Nomina l i s ed c lause i s u s ed , usually in c onj unc t ion w i t h the v erb form , or e l s e with the Emphat i c
' k h e ? - ' be , e x i s t ' in i t s S e c ondary
-?a .
Various degre e s o f o b l igat ion
however can be expre s se d , a s d i s c u s s e d in c hap t er 3 . 2 . 1 . 5 .
Examp l e s
o f t h e mo st c ommon Nec e s s itat ive c on st ru c t ions are : 2 0a .
g o p a l 8 a - ko ? k i m
- h a 8 wa 8 - s a - ? a
Gopa Z I - G en hous e - Lo c come - I N- P t ' Gopa Z s h o u Z d come to my house ( or mor e l i t er a l ly : Gopa Z i s to come to my ho u s e . ) '
2 0b .
g o p a l 8a - ko ? k i m
- h a s wa s - s a khe?-to
Gopa Z I -Gen h o u s e L o c come-IN b e -
- 2ry
' Go p a Z must come to my house ( or , more l i t erall y : Gopa Z has t o come t o my h o us e . ) ' It s hould b e n o t ed that , although t he t rans lat i o n s in parent h e s e s i n the a b o v e examp l e ( ex . 2 0 . ) c orre spond c lo s e l y in form t o t h e C hepang , s emant i c a l l y t h ey are more narrow in their app l i c at ion , b e ing r e s t r i c t ed usua l l y t o repeated c ommand s in Eng l i s h .
The Chepang equiva l e n t s , how
ever , are unspe c i fied as to t h e sour c e of the o b l i gat ion . Verb Complements
As i n Eng l i sh , c ertain verb s in Chepang regularly t ake Nomina l i s e d c laus e s a s t h e i r c omp lement s , t hough the numb er t h a t d o so i s muc h l e s s than for Engl i s h .
The s e are v er b s whi c h refer t o s i tuations t ha t c om
monly have anot her s ituation as a par t i c ipant .
The C hepang c omp l ement
t aking verb s are generally t ho s e wh i c h re fer to desires and f e e l ing s . C la u s e s t ha t refer t o s p e e c h or thought always e xp r e s s t h i s direc t l y , rat her t han indirec t l y .
Howeve r , a s ment ioned ear l i er ( 1 . 5 . 1 . 3 : 4 4 ) ,
t he d irec t s p e e c h may b e c onde n s ed t o such an e x t ent t ha t i t appear s t o be ind i r e c t in form , and it i s p o s s ib l e t hat even t he c omplemen t s o f ver b s o f f e e l ing and d e s ire s hould b e analy s ed a s c ondensed verbal i sat ions o f t h e s e emo t ions ( se e for inst anc e the a l t ernat i ve t rans lat ions i n ex amp l e s 2 1 a . , 2 1b . , 2 1c . ) .
I f t h i s i s so , t hen t he c onden
s a t i o n probably repr e s e n t s a s t e� t owards eventual i nd irec t c omplemen tat ion , b ecause it c an even now b e re-analy sed as t hi s .
The c o ndensat ion
136
i s c ert ainly o b l igat ory , s i n c e t h e nomina l i s ed c l au s e c annot be expanded t o take a c l early direct Stat ant pronoun ( e x . 2 1c ) . Whe t her o r n o t t h i s direct verba l i sat ion ana l y s i s i s a c c epted , t he Nom ina l i sed c lau s e s repre sent the stat e s t hat are t h e obj e c t of t he f e e l ing or d e s ire . 21a.
Examp l e s o f t h i s u s e of Nominal i s ed c l auses are :
ka t hma n d u - h a9 ya k - s a g o p a l c h y u p - n a ?
Ka thmandu-Loc �iv e - IN Gopa � p � e a s e -NPt ' Gopa � wa n t s t o � i v e in Ka t hmandu ( or :
" (For m e ) t o � i v e
in Ka t hmandu . " ( t h i s t h o ug h t ) p � e a s e s Gopa L ) ' b.
ka t h ma n d u - h a9 ya k - ? o g o p a l c h y u p - n a ?
Ka thmandu-Loc �ive - RN Gopa � p � e a s e - NPt ' Gopa � � i k es � i ving in Ka t hmandu ( or :
" (I) � i v e i n
Ka t hmandu . " ( t h i s t h o ug h t ) p � ea s e s Gopa t . ) ' c.
x Qa ka t h ma n d u - h a Q ya k - ? o g o p a l c h y u p - n a ? I
Ka t hmandu-Loc � i ve -RN Gopa � p Z e a s e -NPt
, " I � i v e in Ka thmandu . " ( t his tho ug h t ) p � e a s e s Gop a L ' d.
? o w ? - k a? payh tha t-ML
- sa gya
-9a - 1 a - t a
s i t a hmar -?a
r e turn- IN agr e e - IE-Neg- E q Si ta t hi n k - P t
"'I am n o t wi � � ing to re turn w i t h him . " t h o ug h t S i ta . ' D i r e c t verb a l i sat ion of t h e who le emot ive s t at e , a s in examp l e 2 1 d . , is in fact the mo s t c ommon way of e xpre s s ing f e e l ings in Chepang .
Thi s
i s in l ine with the general t end enc y in t h e language t o verba l i s e mental and sensory experienc e s - refl e c t ing p erhap s the fact t hat usual l y we are not able t o say muc h about ano t her person ' s fee lings unl e s s he him s e l f first verbal i s e s them . A b i l i t a t i ve c on s t ru c t ions are a l s o formed from Irrea l i s Nomina l i sed c lau s e s ,
in c onj unc t ion with the verb
k h a y - ' o v ercome, comp � e t e ' in an
Int ent ive c l aus e , a s for examp l e : 22 .
n i - c i - ? i ? o w ? s i 9? l a n h - s a k h a y
-na -Q?-c - u
w e - D I - Ag t h a t t r e e c �imb - IN comp � e t e - NP t - 1E-D l-Ag , We two can c � imb tha t tre e . '
4 . 2 . 4 . 3.
Nom i na l
Comp o u n d s
Nominal C ompound s are t h e nominal equivalen t s o f t h e �ompound verb form s found in t h e c omp lex pred i c a t e h i erarc hy .
They are formed by
s imp l y j ux t apo s ing the verb root o f t he reduced c lause w i t h a noun root . Thi s noun root i s s omet ime s a free form , with the potential of o c c urring indep endent ly , but i s often a bo und form , e x i s t ing only in t he s e c om pound s .
The s e bound forms inc l ud e :
137
t he no i s e o r s e nsation o f a n a c t ion a s in
-ray?
hlak
-ray?
' A n acc oun t (of e v en t s ) ,
g ya f) h
-ray?
'A s tart Z i ng no i s e '
r e c o u n t - Nom s ta r t Z e -Nom
, Words '
no? - r a y ? spea k- Nom - j h ya f)
-
t h e work or e ffort o f an ac t io n , a s in
, Wor k '
j a f) h - j h ya f) make - Nom -ryaw
t he ev i l re sult o f an ac t io n , a s i n ,
'A c ur s e '
pran?-ryaw curse - Nom - r a me
t he c a u s e o f an ac t ion
'A j o k e '
f) l ? - r a me l.augh - Nom
The s e c on s truc t ions appear t o b e freely produ c t ive and part i c ipan t s o f the c ompounded c lau s e m a y be expr e s sed by N P s w i t h part i c ipant t hat would b e an Actor i n a Primary clause i s marked with a P o s s e s s ive a f f i x , so t ha t t he r e su l t ing c o n s t ruc t ion i s l i ke t he p o s s e s sed g erund u s ed as a nominal in Engl i sh ( ex . 2 3b . ) .
The o c c urrenc e o f t h i s in C hepang
may b e the r e sult o f Nepa l i influenc e , t ho ugh Nepa l i t e nd s to use an abstrac t noun inst ead o f the c ompound .
Note t hat t h e c ompound ed c lause
i n C hepang may b e a c omp lex one ( ex . 2 3 c . ) .
Examp l e s o f t he u s e o f Nom
inal C ompound c lauses are : 23a.
f)a - ? i k i m
ja f)h -j hyaf)- ko? p a y s a b a y ? - c i
I - Ag h o u s e m a k e - Nom
-Gen mo ney g i v e - 2 S l
' Gi ve me t he m o n e y for mak ing t h e h o us e . ' b.
mayh l l - ko? me
-j hyaf)- k a y ? a m h b a y ? - ? a - t h a y
May h l. i - Gen s i ng -Nom
-Gl
fo o d g i v e - pt-Gl
'For May h l. i ' s s inging p e rformance t hey gave her food . ' c.
w a�n�? _ a�m�-�h�a�� -j�h� y� a f)- ko ? h a n b a y ? - s a ?�c�o�?�� o m� ?�o�w�?�m�� IL f) � t l g�a�m�_ -� � � � y�� p a t h- L o c bring 3ry �k e ep t ha t girt -Nom -Gen b e e r g i v e - IN __
__
-
' FoZ' t h e effo r t o f bringing the g i r l. t o the tra c k b e e r s h o u l. d b e g i v e n . ' A s w i t h the c ompound form s o f the c omplex pred i c a t e hierar c hy , v er b s o f Nominal c ompound s c arry no affix e s and c annot b e s epara t e l y negated . 4. 2.4.4.
T h e N o u n i n e s s H i e r a r c hy :
A S ummary
The d i fferenc e s b etween l ev e l s in t he nounine s s h i erarc hy may b e summar i s ed a s in Tab l e 5
1 38
TABLE
5
CONTRAST BETWEEN LEVELS OF THE NOUN INESS H I ERARCHY
PRIMARY
LEVE L :
NOMINALISED CLAUSE
Feature + Normal C a s e A f f i x e s + Negat able + A b so lute Tense + Pronominal A f f i x e s Emphat i c and IF + mark er s non- e nc l i t i c
4 . 2. 5.
NOMINAL COMPOUND ±
+ +
?
SETTING HI ERARCHY
4.2.5. 1.
J u s t i f i ca ti on
T h i s i s the l e a s t developed of all the reduced c lause hierar c hi e s , w i t h t wo part ially s eparate l eve l s b elow t h e Pr imary claus e , t ho s e o f Rep e t i t ive S e t t ing and Cond i t ional c l ause s .
However t here i s some
evidenc e to j us t ify t h i s hierar c hy , at least for C hepang .
In part i c ul ar
it i s a c hara c t e r i s t i c of Chepang d i s c o ur s e that the Pr imary c lause o f a prec ed ing sent en c e may b e repeated in a reduced form , a s part o f the s e t t ing for the next s e n t enc e .
And , s igni f i c ant ly , the verb form o f
t h e repeated r e d u c e d c l ause i s different from t hat whi c h would o c cur i f t he c lau s e wa s b e ing treated a s a regular spat ial or t emporal Loca t ive ( wh i c h has a Nomina l is ed c lause p lus a Locat ive affix - s e e examp l e 1 6 . above ) .
Moreover the reduced c laus e s o f t he Rep e t i t ive S e t t ing
t yp e always o c c ur s entenc e- i n i t ially , whi c h is not the c a s e for Nom inal i s ed c lause Locat ive s . 4.2.5.2.
Repe t i t i ve Setti ng C l a uses
The t wo main verb endings used for Rep e t it ive S e t t ing c laus e s are :
- ? a k ( b a t ) t l ( ko ? )
-
Sequent i al S e t t ing ( SqS ) , whi c h i nd ic a t e s t ha t
the s it uat ion r e ferred t o ( po s s ib l y imp l i c i t ly ) in t h e previous s e nt en c e t ook p la c e be fore t h e s i t uat ion o f t h e pre s e nt sentence ( e x . 2 4a . ) .
-t okha8
-
S imul t aneous S e t t ing ( SmS ) , whi c h ind i c at e s that
the s ituat i o n o f t he previous s e n t en c e i s s imult aneous with t he s i t u a t ion of t h e pre s ent sentence ( e x . 2 4 b . ) . The negat ive o f the S imul t aneous S e t t ing c lause i s t h e Sequent ial Set t in g is evident ly not negatab l e . Examp l e s o f Rep e t it ive S e t t ing construc t ions are :
-ma ? k h a ( ex . 2 4 c . )
1 39
24a .
b.
l one
n y a m t ho � - ? a r i s e - Pt
nya m t hoQ- ? a kt i ko? ram ? a l - ? a
later sun
s un
' La t e r t h e s un ro s e .
The s un having ri s e n Ram went o ff . '
l on e
r i s e Pt
s un
-
' La t e r t h e s un r o s e . c.
n y a m t ho � - d ha � - I a
sun
Ram g o -Pt
nya m t hoQ- t o k h aQ r a m ? a l - ? a
n yam t ho�-?a
l a t er s un
r i s e - Sq S
r i s e -SmS
Ram g o -Pt
Whi l e t h e s un w a s up Ram went o ff . '
nya m t h oQ- d h a�-ma ? k h a r a m ? a l - ? a
r i a e NFu -Neg
s un
-
r i s e -NFu -NSmS
' Th e s un had no t y e t r i s e n .
Ram g o - Pt
Whi l e t h e s u n w a s s t i l l
no t u p Ram wen t off. ' Not i c e that the Repe t it ive S e t t ing forms are c omp o s i t e s o f s everal morpheme s .
The S equent ial S e t t i ng form , for i n s t an c e , c on s i s t s o f the
R e l at ive Past affix affix
- ? a k , t ogether with ( op t ionally ) the P o s s e s s ive - b a t , plus the Tert iary affix - t l and the Genit ive - ko ? It
appears to have o r i ginat ed a s a Tert iary form , but now the c o n struct ion c learly a c t s as unit . o c c ur anywhere e l s e .
The p ar t i c ular c omb ination o f affixes c ould not Similarly the S imul t aneous S e t t ing forms appear
t o have orig inated as Nominal Compound c on s t ru c t ions wh i c h now have a spec i a l i sed func t io n . The verb forms o f t he Rep e t i t ive S e t t i ng level d o n o t have Pronominal affixe s , nor A b s o lute Tense marking .
Emphat i c and I nformat ion Flow
forms are enc l i t i c . Ano ther unc ommon reduced c lause of t he s e t t ing h ierarc hy invo lves a redup l i c at i on o f t he verb root plus t h e affix 25.
ma n t a - I am - ? i yo
- yo
- b a l e , as in :
-ba l e kasya? j ya -?a
p er a o n - P l -Ag l o o k - l o o k - P Sm s deer
f l e e -Pt
'Aa t he p eop l e were wa t c hing the deer fled. ' It i s not c e r t a i n a s t o how t hi s differs from the S imul t aneous S e t t ing form d e s c ribed above , though the rep e t i t ion o f the root appears to c onvey a durat ive a spe c t , ind ic at ing t hat the s it uat i on o c c urred over s ome t ime . I n s t ead o f us ing a reduced c laus e as a s e t t ing , o t her non- c lausal l inking forms may be u s ed .
The mo s t c ommon of t h e s e i s
? o h a � s a y ( ko? )
' S equen t ia l C onj unc t ion ' - equivalent t o ' A ft e r tha t . . . ' . c omponent s
I t has t he
? o ' t h a t ' , h a � ' Lo cat ive ' , s a y ' Ab l at ive ' p lus , o p t i o na ll y ,
ko? ' G enit ive ' , b ut t h i s c omb ina t ion a l s o fun c t ions a s a unit morpheme . A form e qu ivalent t o t h e S imult aneous S e t t ing redu c e d c lau s e would b e
? ot o kh a � ' S imul t aneous Conj unct ion ' . 4.2.5.3.
Cond i ti onal
Red uced C l a u se s
The prot a s i s o f Cond i t i onal c o n s t ruc t ions i s usually a reduc ed c l au s e o f a type s imilar t o t hat o f the Rep e t i t ive S e t t ing .
I t i s p o s s ib l e ,
140 therefore , t o regard Condit ional construct ions a s redu c e d c lau s e s o f t h e S e t t ing hierarchy , w i t h a degr e e o f reduc t i on c l o s e t o t ha t found in Repet it ive S e t t ing c l au s e s , but with a di fferent s emant i c r e l at ion to the foll owing Pr imary c l au s e - that o f a c ondit ion for the o c c urrence o f t h e Pr imary s i t ua t ion .
Often , t hough not alway s , t he c ond i t i on is
a hypot he t ic a l one . There are t hree c ondit i onal affixes ,
- y a , -d i k , and - m a y , each o f whi c h ( w i t h t h e po s s ib l e e x c ep t i o n o f - m a y ) may o c c ur i n c omb inat ion w i t h t h e Negat ive affix - m a ? The first o f t he s e t hree , - y a , is the marker for A lt ernat ive c o n s t ru c t ions o ft en used in Int errogat ives ( 3 . 2 . 2 . ) and i s ev ident ly relat ed t o the Indo-Aryan d i s j unc t ive form
-ya ' or ' .
It i s o f t en fol lowed by t h e affix
- k a y , t h e latt er having
an ext ended func t ion as d e s c r ibed in 2 . 2 . 3 : 6 5 ) .
The other two forms ,
- d l k and - m a y , are p o s s i bly the original C hepang affixes and are used wi t ho ut - k a y . The first o f these two , - d i k , indi c at e s a c ontrary-to fac t c ondit i o n , where the pre-requi s i t e c ond i t ion , t hough o n c e p o s s i b l e , d i d n o t in fac t t ake plac e .
The s e c ond for�,
- m a y , i s s im ilar
to a Subj unc t ive and ind i c a t e s a future unreal i s ed s i t uat ion . We s tern dial e c t o f Chepang
In the
-may i s t he regular Irreal i s Nomina l marker
(6. 2.3. ) . E xamp l e s o f various Hypo t he t i c al C ondit ional c o n s t ruct ions are : 26. a.
i.
ma t
Past , Cont rary - t o -Fact Condit ion
n a ? -ya - k a y I i ?
l ea f b e -Alt-Gl
- c a ? -t h ay k h e ? - t o
heavy - IFu-Gl
be
- 2ry
' If it had had l ea v e s i t w o u l d have w e i g h e d him down . ' b.
mat
n a ? -m a ? - y a ? a l ? - c a - w ? k h e ? - t o
l ea f be -RNg-A l t ta k e - IFu-Ag b e
- 2ry
' If it had not had l e a v e s he w o u l d have taken i t . ' c.
mes
- k h a je?-d i k syaw
- r)o - t o
b efor e -ILc ea t-Hyp b ecome- 1E- 2 ry ' If I had e a t e n i t b efo re I w o u l d have b e e n a l l r i g h t . '
d.
n a Q waQ - ma ? - d i k r) a - ? i g h a n - c e ? - n a r) k h e ? - t o
y o u come -RNg-Hyp I -Ag b e a t - IFu- 2
be
- 2ry
' If you had n o t come I wo u l d have b e a t e n y o u . ' ii . e.
ti?
NonPast , Po s s ib l e Cond i t i on
wa
-ya - kay t U r)
r ain fa l l - A l t - G l
-sa do? - n a ?
dri n k - IN ge t - NPt
' If i t rains he wi l l ge t t o dri n k . ' f.
ti?
wa
- ma ? -ya
t U r)
-sa do? - I a
rain fa l l - RNg-Alt dri n k - IN ge t - Neg ' If it do e s not ra i n h e wi l l not ge t t o dri n k . '
141
g.
? o w ? t ho k
- m ay wa y
ta
-ca?
tha t t hing throw- Sub damage - IFu ' If that t hing i s t hrown it may be dama g e d . '
Non-Hypot he t ic a l cond i t io n s are expr e s s e d by Rep e t i t ive S e t t ing forms : 27 .
( �opa l sya Q h
w a Q - n a ? ) w aQ - ? a kt i k o ? Q a ? a l - n a - Q ?
Gopa l tomorrow com e - NPt
c om e - SqS
' ( Gopa l wi l l come tomorro w . )
I
g o -NPt - lE
A ft e r he c o m e s I w i l l go .
If t h e first s ent enc e i s unde r s t o o d then it may b e omi t t ed . The reduc ed Hypothe t ic a l Condit ional c lauses do n o t have Pronominal affixes in the verb , nor do they have any Abso lute Tense marking - t h e t en s e o f t he prot a s i s i s d e termined b y t he apod i s i s .
Info rmat ion Flow
markers are enc l i t i c and , b ec ause o f the inde f i n i t e nature o f t h e s e c l au s e s , t he y d o not have verbal or c l ausal Empha t i c form s .
Unlike the
R ep e t i t ive S e t t ing c lau s e s the Hypot h e t i c a l Condit ional c lau s e s have negat ive equivalent s and t herefore may be regarded as forming a l eve l , o r sub- level i n t he S e t t ing Hierarc hy t hat i s sl ight l y above t hat o f Rep e t i t ive S e t t ing forms . 4.2.5.4.
R e s u l ta t i ve
There i s al so a r e l at ively rare reduced c lause whi c h marks a reason r e s u l t relat ion b etween it and t he following c l au s e .
The verb form in
t h i s t yp e of c lause c ons i s t s of the verb root plus the affix
-dha rna ,
a s in 28a .
Qa-? I ?et a j e ? -d ha rna j a n
I -Ag t h u s ea t-Re s l
-na?-ta-Q?
s c o l d N P t - G l - lE -
' Be c a u s e r a t e i n t h i s way h e w i l l s c o l d m e . ' b.
? a ma
s a y ? - d ha r n a - h a Q c i ? - ? a k a - n
mo t h e r hear -Re s l
-Loc know-Pt
-Ag
' Be c a us e he h eard his mo t h e r he knew it wa s her . ' The f a c t that t h i s c laus e may be suffixed by a Lo cat ive , as i n examp l e 28 b . above , makes it appear formally l ike a Nomina l i s e d c l au s e . However in t erms o f t h e r e l a t ionship it bears t o the f o l lowing c l aus e it i s more l ike a C ondit ional S e t t ing form .
I f t h e s e c ond c l au s e i s
nega t ed t h e n t h e c on s t ruc t ion ind i c at e s unex p e c t e d r e s ul t , a s i n : 29.
ti?
t U Q ? - ma ? - d h a r n a Q a s l - Q a- I a
wa t e r dri n k-Neg-R e s l
I
d i e - IE-Neg
' Though I did n o t dri n k I am not dy i ng . '
142
4. 2 . 5. 5.
S um m a ry o f C o n t r a s t s w i t h i n t h e S e t t i n g H i e r a r c h y
The c o nt ras t s within t h i s hi erarchy may be shown by the f o l lowing tabl e :
TABLE
6
CONTRASTS W I TH I N THE SETT ING H I ERARCHY
LEVEL :
PRIMARY
CONDITIONAL REPETITIVE SETTING
Feature Negat ab l e Pronominal Affixes A b s o l u t e Tense Non-enc l i t ic IF markers
4.2.6.
+
+
t + +
I NT E R C L A US A L L I N K I N G O F UNR E V UC E V C LA US ES
I t i s p o s s ib l e , in c ertain c a s e s , to l ink unreduc ed ( Pr imar y ) c l au s e s t o g e t h er w i t h t he s ame d e gr e e o f s emant i c t ight ne s s a s i s found w i t h reduced c l ause s .
This i s achi eved thro ugh the use o f various non-b ound
c onj o in ing part ic l e s .
In part i c ul ar t h e s e part i c l e s c an expr e s s the
s ame r e l a t ions that would b e conveyed by t h e u s e o f S e c ondary and Con d i t i onal c lause s . 3 0a .
E xamp l e s o f t h e s e c o n s t ru c t ions are :
� a ? e n ? - ? a l a - � ? - t a jhya n t e s ya ? - ? I y a m
I
s Z ee p - Pt
ma k
-t a k -?a l a-�?
cow -Ag r i c e de v o ur - C s
- lE-Eq s o
-Pt
- lE
, I s Z ep t and so Z e t the cows e a t up t h e ri c e . ' b.
k a s ya ? - ? I t i ?
de e r
t u�
-?o be l a - hag can
g l yu�h
-?a
-Ag wa t e r dri n k -RN time-Loc crab come o u t-Pt
'As t he deer drank � he c ra b came o u t . ' c.
? a pa
- k a y go? -?a ka-n
fa t h er-Gl
ca Z Z - Pt
?apa
b u r u t ya �
-Ag fa t h e r b u t
-Ia
a n swe r-Neg
, He ca Z Z ed fo r his fa t he r b u t h e d i d not r ep Z y . ' d.
ti?
wa
- n a ? - t a k h e ? -ya t u �
r a i n fa Z Z -NPt-Eq b e
-sa do? -na?
-Al tdrin k-IN ge t-NPt
' If it rai n s h e wi Z Z ge t to dri n k . ' The f i r s t t hr e e examp l e s ( 3 0a . , 3 0b . , 3 0c . ) may b e c ompared with t he i r equival ent s formed u s i ng S e c ondary forms ( ex x . 9a . , 9b . , 9 c . ) wh i l e the l a s t s ent enc e is t h e equiva l ent o f example 2 6 e .
b u r u ' b u t ' and b e l a ' t ime ' are loans from Nepa l i . The c ondit i onal form k h e ? y a , while it i s formed from a Chepang root and affix , never t h e l e s s func t i ons as a unit equivalent to the Nepa l i b h a n e The morphemes
143
' if ' .
I t i s p o s s ib l e , t h er e for e , t hat a l l t h e s e Chepang cons truc t i ons
u s ing unreduced c laus e s are based on Nep a l i equival ent s , and t ha t � he reduc ed c lause c o n s t ruc t ions were the original Chepang method o f e xpre s s ing interclau s a l l inkage . Co-ordinate Con j unction
Independ ent c lause s may a l s o be c onj o ined us ing the c o-ordina t e c onj unc t ion
The b a s i c func t ion o f t h i s form i s t o l ink symmetri
- ma o
cally ( or c o - ord ina t e l y ) two o r more referring expre s s ions .
However
t h i s l inking of two expr e s s ions is o f t e n a c hieved i n prac t i c e , not by s imply c onj o in ing the t wo expr e s s ions in the one c lause ( a s i s the c as e i n example 3 1a . , and a s i s u sual in Engl i sh ) , b u t by r e p eat ing t he who l e c l au s e for eac h expr e s s ion with t h e l a t t er marked by
-ma ( ex x .
3 1 b . , 31 c . ) . 31a .
n a � - ka y -ma � a - ka y - ma b o ?
-? u
y o u - G l - C o I -Gl - C o div ide-Ag , D i vide i t up for y o u and me. '
b.
n a � - ka y -ma m u
- n a ? � a - ka y - m a m u
y o u- G l - C o remain-NPt I
-
-na?
G l - C o rema i n-NPt
' There i8 80me fo r you and t h er e i 8 80me for me. ' c.
yo -ma - n a - � ? t u �
- ma - n a - �?
s e e -Co-NPt- 1 E drink-C o-NP t - 1E ' I w i H s e e and I w i H dr i n k . '
d.
?ow? -? i j e? g a t u �ga b a y ? - n a -w?
t ha t-Ag foo d
dri n k g i ve-Npt-Ag
, He g i v e 8 foo d and dr i n k . ' The p r e s e n c e of expr e s s ions .
-ma s er v e s real l y t o empha s i s e the c onj O in ing o f two
I t s u s e i s not o b l igatory , even for the l inking o f c o
ord ina t e NPs a s in examp le 3 1 a . - the t w o NPs m a y s imply b e u s ed t oget her w i t hout any overt c onj unc t ion ( ex .
31d . ) .
And , as examp l e 3 2 .
show s , c lau s e s t ha t are a lready l inked by t h e u s e of reduced c laus e s may a l so b e marked w i t h 32.
nak
-ma :
- n i s - ? I t h e p - t l -ma ? u n t a n - t i - m a h l o k - n a ? -c - u
8 erpen t-Dl -Ag f l i a k- 3ry-Co l i ft
- 3ry-Co s e nd-NPt-Dl -Ag
' Th e two 8 e rp e n t 8 f l i a king and l i ft i ng 8 e n t it ( f l y i ng ) . ' Switch Reference
Chepang a l s o has a free c lau s e c onj o ining part i c l e
t l , t h e func t ion
o f wh i c h is apparent ly t o indicate a c hange of A c tor par t i c ipant , for the s i t uat ions repr e s ented b y t h e c onj O ined c laus e s . a swi t c h referenc e func t ion . S e c ondary c l ause s .
That i s , i t has
It c an be u s ed w i t h b o t h Pr imary and
Examp l e s o f i t s u s e are :
144
33a .
ja?
-? I j u rh - ? u -to
ti
pok
krut-haD cu?
-?a
t i g er-Ag s e i z e - A g- 2 ry SRf hand - L o c t ho rn e n t er -pt ' Wh e n t h e t i g e r s e i z ed i t, a t horn e n tered its paw. '
b.
yo
-t
1
wa D -?a t i
kwa
-khe J e?-t i
mu
-na?
t o o k- 3ry come-Pt SRf fr i end- C on e a t- 3ry rema in-NPt ' He came t o t o o k a nd hi s fri en d was e a t i ng . '
The same part i c l e i s some t im e s used in que s t i on s and an swer s , where it may o c c ur in final p o s it ion in both the que s t ion and t he rep l y , as in : 34 .
Qn .
n a D - t e? g a ?
-t a D - t e ? ? a l - n a ? t l
y o u- C l F where-A l - C lF go -NPt SRf ' Where are y o u g o i ng ? '
An .
h a y k - b a D -t a D -?a ?a l -na - D ? t l
gu
trap - r o c k - A l -Em g o -NP t - 1E SRf fri end 'I am g o i ng to the trap-rock fri e nd . '
Here the u s e o f
t i s eems to ind icate a c hange of A c t o r referent , not
in the c on t ent c lau s e , but in the imp l i c it performat ive
-
'I
a s k you . . .
YO U t e t l me . . . ' . The u s e of t h i s part i c l e was reportedly more c ommon in the past c er t ainl y it i s not u s ed a great deal in pre s ent spee c h , e spec ial l y w i t h i t s que s t i on-answer fun c t ion .
_
CHAPTER F I VE
THE D EVELOPMENT OF PRONOMINAL AFFIXATION
5. 1. 5. 1. 1.
T H E O R I E S O F D EV E L O PM E NT T H E PR O B L EM I N R E LA T I O N T O T I B E TO - B U R M A N
A n o t a b l e c harac t er i s t i c o f the Tib e t o-Burman languag e s i s the ir wide var i a t i o n with resp e c t t o pronominal affixat ion in t h e verb ( s e e Chart s 1 1 - 3 5 , Appendix 1 ) .
Some T ib e t o -Burman language s , s u c h a s
Chepang , Hayu and Kham , p o s s e s s verbal pronominal s y s t em s o f c o ns ider able c ompl e x it y .
Other language s , inc l ud ing Rawang and Khal ing , have
m inimal s y s t em s , whi l e yet o t he r s do not p o s s e s s pronominal affixat ion at a l l ( a s , for ins t anc e , Gurung and Newari ) .
Moreover the d i s t ribut ion
o f this featur e amongst the languages i s n o t easily re lated t o geo graphic p o s i t ion -Gyarong , geographically remo t e from Chepang , has pronominal affixat ion , wh i l e t he two Tib e to-Burman langua g e s c l o s e s t t o Chepang , Newari and Magar ( the e a s t ern d i al e c t s o f t he l a t t er ) do not p o s s e s s such aff i xat i o n .
Even within a s ingle language there i s
var i a t i o n with r e s p e c t t o t h i s feature .
The w e s t ern d i al e c t s o f Magar
do have some pronominal affixes i n t he verb , and within Chepang t he t yp e o f pronominal s y s t e m var i e s c on s iderab l y acro s s dialec t s ( s e c t . 6.2. ) . The ext ent of var iat ion therefore sugge s t s t ha t e i th er : i.
The pro t o - language already had pronominal affi xat i o n , w i t h t he
or iginal s y s t em undergo ing c ons iderab l e at t r it ion , or t o t al l o s s i n many languag e s . i1 .
That languages p.o s s e s s ing t h i s feature have a c quired it indi-
v idually and more r e c ent l y , t hro ugh innovat ion or areal influenc e . The ava i l ab l e evidenc e t end s t o support t he s e c on d p o s s ib i l i t y , but with t h e added pro v i s o t hat the pro t o - language had c harac t e ri s t i c s whi c h
145
146
favoured deve lopment o f t h e s y s t em in languages o f widely di fferent g eograph i c area s . Bauman ( 1 9 7 4 , 1 97 5 ) conc luded from the s c a t t ered d i s t r ib ut ion o f pronominal affixat i on , and the evident ant iquity o f the pronominal c a te gor i e s and forms , t hat innovat ion rat her t han out s ide infl uenc e i s r e s po n s i b l e for t h i s feature in Tibet o-Burman .
H e app ears a l s o t o
a t t ribute t he p o s s e s s ion of pronominal affixat ion syst ems i n t he verb to a very early stage in the development o f t h e language s of t h i s fami l y , ma inly b ec au s e t h e pronominal c at ego r i e s , and t h e forms that repres ent them , c an b e r e c o n s t ruc t e d t o such an early s t age .
T h i s affix
s y s t em he v i ews a s suffix ing and speaks o f a " sh i ft from suffixing t o pre f i x ing" o c curring i n some language s ( Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 9 8 ) .
Evidenc e for
the more rec ent innovat ion of the pronominal affixation s y s t em s , as oppo s e d to t he morphemi c e l emen t s c ont ained in them , includes the fo l lowing : i.
The var i e t y of s y s t ems that o cc ur .
A s we l l as t h e var iat ion
a lready n o t ed , some language s , such a s Kham and Limb u , have both pre f i x ing and suffix ing pronominal forms whi l e other s , inc lud ing Chepang , have pur e l y suff i x ing s y s t ems . ii .
The h ighly agglut inat ing nature of the affixes , in languages
such a s Kham and Chepang , sugge s t s a relat ively rec ent deve lopment , at least in t h e s e c a se s .
Indeed for C hepang there is evidence to show
t hat the pronominal s y s t em i n the verb is s t i l l , to some e x t en t , not yet truly affix ing ( se e 1 . 5 . 4 . ) .
Furthermore , languages l i ke " Akha and
Kachin have c a t egorical s y s t ems s imilar to t ho se o f the affix ing lan guage s , yet t he e l ement s whi c h represent t h e s e c at egories are apparent l y f r e e part i c l e s . The above fac t s would s e em t o indicat e , t herefore , t hat whi l e the pronomi nal c at ego r i e s and t h e i r forms may b e o f c o n s id erab l e age , the incorporat ion o f these into t h e verbal unit a s affixes may be much more r e c ent .
In the fol lowing s e c t ion various mec han i sms are d e s c r ibed wh i c h
c o u l d a c c ount f o r the r e lat ive l y rapid deve lopment o f pronominal affix a t ion in the verb . The propo s a l s adop t ed in t h i s pr e sent chapt er are s upport ed almo st e n t i r e l y by int ernal evidenc e from Chepang .
However
t he ac c e p t ab i l i t y of t h e s e propc s al s , and of the int erna l l y r e c o n s t ru c t ed pronominal s y stem that resul t s , i s d i s cu s sed in the light o f the wider T i b e t o -Burman s i tuation in t he final c hap t e r ( Chap ter 6 ) . 5. 1.2.
TOP I C S H I FT AND AFT ERTHOUGHT H Y POTH E S E S
G ivon ( 1 9 7 6 ) has p ropo s ed two pro c e s s e s whi c h c o uld lead t o former fr e e pronouns b ec oming a t t a c hed to the verb a s enc l i t i c s and eventually a s affi x e s .
The s e pro c e s s e s are based on two c o n s t ru c t ion s :
147
i.
The Aft erthought c o n s t ruc t io n , d e s cribed i n s e c t io n 1 . 5 . 1 . 1 . ,
in whi c h re ferenc e t o some part i c ipant i s first omit t ed , but then s up p l i ed after the c lause to whi c h i t be longs .
Because only part i c ipants
whi c h are given are l ikely t o be omi t t e d at first , the aftertho ught c o n s t i t uent has pragmat i c features s im i l ar to t ho s e of a t o p i c , as d e f ined by 1i and Thomp son ( s e e 4 . 1 . 3 . ) . A Topic - Sentent ial comment c ons t ruct ion re s ul t ing from what
ii .
Givon c a l l s a ' To p i c - s hift '
( G i ve n , 1 9 7 6 : 1 5 4 ff . ) .
I n t h i s c o n s t ruct i o n
a n NP re ferring t o a t op i c part i c ipant i s first s t at e d , t hen t h i s i s f o l l owed by a c lau s e i n whi c h t h i s part i c ipant i s r eferred t o by a t op i c -anapho ric pronoun .
In the TG t e rminology used by G iven the t o p i c
NP i s shift ed out s id e t h e c laus e , l eaving b ehind a n anapho r i c pronoun . Engl i s h equival ents o f t h e T o p i c -C omment and Aft ert hought c o n s t ru c t i ons are :
' The w i z ard, h e 7.. i ve d in A frica . ' Comment Topi c
la .
' Th e w i z a rd l o s t i t - t h e b r o o m . ' Afterthought Stat ement
b.
G iv6n not e s that Top i c - s h i ft ( TS ) and Afterthought ( AT ) c o n s t ruct ions are c ommonl y found i n c hi l d l anguage , and in p i dgins and creoles - that i s in speech forms whi c h ar i s e in s i t ua t ions o f heavy c ommun i c at ion s t re s s .
I f t h en the TS and AT c on s t ru c t ions are e x t en s ively u s e d in
more normal s i t ua t i ons , t he y may b e c ome re-ana l y s e d a s s ingle non- c omp l ex clau s e s , with t h e former t o p i c or aftertho ught NP again within the c l aus e .
The anaphoric pronoun may t hen b ec ome e nc l i t i c or affixed t o
a c o n s t i t uent , u sually the verb , a s i n : 2a . b.
' Th e w i z a r d he - l i ve d i n A fr i ca . ' ' Th e wi zard lo s t - i t
t h e broom. '
The s igni f i c an c e o f such hyp o t he s e s i s that t he y c an expl ain why the NP cro s s -r eferenc ed in t h e verb ha s , in many l anguages , t o p i c - l i ke propert i e s ( G iven , 1 9 7 6 ) , s in c e a c c ording t o t h i s view the NPs o riginat e from t o p ic s , or the c lo s e l y r e l a t ed afterthought cons t it uent s .
At the
same t ime this NP is a l s o subj e c t - l ik e in that i t is c r o s s -r e ferenc e d b y t h e verba l affix s y s t em . The hypothe s e s a l s o explain the c ommonly o c c urring formal s imilarity b etween t h e free and b ound pronominal e lement s . 5.2. 5.2 . 1.
T H E G E N E R A L D EV E L O PM E N T O F P R O N O M I N A L A F F I X A T I O N I N C H E P A N G PR O B L EMS W I T H T H E TS A NV AT H Y POTH ES ES
Be c au s e the NP in c ro s s -r e ferenc e in Chepang is t o p i c - l ike in many r e s pe c t s the TS hypothe s i s app ear s , at first s ight , to provide a very
14 8
a c c eptable explanat i on for the origin of the pronominal affixation in Chepang .
However t here i s a serious prob l em whi c h ar i s e s in s eeking
to app l y t h i s hypo t he s i s to Chepang and o ther pronominal i s e d Tib e t o Burman languages .
Thi s i s the f a c t t h a t th e T S pro c e s s , a s i t stand s ,
would provide pronominal pre fixe s , not suffixe s , in a verb-final lan guage such a s C hepang .
And t h ere is no evidence at all within C hepang
( wh i c h is a perfe c t l y well b ehaved verb -f inal language - s e c t ion 1 . 5 . 1 . 1 . ) , and l i t t l e in o ther Tibet o-Burman language s , to s ugge s t t hat 1 it m ight formerly have had some o t her order i ng o f clause c o n s t i t uent s . The Afterthought ( AT ) propo sal c ould provide an e xp lanat ion for pronominal suffixes , s in c e in a l anguage such a s Chepang , where z ero anapho r i c referenc e i s p o s s ib l e , even pronouns c o ul d be found i n the afterthought po s i t i o n , t o b e later re-ana l y s ed a s suffix e s . are prob lems with t h i s proposal i n i t s s imp l e form a l so .
But there
F i r s t l y the
Aft erthought NP i s out s ide the main c l ause and o ften phono l o g i c a l l y s eparate from it ( 1 . 5 . 1 . 1 . ) .
To b e c ome s u f f i x e s the pronouns would
have to undergo two stages o f re-analy s i s , first t o p l a c e them within the main c l ause again , then to uni t e them with t h e verb .
And s e c ondly ,
the AT hypothes i s do e s not e a s i l y a c c ount for the redup l ic at ed a f f i x e s found w i t h t h e plural in cert ain verb form s ( 2 . 1 . 3 . ) .
The s e redup l i c at ed
a f f i x e s probably originated with emphat i c de i c t i c redup l i cat ion , whereas an A f t e r t hought NP or pronoun i s , by i t s very nature unempha t i c - it i s , as i t s name impl i e s , s imp ly a n aft ertho ught . However a l t ho ugh t h e TS and AT hypothe s e s , a s o riginal ly d e s c r ib e d , have prob lems when they are app l i e d t o Chepang and s imi lar l anguage s , it i s po s s i ble t o o u t l ine a proc e s s o f devel opmen t , incorporat ing e l ement s of t h e s e hypot h e s e s , whi c h c an a c c o unt for the pronominal suf fixes .
And at t h e s ame t ime t h i s propo s e d deve lopment can explain s ome
of t h e o therwi s e odd features of t h e verbal s y s t em , such a s t he irregu lar o c c urren c e of t rue 2nd Person el ement s in the parad igm , the origin o f t h e - I a form o f the Negat ive and the presence of t h e r edup l i c at e d a f f ix e s .
The pro c e s s t o b e sugge s t ed , wh i c h I w i l l c al l t he Mod i f i e d
Top i c S h i f t ( MTS ) pro c e s s , i s d i s c u s s e d in detail in the next s e c t i on . 5.2.2.
T H E M OD I F I ED TO P I C S H I FT P R O POS A L
The d if f i cu l t y enc ount ered w i t h t h e T S propo sal , name ly t ha t i t would r e s u l t in prefixes for a verb - f inal language , would b e avo ided if t he
IGivon ' s
( 1976 )
suggestion for *I . E .
SOV ordering with suffixation cannot
apply here s inc e Chepang pronominal el ement s are final t o the verb in the Affirmat ives ( they do not o c c ur b e fore Tens e , or verb ' to be ' ) .
149
Topic -anaphoric pronouns d i d not o c c up y t he s am e p o s i t ion i n t h e c lau s e a s t h e N P s t hat t hey replac e , b u t inst ead were p lac ed after t h e verb . Cond i t ions that c ould l ead t o t h i s p o s t -verbal p o s it ion would be : i.
The pre s e nc e o f various c l ausal par t i c l e s after t he verb , e s
pec ially t ho s e w i t h pro noun- l i ke func t ions , whi c h would a t t rac t t h e anaphori c pronouns t o thi s p o s i t ion . ii .
Normal anaphoric r e ferenc e b eing by omi s s ion rat her t han b y
expl i c i t pronouns .
Thi s would mean t hat there wo uld b e no s trong
prec edent for the T o p i c -referent anaphor i c pronoun to b e plac ed b e fore the verb .
The fac t t hat a pronoun i s u s ed for Top i c re ferenc e , when
t h e norm is t o have z er o anaphoric referenc e , may r e s u l t from the fac t t hat the TS c onstruc t i o n i s mo s t c ommon in s p e c ial cont ext s ( tho s e w i t h heavy c ommunicat ion s t re s s ) , whe re somet hing m o r e exp l i c i t t han zero referenc e is r equired . Fol lowing from c o nd i t i o n ( i i . ) , t h e o c c urrenc e o f c o n t e x t t hat
iii .
would for some reason highl i ght the Topi c-referent pronouns . Evidenc e t o s upport the p o s s ib i l i t y t ha t c ondit ion ( i . ) c ould have b e en met a t an ear l i er s t age in C hepang ( and o ther r e lated �anguag e s ) comes from Tibeto-Burman languages such a s Akha ( Egero d , 1 9 7 4 ) , whi c h ha s a number o f p o s t -verbal part i c l e s even t ho ugh N P s are pre-verbal . Inc l ud ed among t h e s e part i c l e s are some which have an eviden t ial ( Informat i o n Flow) func t i o n . pr o nominal CIF marker
I f t he p o s t -verbal p o s i t ion o f the qua s i
( - t e ? in C hepang ) pre-dat ed t he pronominal affix
at ion , this c ould explain why t he Top i c-anapho r i c pronouns were a t t r a c t ed to t h i s p o s i t ion .
It would a l so explain why t rue 2nd Person pronominal
affixe s are l e s s frequent , s in c e their p la c e may be t aken b y t he C I F form .
Evident ial s y s t ems have a wide spread geographic d i s t r ib u t i o n i n
T ib e t o - Burman - t hey o c c ur in Gyarong and Rawang a s well a s i n A kha and C hepang - and they t herefore may well be an early feature of T ib e t o Burman .
A s w e l l a s t h e evident ial forms i t i s pos s ib l e t h a t t here were
p o st -verbal A c t i o n Number part i c l e s , whi c h ind i c a t ed the numb er of t ime s an a c t ion o c c urred , rather t han t he number c at egory of t h e A c t o r par t ic ipant .
The s e would b e s im il ar enough t o pronouns in their func t io n
t hat t hey might a l so have at tract ed the Topic -anapho r i c pronoun s . Bauman d e s c ribe s A c t ion ( ' prop o s i t ional ' ) Numb er a s o c c urring fairly g enerally in T i b e t o -Burman ( Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 2 4 0 ff ) .
Thi s cat egory i s
d i s cu s sed fur t h er i n the nex t sub s e c t ion ( p . 1 5 2 ) . Evidenc e t o support c o nd it i o n ( i i . ) comes from t h e fac t t ha t c er t a in non-pronomina l i sed Tibeto-Burman l anguages ( s uch a s L i s u , G ivan , 1 9 7 6 : 1 5 1 fn2 ) regularly use zero anaphor i c refer enc e . C hepang fo llows t h i s prac t ic e t o a cons iderab l e e x t en t .
Even pres ent-day Moreover t he
development of redu c ed c laus e l i nkage i s favoured by t 4 8 u s e o f zero
150
referenc e , ind i c at ing that t h i s was p o s s ibly c ommon a t an ear l i er age . The cont ex t s t hat would highl ight the pronouns can b e s t be found in the que s t i o n and answer s it uat ion .
Quest ions and answers o c c ur c ommonly
in s i t uat ions o f c ommuni c a t i on s t re s s , such a s when a c hild i s l earning a language , o r in c ontac t s w i t h people from o t her language group s . Que s t ions are a l so t he s t andard method of gre e t ing used by t h e C hepang and o t her Nepal e s e group s .
They can readily re sult in TS , even for
1 s t and 2nd P er son pronouns , a s in the c o l l oquial Eng l i sh que s t ion and
"A r e y o u g o ing ? "
r ep l y :
"Me - I ' m g o i ng . " .
The reason t ha t que s t ions and their answers highl ight pronouns i s t ha t , e s p e c i a l l y for the A lt ernat ive Int errogat ive in Chepang ( s e c t . 3 . 2 . 2 . ) , the appropriate r ep ly i s a repe t i t ion o f the que s t ion ( or o f half o f it , i f t h e full A l t ernat ive c o n s t ruc t ion i s u s ed ) , but w i t h t he nec e s sary c hange of pronouns or o t her re ferring expr e s s ion s , a s in : 3.
Qn .
c h l t wa n - s a y w a � - ? o - t e ? Chi twa n - Ab
a ome -RN-C I F
An .
' A r e y o u from C h i twan ? '
c h i t wa n - s a y w a � - ? o -�
C h i twa n -Ab
aome -RN-1E
'I am from Chi twa n . '
Here the que s t ion i s ind i c at ed by intona t i o n , not by the u s e of t h e opt ional marker
-ya .
The underl ining serve s t o br ing out t h e partial
c op ying o f the que s t ion in the reply , with t he reversal o f the c om mun i c at ive r o l e s in the l a t t er emphas i s e d by t h e u s e of t he speaker , inst ead o f
- t e ? for the he arer .
� a repres e nt ing
The effect may be l i kened
to t he r ever se image of a phot ographic negat ive , with pr e s ervat ion of t he overall shape but sub st itut ion of black for whit e . The examp l e g iven above u se s , for s imp l i c i t y , a C hara c t e r i s a t io n c lau s e .
Mo s t que s t i o n s and answers however would u s e Pr imary c l au s e s ,
and here t h er e i s a sl ight comp l i c at ion b e c au s e , whi l e the C IF form precedes t h e Tense affi x , t h e t rue pronominal affixes fo l l ow i t , thus
d i s t ort ing somewhat t h e rever s e image effec t .
This can be seen i n the
f o l lowing que st ion and answer : 4.
Qn .
c h l t wa n - t a � ? a l -t e ? - n a ?
C h i twan-Al
g o -C IF-NPt
An .
' A r e y o u g o i ng to C h i twa n ? '
c h l t wa n -t a � ? a l - n a -�
Chi twa n-Al
go -NP t - 1E
' I am g o i ng to C h i t wan . '
For Non-Pr imary claus e s t h ere is no prob l em as t hey do not have t en s e affix e s .
Even with Pr imary verb s t he d i ff i c u l t y can b e overc ome , i f
t wo a s sumpt ions a r e mad e c oncern i ng t he ear l i er form o f the l anguage . The f ir s t a s sump t ion i s t hat at an ear l i er s t age , b efore pronominal affixat i o n had developed , the Negat ive marker for Primary c l au s e s wa s
- rn a ? ( or * rn a ? - s e e 5 . 4 . 1 . ) , with a p o s i t ion c l o s e t o t hat o f t h e verb root .
There is in fact st rong evidenc e to support t h i s a s s umpt ion ,
b o t h from within C hepang and from o t her Tibeto -Burman language s . Non- Primary verb forms in Chepang s t i l l u s e
All
- rn a ? as a negat o r , and i t s
151
p o s i t ion i s c lo s e t o t h e verb roo t , n o t a t t he end o f t h e verb a s i s t h e c a s e for t he pre s ent Pr imary N e gat ive - I a .
(1.5.2. ) .
great maj o r i t y o f o ther T ib e to -Burman language s u s e
Moreover the
- rn a ? or a c ogna t e
f o r negat ion , usua l l y w i t h t h i s form in a pre-verbal p o s i t ion ( Bened i c t , 1 9 7 2 : 9 7 - s e e a l s o s e c t ion 6 . 2 . ) . c ome to b e s ub s t i t u t ed for
A m e c hanism b y wh i c h - I a could have
- m a ? is given in s e c t ion 5 . 2 . 3 .
The s e c ond a s sump t io n i s t hat t h e full A l t ernat ive Int errogat ive c onstruct ion wa s u s ed fre e l y at t h i s ear l i er s t ag e a l s o .
Thi s c on
struc t ion is not unc ommon in p r e s e nt s p ee c h , t ho ugh p erhaps more c ommon are que s t ions formed with j us t half the c omp l e t e p o s i t ive-negat ive alt ernative p l u s , o ft en , the A l t ernat i ve marker
- y a . Thi s l a st form i s v a borrowing from Indo-Aryan ( Sanskrit - a , Hind i - y a ' o r ' ) so i t i s
probab ly a r e c en t addi t ion . I f t h e s e a s sump t ions are valid t hen t h ere i s no problem c onc erning Tense p lac ement , s i n c e t h i s d o e s n o t o c c ur in t h e s e c o nd , n egat ive half o f t h e a l t ernat ive . t h e a s sumed
The que s t ion and answer would b e a s f o l lows ( us ing
-rna ? Negat ive fo rm , b ut o t herwi s e the pres ent forms of t h e
pronominal affixes ) : 5.
Qn .
c h l t wa n - t a � ? a l - t e ? - n a ?
? a l -rna ? -t e?
Chi twan-Al
go -Neg-CIF
g o - C IF-NPt
An .
? a l -� -frl go -NPt -1E ' I am g o i n g . '
' A re you go i ng to Chi twan o r n o t ? '
Here t h e reverse image e ff e c t i s pres e rved , with t he r e p l a c ement o f the Negat ive
- rn a ? in t he s e c ond h a l f o f the que s t i o n b y t h e p o s i t ive NonP a s t form i n t h e answer , and the s ub s t i t ut ion o f the 1 s t Person - � ? f o r - t e ? ( here a c t ing a s t h e equivalent o f a 2nd Person marker ) .
I t i s p o s s ib l e
that even t h e p o s it i o n o f t h e T en s e forms t h em s e l ve s , whi c h only o c c ur w i t h p o s i t ive forms , come s from t h e i r p la cement i n oppo s i t i o n t o t h e N e gat i ve o f t h e que s t ion .
This i s i l l u s t rat ed by underl ining i n t h e
a b o v e e xamp l e . A s e r i e s o f p o s s ib l e st ages in t h e development o f t h e pronominal affi xat i o n i s given b e low ( ex . 6 . ) .
The f i r s t t wo st age s ( involving
A f t er t hought and Re-analy s i s ) n ee d not n e c e s sarily have o c c urred , t he Top i c - anapho r i c pronouns may have b ee n p laced p o s t -verb a l l y s imp ly a s the a ppropriate pronominal s ub s t it ut e s i n the c opy o f t h e que s t ion .
It
woul d seem t h a t a T S s t age i s n e c e s s ary , however , i n order t o re-introduce t h e free pronouns into the c l aus e .
The prop o s e d earl i er forms o f the
P ronominal Group affixes are u s ed here ( se e 5 . 4 . 1 . ) . 6.
F i r s t st age .
Qn .
? a l t ay ? n a ?
go
C I F NPt
A f t e r t ho ught p l acement :
? a I m a? �
go
Neg CIF
' A re y o u g o in g o r no t ? '
An .
? a I n a?
�a
go NPt I Stat ement A f t e r t hought 'I am g o i ng . '
152
S e c ond s t age .
Re-analy s i s - int egrat ing the Aftert hought with
the c lause agai n . An.
Third stage .
? a I n a?
Qa
go NPt 1 Statement
Top i c - sh i f t - us ing t he pronoun p o s i t ion provided
by s t age two , or e l se by dire c t sub s t itut ion for the CrF form Qn .
? a l t ay ? n a?
go
CrF
NPt
?a I rna? t a y ?
go
N e g CrF
An .
' A r e y o u g o i ng o r no t ? ' Fourt h s t age .
t ay? :
? a I n a? I) a
I) a
go NPt 1 I To p i c s t a t ement ' Me
-
I ' m go i n g . '
Comb inat ion of p o s t -verbal e l ement with t h e roo t ,
fo l l owed by phono l o g i c al c hanges ( s ee 5 . 4 . 1 .
for detail s ) t o give the
pres ent form :
I) a ? a l - n a - I) ?
I
g o -NP t - 1E
N o t e t hat s t age two , t h e re- int egration of the Afterthought pronoun w i t h t h e c lause , would be grea t l y a s s i s t ed by analogy with t he que s t io n , wh i c h has t h e quas i-pronominal C r F marker a s an integral c omponent . Thi s would help t o overc ome t h e int egrat ion prob l em ment ioned in a s s o c i at ion with t h e AT pro c e s s ( 5 . 2 . 1 . ) .
The s e c ond prob lem ment ioned in
c onnect ion with t he AT pro c e s s , t hat o f a c c ount ing for redup li c at i on , i s a l s o avo ided b ecause a Topi c - s h i ft t akes place fo l l owing t he After t hought st age ( t h i s i s d i s c us s ed further in 5 . 2 . 4 . 3 . ) . Act ion Number and the MTS Proposal
Because Chepang has the C r F marker t here is no need to p o s t ul a t e p o s t -verbal A c t ion Numb er part i c l e s t o a c c ount f o r t h e non-b a s i c p o s i t ion o f pronominal forms .
Nevert he l e s s t h e r e is cons iderable eviden c e
t o suggest t hat s u c h part i c l e s d i d o c c ur and , t h i s b e ing t h e c a s e , i t i s n e c e s sary t o d i s c u s s here their p o s s ib l e invo lvement i n t h e MTS pro c e s s . The b a s i s of A c t ion Numb er marking i s that t here i s an e l ement s ome where i n the c lause ( probably c l o s e to the verb , a s t h i s i s the con s t it uent wh i c h refers to the a c t ion ) whi c h ind i c a t e s the numb er of ind ividual act ions t hat are invo l ved .
The s imi larity b etween ind i c a t ing
t h e numb er o f act ions and ind i c at ing the Number c at egory of part i c ipant s l i e s in the fact t hat , i f a Dual o r P l ural part i c ipant i s an A c t o r in s ituat ions o f , for ins t an c e , wal king o r hit t ing , t hen it c o ul d be argued t hat t here are two o r more act ions o f walking or h i t t ing involved in each c a s e . t o s t at e s .
This not ion c an b e e x t ended , a l i t t l e l e s s obvious l y ,
15 3
The contrast between the two t y p e s o f Numb er marking i s b e s t s e e n in Intent ive s i t uat ions , b ecause Ac t ion N umb er s y s t ems cannot d i s t ingu i s h b etween p lura l i t y o f Agent and pl ura l i t y o f Goal .
In o t her
words a Dual act ion may involve e ither a Dual Agent act ing on a S i ngu lar Goal o r a S i ngular Agent act ing on a Dual Goal .
Thi s amb iguity i s
indeed j us t what i s found i n s ome s e c t ions o f the Chepang verb paradigm , e s p e c ially where the Agent i s 1 st Per s on ( s ee 2 . 3 . 3 : 7 7 , a l s o c hart s In c ontras t , Part i c i pant Number marking can d i s t ingui s h
1 1- 1 3 , Appx . l ) .
b etween t he t w o s it u a t i o n s , provided t h e c as e o f t h e part i c ipant i s a l s o g iven .
For s t a t e s only t h e Numb er c at egory o f the S t a t ant i s
r e l evant , and t h e t wo t y p e s o f Numb er marking are equivalent . If t h e Numb er e lement s in t h e verb have c ome from A c t ion Number part i c l e s t hat fo l low t he verb roo t , t he n t hey could have p layed a part in a t t r a c t ing the pronominal Per son e lement s to this p o s i t ion dur ing To p i c - sh i ft ing .
This i s b ec a u s e b o t h Numb er and Person morphemes have
the c ommon feature of r e ferent i a l l y c at egori s i ng part i c ipant s , and ther e fore natural l y could b e p l a c ed t o g e t her .
However an init ial Aft er
t hought s t age , if i t o p erat ed , woul d place the Person e l ement s a f t er the c lau s e and h en c e after the Numb er forms inst ead o f in front o f them , wh i c h i s t he pre s en t p o s i t ion .
The After thought s t age therefore c o ul d
no t have o p erated f o r Non-S ingular s i t uat ions i f A c t ion Numb er part i c l e s existed .
But i t could have o p erated for S i ngular s i t uat ions , in whi c h
t he Numb er e lement i s a zero , and t h i s c o ul d t he n s erve a s a prec edent for the p l a c ement o f the Top i c -anaphoric pronouns i n the Non-S ingular s i t uat ions . A s s uming the ex i s t en c e of A c t ion Numb er part i c l e s , the development o f pronominal affixat ion t hat i n c luded t h e s e e l ement s would be a s fol lOws , beginni ng at t h e Top i c - s hi ft s t age :
7. Qn .
F i r s t ( To p i c - s hi ft ) s t age :
mu
t a y ? n a? c a m u
s tay C I F
ma? � ca
NPt D l s tay Neg C IF
Dl
' A r e you two s ta y i ng o r no t ? ' An .
I) a
mu
n at
�
w e (Top ) s tay N P t I
ca
Dl
' Us - w e two are s ta y i n g . ' Pres ent form ( After re-anal y s i s comb inat ion o f e lement s and phono logical c hang e s ) :
mu
- n a - I) ? -c a
s t a y -NPt - 1E-Dl
The pre s en c e o f A c t ion Numb er marking , if a c c ep t ed , ha s t he s omehwat unex p e c t ed result that it would s ugge s t t hat the Numb er e l ement s of
154
t he free pronouns c ame from t h e verbal ( A ct ion ) Numb er form s , and not the revers e .
Indeed t h ere is some evidenc e t o support t h i s reve r s e
influenc e , in t hat the f r e e pronoun Dual and Plural markers a r e and
i r e s p e c t ive l y .
cV/j V
The s e are id ent i c al t o the verb a l Dual and Plural
forms , but very d i fferent from the NP ( and Demons t rat ive ) Numb er affi x e s , whi c h are s imply t h e numeral
n i s ' two ' for Dual , and - l am or - m a y ? a s
I n c l us ive or C o l l e c t ive P lur al s .
Numb er marking on NPs i s opt ional
and , i n fac t , i s only used to empha s i s e non- s ingularit y .
It s e ems ,
t herefore , t hat f i r s t l y t h e free pronouns a cquired the Numb er forms from the verbal equival ent s , then later the NPs developed a type o f Number marking t o paral l e l t hat o f t h e free pronouns . The a l t ernat ive t o A c t ion Numb er b e ing the original s y s t em i s , o f c o ur s e , t hat t h e free pronouns were alway s marked for ( Part i c ipant ) Numb er and that t hey consequent l y brought t h i s marking t o the verb . I f t h i s were the c a s e then the development would be as fo l l ows ( giving only the n egative half o f the Int e rrogat ive for s imp l i c it y ) . 7 a . F i r s t s t age ( To p i c - sh i ft ) : Qn .
n a � -ca ? a l ma? �
y o u - D l go
Neg C IF
' A r e n ' t y o u two g o i ng ? '
An .
� a - c a ? a I n a? I)a - c a
I -Dl g o
NPt I -Dl
' U s two - w e are g o i n g . '
� i -c i ? a l - n a - � ? - c a
Pres ent Form .
w e - Dl g o -NPt - 1E-Dl
Not i c e t hat , under the pres ent a s s umpt ion o f no A c t ion Numb er , the verb in the que s t ion would have no Numb er marking .
Numb er is however
brought to the verb ( s t r i c t l y , the p o s t -verbal p o s i t ion ) by the T o p i c anaphoric pronominal form
� ac a .
'l'he fact that t h ere i s e f f e c t ively A c t ion Numb er marking in s ome s e c t ions of the pres ent verbal paradigm is not c o n c l us i ve evidenc e that t h i s e x i s t ed a s the earlier sy s t em .
I t is p o s s ib l e t hat the pre s e nt
s y s t em has a r i s e n s imp ly from a leve l l ing o f a paradigm t hat formerly d id d i s t ingu i s h Part i c i pant Numb er .
Neverthe l e s s the evidenc e from
the pres ent paradigm , c oupled with the apparent recentness of the NP Numb e r affixes and t he o c c urrenc e o f A c t ion Numb er in other T i b e t o Burman language s , woul d s e em t o t ip the b a lanc e i n favour o f A c t ion Numb er b e ing the original s y s t en . 5 . 2. 3.
T H E E X P L A N A TO R Y POW ER O F T H E MTS H Y P O T H ES I S
T h e d i s c u s s ion s o f a r has s hown t hat a TS hypoth e s i s , i n par t i c ular t h e MTD form , c an a c c o unt for t hree important fact s about t h e pronominal affixat ion in Chepang .
These are :
155
i. to
That
in a
fully
c lause
That
ii.
the
The
iii.
s e c o nd r e f e r e n c e
t h e f r e e pronoun s , s e l e c t ion
( c ro s s- r e f e r enc ed ) s u c h a s g i v enne s s
c o n t ex t ,
par t i c ipant
the d e t a i l s
by
several
parad i gm
system,
par t i c ipant basis
pos it ion
of
t he
may b e r e ferred
of
in
the
form )
the
the
already
use
the
also ,
MTS
it
t urns
o r d i s t i nc t ive
the s e ,
the
proposal
firstly
in a
out ,
its
the
as
the
power
i n t he
A c t i on Number relation
O t her
to
s p e c ial
t h e dist ribution o f t h e
forms
2nd
c l o s e l y r e s em b l e
the
t he fea t ur e s
Person
Pr imary v e r b nega t o r ,
whi c h
( in
l im i t e d
feat ure s
unusual
s e c t i o n and
b ee n d i s c u s s e d .
-Ia
of
I n c l u s ive
ar e ,
affixation
has
of
has
of
stages
previous
T h e s e include
e l ement ,
twice
h i erarchy .
pronominal a f f ixat ion
p r e senc e
r e f erenc ed
animacy
a r e d i s c u s sed b e l o w . pronominal
c lo sely
Person .
i n t he
One
the
is
2 nd
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t o p ic s ,
anoma l i e s
e hepang .
whi c h
and
fac t o r s
of
e lF
i s u s ua l l y b y forms 1st
of
prononima l
apparent
was ment i oned
i n t h e verb
espec ially for
o f t he on the
d e v e l opment
t r iggered
explain
ver bal
is and
No mat t er what v o l v i ng t he
the
one
t w ic e .
related to
to
expanded
and e lF
marke r . One
of
t h e mo s t
obvious
lar and r e l a t i v e l y rare An
examinat ion
c l uding
c hart
of 12
the
It
should
itself
be
for
-na
noted
the
invar i a b l y
app earanc e
c omp l e t e
b e c au s e
a d i stribution o f
of
of
t he
o f t he
parad i gm
is
not
- t e?
Past
as
is
e l ement
char t s 11
in t h e
in c hart
in the c lause
paradigm
Person
nec e s s a r i l y
r e pr e s e n t e d
somewhere
2nd
comp l i c a t i o n s
-te?
verbal
( App . l. ,
and t h e e l F marker
t hat
s i tuat i o n s
o c cur
o dd i t i e s
and
form s )
t he
na « * n a ) . 13,
5,
but
c o nt a i n ing
in
the
it
will
�
t h e verb .
3
0
t e?
t e?
I
I
na
I
I
1+2
NS
2
NS
S
1
2
Non-Int ent ive
1+2
t e?
- - - - - - - -
t e?
na I
J
3 Here
r
S
I
t e?
- - - - - -
te? te? S ingular ,
NS
Non- S i ngular
below .
almo s t
AND - t e ?
Int ent ive 1
Goal
Agent
S
-na
OF
5
verb
C HART 5 THE D I STR I BUT I ON
ex
i nd ic at e s
shown i n c hart found
irregu
156
Not i c e t ha t , i n t h e ab ove chart , with
- n a i s i n complementary d i s t ribution
- t e ? , ( e xcept for the s e c t ion with the 2 nd Person Non-S ingular
Agent and a 1 s t Singular Goal ) .
Th i s is j ust what we would expect from
the MTS hypo t he s i s , whi c h pro p o s e s that the app earan c e of the pronominal suffixes result s from t reat ing the CIF marker as a 2nd Person pronoun . If indeed it was regarded as a pronoun then , o f cours e , t here would b e
-na as well . However i n the 1 - 2 s e c t ion o f the -t e ? do e s not o c cur , - n a i s in fact us ed , t o fill the The appearan c e o f - n a as we l l as t e ? in the 2 N S gap i n the paradigm . no n e e d t o include parad i gm , where
IS s e ct ion i s probab ly hy analogy with i t s convers e , t h e I S - 2NS s e c t ion j ust re ferred t o . The Use of
- I a as a Negative
The o c c urrenc e o f the form
- I a as a Negat ive affix with Pr imary verb s in Chepang , inst ead o f the more usual m a ? ( as found in Non-Primary verb s and o t her Tibet o-Burman language s ) , c an a l s o be a c c ount ed for very s imp ly by the MTS proc e s s .
Thi s pro c e s s c a n , moreove r , a c c o unt for i t s
p o s i t ion , right a t t h e e n d o f the verbal affixe s . b a s ed on t he a s s umption that t h e
The e xp l anat ion i s
- I a Negat ive was o riginally a Refer
ential Emphat i c part i c le ( s ee 3 . 2 . 1 . 2 . ) and t hat all verbs were formerly negated by
-ma?
The pres ent Re ferent ial Emphat i c i s in fact
in the w e s t ern dial e c t s it is form o f this part i c l e .
- I e ? , but - l a , wh i c h may well repres ent the o lder
The east ern form is probab ly the result o f a
c omb i na t ion of
* I a with a common Nepal i Emphat i c form a y ( Chepang ? ay ) g iving * I a + ? ay ? > l ay ? > I e ? - the int ermediate form l ay ? i s s t i l l found i n o l d songs .
Re ferent ial Emphat i c par t i c l e s are often found
enc l i t ic to pronouns in que s t ions and answer s , as in the fo l lowing examp l e : 8.
Qn .
t en
?a l -te?-na?
to day g o - C IF-NPt
An .
?a l - 8 a- l a 'I
'Are you going today ? '
am n o t g o i n g . '
A s s uming t herefore an ori ginal Re ferent ial Empha t i c t ive
9.
8a - l e?
go - IE-Neg I -REm
* I a and a Nega
* m a? t he deve lopment o f the Primary Negat ive would b e : F i r s t s t age ( A ft erthought const ruct ion ) : Qn .
?a l ma? t ay?
go
Neg C IF
' A re n ' t y o u g o ing ? '
An .
?a l ma?
go
Neg
8 a- l a
I -REm A ft erthought
' I ' m n o t going .
,
S e c ond s t age ( after re-analys i s t o give a s ingle c l aus e again ) :
?a l ma? 8 a - l a
go
Neg I E-REm
157
I f t he Empha t i c wa s u s ed more often f o r negat ive t han for p o s i t ive answers ( compare the Eng l i sh ' I go . ' and ' I do not go . ' where the ' do ' ha s had an empha t i c forc e ) then this form c ould be int erpr e t ed , first l y as part o f the Negat ive morpheme , t hen l a t e r a s the t o t al Pr imary Nega t ive .
Thi s re - int erpre tat ion would be great l y a s s i s t e d by the similarity
b etween t he Negat ive
ma ? and the Co-ordina t e Conj unc t ion ma ( 2 . 2 . 7 . ) .
The f inal s t ag e s wo uld t h er e fore b e : 10 .
Third s t age ( Re - int erpr e t at ion o f
l a as Negat ive and ma as a
conj unc t ion ) :
? a l -ma - f) a - I a
go -Co- IE-Neg ' I a L so am no t go ing . Pres ent form
? a l - f) a - I a
go - lE-Neg 'I am no t go ing . '
Be cause S e condary and Tert iary verb forms rarely o c c ur in c l aus e-f inal p o s i t ion they have not a c quired the inst ead they have r e t ained the o lder
l a Negat ive thro ugh the AT proce s s , m a ? form . However Nomina l i sed
c l aus e s may s omet ime s b e found alone in quest i on s , with t heir func t ion o f ind i c at ing s t at e s and hab i t ual o r chara c t er i s t i c act ions ( 4 . 2 . 4 . 2 . ) . A s a result t hey appear t o b e partway t owards developing a new Negat i ve form .
The development of t h e Nominal i sed Negat ive would be as fo l lows :
ll .
F i r s t s t age :
Qn .
g o p a l c h i t wa n - t a f) ? a l ? o Gop a L C h i twan-Al
RN
go
' Ha s Gop a L gone t o Chi twan ? '
An .
?o
? a l ma ? l a
go
Neg REm RN
' He has NOT gone .
Pres ent form ( a fter phono logical contrac t ion ,
la
+
70 > 1 0 ) :
7 a l -ma 7 - l o
go -RNg-NN 'He has n o t gon e . ' This has re sulted in a new Nominal i s ed c l au s e marker for t h e Negat ive
( - 1 0 ) , but has not yet given a new Negat ive s in c e the o lder form s t i l l retains it s func t i on . Inclusive Forms
If t h e o r iginal fo rm of t h e C IF marker wa s
' tongue ' ,
* r - m a y > me ? ' ta i L '
-
* t a y 7 ( a s * m - I ay > i e
s e e Bened ic t , 1 9 7 2 for Pro t o -Tib e t o-Burman
forms ) then it s r e s emblan c e t o t h e 1 s t Person I nc lus ive form ( 2 . 1 . 2 . ) i s obvious .
-t ayh
The Inclus ive form probab ly aro s e b y merger o f
* t a y ? with some other suffixed e lement , s in c e mo s t roo t s i n Chepang with a final / h / s eem t o have come from an original root p l us an affix
158
( * s - n a > n e h 'n0 8 e ' , * s - l a > l a h 'moon ' , * m - s i n > s l n h ' 7.. i v e r ' - c ompare Bened i c t , 1 9 7 2 ) though t he p o s i t ion o f the affix and rul e s of merger are not c l ear at t h i s s t age .
Just what t h i s suffixed e l ement was i s
n o t c ertain b u t i t may have b e en
- �a , t h e 1 s t Person form , ( s e e 5 . 4 . 1 . 1 . ) .
This origin from a C I F form i s support ed by the fac t that the Inclus ive is not u s ed with 1 s t Person Imperat ives , even t ho ugh t h e s e always The CIF marker al so c annot be used with Impera
inc l ude the 2nd Person .
t iv e s , and t herefore if the Inc lus ive is der ived from it i t s ab sence in Imp erat ives i s t o be e xpec ted . 12 .
F ir s t s t age :
Qn .
? a m h b a y ? ma ? � g o o d g i v e Neg CIF
The deve lopment would then b e :
b ay? ? a � � c a g i ve Pt CIF I Dl
An .
' Wa 8 n ' t fo o d g i ve n to y o u ? ' F inal stage :
( wi t h
' I t was g i v e n to bo t h of U8 . '
* t a y ? + � a> ( t a y � ? »
t ay h ) .
b a y ? - ? a -t a y h -c a
g i v e -Pt - l l n -Dl 5.2.4. 5. 2 . 4. 1.
G E N E R A L F EATUR ES O F TH E PARAV I GM ,
I N R E L A T I O N TO TS H Y P O T H E S ES
I n t r o d u c tory
A s well a s t he spec ial features explained by t he more s p e c i f i c MTS pro c e s s , t h ere are s everal o t hers t hat c an be a c c ounted for by any TS pro c e s s that p l a c e s Top i c -anaphoric pronominal e lement s in a po s t verbal p o s it ion, o r e l s e f i t in well with such a pro c e s s .
The s e fea
tures inc lude double cro s s -re ferenc ing , p l ural redup l i c at i on , verb al case marking , p o s se s s ive c ro s s-r e ferenc e , the Past Tense forms , and the 2nd Person Dual form . 5. 2.4. 2.
They are d i sc u s sed in the fol lowing s e c t ions .
Doubl e Cross -reference
One unu sual feature o f t h e verbal paradigm that fit s i n we ll with a TS hypothe s i s i s the doub l e c ro s s-referenc ing ment i oned in s e c t ion 2.1.4.
The explanat ion o f t h e s e forms is based on the pos s ib i l i t y that
there may b e two given ( t op i c -l ike ) part i c ipant s in a c l ause , a s in the s i t uat ion out l ined in examp l e 1 3 . b e low .
The result i s t hat a
do ub l e Top i c - s hi ft t akes p la c e , as in : 13.
Qn .
n i n - j i - ka y h aw
- I am - ? l g h a n - t e ? - n a - J a
y o u - 2 Dl G l ahi 7.. d-Pl -Ag b e a t-CIF-NP t - 2Dl -
( -ya ) Alt
'Did the a h i 7.. d ren beat y o u two ? ' An .
� i -c i - k a y ? o w ? - m ay - ? i g h a n - n a ? -� - n a ? - t a -�? - c�
we D l G l -
-
t ha t - P I -Ag b e a t-NP t - P l-Ag-NPt-Gl-1E-Dl
' Th ey b e a t U8 two . '
159
T h e fac t that t h e T e n s e a f f i x i s repeated would s e em t o ind i c at e that t he s e doub l e forms o riginated b y a doub l e Top i c - shift after the pronominal e l ement s b e c ame att ached t o the Tense form , with the result that t here are two who l e Pronominal Group unit s repre sent ed , one for the Agent , the o ther for the Goal .
Doub l e cross-re feren c ing do e s not
appear t o b e used very much in a c t ual spee c h , no doubt b e cause o f the c omp l e x forms invo l ved . 5. 2.4. 3.
Pl ura l
Re d u p l i c a t i o n
The opt ional redup l i c at i on o f t h e 2nd P e r s on e lement i n the 1 - 2 s e c t ion of the verbal paradigm i s ano ther feat ure that can well b e ac count ed f o r by a TS pro c e s s .
This redup l i cation has b e e n ment ioned
earl ier ( 2 . 1 . 3 . ) and it wa s sugg e s t ed t hen that t h i s feature originated with empha t i c d e i c t i c rep e t i t ion , a s in t h e Engl i s h ' Yo u , y o u and y o u .
I ' L L speak with you Later. '
It i s worth not ing that Man chat i , one o f
t h e W e s t ern Himalay i sh T i b e t o-Burman l anguage s , has t h e potential o f redup l i cation i n t h e free p ronouns ( chart 2 9 , App . l ) , p o s s ib ly f o r s im ilar reasons . arise i s ( us ing 14 .
The t yp e o f s i t uat ion in wh i c h redup l i c at i on mi ght
* n a a s a 2nd Person form , see b e low , 5 . 4 . 1 . 1 . ) :
Stage one ( To p i c shift ) :
ma y h l a s a y h l a k a n c h a
han
May h L a Say h L a Kanaha
b a y ? ? i n a? n a
beer g i v e ?
na
na
Qa sa
NPt you y o u y o u I
Pl
' May h L a, Say h La, Kan aha, I wi L L g i v e y o u a L L b e e r . ' Pres ent form ( verb only - after c ombinat ion and phono l o g i c al c hange :
b a y ? - n e? - n a - n a - n a - Q - s a
g i v e - NPt - 2 - 2 - 2 -lE-Pl The change o f the original
* n a? NonPast form t o ne? i n these verb
forms is evident l y the result of a merger b e tween it and a par t i c le
* ? I o f unc ertain func t ion ( p o s s ibly a de i c t i c - s e e b elow ) .
The fusion
o f these two morphemes would t ake p la c e along the l ines o f :
* ? I +* n a?
>
* n y a? > n e ? ( s e e 1 . 4 . 4 : 3 9 ) . The plural form ( ? ) I , wh i c h appears in some s e c t ions o f the paradi gm ,
may s imilarly have c ome via p l ural redup li ca t i on from a d e i c t i c , - the Pro x imal Demonstrat ive
? I ( 2 . 1 . 2 : 5 5 ) j us t a s in Engl i s h t h e rep e t it ion
o f the d e i c t ic in ' Take t h i s , a plural obj ect .
t h i s and thi s ! ' gives the equivalent of
By regular phono l o g i c al rul e s ( 5 . 4 . 1 : 1 7 0 ) a repeat ed
? i syl lab le in Chepang would rap idly contract t o a single s y l l ab l e , t hough now w i t h a plural sense .
T h i s form o f the P lural may have
origina l l y s ignified a s p e c i f i c plural i n contrast to ( Compare t h i s with the indefin i t e pronoun
su) .
s a a s non-spe c i f i c . Bauman p o s i t s an * 1
160
form for t h e East ern Himalayi sh Inclus ive , a s we l l a s for t h e 2nd Person and P lural morphemes ( Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 1 3 1 ff . ) .
He also notes the c ommon
de i c t i c u s e of t h i s form , t hough he is not definite about the relat ions between t h e s e apparently homophonous e l ement s .
A s far a s evidenc e
from Chepang is c o n c e rned the s imp l e s t view would be t hat
* 1 was
init ially a pro x imal demons t rat ive that developed a plural sense through redup l i c at i on , as out lined above .
I t was a l s o used t o re fer t o the
addre s se e in s i t uat ions where t h i s part i c ipant was involved along with t h e speaker - t h e l at t er b e ing in an agent ive ro l e . c o ul d lead to the 1 4 . above .
Thi s l a st usage
C e ? forms of t he Tense affixes as indi cated in examp l e
Thi s In t urn c o ul d lead t o it b e c oming an Inc lus ive marker ,
as i s t h e c a s e for o t her T i b e t o -Burman languages . 5. 2.4.4.
V e r ba l C a s e M a r k i n g
The p r e s ent Agent c a se affix ,
- ( ? ) u , wa s pre sumably originally a
c lausal part i c l e which o c c urred aft er t he Tense form , with t h e fun ct ion o f ind i c a t ing t hat the Topic had an agent ive ro l e .
This would mean t hat
it was a type of t ransit ivi t y marke r , such as is found for instan c e , in t h e Kha l i ng language ( where
u ha s t h i s func t ion - s e e c hart 3 1 , App .
The development of t h i s part i c l e t o bec ome a ful l verbal affix l wo uld then be a s fo llows , ( a s suming init ially no NP case affixe s ) : 1) .
15.
First stage ( Topic shift ) :
( Qa-c a) wan?
na? ? u
Qa ca
I -Dl bring NPt TAg I ( Top i c )
Dl
' We two bring i t . ' S e c ond stage ( part ial c omb inat ion and vowel a s sumilat ion ) :
wa n ?
n a? ? u - Q u - c u
bring NPt Ag- 1E-Dl
l
The NP Agent affix might originally have been a Topic or Po s s e s sor marker o f the form *? I . I f this were the case then the First stage would be :
Qa-ca-? I wan? na? ?u Qa ca I -Dl-To� bring NPt TAg I Dl
( c ompare ex . 1 5 )
The NP Goal case marker c ould then have c ome from *ka? + *? I + kay ( ? )
Qa-ca-ka?-? I
I
-Dl- ML Top
wan?
bring
na? t a? Qa ca
NPt NAg
I
Dl
*ka?
( compare ex . 16 )
' Mobile Locat ive '
+
*? I ,
with
161
F inal st age ( after l o s s o f
? u , c omp l e t e c omb inat ion and
re-ana l y s i s of fina l vowel as t he Agent affix ) :
wa n ? -na - � ? -c - u
bring -NPt-lE-Dl-Ag T h e present Goal aff i x , c l ausal part i c l e
t ( h ) a would t h en have c ome from ano t her
( * t a? ) , with the func t ion o f ind i c at ing t ha t the Top i c
had a non-agent ive ro l e .
For some reason t h i s part i c l e wa s not used
when t h e addre s s e e was t h e non-agent ive part i c ipan t , perhaps because of c o nfusion with t h e formally s imilar e lF form
*t ay?
The deve lopment
o f the Goal affix wo uld be : 16 .
First stage ( To p i c shift ) :
( �a-ca ) wan? I -Dl
n a? t a? � a c a
bring NPt NAg I
Dl
' We two are broug h t . ' S e c o nd stage :
w a n ? - n a? t a - � ? - c a
bring- NPt G I - IE-Dl F inal stage :
wan? -na?-ta -�?-ca
bring-NP t -G I - IE-Dl
The a l t ernat ive form of the Agent marker , - n , found i n some par t s o f the 2 - 3 and 3-3 s e c t ions o f t h e verbal paradigm ( s e e c hart s 11 - 1 4 , App . 1 ) , e vident l y c ome s from an ear l i er form
*n l .
Just what the original
fun c t ion o f t h i s form was , i s n o t c er t a in , t hough it prob ably was some 1 type of pl ural ( n l is an East Himalayan P l ural - Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 1 4 0 ) . In present s p e e c h the a l t ernat ive form i s used when the addres s e e is an Agent ( whet her as 2nd Per s o n , or 1st Inc l us ive ) , or when a t h ird person i s Agent .
I t s u s e i s r e s t r i c t e d moreover t o P lural Agent s , e x c ept i n
the Past t en s e - t h i s e x c ep t ion repr e s ent ing an extens ion o f i t s u s e . Po s s ib l y it repr e s ented a t o tal p�ural , as in ' y o u ALL/they ALL ' , i n whi c h c a s e it w o u l d b e related t o t h e Imperat ive Emphat i c app ears t o have a s im i l ar s e ns e ( 3 . 2 . 3 . 2 . ) .
n a , wh i c h I f t h i s i s t rue t h e n * n l
c o ul d i n i t i a l l y have b een analysed
n ( a ) , a quant ifier i nd i c at ing t o t a l i t y , ( ? ) I , the ( s pec i f i c ) Plural form . At t h e present s t age o f t h e lan guage , howeve r , n c l early ind i cates an Agent . and
A p o s s ib l e development o f t h e alt ernat ive Agent form would b e :
l
Not e .
The form
-n l
i s also 2nd Person Plural i n the Almora branch .
162
17.
F i r s t s tage ( To p i c shift ) :
( n i � ) wa n ? you
t ay ? n a? ? u n l
bring C I F
NPt Ag Pl
' Y o u ( a n ; b r i ng i t . ' S e c ond s t age ( partial combinat ion , l o s s o f of
? u , and re-analy s i s
nl):
wan?
t ay ? n a? n - I
b r i ng C IF
NPt Ag-Pl
F inal form :
w a n ? - t e ? - n a -n - I
b r ing- C IF-NPt-Ag-Pl I t sho uld be noted t hat thi s a l t ernat ive Agent marker i s opt ional , and t here are equivalent forms whi c h u s e t h e regular c hart s 1 1 - 1 4 ) .
? u Agent form ( s e e
These lat t er are , however , unc ommon and may s imply
repres ent the b e g inning of paradigmat i c levell ing t hat would make the s o l e Agent c as e affix .
?u
A l t ernat ively t hey may i nd ic a t e a non-spe c if i c
P l ural ( 5 . 2 . 4 . 3 : 1 5 9 ) . P o s s es s i ve C r o s s - r e ference
5.2.4.5.
A n explanat ion o f P o s s e s sive c r o s s -referen c e i n Chepang ( s e e 2 . 2 . 6 : 7 3 ) would a s s ume an origina l c lausal part i c l e
b at , with the fun c t ion
of ind i c at ing t hat t h e Topic s t ands in a p o s s e s s i ve re lat ionship with s ome ent it y .
I f the Top i c i s a l s o an A c t or i n the c lau s e , t hen this
ent i t y must b e its p o s s e s so r , and the Top i c the possessed i t em , a s t he Genit ive c on s t ruc t ion allows only t h e po s s e s sed i t em as a part i c ipant in the c lausal s it uat ion .
In this case
b at i s used , t o g e ther with the
appropriate Top i c -r eferent pronominal e lements ( ex . 1 8a . ) .
I f the Topic
i s not an A c t o r , o r not an exp l i c it part i c ipant at all , t hen t h i s is s igni f i ed by the u s e o f the Goal marker The c omb inat ion o f
t a « * t a? , NonAgent a s T o p i c ) . b at + t a ind i c a t e s t hat the Top i c , a s a non-A c t o r
i s t h e p o s s e s so r ( e x . 1 8b . ) .
I f both the p o s s e s sor and the p o s s e s sed
ent i t y are t o p i c al then i t , though
b at precedes the Tense form inst ead o f fol lowing t a is s t i l l used ( ex . 1 8c . ) . The s ame rul e s o f c o n s t ru c t i o n
h o l d f o r s t at e s , where t h e Statant i s the equivalent o f the A c t o r . d i fferent po s s ib i l i t i e s are t h ere fo re : 18a .
Top i c ( t he child ) as St at an t , henc e i s p o s se s s ed . F irs t s t age : Qn .
n a � s u - ko ? c o ?
- ( t ay ? )
y o u who -Gen a h i � d- ( C I F ) ' Wh o 8 e ahi � d a r e y o u ? '
The
163
An .
I) a
I
r a m - ko? co?
k h e ? b a t n a? I) a
Ram-Gen chi l d b e
' I am
Pos NPt I
RAM ' S c h i l d . '
Final s t age ( ve rb only ) :
k h e ? - b a t - n a - I)? b.
Top i c ( Ram ) n o t a par t i c ipant First stage : Qn .
r a m - ko? c o ?
su
Ram - G en c h i l d who ' Wh i c h i s Ram ' s c h i l d ? '
An .
? o w ? r a m - ko ? c o ?
k h e ? n a? b at t a?
t h a t Ram-Gen c h i l d be
NPt Pos G l
' THA T ONE i s Ram ' s c h i l d . ' F inal s t age :
k h e ? - n a? - b a t - t h a y 18c .
( t h a y j a .
Because of t h e commonnes s o f Imp erat ives
the r e s u l t ant v o i c ed variant spread t o a l l s e c t ions o f the verb para d i gm wh i c h inc l uded 2 nd P erson Dual forms . 5 . 2 . 4. 7.
P a s t T e n s e F o rm s
Th ere i s s ome ev idenc e t o s ugge s t there were originally two s e parat e forms t hat were a s s o c iated w i t h Past Tense .
The ir phonemi c shape s were
* ( ? a ) t a ? and * ( ? a ) k a? , and they repre sented an a sp e c t ial c ontrast of s ome sort , such a s a Perfect or Relat ional a s p e c t versus a Non- Perfe c t aspe c t , o r Perfe c t ive v e r s u s Imp erfe c t ive ( or even a N e a r ver sus a D i s t ant Past opp o s it ion ) .
Evidenc e for t h e s e two forms c omes part i c u
l arly from the west ern d i a l e c t of C hepang whi c h s t i l l pre serves the oppo s it ion in t h e Tense markers ( 6 . 2 . 3 . ) .
Whi l e the form w i t h a velar
consonant ( t he k-form ) i s t h e sole Past Tense marker in the east ern ( Ma i s erang ) d i al e c t , t ra c e s of its oppo s i t e , the t - fo rm , remain in a s p ec t ual marker s , such as
? a t a ? ( 3 . 3 . 4 . ) , as well as p o s s ibly the S e c ( - t o and - t i resp e c t ively ) . Mo reover
ondary and Tert iary verb markers ,
the S unwar and Bahing l anguages ( in Shafer ' s East Himalay i s h s e c t io n ) both u s e a t V form a s a Past marker ( s e e c hart s 2 0 , 2 1 , App . l . ) .
The
reason for the near d i s appe aran c e o f the t - form in the east ern d i a l e c t o f Chepang i s i t s s imilarity with the NonAgent/Goal form
- t a « * t a? ) .
The p o s s ib i l it y o f c onfusion b etween the two has b een reso lved by t he Goal marker b ec oming dominant in the east ern d ialec t , whi l e e x a c t l y the oppo s i t e has happened in the west ern dialect - the t - form o f the Past Tense has dominated and t he Goal marker i s rarely found .
The formal
similarity b etween the Goal marker and the t-form Past affix c an b e i l l ustrated a s fol lows : 20 .
W e s t ern diale c t
? a i - ( ? a ) t a - I) ?
go
P fPt
- lE
' I wen t . '
c ompare with
East ern d ial e c t
? a i ? - ? a - t a - I) ?
take -Pt-Gl-1E
' He t o o k me . '
It i s p o s s ib l e that t h e t - fo rm has i t s e lf b ec ome the Goal morpheme i n the east ern diale c t .
However the Goal marker in t h i s dial e c t i s
found r ight t hroughout the verbal paradigm , inc lud ing t he NonPast and I nd e finit e future s e c t i ons , as well as w i t h Secondary and Negat ive verb fo rms wh i c h do not have ( Ab s o l ut e ) Ten s e affix e s .
More important l y
perhaps t here i s s ome dat a t o sugg e s t t h a t o c cas ional l y t h e west ern d ia l e c t uses a Goal affix in conj unc t i on with the t - form o f the Past ( 6 . 2 . 3 : 1 8 5 ) , and therefore the two morphemes were s eparat e , at s ome s tage at l east .
It i s more likely that the Goal and Tense morpheme s
have c ome from a c ommon root , po s s ib l y that o f
t e ? - < * t e? ' c a 8 t , t h row
165
a s h o r t di s tana e ' ( s e e Mat i s o f f , 1 9 7 3 , for the relat i o n b etween d i r e c In t h i s c a s e t h e fun c t ions would have t ional ac t i on and b enefa c t ives ) . first diverged , then l at er t h e forms b e c ame c onfused . even that t h e
It is p o s s ib l e
t a ? o f t h e C e s sat ive ( 3 . 2 . 3 . 2 . ) i s relat ed t o t h e t - fo rm
in i t s p erfe c t ive aspect ial s e ns e , s in c e the C e s s at i ve i s a c ommand t o cease , o r comp l e t e a n a c t ion .
The pre s e nt C e s sat ive would therefore
be a comb inat ion of the aspect marker , plus a form that was o rigina l l y emphat i c , b u t l a t e r analy s e d a s Negat ive ( s e e 5 . 2 . 3 : 1 5 6 ) . The k-form of t h e Past Tense has undergone c ons i derab l e phon o l o g i c al change .
Init ially it was probab ly
later add i t i o n o f t h e
* k a? ( and the t - fo rm * t a? ) , wi t h
? V as e ither a n Emphat i c , o r e l s e a development
of a former t rans i t ion vowel wh i c h o c c urred after c ombination w i t h t h e stem.
I n b ot h t h e east ern and we s t ern d i a l e c t s , the ve l ar con sonant
� in the 1 s t Person s e c t ions of the para I n the w e s t ern d i a l e c t t h i s l- form d i gm ( giving * ? V kV ? > ? V I V ? /_� ) . has spread to o ther areas of the paradigm . A l s o the kV ? s y l l ab l e i s has d i s s im i l at ed t o
b e fore
i t s e l f l o s t und er c e rt ain c i rcum s t anc e s , e s p e c ially when i t i s t he last o f a s t r ing o f c omb ined e l ement s ( s ee 5 . 4 . 1 . 3 : 1 7 0 ) . 5. 2. 5.
S U MM A R Y O F TO P I C S H I F T H Y POTH ES ES
A l though in one o r two c a s e s they may be somewhat spec ulat ive , t he explanat ions o f paradigm anoma l i e s g iven in the above two s e c t ions ( 5 . 2 . 3 . , 5 . 2 . 4 . ) , when taken together, give s t rong support t o the TS hypo t he s i s , inc luding its more spec i f i c form , the MTS proc e s s .
Espec ially
t h e s e exp lanat ions demonst rat e t h e viab i l i t y o f the not ion that free . pronominal e l ement s ( part i c ularly t ho s e o f t h e Person cat egory ) may b ec ome verbal suffi x e s whe n a s so c iated with t o p i c al it y . However t h e a c c ep tanc e o f t h i s notion do e s not e x c lude the pos s ib i l i t y o f reverse influenc e , w i t h some purely affi xal e l ement s - s p e c i f i c a ll y the Dual forms - later b ec oming a s s o c iated with t he f r e e pronouns . Such
rever s e in fluenc e i s required if the view i s t aken that t he b a s i c
Numb er e l ement s ,
ca ' Dual ' and
sa
' Plural ' w e r e init ially p o s t -verb a l
c l ausal part i c l e s , ind i cat ing Ac t ion rather t h a n Part i c ipant Numb er .
5.3. 5. 3 . 1 .
A L T E R NA T I V E P R OC E S S E S O F D E V E L O P M E N T G E N ER A L
O f the prop o s e d pro c e s s e s whi c h could have lead t o the development of pronominal affixat ion within Chepang ( as d i s t in c t from theories o f ext ernal origins , invo lving d i ffus ion or sub s t ratum infl uenc e - s e e 6 . 3 . 3 . ) , t h er e a r e two wh i c h are s igni f i c ant enough t o b e c ons idered her e .
The s e are development via the Chara c teri s at ion c on s t ruc t io n , and
development by analo gy with Po s s e s s ive s .
166
5. 3 . 2.
C HA R A C T E R I SA T I O N C L A U S E P R O C ESS
Charac t e r i s at ion c on s t ru c t i ons , de s cribed in s e c t ion similar to c l eft c o n s t ruct ions in Engl i s h .
4 . 2 . 4 . 2 . , are
That i s , they are Equat ive s ,
w i t h an NP repre s e n t i ng t h e Statan t part i c ipant , p l u s an NP with a r e l at ive c l au s e des cribing t h e St atant .
However in Eng l i s h the head o f
t h e Relat i ve const ruct ion i s a general t erm ( such a s ' on e ' , a s in ' I
a m t h e o n e who l ef t .
'
) , whereas i n Chepang th e h ead i s normally a n en
c l i t i c pronominal form .
Moreover the h ead const i t uent always fo l l ows
the r e lat ive c lause in Chepan g .
An examp l e o f a Chara c t e r i s at ion c on
s t r uc t i o n , s im i l ar to that given i n chap t e r
21 .
4 , is :
I) i - c I I a n - k u s wa h - 1 0 - 1 a -l)a - c a we-Dl demon- Com mo ve -RN-Em-1E-Dl Head Stat ant Relat ive C l ause
' We two are o n e s who go a b o u t wi t h demo ns . ' I f , t herefore , Chara c t e r i s at ion c laus e s inc luded Relat ive c o n s t ru c t ions formed , a s normally , w i t h the h ead fol lowing t h e relat ive c lause , then t h e pronominal e lemen t s whi c h cons t it ut e the head would nat urally follow the verb .
T h e Chara c t e r i s a t i on c o n s t ru c t ion could then form
t h e pat t ern for pronominal affixat i on in general .
Such a prop o s a l has
in fact b ee n mad e by Wat t er s for the Kham language , on the b a s i s of c o n s t ruct ions s im i l ar t o the Chara c t e r i s at ion type ( Wat t er s , 1 9 7 5 ) . The main obj e c t ion t o t h i s proposal i s t h e rar i t y o f t h e s e construc t i ons , at l e a s t in Chepang .
Only o ne c l au s e out o f s everal thousand
in t e xt is a Charac t e r i s at ion c laus e , and , wh i l e t hey are perhaps more frequent in c onversat ion , I have not noted t h em to be very common . The i r o c c urrenc e would , however , s t rengthen the cho i c e o f p o s t -verb al p o s i t ion fo r pronominal e l ement s . I t i s p o s s i b l e that the Charac t erisat ion c laus e s have themse lves ari s en from a TS p ro c e s s t hat has app l i e d to Hab i t ual c l aus e s . This " would a c count for the fact t hat pronominal e l ement s , rather than general nouns , are used a s t he h ead of the r e l at ive as i n the Eng l i s h c le f t c o n s t ruc t io n , in Chepang ) .
22 .
( tho ught it i s t rue t h a t general nouns t end t o b e avo i ded The development would b e :
F i r s t s t age : I) I - c l I a n - k u s wa h - 1 0 w e - D l demon- Com m o v e - RN
Hab i t ual C laus e
' We two hab i t ua l ly go a b o u t w i t h demons . ' S e c o nd s t age :
I) l - c l I a n
- k u s wa h - 1 0 I) a
we D l demon-Com m o v e -RN I Main Claus e Top i c -
ca
Dl
Top i c Shift
167
Final s t age : Re-analys i s
- k u s wa h -?o-Qa-ca
n l -c i I a n
we - Dl demo n - Com mo v e -RN - IE-Dl
' We two are o n e s who g o a b o u t wi t h demons . ' 5 . 3. 3.
POSSESS I V E ANA L OG Y
A n older hypothe s i s concerning the origin o f pronominal s y s t ems i s g iven by Konow .
Fol lowing Friedr i c h MUl l e r , Konow s ugge s t s t hat the
Tibeto-Burman language s do not now have real verb s , b ut rather pos s e s s inde fini t e b a s e s wh i c h may b e used as e i ther nouns or verb s ( Konow , in Griers o n , 1 9 0 9 , vol . 3/ 1 : 6 ) .
Thus pronouns are adj o in e d t o ( more
c l e arly nominal ) b as e s to form pos s e s s i ve cons t ruc t ions . I t is c ertainly t rue that almo s t any noun root in Chepang can b e comb ined with a Tens e affi x , usually the NonPast form , t o give a verb l ike const i t uent : 2 3a .
p rem- ko? r a Q
baQ
-na?
Prem- Gen fi e l d s to ne -N Pt ' Prem ' s fi e l d i8 s tony . '
b.
gopa l p u?
-na?
Gopa l OBro . NPt -
' Gopa l is the o l de r bro th e r . ' The b l urring o f the noun-verb dist inct ion for roo t s also o c c urs in Munda l anguage s ( P innow , 1 9 6 6 : 1 8 3 ) .
However t h ere i s no s ign i n Chepang
of t h e use of j ux t ap o s ed pronoun e l ement s to ind i c at e p o s s e s s i o n , t h ough such c o n s t ruct ions d o o c c ur fairly free l y i n o t h e r Tibet o-Burman languag e s , such as Kham and Limb u .
I n t h e s e languages t h e pronominal
e l ement always precedes the p o s s e s s e d noun and s o i t i s unlikely t hat such a c o n s t ruct ion could ac c o un t for pronominal s uffixat ion , nor indeed for the comp l e x i t i e s of the verb a l s y s t e m . There a r e some languages , incl uding Kusunda , f o r wh i c h t h e P o s s e s s ive analogy is a plausible e xp lanat ion for pronominal affixation however . This can be s e e n from a Kus unda e xamp l e : 24 .
.sJ....!.- Y A
�- ec i
�- a m - n A n
he - Gen 3 - a h i l d 3- e a t -NPt , Hi8 ahi ld e a t s . '
Here i t c an be seen that t h e Po s s e s s ive 3rd Person prefix e xac t l y paral l e l s the verbal 3rd Person prefi x .
Th e Kus unda pronominal s y s t em
i s , however, very s imp l e , b eing l i t t l e more t han a marking o f the A c t o r Person c at egory by prefixat ion .
168
D E V E L O PM E N T O F T H E C H E PA N G P R O N O M I N A L S Y S T E M I N D E T A I L
5.4.
PR O N OM I N A L E L EM ENTS AND R U L ES O F C H A N G E
5. 4. 1.
In t h e p revious s e c t ion it w a s s ugge s t e d that the pres ent comp l e x pronominal forms in Chepang have a r i s e n from free pronouns , and o t h e r part i c l e s , by a mo d i fi e d Topic S h i f t pro c e s s .
I f this hypothe s i s i s
c orre c t it should b e pos s ib le t o show that b o t h t he present free pro nouns , and the pronominal affixes , have come from this earl i er set o f e l ement s via a s e r i e s o f p lausib l e changes .
Such a demons t rat ion i s
i n d e e d pos s i b le , us ing a small s e t o f init ial Pronominal Group e l ement s , t o gether with a few s imple rul e s o f phonological and morphologi cal change . 5.4. 1. 1.
P r o p o s ed P r o n o m i n a l
Person
G r o u p E l e me n t s
( Ac t ion ) Numb er
f) a n a ( f)
S ingular
r/J
2 nd
Dual
3rd
r/J
Plural
ca sa nI ?I
1 st
( Non - 1 s t ) Plural De i c t i c P lural Tense
Agent Top i c
?u
Non-Agent Top i c
t a?
Other
Past i . ii . Non- Pa s t Ind . Fut ure
ka'? t a? n a? c a?
Negat ive CIF Emphat i c Refl e x ive S e c o ndary
ma? t ay? la sa to
I t i s p o s s i b l e that the original 2nd P e r s on e lement was original l y s imply
* n a , and t hat the pre s en t morpheme w a s formerly the 1 st P e r s o n
Inc lusive pronoun .
Th i s Inc lus ive form would have b een c o n s t ruc t e d by
j uxt apo s i ng the 2nd and 1 s t Person e l ement s , with later loss o f the final vowel :
* n a + * f) a > * f) a f) a > * n a f) .
pronoun is formed in j us t this way , with
In Kus unda the I n c l u s i ve free
n u ' 2 nd Person ' , and c l ' 1 s t n uc l ' 1 s t Person I n c l us ive ' .
Person ' , b e ing combined i n t h is o rder t o give
In Kanauri also t h e Inc lusive free pronoun appears t o b e c ompos ed o f c ombined 2nd and 1 s t Person e l ement s ( s e e c hart 2 9 , App . l . , a l s o Maspero , 1947 : 1 75 ) .
The s h i f t o f funct ion from 1 s t Inclus ive to 2nd Person
would b e s t rongly as s i s t ed b y the fact t hat t he s ame 1 s t and 2nd Person e l ement s ,
* f) a and * n a , come together in the 1 - 2 s e c t ion verb a l forms
( s ee 5 . 4 . 2 . 3 : 1 7 5 ) , to give , for ins t an c e :
169
25.
w a n ? - n e? -� - j a
bring -NPt - 2 -lE- 2Dl
, I bring y o u two . ' n a - � , could e a s i ly b e re-int erpret ed a s n a � , by c ontrast w i t h the t rue Inc lus ive form , t ay h ,
The two c omb ined affixe s , t h e s ingle e l ement
wh i c h developed at about the s ame t ime ( 5 . 4 . 2 . 3 : 1 7 4 ) t o give : 26.
wan? -na?-t ayh-ca
bring - N Pt - l ln -Dl
Analogy with t h i s
n a � affi x , now viewed as a s impl e 2nd Person n a � ) l o s ing
e l ement , co uld lead t o the free Inc lus i ve pronoun ( a l s o
i t s referenc e to the speaker to b e c ome a purely 2nd Person pronoun . 5 . 4. 1.2.
1
P r o p o s e d O r d e r o f E l e me n t s
The o rder i n wh i c h t h e s e e l ement s were placed after the verb fol lowing a Topic Shift wa s : Primary :
(CIF)
Ten s e
( CIF)
( Case ) Person
O t h er :
( CIF)
Negat ive ( C ase ) Person Numb er { S e c o ndary
Numb er
5.4.1.3.
Propos ed R u l e s o f C ha n ge
( Re fl exive )
Given b elow are t h e main rul e s o f phono logi cal c hange wh i c h apply to the Pronominal Group e l ement s .
I t i s importan t t o note t hat they
are v i ewed a s applying only when t he e l ement s combined as e nc l i t i c s o r affixe s .
This r e s t r i c t ion means t hat t h e t ime o f comb inat ion o f
various e l ement s ( in relation t o t h e app l i cat ion o f t h e rule s ) i s impor t ant , s in c e it will affect t h e final form o f t he affi xat ion .
Moreover
c ertain rules apply only to s t r e s s e d s y l l ab l e s , whi c h are the first o f a s t r ing o f comb i ned e l ement s .
This al so means t hat t h e relat ive t ime
of comb inat ion i s import ant . 1.
A s s imilat ion .
The c entral vowel a s s imilat ed t o t h e p o s i t ion o f
a pre c e ding o r fol lowing h igh vowel under certain condit ions given b y t h e rul e :
a ....
l na�
c
Cons onan t ,
Vh
High Vowe l
i s a 2nd Person form i n i ) West Central Himalayish ( Bodic Divi sion ) ; ii ) Kuk i sh and Kachin ( Burmic Division ) ; i i i ) Bari c . This widespread oc currence in Tibeto-Burman is a counter-evi dence for the above proposal .
170
Thi s rule op erat e s a t any t ime Pronomina l Group e lement s are c omb ined , so that i t app l i e s at more than one s tage . Lo s s o f G l o t t al Syllab l e .
2.
( ? V mor
Glott a l init ial syllab l e s
pheme s ) are l o s t when th ey are part of a s t r ing o f comb ined s y l l ab l e s , b ut not whe n t h ey are alone . further c omb i nat ion .
The rule app l i e s only at one s t age , b e fo re
The funct i o n of t h i s l o s t form is t aken over by
a new form produced by reanaly s i s o f the remaining s y llab le s .
The
rul e i s :
?V
�
¢>
( e xc ep t / #
#)
Re s y l l ab i fi c at ion .
3.
(#
_
Word Boundary )
Re s y l l ab i fi c at i on may t ake place whe n two
( mono s y l l ab i c ) e l ements c omb ine to form a single syllab l e .
Thi s resul t s
in a change in t h e form o f t h e morpheme s , b ut not in t o t a l lo s s , o r fus i o n .
The rul e s f o r t h i s are :
a.
Ca(?)
NVn f
+
b.
C a?
+
NVf
c.
C a?
+
{
d.
Cay?
4.
Vowe l S p l it .
+
Non-Front Vowe l
�
C aN V f
�
c a{
�
C ay h
�� QV
Nasal Cons onan t ,
C aN ( ? )
�
Front Vowel
��
At s ome fairly late s t age ( at least after Re
sy l l ab i f i c at io n ) the c entral vowel s p l it to give a mid- c e ntral a low- c entral
'a
�
a
a
-
the l at t er b e in g condit ioned by s t re s s .
( e xcept /
Cnv l
__
SV
SV)
S emi-vowel, Stress
9
and
The rule i s :
C v n I
= Non -Ve lar,
The N on-Vel ar l imit a t i on t o the e x c ept ion i s inc luded t o a c c ount for forms , such as
- ? a k a - y ? ' Pa s t P l ural ' , wh ere the s e c ond vowel has
lowered even t h o ugh it precedes a semi vowel .
The explanat ion may i n
fac t l i e i n the d i s y l l ab i c nat ure o f t h e Past form .
The e x c ep t i on as
a who l e do e s n o t app ly t o t h e west ern dial e c t , where
a w and a y are
found ( 6 .
2. 3. ) .
5. P a s t Tense Change s . A s has b een ment ioned earl i e r ( 1 . 5 . 3 . ) the P a s t Tense has s everal forms depending on t he different phono l o g i c al environment s in which it is found .
The chang e s i n c l ude the add i t ion o f
a
Thi s prefix may have b egun a s a
? V prefix t o t h e b as i c k V ? form .
t rans i t ion vowel that was used o n c e the Tense form c omb ined with the verb stem, at a l a t e s t age , o r it may have b ee n an Emphat i c . o ft en ab s ent i n t h e west ern dialect forms o f t he Past Tens e . s t age is t h e d i s s imilat ion of
k t o I b efore velar na sal
Q.
It i s A s e c ond The third
171 change i s from ( ? V ) k V ? t o ? V , whe n the Tense form i s not c omb ined with any fol lowing e l ement .
This c hange must have taken place before the
Tense part i c l e combined with t h e Non-Agent marker marker
it a? o r the Inclus i ve t a y h , as t h e Past form i s ? a b e fore b o t h o f t h e s e . The s e rules
may be summari s e d as follows : a. b. c.
k V ? .... ? V 1 _#
k V i ? .... ? V i kV i ? k V .... i V I_Q
The order ing of t h e s e change s with respe c t to e ach ot her is not c l ear , since it makes no d ifference t o t h e final form .
As a whol e , however ,
t h ey presumab ly fol lowed R e s y l l ab i fi c at i on .
6.
G l ide Reduc t ion .
position,
A glide from a mid- c e nt ral t o a high front
a y , i s reduc ed to a s ingle s egment ,
e,
under stres s , provided
the s y l lable i n which i t o c c ur s i s not last in a s t r ing o f comb ined e l ement s :
' ay
....
'
e
( e xc ept 1___# )
A s well as t h e s e maj o r rules t here are one o r two minor changes These will b e dealt with where r e l evant .
whi c h must be a c c ounted for . 5.4. 1. 4.
Order i n g o f Combi n a t i o n s and Chan ges
A s h a s b ee n pointed o u t ab ove , b e c aus e s e veral o f t h e rules o f change are re s t r ic t e d to comb ined element s and to c e rt a in po s i t ions within a s t ring o f c omb ined element s , t he ordering o f comb inat ions and c hanges i s import ant .
This ordering i s given b e low .
One i t em o f s ignificanc e
i s that t h e Agent Top i c fo rm ? u c omb ined wi th t h e Pers on-Numb e r forms at an earl ier s t age t han did the Non-Agent Top i c e lement
it a? �
Th i s
may have b e e n b ec au s e o f t h e g r e a t e r frequency o f Agent Top i c s , o r e l s e b ecause a ? V form t ends t o b e a weak syl labl e , l iab l e to comb inat ion and eventual lo s s . i.
The ordering t h en i s :
Comb inat ion o f Agent , Person and Numb er element s ( to give an
( A ) PN unit ) . ii . iii . iv.
App l i c at ion o f Rule 1 ( A s s imilat ion ) . App l icat ion o f Rule
2 ( Lo s s o f Glot t al Syllab l e ) .
Comb inat i on o f ( A ) PN uni t with preced ing e l ement ( Tense o r
Non-Agent t op i c , o r t h e C I F marke rs ) , t o give a Pronominal Group ( PnG ) uni t . v.
Combination o f Negat i ve or Reflexive with PnG uni t , w i t h re
app l i c at ion o f Rule 1 , A s s imilat ion . vi . vii .
App l i c at ion of Rule 3 . App l i c at ion o f Rule
4.
( R,e s y l lab i fi c at ion ) . ( Vowel S p l i t ) .
172
vii i . x.
App l ic at ion o f Rule 5 .
( Past Tens e Change s ) .
Comb inat ion o f all p o s t verbal e l ement s .
ix .
App l i cation o f Rule 6 .
xi .
( Gl ide Reduc t ion ) .
Comb inat ion o f e l emen t s and verb s t em .
5. 4. 2.
EXA M P L ES O F D E V E L O PM E NT
5 . 4 . 2. 1.
Method
I n t h i s s e c t ion it i s prop o s ed t o fo ll ow t hrough , i n detai l , t h e development o f t h e free pronouns and o f s ome o f t h e affixa l forms . B e c au s e o f the l arge numb er o f the latter ( we l l over a hundre d ) , it i s n o t p o s s ib l e t o d e a l with each ind ividual ly , and only e ight exampl e s The s e will b e chosen on their ab i l i t y t o e x emp l i fy
w il l be given here .
t h e rul e s o f change , and also to present spe c ial problems . a l i s at ion t hat will be made is to use
One gener
B a ? to represent all three Tense
forms where po s s ib l e , s eparat ing o ut t h e Past forms only wh en nec e s s ary . The s t ages o f change will b e numb ered as given in the s e c t ion above ( 5 . 4 . 1 . 4 . ) , whe re the ordering of rul e s and c omb inat ions is d e s c ribed . I rrel evan t s t ages are omi t t ed and s t r e s s i s marked only where it i s n e e d e d for a rul e . 5.4.2.2.
F r e e P ro n o u n s
Note that t h e s e inc lude only t h e 1 s t and 2nd Person forms a s t h e 3rd Person forms are in fact Demonst ratives ( 2 . 1 . 2 : 5 5 ) . S i ngular marker is a s s ume d to be the ( De i c t i c ) in t h e Plural .
The original Non
? I , p o s s ib ly redup li c at e d
At s ome s t age ( here t aken t o be b e fo re s t age i i . ) t h e
verbal A c t i on-Number Dual form s were added t o the f r e e fo rms . P e r s o n form h e r e i s t aken as
i.
Original
ia .
Add A c t ion No .
ii .
A s s im .
11i .
Loss
?V
iv .
V Split
xi .
Final
I
* n a� , b ut s e e 5 . 4 . 1 . 1 .
1 s t
P e r s o n
S
Dl
�a �a �a �a �a
The 2nd
�a-? I � a -c a - ? I � 1 £c l £? 1 � I -c l �1 { � I -c 1 n l -c l
2 n d
Pl
S
�a-? I -? I
n a�
� I -? I -? I �1 �1 �I
na� n a� ' na � na�
P e r s o n Dl
na�-? I n a� - J a - ? I n l � -J I - ? I n l � -j l n i �-j 1 n 1 � -J 1
Pl
n a� -? I n l � -? I -? I nl� nl� nl�
173
5.4.2. 3.
D e v e l o p me n t o f V e r b a l A f f i x e s
Non- Intentive Forms
a.
1 s t Person Dual , a s in :
I) I - c I w a l) - n a - I) ? - c a we - Dl aome - N Pt - 1 E - D l ' We two aome . '
Original form :
I) a w a l)
I
Top i c shift :
S a? c a?
aome Tn
Dl
I) a w a l) S a? I)a c a
Development o f verb from separat e element s . PN C omb .
i. iv . vi . vi i . viii .
w a l) PnG Comb . w a l) w a l) R3a , Resyl l . ' wa l) R4 , V Split w a l) R5b , Ten s e
S a? I) a - c a S a ? - I) a - c a S a - I) ? - c a ' S a - I) ? - c a S a - I) ? -c a
Pt .
R5c , D i s s im . F inal NPt .
xi.
IFu . b.
w a l) - n a - I) ? - c a w a l) - c a - I) ? - c a
2nd Person P lural , a s i n :
w a f) ? a k a - I) ? -c a w a l) ? a l a - I) ? - c a wa l) - ? a l a - I) ? -c a
n i l) w a l) - t e ? - n a ? - j a
y o u aom e - C I F-NPt - 2Dl , You two aome . ,
Note the u s e o f t he iv . vi . vii . vi i i . ix . x. xi .
c.
? I Pl ural form here . w a l) t a y ? S a? ? I PnG C omb . w a l) t a y ? S a? - ? I R 3 c , R e s yl l . wa l) t a y ? S a- v ? ' wa l) ' t a y ? ' S a - v ? Pt . ' wa l) ' t a y? ' k a - y ? R 4 , V S p l it R5b , Tens e w a l) t a y ? ? a k a - y? w a f) t a y ? - ? a k a - y ? w a f) t a y ? - S a - y ? PVb Comb . R 6 , Glide Red. w a l) w a l) ' t e? - ? a ka - y ? t e? - S a - y ? w a f) - t e? -? a ka - y ? NPt . w a l) - t e ? - n a - y ? Final IFu . wa l) - t a ? - c a - y ? PN Comb .
i.
1 st Person P lural Negat i ve , a s in :
I) l w a l) - I) - I - 1 1
we aom e - 1E - P I - Neg ' We do no t aome . '
N o t e the l o s s o f the original Negat i ve form i t s fun c t ion by t h e former Emphat i c i.
PN Comb .
ii .
Rl , A s s im .
?V Lo s s
iii .
R2 ,
v.
N e g . Comb . Rl , A s s i m .
xi.
F inal
w a l) rn a ? w a l) w a l)
rn a ? , and t h e take-over o f
l a , a s e xplained i n 5 . 2 . 3 : 1 5 6 .
I) a - ? I l a f) l - ? 1 l a I) - I I e f) - I - I I I) - I - I I wa l) w a l) - I) - I - I I
l a b e c ome s Negat ive
174
The development o f t h e Se condary forms i s ident i c al t o t hat o f the
to do e s not a vowel o f the 1 s t Person S i ngular and
Negat i ve , e x c ept that t h e vowel o f t h e S e c ondary marker a s s imilat e , inst ead it c au s e s a
Dual t o a s s imilate to i t s p o s i t ion , as wi t h :
n l -c i w a Q -Qo-co -t o
w e -Dl come- 1E-Dl- 2ry , We two h a ve come . . . ' Intentive Forms
a.
1 s t S ingular A gent with 3rd P l ural Goal or 1st Plural Agent with
3rd S ingul ar Goal , as i n :
wan? -na -Q?-s -u
bring-NPt - 1E -P l-Ag ' I/We bring them/h i m . '
i.
A PN Comb
ii.
Rl , A s s i m .
11i .
R2 ,
iv .
PnG Comb .
v.
R 3a , Resy l l .
vi i .
R4 , V Sp l i t
v1 1 i .
R 5b , Tense
waQ? waQ? wan? wan? wan? ' wa n ? wan?
? V Loss
a a? ? u - Q a - s a a a? ? u - Q u - s u aa? QU-S-U aa?-Qu-s-u aa -Q?-s-u ' aa - Q?-s-u a a - Q ? - s - u Pt .
R5c xi .
Final
NPt .
wan?-na-Q?-s-U w a n ? -c a - Q ? - s - u
IFu . b.
wan? ?aka-Q?-s-u wan? ?a l a -Q?-s-u w a n ? -? a l a - Q ? - s - u
1 st Inc lus ive P lural Agent , 3rd Person Goal a s in :
wa n ? -na ?-t a y h - n - I
bring - NPt - lln -Ag-Pl ' We two bring i t . ' N o t e that this form , whi c h inc ludes t h e addr e s s e e , uses the P l ural fo rm , ment ioned earl i er ( 5 . 2 . 4 . 4 . ) .
*n l
It i s not c le ar whether
this a l s o i nd i c at ed Agent c as e , o r whether it was o ri ginally a c c ompani e d by a n Agent T o p i c form now t aken over b y the i. 11. 11i . iv . vi . vi i . v1 1 i . ix . xi .
n
?u which h a s s in c e b ee n lost , w i t h i t s funct ion of t h e n l .
w a n ? e a? t a y ? ( ? u ) - Q a - n l w a n ? a a? t a y ? ? u - Q u - n l R2 , ? V Loss wan? aa? t ay? Q-u-n l C I F Comb . w a n ? a a? t a Y ? - Q - u - n 1 R 3d , Resyl l . w a n ? a a? t ay h - n - I Note l o s s o f - u R 4 . V Split ' wa n ? ' a a ? ' t ay h - n - I R5a . Ten s e wa n ? a a ? t ay h - n - I Pt . w a n ? ? a t ay h - n - I PVb Comb . w a n ? ? a -t a y h - n - I w a n ? a a ? -t a y h - n - I NPt . Final wa n ? -? a -t a y h - n - I wan? -na?-t ayh-n - I IFu . wan?-ca?-t aYh-n - 1 APN Comb .
Rl , A s s im .
175
c.
3rd Person Agent with 1 st Person P lural Goal , a s in :
wan? -na?-ta-Q - I
br ing-NPt -Gl-1E-Pl I
They bring us . I PN Comb
i.
w a n ? S a? t a? Q a - ? I ii . R l , A s s im . w a n ? S a? t a? Q i - ? I iii. R 2 , ?V Loss w a n ? S a? t a? Q - i iv . Case C omb . w a n ? S a? t a? - Q - I R 3b , Resyll . vi . w a n ? S a? t a - Q - i vii . R4 . V Split ' wa n ? ' Sa ? ' t a - Q - i wan? Sa? t a-Q- I v ii i . R5a . Tense Pt . ix . PVb Comb . wan? na?-ta -Q- i xi . NPt . F inal wa n ? - n a ? -t a -Q- I IFu . w a n ? -c a ? - t a - Q - I d.
wa n? ?a t a - Q - I wa n? ? a -t a - Q - i wa n ? - ?a - t a - Q - i
3rd Person Agent and Goal , with Goal cros s-referenc e , a s i n :
wan? -na?-t ha-ca
b r i ng
I H e b r i n g s t ho s e two .
I
t V ? > t h V app ly ing after t h V - Q ? - s e e c . ab ove ) .
These fo rm s require a n A sp irat i on rul e : Re s y l l ab i fi c at ion ( t o prevent i.
w a n ? S a? t a? c a w a n ? S a? t a ? -c a R4 , V Split ' wa n ? ' S a ? ' t a ? - c a wa n ? S a ? t h a - c a ( A spn . ) R5a , Past wa n ? S a ? t h a -c a PVb C omb . wa n ? S a ? - t h a -c a F inal NPt . wan?-na?-t ha-ca IFu . w a n ? - c a ? - t h a -c a C a s e Comb .
vii . viii . xi .
+
PN C omb .
iv .
ix.
t V-Q?
Pt .
w a n ? ? a t ha -c a wa n ? ? a - t h a - c a wa n ? - ? a - t h a - c a
Th e form o f t h e A sp irat ion rul e i s intere s t ing , i n that i t gives some idea as to t h e c ondit ions bringing about asp irat ion of init ial conson ant s , whi c h are regarded by Be ned i c t a s a lat er development in T i b e t o Burman ( Benedi c t , 1 9 7 2 : 2 0 , b ut s e e also Mazaudon , 1 9 7 6 : 1 7 ) .
As noted
above the change must have t aken p l ac e a f t e r Re sy llab i fi c at i on , t o e x p l a i n the una spirat ed G o a l forms in the 3 - 1 s e c t ion .
It o c curs in
a stres sed syllab l e . With S ingul ar Goal the Goal c a s e marker may undergo a furt her change to
t h a y , t hough t h i s form is an idiol e c t variant in the east ern d iale c t s . e.
1 s t Person Agent with Se cond Person Goal , as i n :
wa n ? - n e ? - ( n a ) - n a - Q - s a
bring-NP t - 2
- 2 - lE-Pl
'I b r i ng y o u a n . I
and
wan? -ne?- ( n a ) -?a i a -Q?-sa
b r i ng-NP t - 2
-Pt
- lE-Pl
'I broug h t y o u a l l . I
176
There are several p o i n t s t o b e noted about the development o f t h e s e F i rs t ly t here i s t h e fro n t ing o f t h e vowel in the T e n s e fo rm ,
forms .
p o s s ib l y b e c ause o f c omb i na t ion w i th a pre ceding D e i c t i c or Informat ion Flow marker
? I a s des cribed in 5 . 2 . 4 . 3 , with t hi s c omb inat ion t aking
p l a c e b e fore the Vowel Split .
S e condly t h ere is th e p o s s ib l it y o f
redup l i c at ing t h e 2 n d Person form up t o two t ime s , with t h e re dupl i cated e lement b eing
n a and s t r e s s on the c l o s ed syllab l e , n a - � . n a i s re analy s e d as
Thirdly in the Non-Pas t , t h e 2nd Person e l ement
na ' Non-Past ' and the Past forms are then c ons truc t e d on t h i s b as i s , t o g ive :
- ( n a) -?a l a -�?-sa
w a n ? - n a?
b r i ng- ( NPt ) - ( 2 ) -Pt
- lE-Pl
'I brought you a 'l L ' As w i th all s it uat ions where t h e addre s s e e is Goal t here is no Goal c a se marker . i. vi . vii . vi i i . ix. xi.
The development t herefore is as fo llows :
PN Comb .
w a n ? ? I a a? n a- n a - � a - s e w a n ? ? I a a? n a- n a - � - s a ( Tens e change ) n a- n a - � - s a w a n ? a e? R 4 , V Split na- ' na-�-sa ' wa n ? ' a e ? n a-na-�-sa (Reanaly s i s of -na ) w a n ? a e ? w a n ? ae ? n a- n a - � - s a w a n ? ae? n a- ? a k a - � ? - s e R5b , Tense w a n ? ae? n a - ? a l a - � ? - s a R5c PVb Comb . w a n ? ae ? - n e - n a - � - s a w a n ? g e ? -n a - ? a l a - Q ? - s a NPt . w a n ? - n e ? - n a- n a - � - s a w a n ? - n e ? - n e - ? a l a - Q ? - s e F ina l IFu . w a n ? -c e ? - n e - n a - � - s a
R 3a , Resyll .
The r eason for t he unu s ual Past form p robab ly l i e s i n the fac t t hat t h e s e s it uat ions , in wh i c h t h e s peaker t e l l s the addres s e e what he ( t he s p eake r ) did t o him in t he past , t end t o b e uncommon .
The Past t en s e
therefore i s formed s imp l y on the b a s i s o f analogy with an a l t ernat ive analy s i s of the Non-Past verb . Verb forms for the reverse s i t ua t i on , with a 2nd Person as Agent and a 1 s t Person S ingular as Goal , are t h e s ame as t h e ab ove , e x c e p t where the 2nd Person i s a l s o S ingular , when the s upplet ive Person e l ement s .
c l i s used for the
In o t h er words the 2nd Person Agent dominat e s for
c ro s s-reference i n 2NS-IS s e c t ion of the paradigm .
Howeve r when t h e
1 s t Person Goal i s Non-Singular i t predomina t e s and t h e verbal affixes are th e s ame a s for the 3-1 s e c t i o n , t he development o f which i s de s c ribed i n c .
above .
Re flexives
Refl e x ive forms are c on s t ru c t ed on the . mo del o f Non-Int ent ive verbs and lack c as e marking - inst ead they use the Refle xive morpheme wh i c h
177
i s bas i c al ly
The present Refle xive free pronoun i s
sa.
l ay ? wh ich i s
not related to t h e b o und form . In 2 nd Person Non-S ingular Reflexives a 2 nd Person element ,
* n a Q ) may b e included as well as t h e CIF form t e ?
«
nlQ
As an examp l e ,
the 2nd Person P l ural Refle xive i s : or
wa n? - t e ? - n a -y?-s l
bring-C IF-NPt-Pl-Rfl ' Yo u bri ng ( for) y o urs e z. v e s . '
wa n? -t e?-na?-n I Q - s - I
bring-C IF-NPt - 2
-Pl-Refl
, Yo u bring ( fo r ) y o ur s e z. v e s . '
w a n ? t a y ? 9 a? ? I s a
( In i t i a l s t age ) : PnG c omb .
iv .
w a n ? t a y ? 9 a? - ? 1 s a w a n ? t a y ? 9 a? - ? I - s l w a n ? 9 ay? 9 a- y ? - s l R2 , Resy l l . ' wa n ? ' t a y? ' 9 a- y ? - s l R4 , V S p l it w a n ? t ay? 9 a - y? - s l Pt . R5b , Tense w a n ? t a y ? - 9 a- y ? - s I PVb Comb R6 , Glide Red . w a n ? ' t e ? - 9 a- y ? - s l w a n ? -t e ? - n a - y ? - s l NPt . F inal w a n ? -t e ? -c a - y ? - s l IFu . Refl Comb .
v. vi . vii . vii i . ix . x. xi .
wan? t ay? ?aka-y?-s l w a n ? t ay ? - ? a k a - y ? - s l w a n ? ' t e ? - ? a ka - y ? - s l wan?-t e?-?a ka -y? -s l
The Dual forms o f t h e Re flex ives are construc t e d a c c o rding to an analy s i s of
* s a ) as t h e P l ural marker , and hence �egard y? «
sl «
as the Reflexive marker in t h e above P l ural forms . Dual i s :
wan? -na -Q - I
*? I )
Thus the 1 s t Person
-c l
bring -NPt 1E -Re f l-Dl -
not
xwa n ? - n a - Q ? - c a - s a
bring-NPt- 1E-Dl-Rfl
as might b e expect ed .
Simi l arly the 2 nd Person
forms incorporat ing the 2nd Person e l ement are based o n t h e s ame analy s i s t o give :
wa n? -t e ? - n a ? - n I Q- s - I
brin g - CIF N P t - 2 -
-P l-Refl
The confusion be tween the Reflex ive and the P l ural forms p O i n t s to the po s s ib i l i t y of the former o r iginal ly coming from the P l ural A c t ion Numb er morpheme
sa.
The Reflexive sense of the morpheme may have
derived from the plural via the not ion o f rec ipro c al i t y , whi c h o f n e c e s s ity invo lves Non-S ingular act ions and p ar t i cipan t s . would t herefore b e : Suppletive Form
T h e s emant i c chain
Plural > Rec iprocal > Reflexive .
cl
The form used t o mark t h e 2S-1S s e c t ion ,
-c l , i s c omp l e t e l y s upp l e t i ve . It is s imilar t o t h e Newari and A lmora 1 st Person form , j l , and ident i c al to the Kusunda 1 st Person pronoun ( 6 . 4 . 4 . ) .
178
5.5.
CONCLUS I ONS
The detailed des cription o f t h e deve lopment o f various verb forms , given in the l a s t s e c t ion , is important b e cause it demo n s t rat e s t hat the MTS proposal i s compatible wi t h t h e fa c t s o f the present pronominal s y s t em .
I ndeed not only i s it compat i o l e with t h e present s y s t e m , b ut
it c an a l so e xp l ain s ome o f the more puz z l ing details o f the paradigm . Mo reover t h i s explanation c an be achi eved with only a few general phono l o g i c al rul e s o f c hange , together with a sma l l numb er o f plausible a s s umpt ions c on cerning the nature o f t h e l anguage , and t h e s e t o f pro nominal e l ement s , at in e arl i er s t age . There are other ob 3 e rvat ions a l s o that follow from the p o s i t e d development .
F i r s t ly , evidence from t h e affixes s uggest s t ha t t h e s p l i t
o f i n i t i a l consonant s i n t o aspirated and unaspirat e d forms took p l a c e a t a r e l at ively late 3 t age , support ing Benedict ' s v i ew o f Pro t o -Tibeto Burman consonant contrast s . S e c o ndly t here i s no evidence at any s t age that t h ere was mo rpho logi c al fus ion b e tween t he Tense and Pronominal element s .
Thi s places
Chepang in a small s e t o f Tib et o-Burman languages whi c h are e x c e p t ions t o the general rule of Tense c o n co rd in the Pronominal affixes ( 6 . 3 . 2 . 4 . ) . A t hird point t hat emerges from the pro p o s ed deve lopment i s t hat t h e I n c l us ive morpheme t a y h app ears t o derive from the C IF form t e ? , plus what was orig inally a general 1 s t Person from , Q a .
After the
development o f the I n c lus ive form, t h i s general 1st Person morpheme has b ec ome l imit ed t o an ind i c at ing Exc lus i ve s e ns e . It i s even p o s s ible to s uggest t he origins o f the two I nformat ion Flow morpheme s , t a? and t a Q ?
By the rules o f change outl ined e arl i e r l p lus ? I
t h e s e c ould have c ome from t h e Non-Agent Top i c marker , * t a? , and Q a r e s p e c t ively .
I f t h i s i s so t h en they repre s e nt contra c t i ons ,
not o f t he utt erance i t s e l f , but of t h e underlying performat i ve s ,
say T O YOU ' ,
'I
or ' I rep e a t wha t Was t o l d T O ME ' , wh ere the emphas i s e d
port i ons could well b e represented by * t a? + * ? I and * t a? + * Q a .
Note
that h ere again ( s e e 5 . 2 . 4 . 3 . ) we have an ? I form repres ent ing a pro nominal , o r s emipronominal e l ement , in a s i t ua t i on that invo l v e s b oth the s p eaker and addre s s e e .
There i s no evidence t o suggest t hat ? I
was t h e e arl i e r 2nd Person form , rather than n a ( Q ) , so i t i s pos s ib l y a d e i c t i c t h a t w a s used t o r e f e r t o the addre s s e e under the c i rc ums t an c e s spe c i fi e d , t h a t i s , when t h e speaker i s a l s o invo lved in the s i t uat ion in an agent ive o r contro l l ing role . l
Thi s may originally have been a directional element the present form -t a Q 'A l lative ' .
*t a? 'towards '
-
compare
179
A further o b s e rvat ion t hat c an be made from the propo s e d deve lopment is that the s p l i t of t h e c entral vow e l into mid and low phoneme s is a relat ively l at e event .
This i s in l in e with Benedict ' s five vowel
Pro t o -Tibeto-Burman s y s t e m , wh ich has only one c e nt ral vowel ( Benedi c t , 1972 : 57 ) .
The s t r e s s cond it i oned vowe l split rule a l s o e xp l ains why
the mid-cent ral vowel is relat ively rare in ro o t s - b e c au s e the s e are word- init i al , and s t re s s e d , any central vow el they contain would be lowered .
Th ere are s ome roo t s with t h e higher vow e l , these are e i ther
later addit ions t o the l e xi c o n
or e l s e were s ubj e c t t o rul e s wh i ch
prevented app l i c at i on o f t h e vow e l lowering .
An i n i t i a l semivowe l
for instan c e s e ems t o have prevented lowering , so we get
w h w at - ' a s k ' ,
w a k - ' s p Z i t ' and s o o n , wh i l e the inhibit ing e f f e c t o f f inal s emivow e l s on lowering has already b ee n inc o rporated in t h e Vowel Split rul e . a vow e l s i n affixes c an b e der ived from
All
a.
Evidence from t h e o rdering o f the various s t ages o f deve lopment wQuld seem to s ugge s t t hat the 1 s t Person e l ement
* Q a , and even the 2nd Person * n a , were l.nc l uded i n Dua l and P l ural forms of th e verb at a fal.rly early s t age in Chepang ( s ee Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 1 9 8 for a contrary view ) .
For
instan c e the 1 s t Person e l ement presumab ly was inc luded amongst t he p o s t ve rb a l e l emen t s b e fore t h e l o s s of the glot t a l s y l lab le ( Rule 2 ) and r e s y l lab i fi c at l. o n ( Rule 3 ) .
The MTS hypothe s l. s , whi ch p l a c e s the
1st Person e lement everywhere that t h e C I F morpheme
t e ? o c c urs in the equival ent 2nd Person form , and p l a c e s t h e 2nd Person e l ement ( * n a ) wherever t h e C IF fo rm do e s not o c cur , e xp l ains t h e w i de dist ribut ion o f t h e s e e lement s in t h e verbal paradigm in Chepang . More genera l l y , t h e pro c e s s e s outl ined here , and e l sewh ere in t h i s work c a n a c c o unt fo r features s u c h a s the formal ident i t y , o r homophony , o f pronominal affixat ion in di ffering s e c t ions o f the paradigm .
The
dominanc e of the 1 s t Person part i c l.pant in regard to choice for cro s s referen c e , e s p e c ially when i t i s Non-Singular ( 2 . 3 . 3 . ) mean s , for ins t an c e , t hat whe n the 1st Person is Goal , the Person of the Agent i s irrelevant and t h e verbal forms are t h e s ame f o r both 2nd Person and 3rd Person Agent s , a homophony une xp l ained in Bauman 1 9 7 5 : 2 1 2 .
And the
fact that A c t ion Numb er , rather than Part i c ipant Numb er el ement s , are used in cert ain s e c t i ons of t h e paradigm ( e sp e c i a l l y the 1- 2 and 1 - 3 s e c t i ons ) , means t hat h ere t h e forms repre senting a Dual or Plural Agent with a S ingular Goal , are t h e s ame as the forms repres ent ing a S i ngular Agent a c t ing on a Dual o r P l ural Goal .
Not e , however t h e p o s s ib i l it y
o f ana l o g i c a l level l in g l.n a paradigm . The acqui s it ion o f verb a l c a s e marking affl.xes would give s t ab i l it y to t h e pronoml.nal affixat i on s y s t em a s a who l e , in t hat t h e l a t t e r now has a s l. g n l. f i c ant funct ion , that of ro l e ident i fi c at io� ( s ee 4 . 1 . 6 . ) .
180
A d i s c u s s ion o f t h e various features o f t h e verb al paradigm i n Chepan g , i n c omp ar i son with feat ure s o f o ther Tibeto-Burman and non T i b e t o -Burman languages , will be g iven in Chap t er 6 .
CHAPTER S I X
COMPARAT I VE MORPHOLOGY
6. 1.
I N T R O DU C T I O N
The previous chapter was given t o a d i s c us s ion of p o s s ib l e p ro c e s s e s o f deve lopment f o r t h e pronominal affixation in Chepang .
The s e pro
p o s a l s were based on int ernal evidenc e t aken mo s t l y from a s i ng l e dia l e c t , that o f Mai s erang village i n the south- east ern region .
But a lan
guage s uc h as Chepang doe s not , of cour s e , develop in i s o l at io n .
S ome
of i t s h i s t ory is shared with re lat ed language s and , in part i c ular , t h e various d i a l e c t s must share a good deal of common development . Furthermo re the l anguage i s pot ent ially s ubj e c t to di ffus ive infl uenc e , b o t h from o t h er T i b e t o- Burman languages , and from non-T ibeto-Burman neighb our s . In t h i s chapt e r , therefore , it i s int e nded to c ompare the pronominal affixat ion of the Maiserang diale c t with t hat o f other diale c t s , and of other l anguages in the are a , in order t o see how well the pro p o s e d d eve lopment fit s in with t h e o verall s c ene in t h i s r e s p ec t . The next s e c t ion ( 6 . 2 . ) des c r ib e s the pronominal affixat ion in the o t her dial e c t s of Chepang wh i l e the third ( 6 . 3 . ) gives a brief s urvey o f the s it uat ion in t he Tibeto-Burman languages i n general .
The fourth
s e c t ion looks at s imilar affixat ion sys t ems i n language s of o t h er fam i l ies .
This last s e c t ion ( 6 . 4 . ) has b een i n c l uded b e c au s e the que s t i o n
o f p o s s i b l e out s i de influenc e on t h e development o f pronominal affi xat i o n in Tibeto-Burman ha s b een the s ubj e c t o f cons iderab l e d i s c us s ion ( Hodgson , 1 8 5 6 ; Masp ero , 1 9 4 6 ; Kuiper , 1 9 6 2 ; Bauman , 1 9 7 5 and others ) . The d i s c u s s ion i s a l s o in l ine with one o f the goals o f this work , ment ioned in t h e Introduct ion ( 1 . 2 : 1 3 ) - that o f u s i ng the f indings o f a det a i l ed st udy o f t h e verb in Chepang t o throw s ome l i ght o n t h e gen eral prob l em c o n c e rning the origins and int erre lat i Ons of the pronominal affi xat ion s y s t ems of languages in the are a .
1 81
182
6.2.
D I AL E C T S O F C H E PA N G G E N E R A L V IS C USS I ON
6 . 2. 1.
In the introduc t ory chapter it was ment ioned that Chepang can b e divi ded int o t hr e e dial e c t s on t h e b a s i s o f di ffering verbal affixat ion for the Pronominal Group forms ( 1 . 1 . 1 2 . ) . i.
Th ese are :
The east ern dial e c t , divided into northern and southern ( Ma i s erang ) s ub di al e ct s .
ii .
Th e s Q uth west e rn dialect .
iii .
The west ern d i a l ec t , divided i nto the mid-we st ern and Buj h e l i sub diale c t s .
The differenc e b etween t h e east ern and west ern d i al e c t s i s such t hat , when c o up l ed with t h e cons i de rab l e l ex i c al variat ion , mutual int e l l i g i b i l i t y i s reduc ed t o a fairly l o w level .
The south-we s t ern d i a l e c t
i s s omewhat o f a hybrid , w i t h feat ures from e a c h o f t h e o t h e r t w o dia l e ct s .
D i fferen c e s acro s s 6ubdi a l e c t s are minimal , and repres ent no
serious b arrier to c ommunicat i o n . The main features o f t h e Pronominal Group s y s t ems for e a c h dial e c t and subdialect are dis c u s s e d b e low , in t e rms o f t h e i r c ontrast w i t h t h e spee ch already des cribed in t h i s work - t h e ( s outh) east ern d i a l e ct as spoken in Mai s e rang v i l l age .
Many o f these differenc e s c an in fact
b e d e s c r ib ed in terms of the app l i c a t i o n , o r non-app l i c at ion , of the d iachronic rules of phono l o g i c al change described in 5 . 4 . 1 . 3 . EAST E R N V I A L E C T
6 . 2 . 2. 6 . 2 . 2. 1.
N o r t h e r n S ub d i a l e c t o f E a s t e r n C h e p a n g
Tense
The mo s t obvious d i fferenc e b etween the northern s ub di a l e c t and t h e Mai s erang form i s in the Past Tense affixes , wh i c h , a s noted earl ier , d i s p l ay cons iderab l e i rregul arity ( 5 . 2 . 4 . 7 : 1 6 5 ) . northern area t h e init ial forms
In part i c ul ar ,
in the
? a s y llable o f the usually disy l l ab i c Past
- ? a k a / ? a l a i s o ften , though not a lway s , omi t t e d .
The fol lowing
e xamp l e c ompares t h e forms in t h e two s ubdialect s : 1.
North ern
Southern ( Mais erang )
?a l ?-ka-n
?a l ?-?aka-n
' He take s . '
'He ta k e s . '
t a k e - Ft-Ag
ta k e - �-Ag
Thi s differenc e represents the lack of app l i cat ion , in the northern s ub diale ct , o f t h e Tens e rule ( 5 . 4 . 1 . 3 , No . 5b ) whi ch adds t h i s i n i t i a l s y l l ab l e .
The e X R c t c i r c ums t an c e s under whi c h t h i s s y l lab l e do e s appear
are not certain, though i t s func t ion app ears t o b e Emphat i c rather than epenthet i c . Ano ther d i fferenc e , fo und only in the s p e e c h o f the o l de s t man b o rn in t h e northern area ( he c l a imed to be 1 0 0 y ears o l d ) , and in a folk tale , i s t h e use o f
- k a inst ead o f - ? a l a for t h e Past Tens e in the 1 s t
Person Exclusive forms , t o give : i n s t ead o f :
? a l ? -�- I)
2.
take- P t - IE
'I take i t .
'
? a l ? -? a l a - I) ? take - P t
-IE
'I take i t . '
This d i fference resul t s from a l a c k o f app l i cat ion o f the D i s s imilat ion rule for the Past Tense ( ru l e 5 c . ) . I f the o l d man ' s s p e e c h was t ruly repres entat ive of the l anguage o r four generat ions ago then t h e d i s s imilat ion o f change .
k
+
I i s a fairly r e c ent
The Past Tense affix that he us e d is in fact the c l o s e s t o f
any o f t h e p o s t ulated orig inal form
* k a? I t i s p o s s ib l e , o f c ourse , k in Past affixes repre s ent s a levell ing o f former irregular forms , b u t i t 1s s ignifi cant that t h e - k a affix did
t hat t h i s wider use o f
o c c ur in t h e o l der man ' s s p e e c h and not in that o f younger persons . Another , l e s s n o t i c eab l e d i fferenc e in this s ub di a l e c t i s the use o f una sp irat ed
t in all t he G oal affixes , not j ust those whi c h o c c urred
with the 1 s t Person as i s the case i n the Maiserang spee ch .
Th i s give s ,
for instanc e :
3.
Nort h ern
Southern
?a l ? - na?-t ay
? a l ? - n a ? - t h ay
, H e i s taken . '
' H e i s take n . '
t a k e -NPt-Gl
t a k e - NP t - G l
In t h i s i n s t an c e it is lack o f app l i cat ion of the Asp irat ion rul e This aga i n ( s e e 5 . 4 . 2 . 3 : 1 7 5 ) whi ch has g iven the northern forms . r e s ul t s in a uniformity cons i st ent with t h e propo s e d original G o a l affix form
* t a?
There i s also a differenc e in t h e Non-Past and I nd e f i n i t e Future forms , in that vowel lowering has t aken place even b efore a s emivowe l . In o t h er words t h e e x c e p t i o n to t h e Vowe l Split rul e ( rul e 4 . ) does not hold for the northern s ub di al e c t .
The result i s Non-Past fo rms
s uc h as t h e fol lowing : 4.
Northern Sub d i a l e c t
g o a p l - ? I c y aw - n a -w
Southern Sub dialect
g o p a l - ? I c y aw? - n a - w ?
Gop a Z -Ag s e e -NPt - Ag
Gop a Z -Ag s e e
-NPt -Ag
' Gopa Z s e e s i t . '
' Go p a Z s e e s i t . '
184
Note that t h e f inal g l o t t al i s evidently abs ent i n the northern s ub d i a l e c t ( and , in fact , in a l l other d i a l e ct s ) .
Even in Mai s e rang s p e e c h
a glot t al s t op at t h e end o f a verb i s difficult t o d e t e c t and p erhap s o ft en e l ided . 6 . 2. 3.
WESTERN D I A L E C T Genera l
6 . 2 . 3. 1.
F e a t u r e s o f P r o n om i n a l A f f i x a t i o n
Past Tense
The west ern d ia l e c t al so shows s igni f i c ant di fferences in the Past t en s e - in thi s c a s e there are in fact two s e t s of Past Tens e affixes ( s e e chart s 1 5 and 16 in App . l . ) .
Th e first s e t , the ' k-affi x ' s e t ,
i s very s imilar in form t o the east ern Past Tense affixe s , both b eing der ived from
* k a? ( 5 . 2 . 4 . 7 . ) .
The s e cond s e t , the ' t -affix ' set i s
formal ly s imilar t o the east ern Non-Past , e x c ept that t h e init ial o f t h e Non-Past is replaced by a
t.
n
I n other words t h e t - s e t i s derived
from the proto form by the s ame change s t hat have app l i e d t o t h e north e a s t ern Non-Past - this inc ludes t h e ab s enc e o f vowel lowering b e fore a semivowe l .
Both the t - affi xes an d the k-affixes are used for s it u
a t i ons in t h e pas t , b ut the former inc lude a Perfect ive aspe c t , t hat i s , they deno t e s it uat ions that are v i ewed as comp l e t e ( compare with
?at a? - 3 . 3 . 4 : 108) .
the Mai s erang form
In c ontrast the k-affixes are
unmarked in t h i s respect . A s with t h e nort h-eastern s ubdialect the initial opt i onal f o r t h e Past k-forms .
? V s y l lab le i s
Examp l e s o f t h e two Past Tens e forms
i n the we s t ern d i a l e c t are : 5a .
? an amh w a � - ( ? a ) ka -c a
b efo re come- Pt ---Dl
k-form , Non-Perfe ct ive
' Th e two came some t ime ago (po s s i b ly more than onc e ) . '
yoh
wa � -ta
-ca
y es t e r day come -PtPf-Dl
t - fo rm , Perfe ct ive
' Th e two came y es t erday (as a s i n g l e comp l e t e a ct ) . ' Non-Past Verb Forms
A s with t h e north-ea s t ern s ub di a l e c t vowe l lowering t ak e s p lace b efore a s emivowel ( se e e x . 4 . ab ove ) . Case A f f i xes
The Perfe c t i ve ( t - fo rm ) Past affixes of the west ern dialect are very s imilar in form, t ho ugh not in meaning , t o the Goal affixes found in the east ern dial e c t , as the fol lowing e xamp l e shows :
6.
West ern D ialect Perfect ive Past t- form
( North ) East ern D i a l ec t Pa st , with Goal affix
I) i ?
I) I ?
-ta
-ca
l a u g h-PtPf-Di
-?a-t a-ca
Z a ugh-Pt-Gl-Dl
'The t wo l aug hed . '
'The two were laughed a t . '
In view of t h e s imilar it y , and p o s s ib l e confusion between the two forms , i t is not surpr i s ing to find t hat the we st ern d i a l e c t ha s l o s t , or nearly l o s t , the Goal c a s e marking affix .
There i s some evid enc e
t o show t hat the Goal may o c c a s iona l l y be marked , part i c ularly when it c annot b e c o nfused with Tens e , a s i n the fol lowing examp l e ( from the Buj he l i s ubdialect ) : 7 .
? o w ? - ka y b h a l u - ? I
t ha t- G l
cum
- I a k-ta-tay
bear -Ag s e i z e - Int-Gl- P t P f
' T h e bear s e i z ed him. ' ( wher e Int - Int ent ive - s e e 6 . 2 . 3 . 2 . ) . A l t hough i t i s not ab so lut ely c ertain that t h e t a i s a Goal marker in t h i s examp l e , t h i s is exact ly the s ituat ion i n whi c h we would expect t o find one in t h e Mai s erang dialec t , because the Goal part i c ipant ( a per son ) i s b o t h g iven , and higher placed i n the animacy hierarchy t han t he bear , so it i s highly favoured for c r o s s-refer enc e ( 2 . 3 . 4 . , 2 . 3 . 5 . ) . The fact t hat Goal marking ha s not ent irely d i s app eared support s t he sugg e st i on t ha t there wer e , at some s tage , t wo s eparate morpheme s , rat her t han the alt ernat ive view t hat t h e Goal morpheme wa s derived from a former P er fe c t ive t hrough change o f funct ion ( or t he rever s e , t hat t he Perfect ive wa s derived from a Goal marker - see 5 . 2 . 4 . 7 . ) . There i s s imilar homophony b et we en t he Past Tense and Goal ( st r ic t l y , Benefac t ive ) affix e s in t h e c lo s ely relat ed Hayu language ( s e e 6 . 3 . 2 . 2 . ) . The fact t hat the Goal c a s e affix i s rarely used in the we st ern d ia l e c t r a i s e s the que st ion as t o how effe c t iv e the remaining verbal c a s e marking might be .
I n c onnec t ion with t he ea st ern d ia l e c t it wa s
po inted out t hat , a l t hough verbal c a s e marking was not always pre s ent i n Int ent ive verb s , t he total parad igm is such that it is always p o s s i b l e t o t el l whe t her t he NPCR i s Agent or Goal ( 2 . 2 . 8 . ) .
However t h i s
i s o n l y t ru e b e c a u s e the east ern d i a l e c t h a s Goal c a s e a f f i x e s - i f t h e s e were a b s ent there would b e c onfus ion between, say , forms with t he 1st person a s Agent , and t ho s e with a 1 s t Person Goal .
That i s ,
a form s u c h a s ? a l ? - n a - I) ? could mean e i t her ' I take i t ' o r ' H e ta k e s
m e . ' , b ec au s e a verb with a 1 st Person S ingular Agent has n o overt Agent marking i n t he east ern d ialec t .
What ha s happ ened in the we s t ern
d i a l e c t s , however , i s that the use o f the Agent form - ? u ha s spread to t h e s e part icular forms , thus prevent ing the amb iguit y that would o t her-
186
wi s e have o c c urred .
The v erb form o f ' I t a k e i t ' i s ? a l ? - n - u - Q with
the -u ind icat ing that t h e 1 s t Person i s Agent .
Thi s therefore contrast s
with ? a l - n a - Q , where t h e 1 s t Person i s Goal . H i s t o r i cally , in t erms o f t h e development of affixat ion , thi s dia lect d i ffer enc e c an be a c c ounted for by a s suming that the c omb inat ion o f the Tense forms with the o ther Pronominal Group e l ement s , inc luding the c a s e marke r , took place ( fo r the west ern dialec t ) be fore the l o s s o f t h e - ? u Agent marker .
Thi s al lowed regr e s s ive a s s imilat ion t o take
place i n l ine with rul e 1 . Tense form b e c omes - u . 8.
( 5 . 4 . 1 . 3 . ) , so t hat the * - a vowel o f t h e
The st age s in the deve lopment would then b e :
Devel opment o f w a n ? - n -U -Q bl'i ng-NPt-Ag-IE
'I t a ke i t . ' i.
Tens e , PN c omb .
ii . 11i .
( We s t ern d i al e c t )
wan?
na?-?u-Qe
R l , A s s im .
wen?
n u?-?u-Qu
R2 , ?V Lo s s
wen?
nU?-Qu
vi .
R 3 , R e s yl l .
wen?
n - u - Q?
vii .
R 4 , V Split
' wa n ?
n - u - Q?
xi .
F inal form
wa n ? - n - u - Q ( with l o s s o f final glottal )
The Past forms are s imilarly w a n ? - t - u - Q ( Perfect ive ) and w a n ? - ( ? a ) l - u - Q ( Non- Perfe c t i ve ) , with addit ion of - ? a , and k
+
I in
the latter , ac cording to the Past Ten s e c hange ( rule 5 , 5 . 4 . 1 . 3 . ) . contrast , t h e would b e ,
9.
In
development o f the equivalent verb i n the east ern dial e c t
( with Tense c omb ination a s a l a t e r st age ) :
Deve lopment o f w a n ? - n a - Q ? bl'ing -NPt-lE
, I take i t . '
( East ern d ia l e c t )
i.
PN Comb .
wen? n e? ? u - Q e
ii.
Rl , A s s im .
wen? ne? ? u - Q u wen? ne-Q-u
11i .
R2 , ?V Lo s s
vi .
R 3 , Resyll .
wen? n e- Q?
vii .
R4 , V Split
'wa n ? 'n a - Q ?
xi .
F inal form
wan?-na-Q?
Anot h er s ignifi cant di fferen c e b etwe en the east ern and we st ern d ia l e c t is t hat the alt ernat ive Agent form - n of t h e east ern d i a l e c t has b e c ome - Q in the we st , fluctuat ing fairly freely with nasal i s at i on of t he prec eding vowel , in t h e west .
And , wherever this s ub s t it ut ion
has o c c urred i n the paradigm , an a c companying Past k-form c hange s , i n c omp l ian c e with the Past D i ss imilation r u l e ( rule 5 c ) , t o a n I - form . The c ontrast b etween t h e east ern and west ern dial e c t s i s shown in the fol lowing examp l e :
187
1 0 . West ern Diale c t
Eastern D i a l e ct
?amh b a y ? - ? a l a - Q
fo o d g i v e-Pt
?amh b a y? -? a k a - n
-Ag
foo d g i v e-P t
, He gave fo o d . '
-Ag
, He g a v e foo d . '
Th ese chang e s l ead t o a superfi c i al s imilarit y i n t h e west ern dialect b etween Intentive 3rd Person Agent forms , such as i l lustrat ed above , and 1 s t Person Non- Int ent ive forms , as w i t h : 11 . We s t ern Diale c t bay?-?a l a -Q
g i v e -Pt
w a Q - ? a l a - I)
-Ag
aome Pt -
' He g i v e s ( to m e ) . '
- IE
' I aame . '
The verb root t yp e ( as p redominantly Intent ive or Non-Int ent ive ) usually enab l e s these to b e d i s t ingui shed .
It i s not difficult to s e e how t h i s
c hange came about , i f the overall p aradigm o f west ern Chep ang i s s t udied ( chart 1 5 , App . l . ) .
B e c au s e thi s dialect has no ( re gular ) Goal affix
the r e s ult i s that i n the 3 - 1 s e c t ion o f the paradigm , where the 1 s t P e r s o n G o a l dominat e s f o r c ro s s -referenc e , t h e verb forms a r e s imilar to t ho s e for t he 1st Person Non - I nt entive ( e x . l l . above ) .
The forms
from t he 3 - 1 s e c t i on of the paradigm have general i s e d to spread to other areas where t h e 3rd Person i s Agent , i n part i c ular the 3 - 3 s e c t i o n , to give , for examp l e w a n ? - I a k - ? a l a - Q - I)
' He broug h t h i m . ' with
now funct i oning a s Agent marker , not 1 s t Person E x c lus ive .
Then ,
b e c au s e in a l l dial e c t s the 2 - 3 s e c t i on i s the same as the 3 - 3 s e c t i on ( though with the addit i onal elF form - t e ? ) , t h e 2
-
the west ern d ia l e c t also u s e - ? a l a - Q , as in w a n ? - t e ? - ? a l a - I)
hi m . ' .
3 forms i n
' Y o u brought
The use o f ? a l a - Q as a n Agent - c ro s s-reference verb ending for
the Pas t , has there fore spread from the 3 - 1 to the 3 - 3 s e c t i on , then from t h i s t o the 2 - 3 s e ct i on o f the Past ( Non-Perfe c t ive ) para d i gm . Other Dif ferences
There are two other differenc e s b etween the west ern and east ern dia l e c t s t hat are worth not ing .
The s e are , first ly , t he palat al i s at ion
o f t he init i al consonant in c ert ain affixe s , t o g ive - c y a and - l y a Q as w e s t ern forms where t h e east ern d ialec t s have - c a ( ? ) Futur e ' , and - l a Q ' Purpo s i ve ' .
' I n de f i n i t e A l so t he we st ern d i a l e c t u s e s - m a y a s
a n Irre a l i s N ominal i s er inst ead o f t h e east ern - s a , e x c ept for v i l lages near the so uth-w e st ern ( Khayar river) region , where - s a i s used . The s e di fferenc e s , though relat ively mino r , are diagno s t i c o f the di fferent d i a l e c t s .
188
E ffects o f A ffixation Differences on Mutual Inte l ligibi l i ty
A l t ho ugh t here are only two maj o r di fferenc e s b etween the east ern and west ern pronominal s y s t ems , and a l arge degree o f overall s imilarit y , t he d i fferen c e s are such as to cause c o n s i derab l e difficulty in com municat ing a c r o s s dial e c t s .
This i s e s p e c ially the c a s e for a person
from t he east ern d i a l e c t who i s seeking t o underst and a we st ern speaker , b e c au s e the east erner w i l l enc ounter verb forms whi c h are formally s imilar t o those found in h i s own d i al e c t , but wh i c h have very di fferent func t i ons .
Th e s e include in part i c ular t he Perfect ive Past t - forms ,
which c l o s e l y res emb l e t h e east ern Goal marke d verb s , and those forms whi c h have - ? a l a - Q for Non- 1st Person Agent s - these b e ing ident i c al with t h e east ern 1 s t S i ngular .
It is not nearly so diffi c ult for a
west ern Chepang to underst and an east erne r , s ince he c an c o rre c t l y interpret t h e P a s t Tense k-forms u s e d by t h e east ern speaker , though t h e i r asp e c t ual sense may s e em odd . Thi s a s ymmetry o f commun i c at ion d i ff i c ul t y b ec ame very obvious when I did some fieldwork amongst the Buj he l i , a c c ompanied b y t hree Chepan g speakers from the Mai serang ( ea s t e r n ) region .
The Mais erang m e n had
a great deal of d i ff i culty in understanding the Buj he l i , b ut the Buj he l i had relat ively l i t t l e troub l e i n under s t anding the east ern v i s i t or s , pre s umab ly largely b e c ause o f the reasons outlined ab ove . 6 . 2. 3. 2.
Bujhel i
Subdi a l ect
The verb forms o f Buj h e l i are very s imilar t o those o f the remainder o f t h e west ern diale ct .
A c ursory examinat ion o f texts makes t he two
sub di a l e c t s app ear to b e c ons i derab ly di fferent , b ut this i s s imp ly b e c au s e the Buj h e l i t end to u s e the Perfect ive Past ( t -forms ) i n nar rat ive wh i l e other w e s t e rn d i a l e c t speakers prefer t h e Non-Perfec t ive ( k-forms ) . One differenc e that does o cc ur i s the spread o f the u s e o f the t - form as an i nd i c at o r of the Non-Perfe c t ive .
In all other s ub dia l e c t s and
d i al e c t s ( inc luding east ern ) , the lat eral i s t h e result of d i s s imilat ion . In Buj he l i , howe ve r , it app ears as a Non-Perfect ive Past marker in tho s e ( or ig inal l y k-form) affixes whi c h have b ecome reduc ed t o - ? a e l s ewhere . This gives t h e fol lowing contrast : 12 .
Other D i a l ec t s
Buj h e l 1 ?a l -?a l
? a l -? a
go - Pt
, He w e n t . '
g o - Pt
( Non-Perfect ive )
' He w en t . '
There are a l s o two Negat ive forms for Pr imary verb S , app arent ly r e f l e c t ing the s ame Perfe c t ive - Non-Perfe ct ive oppo s i t ion .
The formal
189
d i s t inct ion i s made b y metat h e s i s ing t h e more common I V N egat ive t o g i v e t h e Non-Per fect ive VI , a s in :
13.
Buj h e l 1 ( Non-Perfe c t ive )
Other D ial e c t s ( and Buj h e l 1 Perfe c t ive ) ?a l - I a
?a l -? a l
go -Neg
go -Neg
, H e did no t g o . ,
' H e di d no t go . ,
The ot her we s t ern dial e c t s do not appear t o maint ain this a s p e c t ual opp o s i t ion in t h e Negat ive forms . Intentive Marker
The Buj he l i s ub -d ialect is also d i s t inct ive in that it u s e s an affix l a k / l a t which ind i c at e s t hat the s i t uation has a Goal , t hat is , it is
fully Int ent ive , as for examp l e : 14 .
k u y ? - ? I co?
- k a y j ay k - I a k -?a l a - �
dog -Ag c h i Z d- G l
b i t e -Int-Pt
-Ag
, A dog b i t the c h U d . ' It appears to be u s ed part i cul arly for s i t uations whi ch do not regu larly have a Goal , though it is not a C ausat ive , s in c e t here is no part i c ipant regarded as an Agent .
I t s us e is p e rhaps mo re l ike t h e
Hayu Benefa c t ive marker ( 6 . 3 . 2 . 2 . ) .
An e xamp le o f i t s u s e with a nor
mal l y non- I nt ent ive s it uat ion i s :
15.
ram gopa l -kay m u
Ram Gopa Z - G l
- I a k-?a
rema i n - INt-Pt
' Ram waited for Gopa Z . ' Not i c e that thi s morpheme is not a regular Goal case marker - there are no Person and Numb e r affixes , repres e nt ing a Goal part i c ipan t , t o a c c ompany i t in t h e verb .
Indeed it may o c c ur in c onj unc t i on w i t h an
Agent marker , as in examp l e 14 above .
I t do e s however , part l y make up
for t h e lack of Goal c a s e marking , e s p e c ia l ly in the c a s e s of pot ent ial amb iguity ( no t ed in c onnec t ion with examp l e 1 1 . above ) where the verb root is not c l e arly I nt ent ive o r Non- I nt entive , a s i n :
16a. gopa l � I ? - I a k-?a l Gop a Z Zaugh-lnt -Pt ' Gopa Z Zaugh e d a t ( s o me o n e ) . ' b . gopa l � I ? -?a l Gop a Z Z a ug h -Pt
' Go p a Z Z a ug h ed . '
190
6 . 2 . 4.
S O U TH - W ES T E R N V I A L E C T
Thi s dialect has chara c t e r i s t i c s from b o t h t h e east ern and the w e s t ern d i a l e c t s , although in the mo st important respe c t s i t is east ern .
That
i s , i t has only the k-s e t o f Past Tens e affixes and uses Goal case marking freely in the verb .
It also u s e s - s a as the Irreal i s Nominal i s e r .
However t h e s o ut h-we s t ern d i a l e c t does have some west ern c hara c t e ri s t i c s . In part i c ul ar it u s e s the - ( ? ) u Agent affix form with 1st Person Inten t ive verb s , as does t he west ern diale ct , and also has , a s t h e alt erna t ive Agent fo rm , t he affix - Q , with the a c c ompanying l- forms of the Past Tense ( 6 . 2 . 3 . 1 : 1 8 7 ) .
I n fact t h e u s e o f the l - forms has spread
t o ot her areas o f t h e paradigm , t o give forms such as : 17.
South-we s t e rn Dialect co?
- l am p a y h
ahi Z d-Pl
East ern Dialect
-?a l a -y
r e t urn-Pt
-Pl
' Th e ahi Z dren r e t ur n e d . '
co?
- l am p a y h
a h i Z d- P l
-?a ka -y?
r e turn-Pt
-Pl
' T h e ahi Z dr e n r e t urned. '
A lt hough t h i s dial e c t d o e s use the - Q form of the Agent affix the
- n form i s also ret ained ( o ften with a fol lowing vowel , t o give
-n a ) ,
though it i s not c l e ar j us t what the d i fferen c e in func t ion i s b etwee n the two : h l o k - ka - n a 1 8a . c o ? ahi Z d s e n d-Pt -Ag
, ( H e ) s e n t the ahi Z d . ' may? j e? - I a -Q
mea t e a t-Pt -Ag , He a t e t h e mea t . ' The two fo rms may p erhaps pres erve the Imp erfe c t i ve-Non-Perfe c t i ve aspe c t ual oppo s i t io n , with t h e k- form b eing t h e Non-Perfe c t ive , as in the west ern dial e c t . 6.2. 5.
S UM M A R Y
Th e charact e r i s t i c s o f t h e various diale c t s and s ub di a l e c t s that have b e en dis c u s s e d in the previous s e c t ions o f t h i s chap t er c an b e summari s e d as fo l l ows :
191
TABLE
7
D I STR I BUT I ON Of PRONOMINAL FEATURES
C harac t e r i s t i c
C hepang Sub-d i al e c t s Eastern Dialect NE SE SW
i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi . vii . viii . ix.
U s e o f Goal c a s e affix U s e of - s a Irrea l i s Nominal S ingle Past Tense set No Int ent ive marker U s e o f - n Agent affix Palat a l i sat ion of init i al C No Agent marking in 1 s t Sg . Init ial ? a sy llab l e ob ligatory f o r Past Vowel lowering b e fo re SV in NPt
+ + + + + + +
+ + + + + + +
Western Dialect W Buj he l i
+ + + + +
±
+ +
One feature wh i c h do e s not d i s t r ibute a c c o rd ing t o the above group ing is t he form of the S equent ial Sett ing marker ( 4 . 2 . 5 . 2 . ) .
This is d i s
tr ibu t ed a s fo l lows : SUB-DIALECTS
NE
SW
W
Buj h e l i
b at t i
{ mm el tt t l
mltt i
bet
SE
ko? { -- ?b aatk tt ii ko ?
Thi s would app ear t o support t h e p o s i t ion that t h e S W dial e c t has borrowed c ertain forms from the west ern dialec t , in part i c ular the non-Buj heli s e c t ion .
The s e borrowing s wo uld g ive r i s e to c hara c t er
i s t i c s v . - v i i . , in whi c h the south-west ern s p e e c h principally d i ffers from the east ern form .
In terms o f the maj or s y s t emic d i fferen c e s
( s ingle set o f P a s t affixes , use o f Goal marking ) , the south-we s t ern d i a l e c t fo l l ows t he east ern patt ern , and i s th erefore group ed with i t . The s o uth-west ern group is apparently a s e c t ion of east ern C hepang t hat have c ome into c l o s e geographic pro x imity with the west ern C hepang , b e c ause of eastward migrat ion of the latter .
As a result o f t h i s c on
tact they have borrowed some o f the west ern feat ure s - tho s e in fact which would b e sus c e p t i b l e to borrowing .
The use o f the Agent c a s e
affix w i t h t he 1 s t Person s i ngular , f o r ins t an c e , i s not nec e s sary i n a dial e c t with Goal affixe s , but i t repres ent s a regular i s at ion o f t he verbal parad igm and t herefore c ould e a s i l y be brought into t h i s d i a l e c t . The alt ernat ive Agent form , - 8 , a l s o resul t s in a levell ing o f t he paradigm , t hough in t h i s c a s e it l eads t o homophony b etween the I S - 3 and 3 S - 3 s e c t ions , as noted earl i er ( 6 . 2 . 3 . 1 : 1 8 7 ) .
192
OTH E R T I B E TO-BURMAN LANGUAG E S
6.3.
T Y P ES O F P R O NO M I N A L S YS T EMS
6.3. 1.
Tho s e Tibeto-Burman languages whi c h p o s s e s s pronominal aff ixat ion in t h e verb ( t h e s o - c a l l ed ' pronominal i s ed ' languag e s - Hodgs o n , 1 8 5 7 ) , c an b e c a t egori s ed a c c ording t o a variety o f crit eria .
Bauman ( 1 9 7 5 :
8 0 ) used t h e fo l lowing features t o c l a s s ify these pronomina l i s e d lan guage s : The presence o f pronominal pre fixes on the verb a s we l l as s uf
i. fixes .
Language s wh i ch h ave prefixes are called ' prefixing ' , though
a l l such language s have suffixes also .
Languages wh ich do not have
prefix e s are t ermed ' suffixing ' . ii .
The presence in the verb of obj e c t c ro s s -r e ferenc ing forms ,
g iving what Bauman c a l l s trans it ive agreement . iii .
The po s s e s s io n o f a ' di s c ret e ' as aga inst a ' syncret i c ' affix
at ion s y st em .
These are defined as fol lows :
"A
d i s c r e t e s y s t em . . . i s o n e i n wh i c h s ub j e c t a n d ob j e c t a r e e a c h s p e c i f i e d a f f i xally ; a s yn c r e t i c s y s t em o n e i n wh i c h t h e s ub j e c t a n d o b j e c t r o l e s app e a r t o b e f u s e d i n t o a s i n g l e a f f i x . " ( Bauman , 1 9 7 5 : 2 1 1 ) .
iv.
The o c c urrenc e o f grammat i c al l y c ond it ioned variant s of t he
pronominal forms - in Bauman ' s t erms , the feat ure o f ' concord ' 1975 : 83 ) .
( Bauman ,
The c ond it io ning fac tor i s o ften t en s e , a s p e c t or mood .
The
variat ion t yp i c a l l y inc ludes fus ion , hence i t is a measure of the agglut inat ivity of the aff ixat ion . v.
The p o s s e s s ion o f reflexive affixes in the verb .
There i s one pro b l em t hat ari s e s in c onne c t ion with t h e s e feat ure s . T h i s i s in the definit ion o f d i s c r e t e and syncr e t i c presented i n r e l at i on t o the t h ird feature .
It i s n o t c l ear from this definit ion
a s t o how z ero repr e s ent at ion o f a pronominal cat egory should b e v i ewed . In the c a s e o f a form such as t h e Chepang w a n ? - ? a - t a - � ?
' ( H e ) b r o ug h t
me . ' , there are n o overt affixes re ferring t o t h e s ubj e c t ( Agent ) .
Yet
b ecause o f t he overal l parad igm patt ern t h e verb form c an only b e used with a 3rd Person subj e c t .
I s thi s t o be vi ewed as an i ns t an c e i n
whi c h t h e subj e c t i s s p e c i fied , t hough covert l y , or i s i t t o b e regarded a s i n some way a fusion o f the 3rd Person subj e c t with the ob j e c t ( Goal ) affi x e s ?
The answer to t h i s quest ion would affect the c l a s s i fi c a t i o n
o f Chepang as d i s c re t e or sync re t i c . t ruly fus ional form
The language d o e s po s s e s s one
-c l , denot ing a 2nd Person S ingular Agent a c t ing
on a 1 s t Person s ingular Goal , b ut t h i s could be regarded a s atypical . If z ero repres entation is t reated as s epara t e marking then Chepang c an b e s t be d e s c r ib ed as d i s c r et e .
193 Only a few languages have b e e n d e s cribed a s having verbal R e f l e x ive affix e s , though this may be due to incomp l et e data in many c a s e s .
Other
languages s impl y use a free pronoun t o i nd i c at e refl exive s i t uat ions . The result o f c la s s ify ing the Tibeto -Burman pronominal sed languages a c c ording t o the c r i t er i a given above ( ex c ept for reflexivisat ion ) i s summar i s e d in t h e following t ab l e , wh i c h i s a rearrangement o f that g iven by Bauman ( 19 7 5 : 8 0 ) , plus the addit ion of five other pronomina l i s e d languages - Magar ( we s t ern d iale c t ) , Sunwar , Thulung , Kulung and Khal 1ng .
TABLE
8
TYPOLOG I CAL CLAS S I F I CAT ION OF T I BETO - BURMAN PRONOMINAL I SAT ION Non-pr e f i x ing
Prefixing
No Obj e c t affixes
Obj e c t affixes
No Obj ect affixes
Ob j ec t affixes
Khaling
Chepang
Tiddim Chin ( formal )
Kham
Magar
No Ten s e conc ord
Manc hat i
Tens e conc ord
Tiddim Chin ( c o l loquial )
Hay u Kulung
Lushei
Kanauri
Thulung
Rawang
Bunan
Sunwar
L imb u
( WD )
Gyarong
Bahing Kachin Nocte
6.3.2. 6.3. 2. 1.
C O M PA R I S O N O F PRONOM I NA L S YS T EMS C l a s s i f i c a t i on
In comparing the var ious pronominal affixat ion s y s t ems o f Tibeto Burman with t hat o f Chepang , t h e basic t axonomic s y s t em used w i l l be that o f Shafer ( 1 9 7 4 ) , mainly b e c ause his c l a s s i f i c at ion i s more comp l e t e in t h e areas o f interest t han t hat o f Benedi c t ( 1 9 7 2 ) . t he T ib e t o-Burman language s into three divis ions :
Shafer divides
Bodi c , Burmic and
Bar i c ( he does not recognise a Tibeto -Burman grouping ) .
Mo s t of the
pronomina l i s ing l anguages , includ ing Chepang , are found in the Bodic d i v i s ion , a few are found in t h e Burmish divis ion , wh i l e only one , Noc t e , has b ee n c l early ident i f i ed in Bar i c . The main sour c e s for the var ious l anguages are giver. in App endix 1 , as well a s diagrams o f Shafer ' s and Bene dict ' s c l as s i fi c at i ons .
194
6.3.2.2.
Bod i e D i v i s i o n
West Central H imalayish Sect ion
The West C entral Himalay i s h s e ct ion of Bodic is represented by Chepang , Hayu and Magar .
There is great d iver s i t y o f affixat ion type acro s s
t h e s e thr e e language s ( chart s 1 1 - 1 8 , 3 0 , App . l . ) .
Hayu has a pronominal
s y s t em t ha t i s p erhap s the c l o s e s t of any to C hepang , wh i l e west ern Magar ha s a minimal s y s t em , with no obj e c t c ro s s �r e ferenc e and east ern Magar has no pronominal affixat ion at a l l . Hayu differs from Chepang in t hat it doe s have a certain amount
Hayu:
of t en s e c onc ord , s e e n , for examp l e , in the Non- 1 s t Person Dual Refl e x ive affixe s :
- n a c h l k ' Non-Past ' ,
-nache
' Past '
( s e e a l s o exx . 1 9 a , b . ) .
I t i s s imilar to Chepang in t hat it has a type o f Goal ( B enefac t i ve ) marking in s ome s e c t ions o f the verbal paradigm, e s p e c ially where there i s a 3rd Person Goal and a l s t / 3rd Person Agent .
This s y s t em i s not
so developed as t hat o f Chepang howeve r , and t he Benefa c t ive affix often replaces the t en s e fo rm .
The Past-Non-Past dist inction i s t here
fore lost in these c a s e s , exc ept where t here is a 1st ( Inclus ive/ E x c l us ive ) P l ural Agent and a 3rd Person Goal .
Here all four p o s s ib l e
c omb inat ions are found : 19a .
NPt
h a a - ko - k
g i v e - P l - lNPt
NPt Ben .
Pt
h a a - k l ko - I)
g i ve - P I
- ko - k
' We g i v e TO h i m . '
' We g i v e him. ' b.
haa -t l
g i v e -Ben-Pl- lNPt
haa -t I
-lPt
- ko - I)
g i v e Ben-Pl-lPt ' We gave TO him. '
, We gave h i m . '
As i t happens t h i s 1 s t Plural - 3 s e ct ion do e s not have a Goal affix in Chepang , b e c ause the 1 s t Per son Agent dominat e s for c ro s s -r e ferenc e h ere . Hay u , l ike C hepang , has a Dual Person category and makes an Inclusive E x c lu s ive oppo s i t ion for 1 s t Person Dual and Plural .
No P o s s e s s i ve
cros s-reference has b een rec orded fo r Hay u . Magar :
Alt hough the Magar pronominal s y s t em i s relat ively s impl e it
does inc lude pre f ixing , part i cul arly for the Past t e ns e .
No Dual forms
are g iven , but an Inc lus ive-Exc lus ive d i s t inct ion i s recorded for 1 st Person P l ural with t h e Subj unc t ive :
a z y a � ' We ( Inc lus ive ) may e a t . '
and a Z y a � ' We ( Ex c l u s ive ) may ea t . ' ( chart 3 0 , App . l . ) . Pronominal E lements o f West Central Himalayish Lan9uage s :
The t ab l e
b e l ow ( Tab l e 9 . ) pre sents t h e pronominal e l ements a s found i n ( 1 . ) the ( fre e ) pronouns , ( i i . ) the Intran s i t ive verb , ( i i i . ) the Tran s i t ive verb ( where rel evant this is divided into Sub j e c t and Ob j e c t
TABLE
9
PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS I N WES T - CENTRAL HIMALAY I SH 1 + 2
1
Chep .
Hayu
Magar
D
P
S
D
P
Neg
nal)
n i l)j i
n i l)
?ow?
?ow?n i s
?ow?may?
V b- I a -sa Vbma?-
-t ayh i
-te?
-te?-ja
-te?
-ca
-? i
-t ayhcu
-t ayhn i
-te?-?u
-te?-j u
-t e?-j u
-u
-cu
-ii i
-t ayhca
-t ayh i
-te?
-te?-ja
-te?-? i
-t ha
-t haca
-t hasa
gon
gonche
gone
wat h i
wat h i
wat h i
UI)
ul)che
un i
wat h i m
wat h i m
wat h i m
-N
-ch i k -Nc he
-ne -t-Jne
-N
-ch i k -Nche
-Nme
-ch i k -Nche
-ne -Nne
-che
-me
nakun I s
naku
a se
a se
-dan I 5 na ( a )
-a
-a
D
P
Pn
I)Cl
I) i c i
I) i
ITr
-I)a
-I)aca
- I) asa -I) i
-t ayhca
Ag
-I)U
-I)UCU
-I) u s u
Gl
-tal)?
-ta l)?ca
-tal) i
Pn
gu
gu
gu
Pa s .
a l)
a l)che
aki
ul)che
'U k i
k -cho{ I)
k _ ko{ I)
k -ch i { I)
-ke - i kal)
-chok -chol)
-kok -kol)
-ch i {
k I)
-ke - i kal)
ka nn i 5
kan ko
nal)
- I I) ka a s
-da na ( a )
Tr
�Pt -1)0 Pt -ul)
Pn
I)a
ITr{NPt -al) pt
na a l)
Refl
S
P
D
S
NPt -1)0 I Tr pt -UI)
3
2
maVb-
-c i
roaVb -
-5
-me
I--' \.0 \.Jl
196 It s houl d b e not ed t ha t
forms ) , f o r t h e languages o f t h is s e c t ion .
this , and fo l lowing table s , somet imes present a n ab s t ract ion o f the a c tual paradigm forms , i n order to s imp l ify and highl ight the s imi lar i t i e s and di fferenc e s b e tween languages .
The re sult s should be
c ompared with t h e paradigms given in Appendix 1 .
Where maj or alt ernat e
forms o c c ur these are shown - s uch as when po s s e s s ive forms di ffer markedl y from the free pronouns . Wes t Himalayish Section
To the west of Nepal are the languag e s of Shafer ' s West Himalayi s h s e c t ion .
Several o f t h e s e languages a r e pronomina l i s ing , i n c l uding
Bunan , Manchat i , Kanauri and Chaudang s i ( chart 2 9 , App . l . ) .
For the
purpo s e s o f this s t udy I have included the Kham language ( un c l a s s i f i e d by Shafer ) along with t h es e , on the b a s i s o f s imilar pronominal e l ement s - e s p e c i a l l y b ecause of the unusual Kham:
-
r V Plural affix ( chart 1 9 , App 1 . ) .
Kham do e s d i ffer from the West Himalayish languages ln that i t
has a c ompl e x pre f i x ing affixat ion wh i c h inc ludes obj e c t c ro s s -r e ferenc e whi l e the others have a relat ively s imple suffi xing affixat ion .
But
as we have already s e en the c omp l e x it y , or l a c k of it , in pronominal affixa t i on apparently has no connect ion with gene t i c relat ionship .
Kham
is highly aggl ut inat ive , with d i s crete subj e c t and obj e c t affixat ion
_
1 s t and 2nd Person subj ect ( Agent ) and 3rd Person obj e c t ( Goal ) forms are prefixe d , in t he oppo s i t e roles t h ey are suffixe s . Bunan , Manchati , Kanauri and Chaudang s i :
These four languag e s in gen
eral do not cros s -r e feren c e obj e c t s , t hough Bunan does cros s-reference a 1st Person Goal with a 3rd Person Agent i n s ome cases ( Grierson , 1 9 0 9 : v3 . 1 . ) .
Chaudangsi has a b are minimum o f pronominal affixat ion .
Pronominal Elements :
The pronominal e l ement s o f t h e above language s
are presented i n Tab l e 1 0 .
10
TABLE
PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS IN WEST HIMALAY I SH 1 Kham
Bunan
Man.
Kan.
Chaud .
2
3 P
Neg
Refi
' non l
' nora
maVb
-s l
-n l
-ra
-0
-n l yara-
-ra ya ra-
ta l
t a l ny l sp i
ta l j i
-re
-gre
-gre
du
doku
dore
-ku
-re
doksol)
dogoa
maVb
us i
maVb
S
D
P
S
ge :
n a( l) )
jln
je
' nolo
g l n-
ge-
n a-
j l n-
je-
I)a-n (a )
g l n-s! (n )
ge-s i
na-n i
j l n-e l n
je-e l
( I I) ) g I
h i I)ral)
h i I) ra l)j I
han
hanny i sp !
han !
-gn i
-gn i
S
D
P
Pn
I)a
gin
ITr
I)a -
Tr0S Pn
D
1 + 2 P
eral)
ITr
-g
Pn
gye
I)yeku
I)yere
Itr
-g
-51
-n l
Pn
go/al)-
n i si
n i l)an
kasol)
ITr
-g '
-Ie
-in
-Ie
Pn
jI
ITr
-g
-g
eral)j I
-g
In
-na
I)yeku l)
kakyena
kyeku
kyere
-na
-s l
-n i
k l sOl)a : '
ka ( n )
k i sT
k l na : ( n )
-se
-on
-Ie
-In
nyendu
gan -n
gan l
do
u/vo
D
maVb
-so
198
East H ima1 ayish Section
The East Hima1ay i s h s e c t ion includes the languages commonly known as K irant i ( Rai-Limbu ) .
Alt hough t he area covered by t h e s e l anguage s
i s n o t much greater t han that o c c up i e d by t h e Chepang , t here a r e at least s event een different Kiran t i languages ( e xc luding Hay u , t hough it I t is l ikely t hat mo s t , i f not a l l o f
is s omet ime grouped with them ) .
t h e s e language s have pronominal affixat i on , t hough I have reasonab l e data on only s ix o f them .
T h e s i x languages are :
Bahing , Sunwar ,
Thulung and Khaling ( We s t ern branch o f East Himalay i s h ) , as well a s Kul ung and Limb u ( Ea s t ern bran ch ) ( chart s 2 0 - 2 5 ) . With t h i s s e c t io n a l s o there i s a great diversity o f affi xat ion t y p e s . Limbu has a c omp l e x affixat i o n s y s t em t hat inc ludes prefix ing whi l e Bahing ha s a n equally comp l e x s y s t em that i s p urely s uffixing .
At t h e
o ther extreme i s Khal ing , wh i c h h a s s imp ly a s e t o f Intran s i t ive and Tran s i t ive affixe s , the latter not cro s s - re ferenc ing t h e ob j ect ( e x c ept an o c c a s ional Plural obj e c t Numb er ) . Limbu :
A s well as be ing the e a s t e rnmo st o f the Kirant i languages L imb u
i s al so t h e mo st d i s t i n c t i ve .
This i s mainly b e cause o f it s prefixe s ,
wh i c h c ons i s t o f a
k ' - used when the 2nd Person i s a part i c ipant ( ex c ept wh en t here i s a 1st Person Agent ) , plus a a- used for 1 s t Person inclus ive and a l s o me for a 3rd Person P lura l . Thi s gives the fol lowing dis t r ib u t i o n o f the prefix e s :
CHART
6
L IMBU PRE F I XES
�
Int ent ive 1
1+2
I
2
Non- Intentive 3
0
a-
a-
Ac t or 1
1+2
a-
2
ak ' -
ak ' -
k'-
k'-
k'-
3
me-
a me -
k ' me -
me -
me -
Compare t h i s with t h e dist ribution o f the Chepang CIF form t h e Inc l u s ive
-t ayh :
- t e ? and
199 7
CHART
D I STRI BUT I ON OF CHEPANG
�
AND
-te?
Intent ive 1+2
1
-t ayh
Non- I n t ent ive
3
2
11
Actor
1 -t ayh
1+2 2
-t e?
-te?
3
k'-
N o t e that t h e d i s t r ib ut ion o f t h e ( chart 8 , p . 2 0 2 ) .
-t ayh
-t e?
-t e?
-te?
-t ayh
t o t hat o f t h e Chepang s uffi x ,
-t ayh
-t e?
prefix is s t ri kingly s imilar
( chart 7 ) , t h e Gyarong prefix , t a / k a
Thi s sugge s t s t hat o r iginally t h e Limbu prefix had
a form and fun c t ion s imilar to the C hepang CIF marker - t e ? and t hat l a t e r t h e form was r e p l a c e d by the Thus ,
k'
from t h e 2nd Person pronoun k h e n e .
in L imb u , a s w i th C hepang , t h e quas i-pronominal fun c t ion o f t h e
C I F marker h a s l ed t o i t s b e ing t reat e d a s a pronominal e lement ( com pare 5 . 2 . 2 . ) . The a - prefix in L imbu has a s imilar d i str ibut ion to t h e C hepang - t a y h , although the l a t t er is not u s ed when the speaker and addr e s s e e have d i fferent ro l e s , a s i s t h e L imbu form .
The L imbu m e - P l ural
prefix ha s no d i r e c t e quival ent in C hepang .
It d o e s , however , c o rr e s
pond t o t h e C hepang N P C o l l e c t ive form - m a y ?
Other East Himalayish Language s :
The ot her five East H imalay i sh l an
guag e s are fairly s imi lar to each o t her e sp e c i a l l y in r egard to t he pronominal e l eme n t s found in t h e parad igms ( Ta b l e 1 1 ) .
The variat ion
i s ma inly in t erm s o f c omp l e x i t y - Bahing , Sunwar and Thul ung b e ing approx imat e l y equal in t h i s r e s p ec t , whi l e Kulung and Khal i ng have s impl e s y s t em s .
It is p o s s ib l e however t hat the data for t he s e l a s t
t wo l anguag e s may be inc omp l et e , e s p e c ial l y f o r Kulung .
Pronominal Elements :
The pronominal e l ement s in t h e s e s i x l anguage s
are given in t h e foll owing tab l e :
TABLE
11
IV o o
PRONOHINAL E LEHENTS IN EAST HIMALAYI SH 1 Bah.
Thul.
P
D
P
S
D
P
S
D
P
Pn
Neg
ReD
go
gosuku
goku
gos i
go i
ga
ga s i
ga n i
ha rem
da u s i
dau
maVb
-5 1
Pos
wa
wa s i
wa ke
si
i ke
isi
ini
a
asi
ani
ITr
-�a
-suku
- ka ( yo)
-sa
-n ( yo ) -ye
-si
-(n)ni
-s
- ( m ) me
S Tr
-n
- ku -ki
-ko -k i
- sa - so
-yo -so
-y i -ye
-s i
-n i
-s i
-m i
Pn
go
gonTksy I
gop u k i
ge
genTksy i
gep u k i
me ko
mekonTksy i mekopu k l
maVb
-sa
ITr
-u/ I
-asku
- i k i /a ka
-a ssa
-aya
-ewe
- i ss i
- i nn i
-a
-is
-iml
Tr
-�
-sku/sk i
-k i /ka
-ssa
-ya
-we
I ss i
-n i
-akse
-e kme/m i
g a na
ga
ga n l
gu
gu
gumi
maVb
-s i
lei
inl
u
u
un i
muVb
-s i
Pn
go
goku
goeuku
g ue i
guy
Pos
a
ae i
aki
ae l
i kl
ITr
-�u
-euku
-ku
-e i
-e l
-na
-e i
-n i
-e i
-m i ( r i )
-� i
-e i /eu -e i k l
-m i /ko -k l m i
-e i sae l
-I -sa
-na -na
-e l -nae i
-n i -n i m i
-e i -e l
-m l -mi
In
S Tr o
Khal .
Pn
u�
oeu
ok
iei
ik
Pos
a
os
ok
is
Ik
Itr
-�a
-yu
-ka
-y l
-ki
Tr
-u
-su
-ka
-si
-ki
-u
keka
kaea
keya
ana
a ne{
-a
-e i
ITr
L1m.
3
2
D
o
Sun.
1 + 2
S
-e l ka
-yaka
-e i
-ya
Tr
-0 -0
-euka
-amka
-eu
-am
Pn
a Qa
a�eTga
anTga:
aneT
anT
ITr
-a�
-eTga
- i ge
a ei
a-
Tr
{a:
-suga
-mba
a-
a-m
k'-
�
ee i
en
am
amsu
amham
es
en
u
us
un
-y l
-n i
-a
-su
-nu
-si
-n l
-u
-su
-n u
a i
ann{ -n i
�
� ka ( sa ) -
�kaca/kas
-a
-e l -e i
-eu
-num
-0
khena
kheneT
khenT
khune
k'-
k' el
k'
k ' -su
k ' -m
I
khuneT
khuneT
-e i /e u
me-
me-
me-
Vb(o)n
mehVb
-si
201
6 . 3 . 2. 3.
B u rm i c a n d Bar i c D i v i s i o n s a nd Gya rong
The pronomina l i s e d languag e s t o tte east o f Nepal b e l ong t o one o f three divis ions : c hart s 2 7 , App . l . ) .
Burmi c ( Rawang , Kachin, Lush e i , T iddim Chin
_
3 2 , App . l . ) , Bar i c ( No ct e ) and Bodish ( Gyarong - c hart 2 6 , A l though Gyarong has b een placed i n t h e B o d i s h divis ion by
b o t h Shafer and Bened i c t t h i s may have b e en b ecause diffusion has made it s e em c l o s er t o t h e T i b e t an languages than in fac t it is 1979 ) .
( s e e Nagano ,
A s far as t h e pronominal forms t hems e l v e s are conc erned Gyarong
would appear to be c l o s er t o Burm i c ( c ompare , for inst anc e , the 2nd Person pronouns :
Gyarong n o , Rawang
na
pronominal e l ement s in Tab l e 1 2 b e low ) .
but T i b e t an k h yo d , al so t h e Gyarong , l ike Rawang and Tiddim
Chin , has a t . - pre fix showing s imilarit i e s with the Chepang ClF marker - t e ? and t h e Limb u k ' - prefix ( chart 8 ) . The pronomina l i s e d languag e s named above , Rawan g , Ka chin , Lushe i , T i ddim C h i n , No c t e and Gyarong a l l have relat ively s imp l e affixat ion sy st ems , a l t ho ugh Rawang , Lushei and Gy arong and formal T iddim Chin have prefi x e s , whi l e Rawang , Lushe i , No c t e and Gyarong have s ome Obj e c t c ro s s -r e f erenc e .
The main feat ure o f int erest i n t h e s e language s , a s
f a r as compari s o n with Chepang i s c onc erned , i s t h e p r e s e n c e o f an e v ident ial o r informat ion flow t ype affix in Rawang , co l l o q ui a l T iddim Chin and Gyarong .
The d i s t ribut i on o f the affixes in each of t h e s e
languag e s i s shown in c hart 8 b e low and should b e compared w i t h t hat given above for C hepang and Limbu ( PP . 1 9 9 , 1 9 8 ) .
CHART 8 D I STR I BUT I ON OF RAWANG e - , T ID D IM
�
al
-te?
AND GYARONG
Intentive 1
t a/ k a -
Non-I n t e nt ive
2
£1
3
Actor t a-
1 -t e?
2
e-
3
s - - t e?
keu-
s - - t e ? t a-
( wu-)
s - - t e? t a-
s-
-te? t a-
s-
- t e? t a-
-te? (wu-)
-
-t e?
ka-
N o t e that a l t h o ugh there i s a b a s i c s imil ari t y o f d i s t r ib ut ion a s c ompared with t he Chepang - t e ? , t here has b een s ome spread o f t h e u s e o f t h e morpheme t o areas where t h e 2 n d P e r s o n i s not invo l v e d , and in the case o f Gyarong , t o where a 1 st Person i s Agent ( first row of chart 1 3 . ) .
202
Ano t h er feature o f interest i n t he s e l anguages i s that o f t en t h e
-10
N egat ive fo l l ows t h e v e r b roo t , and , i n one c as e , Lush e i , t h e form i s a l s o s imilar t o t h e Chepang
Pronominal Elements :
-Ie
Negat ive .
The pronominal e l emen t s o f t h e s e language s are
shown i n Tab l e 12 b e low . 6.3. 2.4.
D i s t i n c t i v e F e a t u r e s o f C h e pa n g P r o n o m i n a l A f f i x a t i o n
Chepang i s d i st inc t ive amongst t h e T i b e t o-Burman languages ( as far a s is known ) in r e s p e c t to the fol low ing features of i t s pronominal a f f i xat ion s y st em : i.
I t has a c l ear s y s t em ( in t h e east ern d ial e c t ) o f verbal c a s e marking
a f f i xes ( as d i s t in c t from c a s e pos i t ions or portmanteau forms ) , t o ge ther wit h a c ho i c e b etween Agent and Goal part i c ipan t s for cro s s -re ference in t h e 3 - 3 s e c t ion o f t h e paradigm . Ch epang i n t h i s r e s p ec t , with i t s
Hayu i s p erhap s c l o s e s t t o
' Benefa c t ive ' marking b u t t h i s i s
s e verely l im i t e d by fac t or s s uch a s verb root c l a s s , and Tens e and Per s o n c ategori e s .
Khal ing a l s o has a Benefa c t ive affix , but t h i s appears
t o b e r e s t r i c t ed t o t ruly b enefa c t ive s i tua t i on s , rather than a c t ing as a general Goal marker o f the t yp e t hat has b een d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s s t udy . In languages s u c h as Kham the r o l e of part i c ipant s may b e ind i c a t e d in the v e rb , though t h i s i s b y p o s i t i on and not b y case affixat ion . ii .
Che pang p o s s e s s e s a t ruly func t ioning evid ent ial or info rmat ion
flow marking s y s t em , i n c l ud ing a Contrary I nformat ion F low form .
Akha ,
tho ugh it i s regarded as a non-pronominal i s e d l an�uage doe s have an e v i dent ial s y s t em o f cons i derab l e comp l e x i t y ( Egero d , 1 9 7 4 ) whi l e , a s noted in t h e previous s e c t ion , Gyarong , Tiddim Chin ( co l loquial ) and Rawang have morphem i c e l ement s t hat may w e l l have originat e d from s ome thing l ike a C IF marker .
A l s o b o t h w e s t e rn Magar ( App . l , chart 3 0 ) and
Kachin ( chart 3 2 ) use a form - d ( a ) for 2 nd Person A c t o r w i t h p o s s ib ly s imilar origins . iii .
The p o s s e s s ive c ro s s -r e ferenc ing is ano t her unusual feature o f
C hepang , although i t s o c c urrenc e follows naturally enough from the MTS pro c e s s ( 5 . 2 . 4 : 1 7 8 ) and is found in a few non-Ti b e t o-Burman languag e s - Maith i l i ( Indo-Aryan ) and Sant a l i ( Munda ) . iv .
The opt ional redup l i cat i on o f pronominal e lemen t s t o indi c a t e an
Emphat i c P lural is apparent ly uniq ue t o Chepang .
Bahing does have some
redup l i cat i on of e lement s i n the lP - 3 an d 3P - 3 s e c t i ons of t h e paradigm but t h e s e a r e not n o t ed a s b e ing opt ional .
Manchat i , however ,
has some opt ional r�dup l i c at i on in t h e free pronouns for 1 s t and 2 n d P e r son Non-S inguJ ar, pos s ib ly with a s imilar empha t i c f0rc e .
TABLE 1 2 PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS IN BURMIC , BARI C AND BOD I SH 1 Gya.
Raw.
Kach.
Lush .
( Coll . ) Tidd:1m Chin
(Formal ) Noc .
1 + 2
2
3
S
D
P
D
P
S
D
P
S
D
P
Neg
ReD
Pn
I)a
nJo
I) an i e
nJo
yo
no
l) an J A
no
ma
manj AS
man l e
ma Vb
-
Pos
I)a
nJa
yl
nJa
yl
na
nja
ni
wa
njA
nl
ITr
-I)
-ch
-i
ta n
t a nch
ta n
ka-
Tr
-I)
-ch
-i
k/t a n
kit a nch
k/t a n
-u
wu-
wu-
Pn
I)a
I)an I
I)an i l)
na
na n i
n a n l l)
a l)
a l)n l
al)nul)
maVb
-� i
Itr
-I)
-� I
- 1 /�a
e (I)
e �I
e n l l)/�a
-I
-I
Tr
-I)
saw
- i /�a
e-
a saw
e n i l)
-u/a
- u/a
Pn
I)a l
an
ant he
nal)
nan
n a n t he
� l /khy l
ITr
-we
-ga
-wu
-m l
-wu
-mu
Tr
-m l
-mi
-da
made
-we
-nme
Pn
ke l ma
ke i man i
n a l)ma
n a l)ma n I
an i
a nman l
ITr
ka-
kan-
l-
i n-
a-
an-
Tr
mi (n)-
mi (n)-
- ( a ) ce
- ( a ) ce u
Pn
kama?
kou ( t a? )
e l ( t a? )
nal)rM
ama?
ama : u ( t a? )
-
,
ka-
�an
�an t he
Pas
ka
ITr
n i l)
n U : 1)
n t I ha l)
n tt e?
n u?ta?
Tnt e?
unta?
ITr
ka
ka u?
I-
na
na u?
a
a u?
v
na
Vb l o
a
Pn
na
nI
n a l)
ne
ate
t han l l)
Pas
T
nl
roal)
ne
te
t han l l)
ITr
-a l)/k
-e
-0
-an
-a
-a
S Tr0
-al)/k -hal)
-a/k/ i -hi
-0
-ho
nVb
-han
Vbke l
Vbma
f\) 0 w
204
The agglut inative nature o f t h e affixat ion found i n C hepang i s a l s o unc ommon .
However Kham , a n d Manchat i lack Tense c o n c o r d and t h i s feature
i s very minimal in Gyarong and Khal ing ( i t may be only morphophonemic a l t ernat ion i n t h i s last cas e ) .
A relat ed feat ure t hat is almo st unique
to C h epang is i t s cons i st e nc y of morph emi c repres entat ion , e s p e c ially for 1st Person - t he 1 st Person E x c l u s ive form Q a (or a var iant o f t hi s ) i s found in every s e c t ion of the paradi gm which involves the 1 s t Person The same is t rue for t h e 1 s t Person I n c l u s i ve form - t a y h ,
E x c l us ive .
whi l e the 2nd Person has two b a s i c representat ions , c ontrast ,
n a ( Q ) and t e ?
In
in languages such as Kham , the 1st Person affix c hang e s from
a na s a l - i n i t ial form to a stop-init ial form o r , even more c ommon l y , the 1 s t Person part i c ipant is repre sented only by Numb er affixes ( s e e Tab l e s 9 - 1 2 ) . 6 . 3 . 2 . 5.
C o m p a r i s o n w i t h B a u m a n ' s R ec o n s t r u c t i o n
I n view o f t h e fac t tha t , i n Chap t e r 5 , an att empt was made t o p o s t u l a t e t h e ear l i er forms o f t he Chepang pronominal e l ement s u s ing purely int ernal evidenc e ,
it i s worth c omparing the r e s ul t s with Bauman ' s
morpho l o g i c a l r e c onstruct ion for Tib eto-Burman as a who l e .
Though
t he two re c o ns t ruc t i ons need not n e c e s s arily repres ent the s ame p e r i o d in h i s to r i c a l deve lopment there s ho uld b e n o serious c o n f l i c t b etween t hem , unle s s one or ot her i s at fault ( o r both are ) .
And indeed a c om
parison s hows that t h ere are no b a s i c incompat i b i l i t ie s , e s p e c ially given the fact that Bauman d o e s not commit hims e l f t o the exact forms of the r e c o n s t ruct ion ( s i gn i f i e d by # , rather than * - Bauman , 1 9 75 : 76 ) . The maj o r c ontrast is the p r e s e n c e of the Chepang C I F form - t a y ? The r e sul t s o f s u c h a compar i s on are as follows :
TABLE 1 3 RECONSTRUCTED T I BETO- BURMAN AND CHEPANG PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS
s
1
D
P
D
1 + 2 P
2
3 D
D
P
-na
-� I
-I
-�I -I
-na
-na � 1
-nan l
-�I
S
S
P
ReD
T IBETO-BURMAN Pn
gal)a
ITr
-I)a - � I
Tr
-Qa -Qa � 1 - I
kaQa -I
-u
-5 1
-n l
CHEPANG Pn
Qa
n aQa
na
ITr
-Qa -Qgea -Qa? 1 -t ay?Qace -t eY?Qe? I -t ey? -t ey?ea -t ayn l -
-ea -? I
Tr
-Qa -Qaea -Qasa -t ay?Qaca -t eY?Qan I -t ay? -t ay?ea -t ay?n I
-ea -sa
-na
-naca
-n asa
-u
-t.a?
-sa
205 The t o t a l Trans i t i v e paradigms would b e a s shown i n char t s 9 and 1 0 be low .
N o t e that for Chepang there is no c l a im t hat there was n e c e s s
arily ever a s ingle s t age when t h e p o s t verb a l pronominal e leme n t s a c t ually formed a paradigm a s in c hart elements
10,
o n l y t h a t the form o f the s e
wa s s uch that they could have given t h i s paradigm .
In fac t i t
i s probab l e t hat different s e c t ions o f t h e pres ent t o t al parad igm were formed at di fferent t ime s .
CHART 9 * RECONSTRUCTED PARAD I GM FOR T I BETO - BURMAN
�
l
1
Agent
1
S D P
S D
2
S D
3
P * from
�
l
Ag
S 1 D p
- I) a - l) a � 1 - I) a l Bauman , 1 97 5 : 2 3 7 ,
1
- I) a -� I -I
- I) a -� I -I
-na -�i -n i
-na -�I -i
-u -�I -n i
-� I -i
-na -na � i -na l 24 7 .
1 + 2
-I)asa -I)ocasa -l)a? l sa
2 -nal)a -nal)aca -nal)asa
-t aY?l)acasa -t ay?na? l sa
p
p
-na -na � 1 -na l
CHART 1 0 RECONSTRUCTED PARAD I GM FOR CHEPANG
1 + 2D S 2 D
3
- I) a - l) a � 1 - I) a n l
P
£I
2
-t ay?t a?l)a -t ay?t a?l)oca -t ay?t a?l)a? i
-tay?sa -t ay?casa -t ay?? l sa
3 -? ul)a -?ul) aca -?ul) asa
-I)a -I)aca -l)a? 1
-tay??ul)aca -tay??ul)en i
-t aY?l)aca -t aY?l)a? i
-t ay??u -tay? -t ay??un 1
-tay? -t ay?ca -t ay?? i
-?u/t a? -?u/t a?ca - ? u / t a? s a
-sa -ca -? i
Refl
S D P
-t aYl)a -t a?l)aca -t a?l)a? 1
-t aY?l)a -t ay?l)oca -t aY?l)a? i
-t ay? -t ay?ca -t ay?? 1
£I
206
N o t e t ha t fo r t h e Chepang paradigm t h e Numb er cat egor i e s on the l e f t hand s i d e g ive A c t ion Numb er a n d repres ent e it her the Agent or t he Goal , wh i c hever has t h e highest Numb er c at egory . A lthough t he Chepang paradigm i s mo re c omp l e x , t h i s i s due mainly t o t h e pre senc e o f t h e C I F marker * t a y ? , t he Agent marker
?u
and t h e Goal
marker t a ? and t h e fact t hat Person e l ement s o cc ur throughout t h e para d i gm .
Th e forms o f the e l ement s are s imilar in both r e c onstruc t ions ,
as i s t he dominanc e h i erarchy whi c h gives preferenc e to 1 s t Person over 2nd , and 2nd over 3rd for c r o s s -re ferenc e , e x c ept that for Chepang 1 s t and 2 nd Persons are equally repre s e n t e d in the 1 - 2 s e c t ion o f t he paradigm .
One formal d i fferen c e b etween t h e two s e t s o f r e c on
s t ru c t e d e l ement s is t ha t t he r e c onstructed Dual for T i b e t o -Burman is
#s l
whi l e for Chepang i t is * c a .
t h e free pronoun prefix 6 . 3 . 3.
# ka -
There i s a l s o no s i gn in Chepang o f
p ro p o s e d b y Bauman .
O R I G I NS O F T I B E TO - BU R M A N PR ONO M I N A L A F F I X A T I O N
T h e w i d e var iat ion in pronominal affixat ion b etwe e n , and even w i thin , t h e various T ib eto-Burman languages po int s t o t he relat ively r e c ent origins of t h e s e s y s t ems .
I f t h i s i s t he c a s � then what are t h e m e c h
a n i sms whi c h have g iven r i s e to t h e s e s y s t ems ?
In part icular c an Top i c
S h i ft , o r t h e Modified Top i c Shift propo sal presented in c hapter 5 , be u s e d t o a c c ount for t h e appearan c e o f pronominal affixat ion i n T i b e to-Burman a s a who l e ?
A d e t a i l ed answer t o t h e s e que s t i ons i s
b ey o nd the s co p e o f t h i s t h es i s , invo lving a s i t would a c l o s e s t ud y o f T i b e t o -Burman morpho logy .
However a b r i e f s urvey o f t h e s i tuat i o n w i l l
b e given in this section. I n g e neral i t d o e s appear a s t hough cond i t ions that would favour an MTS pro c e s s were present at a fairly early s t age i n T i b e t o -Burman . Three o f t h e s e c ondit ions have already b ee n ment ioned ( 5 . 2 . 2 . ) - the w i d e l y s c at t er e d evidenc e o f evident ial o r informat ion flow s y s t ems , the use o f A c t ion Numb er and the indicat ion o f ordinary anaphor i c ref erenc e by omi s s io n ( ' zero '
anaphor i c referenc e ) .
Other evidenc e s ugge s t
i n g Top i c S h i f t o r i g i n s c om e s from the c ommon o c c urrenc e o f ' homo phonous morpho logy ' , t ha t i s , t h e use o f i dent i c al forms i n d i fferent par t s of the paradigm ( Bauman , 1 9 7 4 : 1 3 8 ) .
Thi s homophony r e s u l t s , t o a c on
s i derab l e ext ent , from the app l i cat ion o f the person and anima c y hier arch i e s t o cros s -referenc e , as e xp lained for C hepang i n s e c t ion 2 . 3 . The fact t hat t h e s e h i erar c h i e s play a part in s e l e c t ion for pronominal affi xat ion sugges t s t hat these affixat ion s y s t ems are , o r have b e e n , c onne c t ed w i t h t o p i c a l i t y and hence may w e l l have ari s en by s ome sort o f TS proc e s s .
207
Evidential Systems The MTS proposal given for Chepang in c hapt er 5 views t h e evident ial ( C IF ) marker - t e ? a s having a s i gn i f i c ant ro l e in the development o f pronominal a f f i xat i on in t h i s l anguage .
However t h ere is l i t t l e evi
d e n c e to sugg e s t that this wa s t rue for o ther l anguag e s , even for tho s e wh i c h have evident ial s y s t ems - though it i s p o s s i b l e that former evident ial markers have b ee n s imp ly repl aced by pronominal forms , l eaving no t r a c e o f t h e former .
This c e r t ainly s e ems t o have b e e n t h e
c a s e for Limb u , where a prefix w i t h a d i s t ribution like t h a t o f a n evident ial marker ha s apparent l y b e e n replaced b y t h e pronominal forms
k'-
' 2 nd Person ' and a - ' 1 s t p lus 2 nd Person ' .
But t h i s prefix repl a c e
ment , whi l e i t support s the p ro p o s a l t hat evidential forms play a part i n affixat i on development , c annot ac count for the pronominal suff ixes in L imbu .
In c o l lo quial Tiddim Chin the evident ial markers are suffixed
and a pro c e s s l ik e that o f the Chepang mo d i f i e d Top i c Shift i s pl ausib l e here .
But in Gyarong and Rawang the evident ial morphemes are prefixed ,
whi l e the t rue pronominal e leme n t s are suffixed ,
so some o t her mechanism
i s required t o exp l a in the affixat ion sy s t em .
Action Number The p ro b l ems d i s c u s s e d ab ove , in conne c t ion with an MTS hypot h e s i s c entred around a n eviden t i a l marker , l e a d t o t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t A c t ion Numb er morphemes may b e invo lved instead, for mo s t o f t h e pronomina l i s e d T ib e t o-Burman language s .
This p o s s i b i l i t y i s support e d by t h e fact t hat
i n these languages there is a t end ency for t h e affixat ion t o have Person e l ements only in t h e Singular , wi t h Numb er e l ement s for the Non-S ingular par t s of the paradigm .
This resul t s in a pat t ern l ike that o f t h e
c omp l ementary d i s t ribution o f n a l) a n d - t e ? in Chepang ( 5 . 2 . 3 :' 1 5 6 ) .
The
s ugg e s t ion i s , t h erefore , that the Top i c Shift anaph o r i c pronf> uns ( rep
re s ent ing t h e Person c at e gory onl y ) were placed aft er t h e verb by anal ogy with t he pat t ern o f the already p o s t ve rb a l A c t ion Numb e r p a rt i c l e s . Thi s would app ly part i c ul arly t o s i t uat ions wh i ch had a S ingular A c t i o p
Numb er , as t h i s has a zero repres ent at ion .
For Non-S ingular s i t uat i ons ,
where t h ere i s overt A c t i on Numb er markin g , anapho r i c pronouns were s imp ly not us e d , presumab ly be cause the N umb er Marking gave suffi c i ent informat i on for t he Non-Singular verb .
More recently there has b een a
spread o f Person informat ion t o t h e Non-S ingul ar .
In Gyarong for
ins t an c e t h e 1st Person e l ement , - I) , i s found cnly in the S ingular . The 2nd P e r s on e l ement ,
-n ,
is mo re widely d i s t ribut e d howeve r , p o s s ib ly
b e c ause o f t h e influence of t h e Imperat ive ( s ee 5 . 2 . 4 . 6 . ) .
In all the.
East Himalay i sh languag e s the 1 s t P er s on Non-S ingular verb has a e l ement whi c h may b e a Pl ural Numb er affix rather than 1 s t Person form - I) ( v j . the Non-Singular .
a
-k(V)
vari ant o f the
The 2nd Person i s commonly not repre s en t e d in
208 For l anguages with non-evident ial prefi xIng ( Kham , Magar , T i ddim Chin and Lushe i ) t he p ro c e s s whi ch leads to thi s affi xat i on may we l l A l l o f t h e s e language s ,
have b een t h e Po s s e s s ive analo gy ( 5 . 3 . 3 . ) .
e x c e p t p erhap s Magar ( the p o s i t i on here i s unc ertain ) , have Po s u e s s ive pronoun fo rms whi c h are usually s imilar o r ident i c al t o the verbal prefixes .
6.4.
N O N - T I B ET O - B U R M A N L A N G U AG E S
6.4. 1.
L a nguag e A 6 6 iLiatio n
Non-Tibeto-Burman l anguage s o f the North Indian area whi c h do have pronominal affixat ion b e long to one of three maj o r c l a s s e s a c c o rd i ng to t h e i r gen e t i c relationship s . i.
The s e t hree c l a s s e s are :
The I ndo-Aryan languages , part i c ularly the
' front ier '
languages
d e s c r ib e d by Emeneau ( Emeneau , 1 9 6 5 ) , whi c h inc lude obj e c t agreement . T h e s e are found to the north and west o f I nd i a . ii .
The Munda languages , found to the north- east o f c entral I nd i a ,
and i n c l uding Sater and Mura in N epal . iii .
Languages o f unknown affi l iat ion ,
s u c h as t h e Kus unda language
of Nepal . Repr e s entatives o f each o f the s e thr e e l anguage group s are found w i t h i n N epal i t s e l f and so have b een in a p o s i t ion to interact with t h e T ib e t o-Burman l anguag e s o f t hat c ountry .
The two Munda language s ,
S a t e r and Mura , may b e of f s h oots o f S antali and Munda and i t i s not known how l ong they have b een i n their pres ent l o c at ion of south- e a s t N epal .
A s f a r as the Indo -Aryan front i er languages a r e conc erned two
are found in t h e southern val leys of the c o untry , one immediat e ly t o t h e s outh-east o f t h e Chepang area ( Danuwar Rai ) , the o ther immediately t o t h e west ( Darai ) .
The s e two were not d i s c u s s e d by Emeneau , probably
b e c au s e of lack o f informat ion , b ut t hey do p o s s e s s some o f the c hara c t er i s t i c s o f t h e fro n t i e r l anguage s .
Another I ndo-Aryan language whi c h
p o s s e s s e s verbal c r o s s-referenc ing i s Mai t h i l i . southern T e r a i r e g i o n o f Nepal .
This i s spoken in t h e
The formerly nomad i c Kusunda o n c e
ranged i n a w i d e region t o the north and w e s t o f t h e Chepang area and may then have had c o n s i d erab l e intera c t ion with t he latter ( 1 . 1 . 4 . ) . 6.4.2.
I ND O - A R YA N L A N G U A G ES
S i x charac t er i s t i c s o f I ndo-Aryan pronomina l i sed l anguages are l i s t ed by Emeneau ( Emeneau , 1 9 6 5 : 4 1 ff ) . i.
Thes e are :
The p o s s e s s ion o f a s e t o f verbal c ro s s -referencing affixes for
the Past t en s e which d i ffer from the affixes for all ot her verb forms . Th i s , o f c o ur s e , repres ent s a t yp e o f t en s e c onc ord .
209
ii.
T h e obj e c t may b e c ro s s- re feren c e d i n the verb , g i v i n g a con
struc t ion wh i c h may be r e l a t ed to p a s s i ve s . iii.
Th e pronominal affixes o c c ur a s p o s s e s s ive suffixe s , o r
enc l i t i c s , whi c h may b e att ached t o NPs and o ther c l ausal c o n s t i t uent s . iv .
The s e affixes may b e a t t ac hed t o c on s t itut ent s other than tho s e
w i t h wh i c h they b ear a d i r e c t semant ic relat ion . v.
The a f f i x e s may b e repeated within a claus e , and g ive a s e cond
r e ferenc e to a part i c ipant already e xpr e s s e d by a NP or free pronoun . vi.
A c o n s t i t uent made up o f an a s p e c t ual/mo dal e l ement plus a
pronominal affix may be prefixed t o past s t ems o f the verb . It c an be s e en that some o f t h e s e charac t eri s t i c s are true o f T i b e to-Burman pronomina l i sed l anguag e s a l s o .
Tense concord ( charac t er i s
t i c i . ) and obj e c t cro s s - r e f erenc e ( chara c t e r i s t i c i i . ) have already been noted a s o c c urring i n T i b e t o-Burman ( 6 . 3 . 1 . ) , whi l e many l anguages o f this family have p o s s e s s ive affixes for NPs ( charact erst i c i i i . ) , t hough for Tibet o-Burman t h e s e are pref i xe s .
The T i b e t o -Burman affixes
are a l s o c r o s s -referenc ing , t hat is they may give a s e c ond reference in the c l au s e ( chara c t e r i s t i c v . ) .
They are not however freely a t t a c hed
t o any const i t uent ( c ompare c hara c t e ri st i c i v . ) , though this is po s s ib l e for t he quas i-pronominal C I F form
-t e ?
in Gyarong , Rawang ,
i n Chepang .
-te?
The equiva l en t s o f
( and p o s s ib l y o n c e L imbu ) may b e prefixed t o
the verb s t em ( chara c t e r i s t i c vi . ) . One maj o r d i fferen c e b e tween the Tibet o-Burman and Indo-Aryan pro nominal s y s t ems i s in regard to the categories repr e s ented .
The T i b e t o
Burman l anguag e s o ft e n po s s e s s a Dual c a t e gory and make a d i s t i nc t ion b e tween I n c l u s ive and E x c lus ive for 1 s t Person . not feat ure s o f I ndo-Aryan . t ions .
T h e s e d i s t i n c t ions are
Another difference is in R e f l exive construc
A numb er o f Tibeto -Burman languages i nd i c at e a r e f l e x ive s i t uat ion
b y a verbal suffix ( se e Tab l e s 9-12 ab ove ) .
I ndo-Aryan language s however
use independent pronouns for refle x i ve s i t uations . P o s s e s s o r cros s-referenc ing do es , however, o c c ur in at least one I ndo-Aryan language .
This i s Mait h i l i , whi c h also has verb al affixat ion
a c c o rd ing t o both s ubj e c t and obj e c t . in the verb ,
There is no N umb er cat egory marked
instead d i s t inct ions are made with r e s p e c t to Person and
honor i f i c status ( c hart 34 , app . l . ) .
An e xamp l e of Po s s e s sor c ro s s
re ferenc ing i n Mait h i l i i s : 20 .
t o h ar g h ar
t h i s your
ch-aw
ho use b e - � ( non-honor i f i c )
' Th i s i s y o u r h o us e . ' Some e l ement s o f t h e Mai t h i l i a f f i xat ion s y s t em are common t o tho s e o f Danuwar Rai .
The honor i f i c end ing
-
h un ,
for instan c e ,
is probably
210 related t o t h e Danuwar affix ( al s o
-hun )
indic at ing P lural .
It is poss
ib l e the re fore that t h e Mai t h i l i s y s t em was o riginally s imilar t o that o f t h e I ndo-Aryan front i e r l anguag e s b ut has t urned the Numb er d i s t i n c t ion into a n hono r i f i c one .
Origin of the Indo-Aryan Pronominal Systems The fact that ,
in t h e I ndo -Aryan front i er l anguages , b o t h N P s and
verbs are suffixed by pronominal e l ement s b e l onging to the s ame , o r s imilar s e t s sugge s t s , for t h e s e languages a t least , t hat t h e verbal pronomina l a f f ixation may have originated b y analogy with NP p o s s e s s i ve marking , probab l y init iated by a TS pro c es s . 6 . 4 . 3.
MUNVA LANGU AGES
Languages o f the Munda family have long b e en known to p o s s e s s c omp l e x The s imilarity o f t he verb al
v e r b s wh i c h include pronominal affixes .
affi xat ion with that o f t h e pronomina l i s ed Tibeto -Burman languages ha s been n o t e d ,
in part i cular , by Hodgson who used this as one p i e c e o f
e v i d e n c e for plac ing T i b e t o-Burman and Munda t ogether i n a wide reaching family c a l l ed ' Turanian '
( Ho d g s o n ,
1 8 56 ) .
And indeed there are s everal
s t riking para l l e l s in the pronominal s y s t ems o f the two language fam il ies ,
14 ,
as can be s e e n by comparing Tab l e
g iven b e l ow , with t h o s e
p r e s e nt ed ear l i er f o r Tibeto -Burman languages ( Tab l e s
9 -1 2 ) .
TABLE 14 PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS OF SAN TAL I 1
1 + 2 P
D
P
S
D
Pn
In
a l l n a l e a l aI) abo( n )
Vb
-in
- l i n - I e - I al) -bon
2 S
D
3 P
S
D
P
un l unk l n onko ona ona k l n onako -ko -am -ben -pe -e -k i n
am
a ben ape
The upp er and lower entries for t h e 3rd Person pronouns repre s ent Animat e and Inan imat e c at ego r i e s r e s p e c t ively . N o t e t hat Santal i , l ik e o ther Munda l anguages , has Dual an d I n c l u s ive E x c l u s i ve categories as do t h e Tib e t o-Burman l anguage s .
The e xt ra
An imat e - Inanima t e d i s t inct ion i n Sant a l i is not s i gn i f i c ant - it i s marked o n l y in t h e free pronouns and could e a s i l y develop i n any language to wh i c h the animacy hi erarchy app l i e s ( as i t do e s for C hepang and o t her T i b e t o-Burman l anguage s ) , e s p e c ially when a vari e t y of d e i c t i c s are u s ed fo r 3rd P e r s on referenc e .
211
A s far a s t h e verbal aff ixat ion s y s tems are c onc erned , in a l anguage such a s Sant al i , the obj e c t o r the ind i r e c t obj e c t is i nd i cated by ver bal affixes , as w e l l as t h e subj e c t .
The obj e c t rep r e s e ntat ion is not
c r o s s -r eferenc ing however - if the ob j e c t is repre s e nt e d in the verb it cannot be repre s e n t e d in the c l ause also by an independent pronoun o r NP .
Although Maspero felt t h a t t h i s w a s a maj o r d i fferenc e b etween
Tibeto-Burman and Munda l anguage s ( Masper o , 1 9 4 7 ) it is more likely a result o f the low pragmat i c s t at us ( or d i s co ur s e s ig n i f i c an c e ) of obj e c t relat ive t o subj e c t s ( Ac t or s ) a n d indirect obj e c t s ( Go a l s ) . be s e e n in the fact tha t ,
This c an
for Chepang a l s o ob j e c t s c an b e represented
only on c e , t hough i n thi s c a s e outside the verb , by means o f N P s or free pronouns .
I f , however t h e presently free Ob j e c t prono uns in Chepang
b e c ame encl i t i c , or affi xed to the verb for some reaso n , then a Munda type s i t uation would resul t . Sant a l i a l s o has a s y s t em o f Intran s i t ive and Tran s i t ive marking . When t h e Intran s i t ive markers are u s ed o nly a s ubj e c t c an b e repr e s e n t e d in the verb .
No obj e c t o r ind i r e c t obj e c t c an appear , e v e n f o r
s it uat ions norma l l y regarded a s t rans i t ive .
W i t h a Tran s i t ive marker
an obj ec t or ind i r e c t obj e c t is repre s e n t e d in the verb wh i l e t he sub j e ct pronominal e l ement i s e i t her s uffixed to the c l ausal const i t uent imme d i a t e l y prec eding the verb , o r ( i f no such con s t ituent i s p r e s ent ) i s suffixed t o the verb .
This Tran s i t ive - Intran s i t ive d i s t inct ion
i s remin i s c ent o f t h e Chepang Agent-Goal c ro s s -referenc ing alt ernat ion . tho ugh Sant al i d i s t ingu i s h e s obj e c t from i ndire c t obj e c t affixe s , ins t ead o f treat ing t h em as a s ingl e ( Goal ) c a s e a s Chepang do e s .
It
i s n o t c l ear exac t l y on what b as i s t he c ho i c e b etween Tran s i t ive and I ntran s it ive i s mad e , b ut the factors i nvolved s e em to be more s eman t i c than pragma t i c i n s ome c a se s .
The Intran s i t ive i s u s e d , for i n s t anc e ,
when the Agent and Goal part i c ipan t s c annot b e d i st ingui shed , a s i n refle xive o r r e c ipro cal s i t uations .
It i s a l s o u s e d for s it uat ion s
whe n n o s p e c i f i c Obj e c t o r Goal c a n be ident i f i ed ( as i n
'Ram h un t s . ' ) .
Ch epang would u s e Agent c r o s s -re ferenc e i n t h i s last t y p e o f s i t uat ion . Po s s e s so r s may a l s o be represented in the verb in Sant a l i as the fol lowing examp l e shows : 21 .
goj -en
-t
- I n-a
-e
di e - Pt Tr-Po s - lE-Cat - 3S ' Mi n e di e d . '
( wh ere PtTr - Past Tran s i t ive , Cat
=
Cat ego r i c al ) .
The suffix shown
a s a ' C ategor i c a l ' marker has b een de s c rib e d a s having the func t ion o f a s sert ing t h e c er t a inty o f the s i t uation d e s c r i b e d by t h e verb , and o f forming verb s from noun roo t s ( Gr i erson , 1 9 0 9 ; v . 4 : 4 5 ) .
I f t h i s i s the
case then i t i s very s imilar in form and func t ion t o t h e r e f erent ial
212
-?a
emphat i c morpheme
i n Chepang ( 3 . 2 . 1 . 2 . ) , exc ept that t h e C hepang
form is more c ommonly used with NPs t han w i t h verb s . A s w e l l as t h e general s y s t em i c para l l e l s t here are a l s o some s t r i king formal s imilar i t i e s b etween Sant a l i and C hepang . of t he Intran s i t ive markers in Sant al i are
?o/u?
o r l e s s equival ent Agent marke rs in C hepang are
The two bas i c forms and
?u
n,
and
wh i l e the more
n.
The s imi
l a r i t y i s mo s t not i c eab l e i n the Santali Non-Past Perfect , a c ommon form . 22.
Compare : Santal i Non-Past Perfe ct
( South-we st ) Chepang Past
h o r mo - e da l - ? a ka -n -a man - 3S s t r i k e -p t P f - ITr-CAT
ma n t a - ? I
t ho
- ? a ka - n a
p erson-Ag s tri k e - Pt
'A man has s truck ( i t ) . '
-Ag
'A man s truck ( i t ) . '
The Tran s it ive ( indire c t ) obj e c t marker is an ( imp los ive ) dental c ompare t h i s with t h e Chepang Goal affix t ( h ) a - . Against t h e s e r e s emb l an c e s must b e put t h e evidence c o l l e c t e d by Bauman t o s how t hat , in general at least , t h e morphological e l ement s o f t h e pronominal affixat ion in T ib et o-Burman go back to a very e arly s t ag e in this fami l y .
The paral l e l s b e tween the affi xat ion s y s t ems
in t he two l anguage fami l i e s must pre sumab ly b e a s c r i b e d large ly t o the s imilar m e c hanisms for the development o f such affixation wh i c h o perat e d wi thin e a c h famil y .
P i nnow s ugg e s t s t ha t pronominal affixation in
Munda aro s e from independent pronouns whi c h pre ceded ( subj e c t pronouns ) or f o ll owed t h e verb ( obj e c t pronouns ) , t h e s e gradua l l y b e coming unit e d t o e i t her t h e verb o r to a preve rb al const i t uent ( Pinnow , 1 9 6 6 : 1 7 9 f f ) . In order to explain t he po s i t ion o f t h e obj e c t e l emen t s he p ro p o s e d an earl i er SVO orde r .
However , as we have s e e n , b o t h s ubj e c t and obj e c t
e l emen t s may fo l l ow t h e verb i n Tib eto-Burman pronominal affixat ion , y et t here i s l i t t l e or no evidenc e to indi c a t e that t h i s family orig inal l y had a verb- init ial word order .
It i s po s s ib l e , t herefore t hat
Munda also ac quired its pronominal a f f i xat ion by a TS o r s imilar pro c e s s whi c h l e ft t h e anaphoric pronouns i n a non-b a s i c p o s i t ion . 6 . 4 . 4.
KUSUNVA
The analy s i s and data fo r Kusunda are s omewhat inc omp l e t e b ut the r e s u l t s o f my very brief f i e l dwork , backed by material from R e i nhardt and T oba ( 1 9 7 0 ) ,
show t he p o s i t i on a s fo l l ows .
The b a s i c structure o f
t h e verb i s : Subj e c t pronoun as in :
+
Root
+
Numb er
+
Tens e/A s p e c t
213
23.
t -am -d -wan
l - e a t - P l-Tn/Asp ' We ea t . '
The pronouns and pronominal affixes are : Affix
Pronoun
c/t ng-
ci nu glt
1 s t Pn 2nd 3rd
Probab l y animat e o n l y
T h e d e i c t i c s a r e u s ed f o r inanima t e 3 r d Person and are :
ta
' th i s ' ,
It
' th a t ' .
There i s no Dua l marking i n the verb although animat e N P s may b e suffixed b y
-j h l Q a
The N egat ive i s 24 .
o r a fo rm o f the numeral two to ind i c a t e Dual Numb e r .
-( a)w�,
as in :
o xo y - -aw � - d a
di e -N eg-Tn/A sp , He di d no t d i e . '
Some verbs have t h e pronominal e lement s fol lowing t he main root , b ut t h i s i s probab l y b e c ause t h ey are prefixed to an aux i l iary root in t he s e c a s e s :
25.
abl
-c- I Q -nan
carry- l -Aux-Tn/A sp
, I ca rry . ' I have no good t e x t to indi c a t e what the t rue word o rder might b e e l i c i t ed material usually f o l l owed the Nepal i word order .
The inform
ant d i d , however , p l a c e N P s after the verb mo re fre e l y t han i s t h e c a s e for N e p a l i a n d Chepang , though this w a s n o t d o n e regularly . Po s s e s s ive pronominal e lement s are prefixed t o N P s ; and are the s ame a s the verbal pre f i xe s . 26 .
c i -y a c - e c l
o xo y - n a n
I - o f l - c hi � d die -Tn/Asp ' My c h i � d die s .
'
The verbal s y s t em t herefore c ou l d e a s i ly have ari s e n by analogy w i t h t he Po s s e s s ive N P s , w ith A c t ion Numb er b e ing s eparate a n d p o s t ve rb al .
6.5.
C O N CL U S I ONS
A mo d i f ied Top i c shift hypo the s i s , i f val i d , d e s c r i b e s a pro c e s s wh i c h can a c c ount for widely d i ffer ing pronominal affixat ion sy s t ems . In part i c ular the p r e s e n c e of qua s i-pronominal p o s t verb al part i c l e s c an provide a n incentive f o r t h e Top i c - anaphor i c pronouns t o b e
214 p la c e d i n a p o s i t i o n ot her t han t hat o f t h e ir equivalent N P s .
The fact
that there a re two a l t ernat ive p o s i t ions - one , t h e b a s i c NP p o s i t ion b e fo r e t h e verb , t he o ther , the non-b a s i c po s i t i on , after i t - caus e s , in e f fe c t , a t en s i on whi c h may b e r e s o l ve d in di fferent way s .
The
manner in wh i c h any part i c ul ar l anguage au t s t o r e s o l v e th�s t en s i o n may d e c i d e whether i t h a s prefixing o r c omp le t e ly s u f f i x ing a f f ixat ion . I f TS reanaly s i s does not t ake p la c e at a l l , then the re sult w i l l b e that t h e language remains w ithout pronominal affixat i on .
Furthermo r e ,
t h e po s s i b l e o c c urrence after t h e verb o f other part i c le s , with t en s e , a s p e c t ua l and s im i l ar funct ions , may t hrough fus ion , lead t o pronom i nal a f f i x e s t hat are very d i fferent i n phono l o g i c al shape t o the o r i g inal e l ement s .
Such a variat i o n , i n o therw i s e c l o s ely related d i a le c t s ,
c o ul d c a u s e rap i d divergence and the e vo l u t i o n o f s eparat e languag e s , a s in f a c t s eems to have happened in the East Himalay i s h s ub group
( 6 . 3 . 2 . 2 : 219 ) .
Any t heory of the deve lopment of pronominal a f f i xat i o n
must b e ab l e t o a c c o unt for the wide d i fferenc e s t hat a r e found i n the s y s t em s o f c l o s e l y r e l ated l anguage s , and even b e tween the d i a l e c t s o f o n e l anguage . Thi s p o t e n t i al for gre at variat i o n t h at i s found in the Tib e t o -Burman family means t hat certain feat ures of affi xat ion s y s t ems , s uch a s p r e f i xi n g o r i t s ab s en c e , c annot b e u s e d t o gauge gene t i c re lat i o n s h i p s b e tween languages .
Even a feat ure such as the obj e c t i n c o rporat ion i n
the verb , not e d by Masp e ro for Munda , may s imp ly r e s ul t from i n c omp le t e reanaly s i s aft e r a Top i c s h i ft , and n o t from any deepro o t e d s y s t em i c differenc e . A mo d i f ie d TS hypothes i s t h e r e fo r e ,
shows t hat the o b s erved differ
e n c e s b etween the Munda and Tib e to-Burman pronominal affixat ions s y s t ems m a y b e o f l e s s s i gn i f i c an c e t han t hey f i r s t app ear t o b e .
It i s
iro n i c then , t hat the same hypothe s i s support s t h e independent develop ment o f this a f f i xat i on within each l anguage fami l y o f t h e are a , b e ing ab l e to a c co unt for para l l e l development i n o t herwi s e s eparat e languag e s . The one e l ement t hat i nd i v i dual l anguag e s , and language famil i e s , n e e ded t o have i n c ommon was t he i n i t i al s t imul us - the c ommu n i c at ion pro b l ems b ro ught about b y contact with other very d i fferent l anguage groups . T h i s c o u l d l ead to t o p i c a l i sat ion and TS pro c e s s e s o f d i fferent t yp e s , whi c H c o u l d have then re sulted in t he p r e s ent d i stribut ion o f pronom inal a f f ixat i o n .
A development s u c h a s t ha t pro p o s e d above , a s s i s t ed per
haps b y dire ct d i ffus ion i n s ome c a s e s , allows both the great d i ve r s i t y found w i t h in a s ingl e family s u ch a s T ib eto-Burman , and , a t t he s ame t ime ,
the c onvergen c e of s y s t ems a c ro s s famil i e s , b e c au s e the s ame
b a s i c me c hani sms apply i n each fami l y .
A PP E N0 1 X 1 P R O N O M I NA L C HA RTS
In t h i s appendix t h e pronominal forms
( free pronouns and affixes )
are g iven for l anguage s that hav e b een d�s c us s ed in the main part o f thi s work .
Th e fo l lowing i s a l i st o f t h e s e l anguag e s , together w i t h
s o ur c e s , and a n y s p e c ial c omment s .
The y are ordered ac c o rding t o t h e i r
subgrouping ( t h at o f Shafe r , 1 9 74 - s e e fi gure 1 b e l ow ) , where thi s i s po s s ib l e .
Free pronouns and I n trans i t ive a f f i x e s are shown separat e l y
from Tran s i t ive a f f i x e s .
Source
Chart No . TIBETO - BURMAN 11 - 16
Chepang ( east ern and w e s t ern dial e c t s ) N o t e that the C I F form
t e?
i s opt ional i n t h e verb
and may be repeated up to two t imes if the 2nd Person i s Plura l . 17 - 18
Hayu
Michail ovsky , 1 9 7 4 .
19
Kham
Wat t er s , 1 9 7 3 .
20
Bah ing
Hodgson , 1 8 5 7
21
Sunwar
B i eri , 1 9 7 5 .
22
Thulung
A l l en , 1 9 7 5 .
23
Khal 1ng
Toba , 1 9 79 .
24
Kulung ( e )
Holzhau s e n , 1 9 7 3 .
25
L imb u
Konow ( in Grierson , 1 9 0 9 . v 3 . 1)
26
Gyarong ( Jyarung )
Chin , P ' eng et aI , 1 9 5 8 .
27
Rawang ( Nung )
Barnard , 1 9 34 .
28
Noc t e
Das Gupta , 1 9 7 1 )
29
Bunan Kanaur i Manchat i
Franc ke , 1 9 0 9 ( in Bauman , 1 9 7 5 ) . B a i l e y , 1 9 0 9 ( in Bauman , 1 9 7 5 ) . Francke , 1 9 0 9 ( in Bauman , 1 9 7 5 ) .
215
( in Bauman , 1 9 7 5 ) .
216
30
C haudangs i Kham ( Free pronouns and Intran s i t ive affixe s )
Konow ( in G r i erson ,
Magar
Subba ,
1909 . v3 . 1 ) .
1972
Hayu ( Free pronouns and Intran s i t i ve affixe s ) II II ) Bahing ( " II " Sunwar ( " ) II " ) Thulung ( "
31
Khal ing ( Free pronouns and I ntran s i t i ve affixe s ) II II " Kulung ( ) II II " ) Limbu ( II II " ) Gyarong ( II II " Rawang ( )
32
Kachin ( J inghpaw ) Lushe i
Hert z , 1 9 5 4 . ( in Bauman , 1 9 75 ) Lorrain and Savidge , 1 8 9 8 ( in Bauman , 1 9 7 5 ) . Henderson , 1 9 6 5 .
T iddim Chin N o c t e ( Free pronouns and Intran s i t ive affixes )
.
NON - T I BETO- BURMAN Danuwar ( -Rai ) - Indo-Aryan KUgl e r ,
33 34 35
Mai t h i l i
II
II
1 9 75 . 1973 .
W i l l iams ,
Danuwar ( Free pronouns and I ntran s i t ive aff i xe s ) II II ) Maithil i ( II Munda
P i nnow ,
Munda ( Mundari ) - Munda
P innow ,
Sant a l i
Note :
1966 . 1966 .
In t h e s e chart s t e ns e , aspe c t , moo d and negat ive forms are under
lined where p o s s ib le . F igure 1 b e low gives t h e general gene t i c relat ionships for t h e T i b e t o Burman l anguages l i s t ed above , as w e l l as rep r e s e ntat ive language s from other fami l i e s . dict ,
1972 .
The c l a s s i fi c at i ons are t h o s e of Shafe r ,
Not all t h e mid-level groupings are shown .
l i s t e d above are i t al i c i s e d in t h i s figure .
1 9 74
and Bene
Languages
S I NO - T I BETAN
---�� W 1 W
Di v i s ion
eo O '
Gya
OA I C
BOD I C
H i m ' sh
C H i m' sh
SINITIC
Sec t i on
Bod i s h
!� /l�
/l\ \
Branch
==-== - --
BOd
r
NN
'
E
-
(Sh a fe r ,
/�
- - - - - -1
Ba r i sh
I
�
W
:
B AR I C
KAREN I C
_
E H i m ' sh
Nag i sh
E
1\ !lL,
,, �. .
L a h T i b S i k G u r Tam Bun Han Chau B h r Kham Hag Chep Hayu Bah Sun Thul Khal Kul Khm Lim B u r L i s u Akha Raw Kach L u T C Rong Me i M i k Ga ro Bodo Noc Kan
S I NO - T I B ETAN
( B e ned i c t ,
-:-:--:-
T i beto- Kana u r i
�- -
� Bod , sh
�
Ti b Gur
H i m ' sh
Ka
-
-I
&mora I
Kan
Cha u Mag
Han
Bah
.. > >
> > >
1 i 1m l n1h ma 1) 1 ku1l e1 namh-
c ompare :
' h ea vy ' ' ri p e , coo k ed ' ' dr e am ' , s t ea l. ' ' b uy ' ' sme l. l. '
Chep
PTB
* m a l) * kuw
> >
ma l) ku-
' sw e l. l. ' 'pigeon '
whe re C- i nd i c at e s an affi x . N o t e t hat t he proto-pre f i x e s are r e f l e c t ed in the s y l l ab l e - final margin .
Thi s i s d i s c u s s e d furt h er b e low .
Other trac e s o f former affixat ion show up in s u c h s e t s as t h e fo l low ing , which c o n s i s t of e s s ent i a l l y intran s i t ive-trans i t ive pairs :
257
258
Intran s i t i ve
?a l p h e l) 1) 1 p l aw l am k l yum-
Tran s i t ive
' go ' ' ho l l o w ' , laugh ' , t urned up ' ' s l ide ' , s ubmerged '
?a l ? p h a l) ? I) I ? p l aw l am? k l yum?-
' ta ke ' 'make spa c e ' ' l augh a t, m o c k ' ' turn up ' ' p us h ' ' s ubmerg e '
These pairs have b een noted in other l anguages and are u s ua l l y regarded as r e f l e c t ing a former t ran s i t lv i s i ng , o r c ausative
5-
prefix
( Wo l fenden , 1 9 29 : 4 6 ff . , Mat i s o ff , 1 9 7 3 : 3 3 ) . Benedi c t ' s r e c o n s t ru c t ed prefixes show few reflexes o f t y p e i .
( above )
in Chepang verb root s , though t hey do show up in other categor i e s :
b- I I Y b - I) a s-r l k
> > >
p l ay p O l) a srayk
' four ' , fi ve ' ' ( head) l o u s e '
However a cons iderab l e amount o f fo s s i l affixat ion can b e found b y l o ok i ng within t h e language i t s e l f .
Th ere are in fact a large numb er
o f sets of verb ro o t s , the memb ers o f whi ch are s imilar not only s eman t i c a l ly but a l s o phon ol og i c a l l y , o ft e n di ffering by only one phoneme . The pairs given ab o ve are examp l e s o f such s e t s b ut s ome w i l l have more than s i x memb er s .
The fol lowing i t ems are further e xamp l e s of t h e s e
set s : 1.
2. 3.
h l y u - ' p e e l o ff ' , h l y u k - ' s l ip off ( h ead o f to o l ) ' , h i y u t - ' p e e l o ff ( c l o t h e s , s n a k e s ki n ) ' , h i y u n - ' p e e l o ff ( c l o t h e s , s ki n ' ) , k l y u t - ' ta k e off h us k ' , k l y u s - ' b urs t ( s k i n ) ' . h l u p - ' s l i p on ( h a t e tc . ) ' , g l y u p -, g l l p - ' s l ip o n ( c l o t he s ) . k l e k - ' ri co c h e t ' , k l e h - ' s h o o t o ff ' , g l e h -, g l e n h , b l e n h -, ' m i s s ( o f arrow ) ' , g l a y l) -, b l a Y I) - , p l a y l) - , p l e l) -, p l a l) ' g lance o ff ( a xe b lo w ) ' .
4.
5.
6. 7.
r a m - ' ga t h er fo r e s t foo d ' , h ra m - ' gr a z e ( In tran s i t i v e ) ' , h ra m ? - ' h e rd anima l s , gra z e ( Trans i ti v e ) ' , h r am h - ' p u l l off l e a v e s ' , h ra m h - ' c hop off l ea v e s for fodder ' , ra ' c u t o ff ' . p a n - ' e n c i rc l e ' ; , p a n ? - ' b ind ' , p a n h - ' t i e aro und edge ( a s w e i g h t s aroun d n e t ) ' , p e n h - ' ha l t e r, t i e aro und n e c k ' . p h a n - p h e n - ' unbi nd, unloo s e ' , p h a s - p h a l h - p ho l p r a? - , p ra ? - , p ro ? - , m r l ? - , m r o ? - , m ra ? - , b ra ? , s ra ? - , I) r l ? - , I) r ya ? - , I) re ? - , I) ro ? - , m r y a ? - ' mi x t o g e t h e r two or more kinds, s upp l emen t ( fo o d ) by s o doing, s upport, agree ' .
Not i c e that s e t s 1 .
and 2 . are related in t erms o f b ei ng an a c t ion
( removing o f s k i n , c lo t h e s and so fort h ) and its rever s e , o f c lo t h e s ) .
( put t ing on
The same relat i onship holds b etween s e t s 5 ( s urround ing ,
t y ing ) and 6 ( untying , l o o s i ng ) .
259
The s imp l e st exp l anat ion for t h e s e , and t h e many o ther s e t s tha t e x i s t , i s that t h e memb ers o f each s e t a r e c omb inat ions o f a b a s i c r o o t common t o all memb ers , t ogether with various p r e f i x e s a n d s u f f i x e s t ha t give r i s e t o t h e indiv idual d i fferenc e s . r o o t I ( y ) u meaning ' s Z i de a Z ong,
s Z i de down ' , w i t h a former - p suffix
that ind i c at e s t h e reverse a c t ion .
The former func t ion of the o ther
suffi x e s and prefixes is unc e r t a i n . l a « * l a)
6.
S imilarly set 3 . has a b a s i c root
'move p a s t ' , s e t 4 . has r a « * r a )
have p a « * p a )
r a / l a « * r a/ l a )
The b a s i c roo t s would app ear
Thus s e t s 1 . and 2 . have a b a s i c
to have b ee n normal ly CV s y l lable s .
' remove Z e a ve s ' ,
sets 5 . and
' enaira Z e , s urro und ' . while the b a s i c root of 7 . i s
' inare a s e , m i x ' .
The various vowel changes app ear t o
r e s ult from t h e addit ion o f ( ? ) l / y o r ( 1 ) u / w as e i ther a f f i x e s o r infixe s , where t h e s e may i nd i c a t e degrees o f int e n s i t y o r c omp l et e n e s s ( compare m i n ? -
' ao o ke d ' and m a n h - ' we Z Z aooked ' a l s o 8 i r h i ? - ' a ur Z
( s ma Z Z v i n e ) ' ,
8 a r h a? -
' aur Z ( Z arge v i n e ) ' ) .
The c ompari s o n o f a ro o t s u c h as g l y u 8 h -
' aome down, o u t ' with o ther
re lat ed one s ( inc l ud ing tho s e in sets 1 . and 2 . above ) indi c a t e s t ha t i t w a s o ri g inally morph o l o g i c a l ly g - I - Y U - 8 - h ( where