The Sumerian Zame Hymns from Tell Abu Salabih: With an Appendix on the Early Dynastic Colophons (Dubsar, 12) 9783963270345, 3963270349

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dubsar 12 Krebernik / Lisman • The Sumerian Zame Hymns

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The Sumerian Zame Hymns from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ With an Appendix on the Early Dynastic Colophons Manfred Krebernik and Jan J. W. Lisman

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The Sumerian Zame Hymns from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ With an Appendix on the Early Dynastic Colophons

Manfred Krebernik and Jan J. W. Lisman

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

dubsar Altorientalistische Publikationen Publications on the Ancient Near East Band 12 Herausgegeben von Kristin Kleber und Kai A. Metzler

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

The Sumerian Zame Hymns from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ With an Appendix on the Early Dynastic Colophons

Manfred Krebernik and Jan J. W. Lisman

Zaphon Münster 2020 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

Cover illustration: Old Babylonian terracotta plaque, Hilprecht-Sammlung der Universität Jena, HS 50.

Manfred Krebernik and Jan J. W. Lisman: The Sumerian Zame Hymns from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ. With an Appendix on the Early Dynastic Colophons dubsar 12

© 2020 Zaphon, Münster (www.zaphon.de) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Germany Printed on acid-free paper ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 ISSN 2627-7174 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

Contents Preface

.............................................................................................................................. 7

1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 History of research ..................................................................................................... 9 1.2 The manuscripts ....................................................................................................... 11 1.3 Orthography ............................................................................................................. 13 1.4 The structure of the Zame Hymns ............................................................................ 13 1.5 The gods of the Zame Hymns and their cities .......................................................... 15 1.6 The Zame Hymns in the context of early cuneiform literature ................................. 16 1.7 The ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the Zame Hymns ................................................................. 20 2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms ............................................................................... 23 Table 1: The Zame Hymns: a general survey of place names and deities ...................... 23 Table 2: Theonyms in Zame Hymns, Early Dynastic god lists, and Temple Hymns ...... 24 Table 3: Toponyms in Zame Hymns, city lists, City Seals, and Temple Hymns............. 26 3. List of Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns .......................................................................... 29 4. Transliteration and Translation ........................................................................................ 33 5. Score ................................................................................................................................ 49 6. Commentary .................................................................................................................... 81 7. Indices .......................................................................................................................... 167 Index of deities............................................................................................................. 167 Index of (cult)-places and temple names...................................................................... 168 Index of signs (according to LAK numbers) ................................................................ 170 Index of Sumerian words ............................................................................................. 170 Index of Akkadian/Semitic words................................................................................ 174 Index of textual references ........................................................................................... 175 Index of Sumerian literary texts (quoted after ETCSL) ............................................... 183 Index of Early Dynastic inscriptions (quoted after RIME) .......................................... 186 8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes................................................................................. 187 8.1 Some general remarks on the colophons and the scribes ....................................... 187 8.2 The colophons from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ ................................................................... 190 8.2.1 Comparative table of the colophons of the Zame Hymns .............................. 190 8.2.2 Index of the personal names in the colophons of the Zame Hymns, with references to other colophons from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ .............................. 190 8.2.3 The colophons from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ in transliteration ............................... 192 8.2.4 Index to the colophons from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ, with references to the administrative texts from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ ...................................................... 205 8.3 The colophons from Fāra and other Early Dynastic cities ..................................... 209 8.3.1 The colophons from Fāra in transliteration ................................................... 209 8.3.2 Colophons of other Early Dynastic cities in transliteration ........................... 216

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Contents

8.3.3 Index to the colophons from Fāra and other Early Dynastic cities ................ 217 8.4 The colophons from Ebla ....................................................................................... 220 8.4.1 The colophons from Ebla in transliteration ................................................... 220 8.4.2 Index to the colophons from Ebla.................................................................. 225 9. Abbreviations ................................................................................................................ 227 10. Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 235 11. Maps of Sumer and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ .......................................................................... 259 12. Synopsis of the Cuneiform Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns ...................................... 263

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

Preface This is the first comprehensive edition of and the first attempt at an integral translation of the Early Dynastic Sumerian hymns, known in the literature as the Zame Hymns, published by R.D. Biggs in 1974 in his ‘Inscriptions from Tell Abū Ṣalābīkh’ (IAS). In this book Biggs presented a composite transliteration of nearly all the tablets and fragments containing (parts of) these hymns. Some of the Zame Hymns have already been translated separately. As may appear from this edition (and the commentary on it), it is extremely difficult to restrict the translation to only one hymn or even a few of them. The result we present here has come into being after repeated and intensive consideration and discussion. Our starting-point was the structure of the composition and that of each hymn insofar as we have been able to make these plausible. Nevertheless, in several cases a choice had to be made between different possible interpretations. That uncertainty is partly due to the well-known fact that in this period the cuneiform signs within one case were not yet aligned in accordance with grammar and syntax. As a consequence, sometimes more than one order of signs seemed to be meaningful, leading to just as many meaningful translations. Then we had to make a comparative assessment as to which of the possible translations would best fit into the general scheme of the hymns as conceived by us. The present edition is not a definitive one, of course. It is our explicit wish and intention that it will stimulate further discussions, thus advancing insight into the Early Dynastic Sumerian culture as a whole. The authors would like to thank Mrs. Helen Richardson-Hewitt for the correction of the English of this book. For any remaining errors the authors alone are responsible. We would like to dedicate this edition to Professor Robert D. Biggs, to whom we owe the masterful publication of the texts from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ.

Manfred Krebernik

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

Jan Lisman

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

1. Introduction 1.1 History of research The Sumerian composition (re-)edited here has been known since 1966, when Robert D. Biggs, in his preliminary survey of the text finds from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ (henceforth abbreviated TAṢ), described it as follows: A favorite text of the ancient scribes at this site seems to have been a collection of short hymns, perhaps related in some way to the later Temple Hymns, each ending with zà.mì (ZAG.ME) “praise”. The text begins with Enlil, Nippur, and Duranki. Often the epithet of the deity seems to be a pun, perhaps only graphic, on the divine name. In some cases the name of the town in which the deity had his principal cult is given, though without the determinative KI, thus making it difficult to recognize obscure or unknown place names. It is not yet clear whether the text centers principally around the deities or around the towns. Note that with Umma occurs not Šara, but Ninur. It seems to name most of the major towns of Sumer and is thus potentially of more than strictly literary and religious interest.1 Eight years later, in his Inscriptions from Tell Abū Ṣalābīkh, Biggs offered a preliminary edition of the text under the title ‘The Zà-mì Hymns’.2 He was able to reconstruct the entire composition with the exception of only one short passage.3 In the present edition, we use Biggs’ title in the slightly modified form Zame Hymns, abbreviated ZH (+ number), even though the designation ‘hymns’ for the individual text units ending in za3-me seems somewhat problematic.4 The texts from TAṢ are roughly contemporary with, or perhaps slightly later than, the ED IIIa archives from Fāra/Šuruppag.5 Their precise date is, however, difficult to determine since most tablets were found in cuts or fill.6 While many ED lexical and literary compositions are attested at more than one site (Fāra, TAṢ, Ebla and others), manuscripts of the Zame Hymns 1 2

3

4

5

6

Biggs 1966, 80. Biggs 1974, 45-56. The edition consists of a list of the manuscripts, a composite text with critical apparatus, and a selective commentary. Lines 188-191 (Biggs’ numbering) were difficult to restore from the few fragmentary sources. Biggs’ suggestion was that source R (IAS 262) might to be placed in this section. Cf. Krecher 1992, 292, referring to ZH 57: ‘Should we really take e.g. the two lines concerning Isin (lines 186-187) to be a “hymn”?’ For the dating of the Fāra Period and the texts from Fāra and TAṢ, see Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015, 61-65, with previous literature. Though the majority of the Fāra tests may date from a relatively short time, palaeography indicates that they are chronologically stratified, cf. Picchioni 1981, 116; Mander 1984, 341; Krebernik/Steible/Yıldız 2014. For the distribution and archaeological contexts of the text finds, see Postgate in Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 1-8. The text finds from both sites, Fāra and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ, cover a longer time span than the relative uniformity of the bulk of the material seems to suggest: for some Uruk III to ED I/II texts from Fāra, see Krebernik/Steible/Yıldız 2014. One fragment from TAṢ (IAS 556, see Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 14 and 27) is palaeographically close to the archaic texts from Ur.

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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1. Introduction

were found in TAṢ only. The mss. of the Zame Hymns use the ‘normal orthography’ as opposed to the so-called ‘UD.GAL.NUN orthography’ (abbreviation UGN), in which many ‘literary’ texts from Fāra and TAṢ are written.7 Nevertheless, these and other compositions in ‘normal orthography’ are also difficult to understand because in ED IIIa the distribution of signs within one case was still independent of the sequence of the morphological and lexical units which they represented. Thus Biggs had to admit that ‘in many instances the proper sequence of the signs is unknown’ and he warned of a prejudiced interpretation based on the (often arbitrary) sign sequence in his transliteration: ‘One must bear in mind, however, that a chosen sequence may make sense to us and nevertheless not be the sequence intended by the scribe.’8 In the introduction to his edition, Biggs described the basic structure of the Zame Hymns. According to him, the finite verbal form za3-me mu-du11 ‘spoke the praise’ in the first hymn (‘prologue’) refers to Enlil as subject; he concluded that ‘it is therefore probable that the rest of the text should be understood as a praise uttered by Enlil’. In 1988 D’Agostino, while agreeing with Biggs’ syntactical analysis, suggested the meaning ‘gekannt, das heisst: zugewiesen, zugeteilt’ for za3-me.9 A different analysis was proposed by Krebernik in 1994: according to him, the great deities praise Enlil.10 In the present edition, we follow his suggestion as a working hypothesis. We would like to emphasise, however, that a more conventional interpretation in the sense that all the deities installed by Enlil are praised (by mankind) in their temples cannot be ruled out. In that case the structure of hymns 2-70 would be: ‘(in) ...: (deity) ... be praised!’ In 1992 Krecher draw attention to some similarities between the Zame Hymns and a long UD.GAL.NUN composition from Fāra, NTSŠ 168+: This text seems to be built on names of cities and sanctuaries. The word é-šà “inner house”, if this is the correct reading and translation, is found twenty times in the 270 lines at least partly preserved. A considerable number of the names of (hopefully!) cities and sanctuaries recur in the word-list mentioned earlier, and also in the zami composition. The word list has much more in common with NTSŠ 168 than with the zami composition. As in the case of the zami composition it is my impression that NTSŠ 168 is a learned composition compiling and combining names and epithets, standing between word-list and literary composition proper.11

7

8 9 10 11

For the UD.GAL.NUN orthography see in last instance Zand 2009 and 2014, with previous literature. Zand 2009 contains transliterations of the whole corpus of UGN texts, the individual compositions, in some cases represented by several duplicates, are referred to as CUT (Corpus of UD.GAL.NUN Texts) + number. His method of transliterating UGN-texts, which was developed in the course of his doctorate, is adopted here: UGN passages for which an interpretation is suggested are transposed into normal orthography, whereby the UGN allograms are added in brackets as subscripts, e.g. mu(NUN)-dug4(ŠID) if NUN ŠID is interpreted as mu-dug4. A list of the signs affected by the UGN system (allograms and normal signs substituted by them) can be found in Zand 2009, 122-151. Biggs 1974, 45. D’Agostino 1988, 76. Krebernik 1994a. Krecher 1992, 293f. The word-list to which Krecher refers is SF 23 // IAS 21 // IAS 22 (ED version © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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11

Some 20 years later this topic was resumed and elaborated by Johnson. He saw ‘no evidence of textual continuity’ between NTSŠ 168+ and the Zame Hymns, but tried to demonstrate that ‘parts of NTSŠ 82 were clearly fore-runners to [...] The Zami Hymns from Abu Salabikh.’12 As a matter of fact, NTSŠ 82, another UD.GAL.NUN composition from Fāra13, contains a section where the praise formula za3-me repeatedly occurs (obv. iv 10 - v 13), but more significant correspondences linking the two compositions genetically could not be observed.14 A preliminary overview of the structure and contents of the Zame Hymns was recently provided by Krebernik in the Reallexikon.15 The first fourteen lines, which constitute the first hymn, have attracted the attention of several authors (see below, comments on ZH 1). Of the remaining 69 hymns only a few have been cited and translated in the course of time (see below, ch. 6 Commentary). In the present volume we offer the first comprehensive edition and translation of the whole composition. Only a few tiny fragments (IAS 351, 386 and 450) could be added to the sources already collected by Biggs. We followed Biggs in combining the name of the deity and the formula za3-me in one line, although some manuscripts write the final praise formula in a separate case. We also follow Biggs’ line numbering as far as possible, but from a certain point onwards we had to deviate from it.16 1.2 The manuscripts As already stated, the Zame Hymns are attested exclusively in TAṢ. The majority of the text finds from TAṢ come from Area E, a complex which could have belonged to a temple.17 By far the most texts were found in a secondary position in room 31, in a cut at level IB.18 The

12 13

14

15 16

17

18

of Archaic Cities). NTSŠ 168+ is described and transliterated as ‘CUT 19’ in Zand 2009, 440-449. Johnson 2014, 19. Described and transliterated together with the duplicate IAS 199 (different version) as ‘CUT 9’ in Zand 2009, 352-369. Johnson’s far-reaching speculations are sometimes difficult to follow and to evaluate. He uses, somewhat arbitrarily in our opinion, the three divine names ‘Nin-imma, Nin-nisig and Uttu [...] as a thread of Ariadne [...] helping us to track the movement of individual memoranda through the four rather heterogeneous scholastic compendia mentioned above (The Cities List, NTSŠ 168+, NTSŠ 82 and the Zami Hymns from Anu Salabikh).’ (Johnson 2014, 13). The results as illustrated by table 4 on p. 31 are, however, not convincing. Note that Uttu does not occur at all in the Zame Hymns. Krebernik 2017. In our ‘Transliteration and Translation’ and ‘Score’ texts, Biggs’ line numbering is indicated as B+number. Postgate in Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 7: ‘To sum up, the main assemblage of “literary” texts came from within the confines of the Central Complex and adjacent rooms, in what we believe to be part of an extensive temple complex.’ For the rooms: Hansen 1974, 4 fig 1, and Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 2, fig. 1, reproduced in ch. 11 with room 31 (ca. 3 × 8 m) indicated by an arrow. Hansen 1974, 11: ‘Most of the tablets of the second season were found in the adjoining room 31, which was severely burned. It was definitely roofed, for part of a burned wooden beam was discovered. Again there were extensive holes and cuts in this room. All the tablets found at Level IB were in cuts or in fill. None were found on a © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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1. Introduction

function of room 31 is uncertain. Since there were a number of pupils’ writing-exercise tablets among this group, Biggs concluded that ‘there was a scribal school in the immediate vicinity as well as the scriptorium of the skilled scribes.’19 Additional arguments linking the text finds from area E to a temple household are offered by the administrative texts as Postgate pointed out to the authors20: ‘I think only a temple would have been operating the šuku-field system attested by the texts (especially those from 1975), and the tablet mentioning more than 13,000 sheep and goats21 must belong to an institution, for which the obvious candidate is a temple. My guess is that the temple cella is Room 80 in square 6G84 and 6G94, mentioned in Iraq 52 (1980) p. 98. [...] If that is correct, the “temple” proper would be south of the corridor, and the scriptorium, with Room 39 and its rich Grave 1 (and three other graves), immediately to the north, so not too distant.’ All the mss. of the Zame Hymns with the exception of fragment T = IAS 351, which may or may not belong to the composition, come from room 31. Their precise provenance has been described as follows22: Room 20 Room 31 Room 31 Room 31 Room 31 Room 31 Room 31

cut in Level I: IAS 351. cut in Level I: IAS 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 264, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 450. Level I fill: IAS 271. Level IB fill by west wall north of door to room 27: IAS 265. Level IB fill, center of room about 8 ft. from north wall: IAS 262. Level IB fill, center of room about 8 ft. from north wall: IAS 262. Level IB fill, south center: IAS 263, 386.

The mss. of the Zame Hymns are clearly no exercise tablets; they have large formats and are written by expert scribes who are immortalised in colophons (see below ch. 8 Appendix). Our list of text witnesses comprises 24 tablets and fragments (see above, and below ch. 3). From the maximum number of 7 duplicating mss. we can conclude that there were at least 7 different copies in existence.23 Presumably, some of the now isolated fragments were parts of the same tablet(s), but we were not in the position to check and prove this with the help of good photographs and/or by an autopsy of the originals in the Iraq Museum.

19 20 21 22 23

preserved floor. The large hoard is shown in Fig. 9 [= OIP 99, p. 10], where the outline of the cut is visible. This cut clearly came from Level IA; however, there is no evidence to suggest that it did not post-date Level IA as well. The tablets were found in a very delicate condition with some burned matting, potsherds, fragments of bitumen, and fish bones in the earth around and between the tablets.’ Postgate (e-mail of 27 October 2019 to M. Krebernik): ‘As described by Hansen, this cut was dug into the IB phase of the building, later than the IC phase where they were found on the floor and it may therefore have been dug in phase IA (of which no architecture remains). But since the deep pit in the room and courtyard just south of Room 31 penetrated down below the IC floor, the tablets which may have been there will be “IC” tablets, but in a “IA” pit.’ Biggs 1974, 22. E-mail of 27 October 2019 to M. Krebernik. IAS 519, published in Biggs/Postgate 1978, 106f. with fig. 3 and photo pl. XVIId, e. According to the ‘Index of field numbers’, OIP 99, 98-109. See ch. 5 Score: ZH 22 and 23. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Other literary and lexical tablets from room 31 include: the myth of Lugalbanda and Ninsumuna (IAS 327), the myth of Ezina and her children (IAS 283-296), the Keš Temple Hymn (IAS 307-311), diverse UD.GAL.NUN texts and mss. of the TAṢ god list (IAS 82-84, 86, 88, 89). 1.3 Orthography As stated above, the Zame Hymns are written in normal orthography and not in the UD.GAL.NUN system. As in other texts from the ED IIIa period, the distribution of signs within a case is not yet congruent with syntax, and the spellings are in many respects defective: most case suffixes/postpositions and verbal morphemes are left unexpressed. These two features could indicate that the written text was perceived as a mnemonic device for ‘insiders’ who learnt and knew the compositions by heart. Furthermore, the notation of the final formula of the Zame Hymns is, according to our interpretation, elliptic, i.e. the finite verbal form mu-DUG4 ‘(s)he spoke’ has been omitted. Another graphical feature of the Zame Hymns is the widespread absence of the determinative ki from toponyms. In cases where ki occurs together with a toponym, we therefore interpret it as a logogram: ‘the place (which/where) ...’. There are, however, a few exceptions: (d)EN.E2ki ‘Nippur’, NUNki ‘Eridug’, UD.KIB. NUNki ‘Sippar’, and perhaps also en-giki ‘Enegi’. Here, KI could also be conceived as part of a DIRI-compound and transliterated accordingly: (d)EN.E2.KI, NUN.KI, UD.KIB.NUN.KI. Note that KI has clearly a distinctive function in (d)EN.E2ki (versus den-E2 ‘Enlil’), NUNki (versus NUN ‘prince’) and UD.KIB.NUNki (versus UD.KIB.NUN ‘Euphrates’). For Krecher the Zame Hymns were a typical representative of his second class of ED literary texts in normal orthography: texts which ‘only exceptionally show morphemes written’ and in which ‘conjugated verbs – to be recognized by their prefix chain – mostly are absent’.24 But if our interpretation is correct, the distribution and scarcity of explicitly marked conjugated verbs is due to the structure of the composition and to the abbreviation of a repetitive phrase. Some hymns show a play on signs.25 This may indicate that the scribes were exploring the borders of what could be expressed and transmitted in writing. The Keš Temple Hymn and the composition Lugalbanda and Ninsumuna may be seen as further steps in this development. 1.4 The structure of the Zame Hymns Following Biggs’ edition, we distinguish 70 ‘hymns’ of various length. They are defined by the final formula (d)DN za3-me but externally unmarked. According to our understanding the first hymn, dedicated to Enlil in Nippur, narrates that Enlil allocated their domains to the Anunna, the ‘great gods’, who subsequently praised Enlil. The hymns which follow are an explicit elaboration of this narrative nucleus: they specify the residences of the individual deities and mention the ‘great gods’ by name. The individual hymns have no uniform length: the number of lines varies from 2 to 12. Except for the first and the last hymns, which show some peculiarities, they are modelled according to the same underlying pattern: ‘(In) his/her cult place GN: (there) deity DN spoke praise to Enlil’. In the first part, a (cult) place is named 24 25

Krecher 1992, 292. As already noticed by Biggs, see qutotation above. Examples can be found in ZH 24 (IM), ZH 25 (NAGA), ZH 33 (UM), ZH 43 (NE), ZH 67 (KI, AN, TU). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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1. Introduction

and/or characterised by epithets; as a rule, the toponym comes first, but sometimes (e.g. ZH 15) it follows descriptive expressions. The second part of the hymn refers in the same way, i.e. by epithets and/or name, to a deity and concludes with the formula (d)DN za3-me26, which we interpret as (d)DN za3-me ‘DN praise’ (to Enlil). This analysis is supported by the observation that ZH 2-69 do not contain finite verbal forms, which is natural if they share the same predicate za3-me . It has to be noted, however, that a few hymns seem to differ from the scheme described above as they do not mention a place-name (e.g. ZH 20-23). The most natural reason for this could be that they refer to the same place as the preceding hymn(s). We indicate this in our translation by adding the presupposed toponym in brackets. The last hymn (ZH 70) is dedicated to Lisin and her cult place ĜEŠ.GI, which is most probably to be identified with Abū Ṣalābīḫ. The hymn is linked to the first one by two features: (1) the existence of finite verbal forms (mu-ĝar-ĝar and mu-DUG4 in ZH 1, repeated nam-ma-LAK131 in ZH 70) and (2) the expressions za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal in ZH 70, which seems to resume diĝir gal-gal za3-me mu-DUG4 in ZH 1 (finite verbal forms in italics, corresponding phrases underlined): Hymn 1 11-12 13-14

d

en-E2 a-nun ki mu-ĝar-ĝar diĝir gal-gal za3-me mu-DUG4

Hymns 2-69 GN ... ... ... DN ... za3-me Hymn 70 225-226 227-229

ama dli9-si4

230-231

za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal

232-233

ama dli9-si4 za3-me

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 ĜEŠ.GI ki du10

nam-ma-LAK131 nam-ma-LAK131

Unfortunately, the meaning of LAK131 is unclear, and the syntax of za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal poses difficulties. diĝir gal-gal can be a genitivus subiectivus or a genitivus obiectivus: ‘the praise spoken by the great gods’ or ‘the praise spoken to the great gods’. If the expression refers to the first hymn, as we assume, ‘the praise spoken by the great gods’ must be meant according to our understanding of the first hymn. With regard to the context, za3me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal is either independent of or to be connected with the following clause since the preceding verbal form nam-ma-LAK131 marks the end of a sentence. The syntactical function of the phrase is, however, difficult to specify. Logically, one could expect something like ‘after the great gods had spoken their praise (of Enlil)’, i.e. a construction equivalent to the ‘pronominal conjugation’ *du11-ga-ni ‘after (s)he has spoken’; one might 26

In some hymns the diĝir determinative is absent (e.g. in the hymns 12-14). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

1. Introduction

15

ask therefore if there once existed an analogous construction with a nominal subject. Finally, the number of the hymns has to be considered. Does our modern counting, which yields a total of 70, correspond to any intention of the scribes? And if so, what did the number 70 mean to them? Its importance in Judaism, Christianity and Islam is well known. In our context, the world’s 70 nations and 70 languages from the Table of Nations in Genesis 10 immediately come to mind. As far as we know, however, 70 did not play a significant role in ancient Mesopotamian mathematics, mythology, or religion, at least during the later periods. Nevertheless, this could have been different in ED times, and the possibility of an indirect connection between the 70 Zame Hymns and the 70 nations in Genesis 10 deserves further investigation. 1.5 The gods of the Zame Hymns and their cities As to the question of which deities and places are present in the Zame Hymns and which are not, no clear answer could be found. With respect to their sequence, no underlying principle could be detected. Nevertheless, some observations can be made. Almost all the cities named in the so-called city seals of the Uruk III and ED I periods27 occur in the Zame Hymns. Many cities referred to by the Zame Hymns are also present in the list Archaic Cities. Interestingly, the Zame Hymns have only a few toponyms in common with the ED Geography list. The correspondences with these lists are given in table 3. Most of the deities featuring in the Zame Hymns also occur in the god lists from Abū Ṣalābīḫ and Fāra (the correspondences are given in table 2). Strikingly, Enlil’s spouse Ninlil, who is most probably mentioned after Enlil in the TAṢ god list28, is absent from the za3-me hymns; note, however, that Sud, the goddess of Šuruppag, with whom Ninlil became identified, is present in ZH 54. Another prominent deity whose name is missing from the Zame Hymns, but probably appears in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list29, is Ninurta; however, his alter ego Ninĝirsu figures in ZH 33. The name of Ninurta’s mother Ninḫursaĝa is missing from the Zame Hymns, too.30 Further important deities not mentioned in the Zame Hymns include BaU, Dumuzi, Ninĝešzida and Nuska. On the other hand, a number of deities present in the Zame Hymns are not mentioned (or preserved) in the TAṢ god list: e.g. Ama’ušumgal, Asarluḫi, Damgalnuna, Men, Namma, Sud, Zababa. The first 11 Zame Hymns seem to refer to the most important deities, which at the same time have their residences in Central or South Mesopotamia: Enlil (Nippur), Ninirigal and Inanna (Kullaba), Nudimmud (= Enki, Eridu), AsarluKAL (=Asarluḫi, Ku’ara), Nanna (Ur), Utu (Larsa?), Ningal (Ur?), An (Ugalgal = Uruk?), Damgalnunna (Eridu), Nin-UM (= Inanna, Zabalam). In the god lists from Fāra and TAṢ, we find roughly similar groups at the 27 28

29

30

See Table 1 in Matthews and Richardson 2019, 3. IAS 82 obv. i 2-3: [den-E2]; [dnin]-⸢KID⸣ (Mander 1986, 25, l. 3). As a primaeval goddess (among the Enki-Ninki deities), Ninlil is mentioned in the Fāra god list SF 1 (obv. vi 27; Krebernik 1986, 174) and in IAS 82 rev. iii’ 4 (Mander 1986, 29, l. 276). For Ninlil, see Krebernik 2001; for the Enki-Ninki deities: Cavigneaux/Krebernik 2000f; Lisman 2013, 165f § 4.2.1.1; 172 § 4.2.2.1; 174f § 4.2.3.2. IAS 82, obv. iv 15? The copy has dNAM2.IB, with an erasure before NAM2. Alberti 1985, 8, no. 81 read dNAM2.IB, Mander 1986, 26 no. 81 dnam2-urta. Probably to be emended to d[n]in-urta. Of the mother-goddesses whom later god lists merged into a single deity, Nintur appears in ZH 19. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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beginning. However, in both lists An occupies the first rank while the first Zame Hymn is dedicated to Enlil. An’s position in the Zame Hymns is remarkable: he appears only in hymn 9 with a toponym u3-gal-gal (and not Uruk as expected). The next small group of Zame Hymns (ZH 12-17) concerns six cities in North Babylonia including the Diyala region (among them Kutha and Kiš with the gods Nergal and Zababa). As far as the places mentioned in the remaining hymns can be identified and/or located, they are all situated in Central and South Mesopotamia. Important cities outside Babylonia as e.g. Susa, Mari, or Ebla are absent from the Zame Hymns. 1.6 The Zame Hymns in the context of early cuneiform literature From a modern perspective it might seem that cuneiform ‘literature’ (as opposed to administrative and lexical texts)31 was created in the ED IIIa period, because the earliest large corpora of literary texts were excavated in Fāra and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ. However, the use of the same allographic system (UD.GAL.NUN orthography) in Fāra and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ as well as the existence of duplicates from these two and other ED sites point to earlier origins. As a matter of fact, we have a few possible witnesses from earlier periods. The earliest piece of cuneiform literature is perhaps a composition from the Uruk III period which has been dubbed ‘Archaic Word List C’, ‘Tribute List’ and (after its incipit) ‘AD-GI4’. In his edition, Civil concluded: ‘When the early scribes first attempted to adapt their accounting writing system to narrative texts, they adopted a rather ineffectual strategy. They represented narrative sentences by enumerating the arguments of the predicate, and a few adverbial complements, but omitting the predicate itself, leaving to the reader the task of “reconstructing” it. The bound morphemes, such as anaphoric pronouns, that tied together the various elements of the sentence, were likewise omitted from the written text.’32 Other possible traces of PreED IIIa literature include a fragmentary tablet from Fāra33 and a passage from the inscription on the ‘Figure aux Plumes’.34 In Fāra and other ED sites administrative documents are much more numerous than lexical and literary texts, while the reverse is true for the text finds from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ. Some ED compositions are known from Abū Ṣalābīḫ only as e.g. the Keš Temple Hymn,35 Lugalbanda and Ninsumuna36, Ezina and her children37 and last but not least the Zame Hymns. Even though the Zame Hymns have no exact duplicates among the ED literary compositions, they are not completely isolated: a number of parallels can be observed, which we illustrate here by a few examples (some others may be found in the commentary to the

31

32

33 34 35

36 37

For overviews of early cuneiform literature: see e.g. Englund 1998, 82-106; Krebernik 1998a, 313325; Rubio 2003 and Rubio 2009, 34-37. Civil 2013, 50 § 6.1. Civil edited this text, which he called ‘AD-GI4’‚ after the incipit (UD) AD-GI4. The text is documented by mss. from the Uruk III period via the Early Dynastic and Ur III periods down to the Old Babylonian period. Krebernik/Steible/Yıldız 2014, 354f., text no. 22. Wilcke 1995. IAS 307-309, 310?, 311. For the additional fragments 305, 314? and 341: see Wilcke 1991, 283. For a complete edition and analysis of the ED and OB versions see Wilcke 2006. IAS 327; see Lisman 2019 for an edition of this composition. Biggs 1974, 90, IAS 283-296. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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17

edition). Similarities to NTSŠ 82 (repeated za3-me formula) and NTSŠ 168+ (dealing with deities and sanctuaries) have been already mentioned above. Further, thematically related are SF 36 and SF 40, two compositions written in normal orthography. The existence of some parallels between the Zame Hymns and texts from Fāra, of which no duplicates have been found in TAṢ, may reflect common oral traditions. SF 36 seems to focus on Šuruppag and the sanctuary of its goddess, Sud. It seems to consist mainly of nominal syntagms; possible finite verbal forms are rare and not identifiable with certainty. The final lines38 could point to a festival during which the text was recited: maš2-DA.DIB? dsud3-kam4 gug2 sig15?(KALAG) gal-gal dsud3-kam4 banšur gal-gal dsud3-kam4 za3-me du11-ga dsud3-kam4 nun-zu5-še3 e2 den-E2-še3

The ... goat is for Sud, the big wheat(?) cakes are for Sud, the big tables are for Sud, the spoken praise is for Sud! To your prince , to the house of Enlil .

The expression za3-me du11-ga, which plays a fundamental role in the Zame Hymns, appears already earlier in the text.39 Another parallel involves ‘black dog(s) resting in a tavern’, which appears in ZH 37 in connection with Ninazu’s sanctuary; the passage is, however, difficult to analyse in detail: SF 36

v5 v6 v7 v8 v9 v 10 v 11

ki SI gal-gal ki anše saman3 im+ ur340 ki guru7 AN ur gegge eš2-TE nu2

Place (with) big horns/ships,41 place where donkeys (with) nose-ropes harrow the clay, place (with) high corn stacks, 38 39 40 41

ZH 37 127 EN.GI.KI ab2 anše (⸢x⸣) 128 gu dili-bad 129 am gud nu2 130 gu dili-bad 131 am gu2 gi4 132 saman3 giri17 keš2 133 im ur3 134 ur gegge eš2-dam nu2 Enegi, (...) (with) cows and donkeys (like) a string of shining (beads); (with) bulls and oxen lying (like) a string of shining (beads); (with) wild bulls turning the neck, bound by nose ropes, harrowing the clay;

For this passage, see Krebernik 1998, 324f. SF 36 v 15 – vi 1: za3-me du11-ga dsud3. im+ = LAK377; see also Krebernik 1998a, 277 and note 468. SI often stands for MA2 in Fāra texts. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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SF 36 where black dogs lie at ‘the tavern’.

ZH 37 (where) black dogs lie at ‘the tavern’.

SF 40 deals also with Sud and her sanctuary in Šuruppag. However, this composition contains many finite verbal forms which indicate a narrative content. The beginning shows some similarities with the beginning of the Zame Hymns: in both passages, a sanctuary is described in cosmological terms: SF 4042 i 1 marmarux(GUR8)-gin7 zi-ga i 2 an-ša3 la2 e2 sud3 i 3 [ma]rmarux(GUR8)-gin7 zi-ga an-ša3 la2 ⸢GUR8⸣.ŠEŠ i 5 diĝir sumun2 GAR3.[GA]R3? ⸢kur?⸣ dub2-dub2 i 6 diĝir urunx(EN) diĝir šuruppag i 7 sum[un2] GAR3.⸢GAR3⸣ kur dub2-dub2 i 8 ušumgal ĝa2 ab2 tum2-ma i 9 UMBIN.ŠE amar šu ti {x}

ZH 1 1 iri an-da mu2 2 an-da gu2 la2 3 (d)EN.E2ki 4 dur an-ki 5 den-E2 kur gal 6f den-E2 en nu-nam-nir 8 en du11-ga 9 nu-gi4-gi4 10 nu-šar2-šar2 11 den-E2 a-nun 12 ki mu-ĝar-ĝar The city, grown together with the heaven, Raised like a flood-storm, embracing the heaven, tied to the innermost heaven, the house of Sud, Nippur, raised like a flood-storm, the bond of heaven and earth: tied to the innermost heaven, (the house) Enlil, the Great Mountain, GUR8.ŠEŠ;43 the goddess, who chases away44 the wild cows, Enlil, Lord Nunamnir, who makes the lands tremble, he Lord whose commands the mighty goddess, the goddess of Šuruppag, are not revoked, who chases away45 the wild cows, who makes the are not extended lands tremble, Enlil has (there) to the Anunna the princess,46 who brought the cow into the peg, domains allocated. who took the calf in the corral,47

The subsequent narrative is in part repetitive. The phrase si gu3 ba-ra ‘he blew the horn ’ (or ‘the horn was blown’) occurs at least 13 times in columns ii to iv, mostly followed by zi-ga ba-ĝar ‘he raised a troop’ (or ‘a troop was raised’). This repeated action takes place in various places, among them Kullaba with its sanctuary (?)48 and next to it Umma. This last toponym 42 43 44 45 46

47

48

Cf. Krebernik 1998, 340 with previous literature. The text was collated by Krebernik. For temple names with /GUR/ and/or ŠEŠ see George 1993, 98 nos. 444, 444a; 146 nos. 1044-1047. GAR3 stands perhaps for kar. GAR3 stands perhaps for kar. ušumgal as a mythic animal (dragon) can be used metaphorically for deities, persons, cosmic places and temples (Krebernik 2003, 155); here it likely designates the goddess Sud. For this tentative interpretation of UMBIN.ŠE, which occurs also in an incantation from Fāra, see Krebernik 1984, 80. SF 40 ii 14: kul-ab4 e2-MUŠ.DU ⌈si⸣ gu3 ba-ra UD.E2.AŠ.AŠ.GU4 zi-ga!?(GU4) ba-ĝar!. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

1. Introduction

19

is accompanied by the same phrase en-nuĝx(NUN) kušummux(A.EDEN) ‘guardian of the waterskin’ in SF 40 and in the Zame Hymns (ZH 64). It apparently contains a pun on the toponym, but it is difficult to decide if it designates a person associated with Umma or if it is a metaphorical epithet for that place-name. We tentatively interpret it in the latter sense since the contexts in the two compositions differ, and since there are no obvious designations of persons among the parallel expressions in SF 40. If this interpretation is correct, it could refer to a geographical feature, e.g. the location of the city on a canal.49 SF 40 ii 17

ii 18

ii 19

ZH 64 tur3 gal E2.AB.NUN si gu3 ba- umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) en-nuĝx(NUN) kuš ummux(A.EDEN) ⸢zi⸣-[g]a ⸢ba⸣-ĝar In the big stall, the E2.AB.NUN, the horn was blown; in Umma, the ‘guardian of the water-skin’, a troop was raised.

202

203

umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) en-nuĝx(NUN) kuš ummux(A.EDEN) en-lu2-nu-gid2 za3-me

Umma, the ‘guardian of the water-skin’: (there said) Enlunugid praise.

An ED composition similar to the Zame Hymns with regard to its topic and its strophic structure is the Keš Temple Hymn.50 The description of the Keš Temple in lines 22-54, involving comparisons with various objects and animals, is comparable to the epithets which are appended to most of the toponyms in the Zame Hymns. The closest similarities, however, exist between the Zame Hymns and the collection of Sumerian Temple Hymns51 ascribed to Sargon’s daughter, Enḫeduana. The Temple Hymns celebrate the main sanctuaries and deities of 42 cities. More than half of them are also present in the Zame Hymns (for the correspondences, see tables 2 and 3). Their sequence differs, however, in the two compositions. Another difference concerns the praise formula: In the Temple Hymns, it occurs (in the later spelling za3-mi2) only in the final hymn, which is dedicated to Ereš and its deity, the scribal goddess Nissaba.52 On the other hand, the final 49

50 51

52

Comparable metaphors are e.g. ‘Arawa, the bolt of Elam’ (Išbi-Erra B, C5), or ‘Mount Ebiḫ, the bolt of the land’ (references see CAD S, 258 s.v. sikkūru 1.e). See above. Editions: Zimmern 1930; Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969. For the structure of the Temple Hymns, see Wilcke 1972. Wilcke 1972, 39 describes the peculiarity of the last hymn as follows: ‘TH 42, Nisaba und ihrem Tempel in Ereš gewidmet, folgt nur teilweise dem oben dargestellten Schema. Zwar beginnt sie mit dem Preis des Tempels und wendet sich dann der Göttin zu, es fehlen jedoch das den 2. Teil der Hymnen einleitende n u n - z u ,,dein Fürst” und die stereotype Schlußzeile. Stattdessen schließt die © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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1. Introduction

formula of TH 1-41, DN muš3-za e2 bi2-in-gub bara2-za dur2 bi2-in-ĝar ‘DN has taken residence on your shining ground (?), has taken seat on your dais’ is reminiscent of the narrative background of the Zame Hymns, i.e. the assignment of their cult places to the great gods. The ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the Temple Hymns was most likely a cultic celebration: Die TH 1-41 feiern also den Einzug der Götter in ihre prächtigen Tempel, entweder aufgrund eines einmaligen historischen Ereignisses oder aus regelmäßig wiederkehrendem Anlaß. Daß der Einzug der Götter in ein neues Heiligtum Anlaß zu einer Hymne sein konnte, wissen wir aus der großen Bauhymne Gudeas, deren 2. Teil (Zyl. B) den Einzug von Ningirsu und Baba mit ihrem Hofstaat in das neuerbaute Eninnu zum zentralen Gegenstand hat.53 The similarities between the two compositions raises the question of whether the author of the Temple Hymns knew the Zame Hymns and took them as a model. Inspite of the missing link, the unusual colophon of the Temple Hymns, which emphasises their originality, could be seen as indirect evidence of this.54 We are aware that the topic touched upon in this paragraph, i.e. the question of intertextuality within early cuneiform literature, needs a broader discussion, and we hope that our edition of the Zame Hymns will widen the basis for it. 1.7 The ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the Zame Hymns Let us finally address the question about the ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the Zame Hymns. Were they conceived as a didactic poem for teaching and memorising important place and divine names and their spellings? Or were they performed on one or more occasions in the local cult? We think that there are several indications which point in this latter direction: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

the Zame Hymns are attested in Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ only; they were copied there several times by experienced scribes; the text is remarkably uniform; the copies show very few variants; the findspot of all the mss. was presumably close to a temple; the hymns are embedded in a narrative which relates to the institution of the cult places for the great gods by the supreme god Enlil in Nippur; (6) the last cult place ĜEŠ.GI is presumably Tell Abū Ṣalābiḫ, where Lisin is installed as city goddess.

53 54

Hymne mit der Doxologie d n i s a b a z à - m í ,,Nisaba sei Preis”. [...] Mit ihr preist der gelehrte Schreiber oder Dichter die Göttin der Schreibkunst und Weisheit für das Gelingen des Werkes. Diesem Zweck dient in unserem Fall die ganze letzte TH, die als erweiterte Doxologie anzusehen ist. Der Preis der Göttin Nisaba ist zwar dem Corpus der Tempelhymnen angepaßt, jedoch nicht so weit, daß verdeckt würde, daß die Sammlung mit TH 41 endet.’ Wilcke 1972, 39. Wilcke 1972, 46f. interprets the colophon as ‘Mein König, so wie ich, die ich es erschaffe, hat noch niemand es erschaffen’ and continues: ‘und fasse diesen Satz als stolze Aussage der Enḫedu’anna, die ihr Werk mit früheren Sammlungen vergleicht (s. z.B. die Sammlung von Tell Abū Ṣalābīh).’ © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

1. Introduction

21

If one considers these facts, it becomes very likely that the Zame Hymns were performed when the temple of Lisin was inaugurated and/or when the foundation of her temple and her installation there were re-enacted in the course of a cyclic (annual?) festival. We refrain from reaching any further hypotheses, which would be too speculative for the moment. They may be possible once the archaeological context of the text finds and their historical background have been further clarified.

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© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms Table 1: The Zame Hymns: a general survey of place names and deities55 ZH Lines

Toponym (d)

Theonym ki

nibru( EN.E2 ) unug – kul-ab4(UNUG) kul-ab4(UNUG) eridug(NUN) ku’ara(A.ḪA) urim2(ŠEŠ.UNUG) E2.BABBAR ki nisig u3-gal-gal eridug(NUN)ki zabalam3/5(INANNA. UNUG/AB) BU+BU.KALAM úr urumx(A.ḪA) UB UD.KIB.NUNki KIŠ.UNUG kiš adab(UD.NUN) keš3 KI.EN.GI (KI.EN.GI?) KI.EN.GI (KI.EN.GI?) karkara(IM=LAK377) NISSABA2(NAGA) dulum(NAĜAR.BU) kar nesaĝ AB×AŠ2 AB׊U2 ĜEŠ.KUŠU2 KI.AN lagaš(NU11.BUR.LA) niĝin6(AB×ḪA); AB×ḪA.TAG ĝir2-su GUBLAGA(LAK617×LA) SAḪAR en-giki ŠU.EŠ.GI AB.KID.KID GU2.GANA2 GANA2.GAL ? NE.GI

Nippur Uruk-Kullaba Kullaba Eridug Ku’ara Ur Larsa? Ur? Ugalgal; Uruk? Eridug Zabalam

d

en-E2 nin-irigalx d inanna d nu-TE-mud d asar-lu2-KALAG? d nanna(ŠEŠ+KI) d utu d nin-gal an d dam-gal-nun d nin-UM

Enlil Ninirigal Inanna Nudimmud (Enki) Asarluḫi Nanna Utu Ningal An Damgalnuna Nin-UM (Inanna)

Kiti? Urum Jemdet Naṣr? Sippir (Sippar) Kutha Kiš Adab Keš Uruk? Uruk? Uruk? Uruk? Karkara Ereš Dulum

am-gal-nun dili-im6(DU)-babbar pana-ku3-la2 d nin-bi2-lu-lu d KIŠ.UNUG d za-ba4-ba4 d aš8(ḪI×DIŠ)-gi(4) d nin-tu d mes-saĝĝa-unug d menx(ĜA2×EN) d nin-sumun2 d lugal-banda3da d iškur(IM=LAK377)) d nissaba2(NAGA) d nin-dulum(NAĜAR.BU) d sirsir(dAB.BU.BU) d ki-kimušen d ezina2(ŠE.TIR) d nin-ur4 d šara2 d ĝa2-tum3-du10 d nanše(dAB×ḪA)

Amgalnuna Dilimbabbar Panakula Ninbilulu Nergal Zababa Ašgi Nintur Messaĝĝa’unug Men Ninsumuna Lugalbanda Iškur Nissaba Ninduluma Sirsir Kiki Ezina Ninura Šara Ĝatumdug Nanše

d

Ninĝirsu Ningublaga Lugal-DU.DUL3 Ninazu Namma Nin-AB.KID.KID Namnir Nun-GANA2.GAL Lammasaga Girra?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1-14 15-18 19-29 30-32 33-34 35-36 37-38 39-40 41-43 44-45 46-51

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

52-54 55-56 57-58 59-64 65-68 69-70 71-73 74-76 77-78 79-81 82-83 84-85 86-87 88-90 91-96 97-98 99-100 101-102 103-104 105-106 107-108 109-115

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

116-118 119-120 121-126 127-137 138-139 140-142 143-144 145-146 147-149 150-154

55

This table is an adaptation of the table published in Krebernik’s article ‘Zame/i-Hymnen’ in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie 2017.

Ĝišša Lagaš Niĝin; Sirara Ĝirsu Ki’abrig Enegi

d

nin-ĝir2-su nin-gublaga(LAK617×LA) d lugal-DU.DUL3 d nin-azu(ZU5+A) d namma d nin-AB.KID.KID d nam-nir nun-GANA2.GAL d lamma-sa6-ga d NE.GI d

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2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms

ZH Lines

Toponym

Theonym

44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

d

d

155-156 157-158 159-161 162-163 164-165 166-167 168-169 170-172 173-174 175-176 177-178 179-180 181-182 183-184 185-189 190-192 193-194 195-196 197-199 200-201 202-203 204-205 206-208 209-211 212-217 218-224 225-232

KU7 URUgunû-gal girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU)

MAR NA.DU3 E2 GAG.KAŠ-si eš3-kar2-kar2 LAK617×KU3 eš3-bulug4 šuruppag(SU+KUR+RU) ĜA2×MUŠ A2/DA-ne isin2(IN) ... ĝeš.a ⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212) LAK225 kisig2(LAK617×SIG7) dugina2(LAK617×MIR) umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA A.ŠA3.BU KI.AN muru3(IM) kul-ab4(UNUG) ĜEŠ.GI

KU7 en-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI d nin-girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) d nin-e2-ku3 d nin-MAR nu11-E2.NUN-ta-e3 d nin-GAG!.KAŠ-si d MUŠ3.KUR d nin-mug d nin-nisig d sud3(SU+KUR+RU) d nin-ĜA2×MUŠ d nin-A2/DA-ne d nin-isin2(IN) nin-... d me-dim2-ša4 d lugal-u9(EZEN×AN)-saḫar d nu nunuz-du10 (d) lugal-da-sila d MI.DAM en-lu2-nu-gid2 d nin-šubur-maḫ2 d amar-ama6(LAGAB×AN)-na AN.tu-da d ama-ušum-gal d nin-naĝar/niĝarx(NIĜIN3!) d li9-si4 d

Girim (Girim?)

Kisiga Šuruppag

Isin

Kisig (Kisig?) Dugina Umma

Muru? Kullaba Abū Ṣalābīḫ?

? En-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI Ningirima Ninekuga Nin-MAR Nu-E2.NUN-ta’e Ninkasi ? (Inanna) Ninmuga Ninnisig Sud Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ Nin-a/da-ne Ninisina Medimša Lugalusaḫar Nunuzdug Lugaldasila Enlunugid Ninšuburmaḫ Amaramana (An)tuda Ama’ušumgal Ninniĝara Lisin

Table 2. Theonyms in Zame Hymns, Early Dynastic god lists, and Temple Hymns56 ZH Lines

Theonym

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

d

56

1-14 15-18 19-29 30-32 33-34 35-36 37-38 39-40 41-43 44-45 46-51 52-54 55-56 57-58 59-64 65-68

en-E2 nin-irigalx d inanna d nu-TE-mud d asar-lu2-KALAG? d nanna(ŠEŠ+KI) d utu d nin-gal an d dam-gal-nun d nin-UM am-gal-nun dili-im6(DU)-babbar pana-ku3-la2 d nin-bi2-lu-lu d KIŠ.UNUG d

Enlil Ninirigal Inanna Nudimmud (Enki) Asarluḫi Nanna Utu Ningal An Damgalnuna Nin-UM (Inanna) Amgalnuna Dilimbabbar Panakula Ninbilulu Nergal

GL TAṢ

GL SF

TH

[2?] 76 6 4

i2 i 11 i3 i4

2

5

i5 i6 i 13 i1 xi 17

75 [1?] [7?] 44 43 45 259 17

16 1 10 8; 37 13; 38

11

vi 17 vii 20

36

This table is an adaptation of the table published in Krebernik’s article ‘Zame/i-Hymnen’ in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie 2017. The line numbers in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list (GL TAṢ) are according to Mander 1986, 24-32; for the Fāra god lists (GL SF: SF 1, SF 5/6), see Krebernik 1986. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms ZH Lines

Theonym

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

69-70 71-73 74-76 77-78 79-81 82-83 84-85 86-87 88-90 91-96 97-98 99-100 101-102 103-104 105-106 107-108 109-115 116-118 119-120 121-126 127-137 138-139 140-142 143-144 145-146 147-149 150-154 155-156 157-158 159-161 162-163 164-165 166-167 168-169 170-172 173-174

d

za-ba4-ba4 aš8(ḪI×DIŠ)-gi(4) d nin-tu d mes-saĝĝa-unug d menx(ĜA2×EN) d nin-sumun2 d lugal-banda3da d iškur(IM=LAK377)) d nissaba2(NAGA) d nin-dulum(NAĜAR.BU) d sirsir(dAB.BU.BU) d ki-kimušen d ezina2(ŠE.TIR) d nin-ur4 d šara2 d ĝa2-tum3-du10 d nanše(dAB×ḪA) d nin-ĝir2-su d nin-gublaga(LAK617×LA) d lugal-DU.DUL3 d nin-azu(ZU5+A) d namma d nin-AB.KID.KID d nam-nir nun-GANA2.GAL d lamma-sa6-ga d NE.GI d KU7 d en-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI d nin-girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) d nin-e2-ku3 d nin-MAR nu11-E2.NUN-ta-e3 d nin-GAG!.KAŠ-si d MUŠ3.KUR d nin-mug

Zababa Ašgi Nintur Messaĝĝa’unug Men Ninsumuna Lugalbanda Iškur Nissaba Ninduluma Sirsir Kiki Ezina Ninura Šara Ĝatumdug Nanše Ninĝirsu Ningublaga Lugal-DU.DUL3 Ninazu Namma Nin-AB.KID.KID Namnir Nun-GANA2.GAL Lammasaga

53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68

175-176 177-178 179-180 181-182 183-184 185-189 190-192 193-194 195-196 197-199 200-201 202-203 204-205 206-208 209-211 212-217

d

Ninnisig Sud Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ Nin-a/da-ne Ninisina

d

nin-nisig sud3(SU+KUR+RU) d nin-ĜA2×MUŠ d nin-A2/DA-ne d nin-isin2(IN) nin-... d me-dim2-ša4 d lugal-u9(EZEN×AN)-saḫar d nu nunuz-du10 d) lugal-da-sila d MI.DAM en-lu2-nu-gid2 d nin-šubur-maḫ2 d amar-ama6(LAGAB×AN)-na AN.tu-da d ama-ušum-gal d

GL TAṢ 9 130 46

123 35 15 127 48 30 24 27 33 28 26 8 79 78

En-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI Ningirima 110? Ninekuga Nin-MAR 205 Nu-E2.NUN-ta-e 91 Ninkasi 157 ? (Inanna) 232? Ninmuga 37

Enlunugid Ninšuburmaḫ Amaramana (An)tuda Ama’ušumgal

GL SF

TH

xiii 13’ viii 13 vi 18 vii 16 i7 i 15 vii 15 xii 6 i9

35 7

27 42

ix 8 SF 5/6, 27 i 17 ix 14 ix 11 v 19’ ii 9 ii 10 viii 10

25 22 11 14; 34

vii 17

106 108?

Medimša Lugalusaḫar Nunuzdug Lugaldasila

25

ix 21

i 12 ii 13 xii 22

23

iii 17 ii 23 SF 3, i’ 2’ SF 5/6, 39

147 82 145? 155?

iii 10 iv 18

119 118 212 ix 29 161 163 262 xi 7 Ninšubur 289 v 13’ xii 29 SF 5/6, 6

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30

Ninšubur 18

26

2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms

ZH Lines

Theonym

69 70

d

218-224 225-232

GL TAṢ !

nin-naĝar/niĝarx(NIĜIN3 ) li9-si4

d

Ninniĝara Lisin

GL SF

TH

i 14 107

Table 3: Toponyms in Zame Hymns, city lists, City Seals, and Temple Hymns57 ZH Lines

Toponym

Archaic Cities

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1-14 15-18 19-29 30-32 33-34 35-36 37-38 39-40 41-43 44-45 46-51

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

52-54 55-56 57-58 59-64 65-68 69-70 71-73 74-76 77-78 79-81 82-83 84-85 86-87 88-90 91-96 97-98 99-100 101-102 103-104 105-106 107-108 109-115

34 35 36 37 38 39

116-118 119-120 121-126 127-137 138-139 140-142

nibru((d)EN.E2ki) unug – kul-ab4(UNUG) kul-ab4(UNUG) eridug(NUN) ku’ara(A.ḪA) urim2(ŠEŠ.UNUG) E2.BABBAR ki nisig u3-gal-gal eridug(NUN)ki zabalam3/5(INANNA. UNUG/AB) BU+BU.KALAM úr urumx(A.ḪA) UB UD.KIB.NUNki KIŠ.UNUG kiš adab(UD.NUN) keš3 KI.EN.GI (KI.EN.GI?) KI.EN.GI (KI.EN.GI?) karkara(IM=LAK377) NISSABA2(NAGA) dulum(NAĜAR.BU) kar nesaĝ AB×AŠ2 AB׊U2 ĜEŠ.KUŠU2 KI.AN lagaš(NU11.BUR.LA) niĝin6(AB×ḪA); AB×ḪA.TAG ĝir2-su GUBLAGA(LAK617×LA) SAḪAR en-giki ŠU.EŠ.GI AB.KID.KID

57

This table is an adaptation of the table published in Krebernik’s article ‘Zame/i-Hymnen’ in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie 2017.

Nippur Uruk-Kullaba Kullaba Eridu Ku’ara Ur Larsa? Ur? Ugalgal; Uruk? Eridu Zabalam Kiti? Urum Jemdet Naṣr? Sippir (Sippar) Kutha Kiš Adab Keš Uruk? Uruk? Uruk? Uruk? Karkara Ereš Dulum

2 4 (UNUG) 4 (UNUG)

Early Dyn. City seals TH Geography 152 152 94

1 3 (UD.UNUG)

6 25 9 (ḪA.A.UR2) 21

2 4 4 13 8 1 3 1

2 16 16 1 10 8 13 8

13 6

26

226 37 95

11 38

23

26? (AN).NI2 7 71

10 16 14 5

35 29 7

7

27 42

159?

44? 73 (SF 23 iv 18) Ĝišša Lagaš Niĝin; Sirara Ĝirsu Ki’abrig

20 22

18 59

11 106?

Enegi

14 51

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2. Survey of Toponyms and Theonyms ZH Lines

Toponym

40 143-144 41 145-146

GU2.GANA2 GANA2.GAL

42 43 44 45 46 47 48

147-149 150-154 155-156 157-158 159-161 162-163 164-165

? NE.GI d KU7 URUgunû-gal girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU)

49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

166-167 168-169 170-172 173-174 175-176 177-178 179-180 181-182 183-184 185-189 190-192 193-194 195-196 197-199 200-201 202-203 204-205 206-208 209-211 212-217 218-224 225-232

NA.DU3 E2 GAG.KAŠ-si eš3-kar2-kar2 LAK617×KU3 eš3-bulug4 šuruppag(SU+KUR+RU) ĜA2×MUŠ A2/DA-ne isin2(IN) ... ĝeš.a ⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212) LAK225 kisig2(LAK617×SIG7)

Archaic Cities

27 Early Dyn. City seals TH Geography

cf. SF 23 v 12f GANA2.GI – NUN.GANA2. GI4 32 SF 23 ii 14’ Girim (Girim?)

MAR

dugina2(LAK617×MIR) umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA A.ŠA3.BU KI.AN muru3(IM=LAK377) kul-ab4(UNUG) ĜEŠ.GI

23 Guabba

Kisiga Šuruppag

12 48? (AN.NI)

221

Isin

30

Kisig (Kisig?) Dugina Umma

64

Muru? Kullaba Abū Ṣalābīḫ?

26? (AN).NI2 4 (UNUG)

159? 4

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19 16

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3. List of Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns Ms.

Publication numbers and findspots (OIP 99, 98-109)

Line numbers

A

IAS 266 = AbS-T 196 Room 31, cut in Level I

Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Rev.

Col. i Col. ii Col. iii Col. iv Col. v Col. vi Col. vii Col. i

1-22 24-42 43-61 62-79 80-94 98-107 120-127 197-201

B

IAS 268 = AbS-T 192 Room 31, cut in Level I

Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Rev. Rev. Rev.

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’ Col. iv’ Col. v’ Col. vi’ Col. vii’ Col. viii’ Col. ix’ Col. i Col. ii Col. iii

30-36 45-56 63-78 81-100 101-123 124-140 141-160 161-174 175-190 191-206 207-225 226-232

C

IAS 267 = AbS-T 191 Room 31, cut in Level I

Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Rev. Rev. Rev.

Col. i Col. ii Col. iii Col. iv Col. v Col. vi Col. vii Col. viii Col. ix Col. x Col. i Col. ii Col. iii

4-17 22-36 39-54 57-71 75-91 94-113 114-133 134-149 153-168 171-189 190-203 205-222 224-232

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30

3. List of Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns

Ms.

Publication numbers and findspots (OIP 99, 98-109)

D

IAS 269 = AbS-T 193+371 Room 31, cut in Level I

E

IAS 257 = AbS-T 194+295 Room 31, cut in Level I

F

IAS 265 = AbS-T 147 Room 31, Level IB fill by west wall north of door to room 27

G

Line numbers Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv.

Col. i Col. ii Col. iii Col. iv Col. v Col. vi Col. vii

12-19 34-42 55-64 78-85 99-106 122-127 143-144

Col. i Col. ii Col. iii Col. iv Col. v Col. vi Col. vii

1-9 23-32 42-49 61-67 80-84 99-100 117

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’ Col. iv’ Col. i’

132-135 150-155 170-175 190-195 215-225

IAS 271 = AbS-T 361 Room 31, Level I fill

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’

13-19 36-41 55-59

H

IAS 258 = AbS-T 195 Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i Col. ii Col. iii Col. iv Col. v

10-17 30-36 45-52 62-68 78-85

I

IAS 274 = AbS-T 197 Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’ Col. iv’ Col. v’

122-125 141-147 161-167 180-187 200-203

Obv. Obv. Obv. Obv. Rev.

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3. List of Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns

Ms.

Publication numbers and findspots (OIP 99, 98-109)

31

Line numbers

J

IAS 259 = AbS-T 198 Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’ Col. iv’ Col. v’

117-122 136-144 156-164 175-180 195-200

K

IAS 273 = AbS-T 199 Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’

86-88 104-106 121-124

L1

IAS 275 = AbS-T 217a Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’ Col. iv’ Col. i’ Col. ii’ Col. iii’

82-84 97-100 112-116 128-130 168-170 179-183 193-196

Obv.

Rev.

L2

IAS 276 = AbS-T 217b Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’

205-206

L3

IAS 277 = AbS-T 217c Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. i’ Col. ii’

196 207-209

M

IAS 272 = AbS-T 322 Room 31, cut in Level I

N

IAS 260 = AbS-T 334 Room 31, cut in Level I

O

IAS 264 = AbS-T 318 Room 31, cut in Level I

202-204

P

IAS 261 = AbS-T 269b Room 31, cut in Level I

182-183

Q

IAS 270 = AbS-T 385 Room 31, cut in Level I

119-121

Col. i’ Col. ii’

Col. i’ Col. ii’

202-204 222-223

4-7 24-26

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32

3. List of Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns

Ms.

Publication numbers and findspots (OIP 99, 98-109)

Line numbers

R

IAS 262 = AbS-T 153 Room 31, Level IB fill, center of room about 8 ft. from north wall

Col. i’ Col. ii’

S

IAS 263 = AbS-T 159 Room 31, Level IB fill, south center

206-208

T

IAS 351 = AbS-T 26 Room 20, cut in Level I

13-15

U

IAS 386 = AbS-T 161 Room 31, Level IB fill, south center

Col. i’ Col. ii’

147-149 167-169

V

IAS 450 = AbS-T 403g Room 31, cut in Level I

Col. ii’

115-116

174-176 186-188

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4. Transliteration and Translation B: line numbering of Biggs 1

2

1

B1

iri an-da mu2

The city, grown together with the heaven,

2

B2

an-da gu2 la2

embracing the heaven,

3

B3

nibru((d)EN.E2ki)

Nippur,

4

B4

dur an-ki

the bond of heaven and earth:

5

B5

d

Enlil, the Great Mountain,

6-7 B 6-7

d

Enlil, Lord Nunamnir –

8

B8

en du11-ga

the Lord whose commands

9

B9

nu-gi4-gi4

are not revoked,

10

B 10

nu-šar2-šar2

are not extended –

11

B 11

d

Enlil has (there) to the Anunna

12

B 12

ki mu-ĝar-ĝar

domains allocated.

13

B 13

diĝir gal-gal

The great gods

14

B 14

za3-me mu-DUG4

praised him.

15

B 15

unug uri3 maš

Uruk, (with) a twin standard,

16

B 16

kul-ab4(UNUG)

Kullaba,

17

B 17

ki en TU

place where the En is/was born:

18

B 18

d

(there said) Ninirigal praise.

en-E2 kur gal en-E2 en nu-nam-nir

en-E2 a-nun

nin-irigalx za3-me

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34

3

4

5

6

4. Transliteration and Translation

19

B 19

e2 ša3 šeg12 kul-ab4(UNUG)

House inside the brickwork of Kullaba,

20

B 20

en nun TU.TU

(where) the princely Ens are/were born;

21

B 21

⸢suḫ10⸣ ĝeš[gi]bil

a crown of shoots

22

B 22

[..................]

.......... ;

23

B 23

suḫ10 gibil diĝir

a new crown of the deity

24

B 24

gurun bad

which opens flowers;

25

B 25

ĝiparx(KISAL) diĝir

divine ĝipar,

26

B 26

ki

divine courtyard,

27

B 27

kul-ab4(UNUG) an-gin7

Kullaba, like the heaven

28

B 28

šu nu-teĝ4(TI)

unapproachable:

29

B 29

d

(there said) Inanna praise.

30

B 30

abzu ki kur gal

Abzu, place of a great mountain,

31

B 31

eridug(NUN) men an ki

Eridug, crown of heaven and earth:

32

B 32

en dnu-TE-mud za3-me

(there said) Lord Nudimmud praise.

33

B 33

kuʾara(A.ḪA) ir nun

Ku’ara, with a princely scent:

34

B 34

d

asar-lu2-KALAG? za3-me

(there said) Asarluḫi praise.

35

B 35

urim2(ŠEŠ.UNUG) kur šim

Ur, mountain with fragrant herbs:

36

B 36

lugal dnanna(ŠEŠ+KI) za3-me

(there said) Lord Nanna praise.

kisal diĝir

inanna za3-me

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4. Transliteration and Translation

7

35

37

B 37

E2.BABBAR ĝešgal diĝir NINDA2×GUD

E-babbar (Larsa?), divine abode (with) breeding bulls,

38

B 38

lugal dutu za3-me

(there said) Lord Utu praise.

39

B 39

ki nisig nun TU.TU

Green place where princes are born:

40

B 40

ama dnin-gal za3-me

(there said) mother Ningal praise.

41

B 41

u3-gal-gal gi nim

Ugalgal with high reed,

42

B 42

dag lu2 kalag!-ga

residence of the mighty one:

43

B 43

an za3-me

(there said) An praise.

10 44

B 44

eridug(NUN)ki KI.LAK496mušen diĝir

Eridug, (place of) the kib birds of the goddess:

45

B 45

d

(there said) Damgalnuna praise.

11 46

B 46

kur suḫ10 diĝir

Mountain, divine crown,

47

B 47

kur ki sikil

mountain, pure place;

48

B 48

zabalam3/5(INANNA.UNUG/AB) pana ku3 Zabalam, hung with a pure la2 bow,

49

B 49

zabalam3/5 kar nun guru7-guru7

Zabalam, princely quay with the silos,

50

B 50

mušen babbar dinanna

(there said) the white bird Inanna,

51

B 51

d

Nin-UM, praise.

12 52

B 52

BU+BU.KALAM

Kiti?,

53

B 53

mar

flood and storm wind:

8

9

dam-gal-nun za3-me

nin-UM za3-me

marux(GUR8) UD

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36

4. Transliteration and Translation

54

B 54

am-gal-nun za3-me

(there said) Amgalnuna praise.

13 55

B 55

úr

Urum, white breeding bull:

56

B 56

dili-im6(DU)-babbar za3-me

(there said) Dilimbabbar praise.

14 57

B 57

UB uri3 babbar

UB (Jemdet Naṣr?), white

urumx(A.ḪA) NINDA2×GUD babbar

standard: 58

B 58

pana-ku3-la2 za3-me

(there said) Panakula praise.

15 59

B 59

šita3 ḫar mul

Watercourses, sparkling rings,

60

B 60

šita3 za nunuz ku3 ereš-diĝir la2-la2

watercourses, (necklaces of) shining gems and beads worn by a high priestess,

61

B 61

kaskal nun bar UD.KIB.NUN(ki)

princely roads outside of Sippir(Sippar),

62

B 62

buranun(UD.KIB.NUN) idigna

the Euphrates and the Tigris,

63

B 63

mur-marx(MUR) ša4

murmuring (with each other):

64

B 64

d

(there said) Ninbilulu praise.

nin-bi2-lu-lu za3-me

B 65-66 KIŠ.UNUG dag diĝir ki-gal

Kutha, residence of the netherworld’s god,

66

B 67

ĝessu sig

(in which there is) a deep shade:

67

B 68

d

(there said the) Enki and Ninki (deities)

68

B 69

d

(and) Nergal praise.

16 65

en-ki dnin-ki

KIŠ.UNUG za3-me

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4. Transliteration and Translation

37

17 69

B 70

kiš gu4 du7

Kiš, goring ox:

70

B 71

d

(there said) Zababa praise.

18 71

B 72

adab(UD.NUN) nir BU.NUN

Adab of the hero of the BU.NUN (= Ašgi),

72

B 73

eš3 AN ⸢x⸣ SU

Shrine ...:

73

B 74

d

(there said) Ašgi praise.

19 74

B 75

keš3 šeg12 TU.TU

Keš, bricks on which (women) bear,

75

B 76

e2 tum12-turmušen gunu3

House of multi-coloured small doves:

76

B 77

ama dnin-tu za3-me

20 77

B 78

KI.EN.GI ki sikil

(there said) mother Nintur praise. KI.EN.GI, a pure place:

78

B 79

d

(there said) Messaĝĝa’unug praise.

21 79

B 80

gudug dumu nun an

(KI.EN.GI?:) GUDUGpriest of the princely child of An,

80

B 81

ĝiparx(KISAL) en an-da mu2

ĝipar of the En-priest(ess), grown together with heaven:

81

B 82

d

(there said) Men praise.

22 82

B 83

KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3

KI.EN.GI, pure yoke:

83

B 84

lamma dnin-sumun2 za3-me

(there said) the guardian goddess Ninsumuna praise.

23 84

B 85

ĝa2-nun ku3 ub amar

(KI.EN.GI?,) pure barn, recess for calves:

85

B 86

d

(there said) Lugalbanda praise.

za-ba4-ba4 za3-me

aš8(ḪI×DIŠ)-gi(4) za3-me

mes-saĝĝa-unug za3-me

menx(ĜA2×EN) za3-me

lugal-banda3da za3-me

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38

4. Transliteration and Translation

24 86

B 87

karkara(IM=LAK377) še gu til3

Karkara, where barley and flax make (men) live:

87

B 88

d

(there said) Iškur praise.

25 88

B 89

NISSABA2(NAGA) ki nun idim(LAK4)

Ereš, place of the venerable princess,

89

B 90

teme2(teNAGA) li? nun nar du12

(where) the singer sings of the saltwort and juniper? (plants) of the princess:

90

B 91

d

(there said) Nissaba praise.

26 91

B 92

dulum(NAĜAR.BU) naĝar nun

Dulum, the princely carpenter

92

B 93

aga3 (x) ŠE+LU3

with a ... (metal) axe,

93

B 94

aga3 ⸢ŠIM?⸣

a ... axe,

94

B 95

šum ku3-babbar

a silver saw,

95

B 96

bulug4 za7(LAK798)-gin3

and a lapis-lazuli chisel:

96

B 97

d

(there said) Ninduluma praise.

27 97

B 98

kar nesaĝ(LAK159) a de2-de2

Quay for first-fruit offerings, where water is poured out:

98

B 99

d

(there said) Sirsir praise.

B 100

AB×AŠ2 u5 a šu2

AB×AŠ2, (where) geese cover the water:

d

(there said) Kiki praise.

28 99

100 B 101 29 101 B 102

iškur(IM=LAK377) za3-me

nissaba2(NAGA) za3-me

nin-dulum(NAĜAR.BU) za3-me

sirsir(dAB.BU.BU) za3-me

ki-kimušen za3-me

AB׊U2 uri3 gal-gal

AB׊U2 with great stan-

dards: 102 B 103

ku3 dezina2(ŠE.TIR) za3-me

(there said) pure Ezina praise.

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4. Transliteration and Translation

30 103 B 104

39

ĝišša(ĜEŠ.KUŠU2) munus ur4

Ĝišša, where women gather:

d

(there said) Ninura praise.

KI.AN e2 gu4 ur3 saĝ gunu3

KI.AN, House for currycombed bulls with multicoloured heads:

d

(there said) Šara praise.

lagaš(NU11.BUR.LA) ki im KU7

Lagaš, place with sweet (?) clay:

d

(there said) Ĝatumdug praise.

niĝin6(AB×ḪA) diĝir ab2 NAĜAR

Divine Niĝin (with) NAĜAR cows,

110 B 111

sirarax(AB×ḪA.TAG) diĝir

divine Sirara

111 B 112

NINDA2×GUD NAĜAR

(with) NAĜAR bulls:

112 B 113

diĝir nin UM.MUmušen

(there said) the goddess, lady of UM.MU birds,

113 B 114

diĝir urunx(EN) nin um

the exalted goddess, lady of the um (bird),

114 B 115

nin um.AB DAR

lady of the um-ab and dar (birds),

115 B 116

d

Nanše praise.

ĝir2-su

Ĝirsu,

117 B 118

e2 ĝir2-nun

the House Ĝirnun:

118 B 119

d

(there said) Ninĝirsu praise.

GUBLAGA(LAK617×LA) NINDA2×GUD

Ki’abrig, (with) multicoloured breeding bulls:

104 B 105 31 105 B 106

106 B 107 32 107 B 108

108 B 109

33 109 B 110

34 116 B 117

35 119 B 120

nin-ur4 za3-me

šara2 za3-me

ĝa2-tum3-du10 za3-me

nanše za3-me

nin-ĝir2-su za3-me

gunu3

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40

4. Transliteration and Translation d

(there said) Ningublaga praise.

SAḪAR iš BU.NUN

SAḪAR, hill of the BU.NUN,

122 B 123

SAḪAR iš gal babbar

SAḪAR, great white hill,

123 B 124

ĝeš-gi muš keš2

reed thicket, where snakes are writhing,

124 B 125

ambar suḫur-suḫur du10

marsh, good for carps,

125 B 126

iri a lu2 du10

town, whose water is good for men:

126 B 127

d

(there said) Lugal-DU. DUL3 praise.

en-giki ab2 anše (⸢x⸣)

Enegi, (...) (with) cows and donkeys

128 B 130

gu dili-bad

(like) a string of shining (beads);

129 B 131

am gu4 nu2

(with) bulls and oxen lying

130 B 132

gu dili-bad

(like) a string of shining (beads);

131 B 133

am gu2 gi4

(with) wild bulls turning the neck,

132 B 134

saman3 giri17 keš2

bound by nose ropes,

133 B 135

im ur3

harrowing the clay;

134 B 136

ur gegge eš2-dam nu2

(where) black dogs lie at ‘the tavern’;

135 B 137

d

(where) Ninazu

136 B 138

ab2 silig-silig

makes the cows cease (from work?):

120 B 121

nin-gublaga(LAK617×LA) za3-me

36 121 B 122

lugal-DU.DUL3 za3-me

37 127 B 128129

nin-azu(ZU5+A)

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4. Transliteration and Translation

41

d

(there said) Ninazu praise.

ŠU.EŠ.GI še gu til3

ŠU.EŠ.GI, where barley and flax make (men) live:

d

(there said) Namma praise.

AB.KID.KID

AB.KID.KID:

141 B 143

SAL+ḪUB2-gal dinanna

(there ) the grand SAL+ ḪUB2-official of Inanna

142 B 144

d

Nin-AB.KID.KID (said) praise.

GU2.GANA2 iš nun

GU2.GANA2, princely hill:

d

(there said ) Namnir praise.

GANA2.GAL DA NI ĝar

GANA2.GAL, where DA (and) NI officials are appointed:

NUN.GANA2.GAL za3-me

(there said) Nun- GANA2. GAL praise.

lamma an-ki

Guardian goddess of heaven and earth,

148 B 150

ama-gagan nun unu

princely foster mother of the (divine) abode:

149 B 151

d

(there said) Lammasaga praise.

NE.GI ki nun

NE.GI, place of the prince,

151 B 153

NE.GI.BAR u6 di

the admirable torch,

152 B 154

izi u6 ru

fire, which imposes admiration,

153 B 155

til3 ušx(LAK672)

which bestows life and death:

137 B 139 38 138 B 140

139 B 141 39 140 B 142

40 143 B 145 144 B 146 41 145 B 147

146 B 148

42 147 B 149

43 150 B 152

nin-azu(ZU5+A) za3-me

namma za3-me

nin-AB.KID.KID za3-me

nam-nir za3-me

lamma-sa6-ga za3-me

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42

4. Transliteration and Translation

ku3 dNE.GI za3-me

154 B 156

44 155 B 157

dKU

7

156 B omitted 45 157 B 158

gu4 NINDA2×GUD mušen

7, (place with) oxen, bulls and birds: dKU

d

(there said) dKU7 praise.

URUgunû-gal ab2 du7

URUgunû-gal, perfect cow:

KU7 za3-me

d

en-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI za3-me

158 B 159

(there said) pure dNE.GI praise.

(there said) En-(ME.)TE. GAL.TI praise.

girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU)

Girim,

160 B 161

d

on the (river) Irḫan:

161 B 162

d

(there said) Ningirima praise.

ab2 ur3 ab2 babbar

(Girim with the?) currycombed and white cows:

d

(there said) Ninekuga praise.

MAR bilagx(BALA) an-ki

MAR, spindle of heaven

46 159 B 160

irḫan(dMUŠ.DIN.DAR.BALAĜir-ḫa) nin-girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) za3-me

47 162 B 163

nin-e2-ku3 za3-me

163 B 164

48 164 B 165

and earth:

49 166 B 167168 167 B 169

50 168 B 170

169 B 171 51 170 B 172

d

(there said) Nin-MAR praise.

NA.DU3 kar dnin-gal

NA.DU3, the quay of Nin-

nin-MAR za3-me

165 B 166

gal: nu11-agrun(E2.NUN)-ta-e3 za3-me

(there said) Nu-E2.NUNta’e praise.

e2 GAG.KAŠ-si kurun2(DIN) TU

House GAG.KAŠ-si, which produces fine beer:

d

(there said) Ninkasi praise.

eš3-kar2-kar2

‘Shining Shrine’:

nin-GAG!(DIN).KAŠ-si za3-me

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4. Transliteration and Translation

43

171 B 173

men an

(there said) the crown of heaven,

172 B 174

ku3 dMUŠ3.KUR za3-me

the pure dMUŠ3.KUR praise.

kisiga(LAK617×KU3) GUL diĝir

Kisiga, ... (tool) of the goddess:

d

(there said) Ninmuga praise.

eš3-bulug4 bulug4 an-ki

‘Awl-shrine’, awl of heaven and earth:

d

(there said) Ninnisig praise.

šuruppag(SU+KUR+RU) pana ku3 nun

Šuruppag, pure bow of the princess:

d

(there said) the princess Sud praise.

ĜA2×MUŠ gu4 nun (ME)

ĜA2×MUŠ, princely (?) ox:

d

(there said) Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ praise.

A2/DA-ne en zu

A2/DA-ne, known by the En-priest:

d

(there said) dnin-A2/DA-ne praise.

isin2(IN)bulug4 an-ki

Isin, awl of heaven and earth:

d

(there said) Ninisina praise.

[...] gu duru5(A) [...]

... fresh flax ...

e2 an-ki

House of heaven and earth,

52 173 B 175

nin-mug za3-me

174 B 176

53 175 B 177178 176 B 179 54 177 B 180

178 B 181

55 179 B 182 180 B 183

56 181 B 184

182 B 185

57 183 B 186

184 B 187 58 185 B 188 186 B 189

nin-nisig za3-me

sud3(SU+KUR+RU) nun za3-me

nin-ĜA2×MUŠ za3-me

nin-A2/DA-ne za3-me

nin-isin2(IN) za3-me

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44

4. Transliteration and Translation

187 B omitted lugal gu ba13 si

which the king fills with linen cloaks,

188 B 190191

⸢nun še⸣ duru5(A) sumun2 lu [...]

(where) the prince (...) fresh grain and numerous grazing cows:

189 B 192

d

(there said) Nin-... praise.

59 190 B 193

nin-⸢x⸣⸢x⸣ ; za3-me

ĝeš.a

⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212)

‘Euphrates poplars’,

191 B 194

en du10

cherished by the En-priest:

192 B 195

d

(there said) Medimša praise.

LAK225 ANŠE UD

......................... :

194 B 197

d

(there said) Lugalusaḫar praise.

61 195 B 198

ki

60 193 B 196

196 B 199

62 197 B 200

me-dim2-ša4 za3-me

lugal-u9(EZEN×AN)-saḫar za3-me

kisig2(LAK617×SIG7) gu4 uru4

d nu

nunuz-du10 za3-me

Kisig, where oxen plough: (there said) Nunuzdug praise.

en pana nun

(Kisig?: there said) the Lord with the princely bow,

198 B 201

niĝir na-nam

who is verily a herald,

199 B 202

(d)

Lugaldasila, praise.

63 200 B 203

201 B 204

64 202 B 205

203 B 206

lugal-da-sila za3-me

dugina2(LAK617×MIR) gukkal TU

Dugina, producing fattailed sheep:

d

(there said) dMI.DAM praise.

MI.DAM za3-me

umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) en-nuĝx(NUN) kušummux Umma, (there said) the guardian of the waterskin, (A.EDIN) en-lu2-nu-gid2 za3-me

Enlunugid, praise.

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4. Transliteration and Translation

65 204 B 207

45

GIN2.U9(EZEN×AN).ŠA3.GA

GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA:

d

(there said) Ninšuburmaḫ praise.

A.ŠA3.BU

A.ŠA3.BU,

207 B 210

menx(ĜA2×EN) nun

a princely crown:

208 B 211

d

(there said) Amaramana praise.

KI.AN gi duru5

Ki-An, (with) fresh reed,

210 B 213

ki an uru6 TU

place created by mighty An,

211 B 214

AN.tu-da za3-me

(there said) (An)tuda praise.

⸢muru3⸣(IM=LAK377) e2 a si

Muru(?), ‘House placed by the water’,

213 B 216

immalx(TUR3) nu2

(where) cows are lying,

214 B 217

e2-ša3-ta

(where) from the inner part of the temple

215 B 218

suḫ10 menx(ĜA2×EN)

suḫ10 and menx crowns

216 B 219

ḫe2-GAM+GAM

protrude:

217 B 220

d

(there said) Ama’ušumgal praise.

kul-ab4(UNUG) sila daĝal

Kullaba with broad streets,

219 B 222

menx(ĜA2×EN) šu BAD

donating the menx crown;

220 B 223

utu dištaran(dKA.DI)

Utu, Ištaran

221 B 224

d

(and) Nin-UM

222 B 225

sa-bar6 pana

(with) a net, a bow

205 B 208

66 206 B 209

67 209 B 212

68 212 B 215

69 218 B 221

nin-šubur-maḫ2 za3-me

amar-ama6(LAGAB×AN)-na za3-me

ama-ušum-gal za3-me

nin-UM

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46

4. Transliteration and Translation

223 B 226

šita2(LAK489) za-gin3

(and) a lapis-lazuli club:

224 B 227

d

(there said) Ninniĝara praise.

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10

ĜEŠ.GI, a good place,

226 B 229

nam-ma-LAK131

she indeed protects (?) it;

227 B 230

ama dli9-si4

mother Lisin,

228 B 231

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10

ĜEŠ.GI, a good place,

229 B 232

nam-ma-LAK131

she indeed protects (?) it.

230 B 233

za3-me du11-ga

(After?) the praise said

231 B 234

diĝir gal-gal

by the great gods,

232 B 235

ama dli9-si4 za3-me

Mother Lisin said praise.

70 225 B 228

nin-niĝar za3-me

Colophons Transliteration

Transcription

A

rev. iii’ 1 rev. iii’ 2 rev. iii’ 3 rev. iii’ 4 rev. iii’ 5 rev. iii’ 6

a-kalam-dug3 ⸢x x x⸣ gu5-[li] ⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) [ur-den(?)]-E2 il?-⸢zu?-zu?⸣

A-kalam-dug; Imlik-Ea(?) [Biggs]; Guli; Ur-sag-dḪa-ri2 [Biggs]; [...]-Enlil/Ea (?); Il-zuzu.

B

rev. iii 9 rev. iii 10 rev. iii 11 rev. iii 12 rev. iii 13 rev. iii 14 rev. iii 15 rev. iii 16 rev. iii 17 rev. iii 18 rev. iv 1

a-ĝeštin-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si su-ma-a-ḫa PUZUR4-il i-ku.gu-il ur-did2-da en-na-il

A-ĝeštin-abzu, the master; Lugal-KISAL-si; Šūma-aḫa; Puzur-Il; Ikūn-gu-Il (or Ikūn-Il); Ur-Ida; Enna-Il; UR.UR; Ḫutium; Iddin-Šakkan,

UR.UR

ḫu-ti-um i-ti-dša-gagan

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4. Transliteration and Translation rev. iv 2 rev. iv 3

BAD dub

⸢a-kalam⸣-dug3

owner (?) of the tablet; A-kalam-dug.

C

rev. iii 12’ rev. iii 13’ rev. iii 14’ff rev. iv 1

[...]⸢gi?⸣[...] [u]r?-⸢d?en-E2⸣ [...] ur-did2

... Ur-Enlil (?); ... Ur-id(a).

D

rev. 1’ rev. 2’ rev. 3’ rev. 4’ rev. 5’ff.

lu[gal]-KISAL-si [su]-ma-a-ḫa il-su3-ERIN2+X dub ⸢mu-sar⸣ [...]

Lugal-KISAL-si; Šūma-aḫa; Ilšu-ERIN2+X has written the tablet.

F

rev. ii’ 1 rev. ii’ 2

lugal-KISAL-si ur-did2

Lugal-KISAL-si; Ur-id(a).

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47

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5. Score B: line numbering of Biggs 1

1 A E

B1 obv i 1 i1

iri an-da mu2 [.......]-da [...] iri an-da mu2

The city, grown together with the heaven,

2 A E

B2 obv i 2 i2

an-da gu2 la2 [...]-⸢da⸣ [g]u2 la2 an-da gu2 la2

embracing the heaven,

3 A E

B3 obv i 3 i3

nibru((d)EN.E2ki) d EN.E2ki

Nippur,

4 A C E Q

B4 obv i 4 obv i 1’ i4 i’ 1’

dur an-ki dur an-ki [.......] ⸢x⸣ dur an-ki [...] an-ki

the bond of heaven and earth:

5 A C E Q

B5 obv i 5 obv i 2’ i5 i’ 2’

d

en-E2 kur gal ⸢en⸣-E2 [.....] [.............] ⸢x⸣ d en-E2 kur gal [...]-E2 kur [...]

Enlil, the Great Mountain,

6-7 A C E Q

B 6-7 obv i 6-7 obv i 3’ i 6-7 i’ 3’

d

en-E2 en nu-nam-nir en-E2 en nu ; nam-⸢x⸣ [...........................] ⸢x⸣ ⸢d⸣ en-E2 en nu ; [na]m-nir [.....]-⸢E2⸣ [...............]

Enlil, Lord Nunamnir –

8 A C E

B8 obv i 8 obv i 4’ i8

en du11-ga en du11-⸢ga⸣ [..........]-[g]a ⸢en⸣ du11-ga

the Lord whose commands

9 A C E

B9 obv i 9 obv i 5’ i9

nu-gi4-gi4 nu-gi4-gi4 [...]-[g]i4-[g]i4 nu-gi4-[g]i4

are not revoked,

EN.E2ki

d

d

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50

2

5. Score 10 B 10 A obv i 10 C obv i 6’ H i 2’

nu-šar2-šar2 nu-šar2-šar2 [.........]-šar2 nu-šar2-šar2

are not extended –

11 B 11 A obv i 11 C obv i 7’ H i 3’

d

en-E2 a-nun en-E2 a-nun [...........] ⸢x⸣ d en-E2 a-nun

Enlil has (there) to the Anunna

12 A C D H

ki mu-ĝar-ĝar ki mu-ĝar-ĝar [...................] ⸢ki⸣ mu-ĝar-ĝar ki mu-ĝar-ĝar

domains allocated.

13 B 13 A obv i 13 C obv i 9’ D obv i 2’ G i’ 1’ H i 5’ T i 1’

diĝir gal-gal diĝir gal-gal [...........] ⸢x⸣ diĝir gal-gal [di]ĝir ⸢gal⸣-⸢gal⸣ diĝir gal-gal ⸢x⸣ [...........]

The great gods

14 B 14 A obv i 14 C obv i 10’ D obv i 3’ G i’ 2’ H i 6’ T i 2’

za3-me mu-DUG4 za3-me mu-DUG4 [........] [m]u-[DU]G4 za3-me mu-DUG4 ⸢x⸣ [...] mu-[...] [........] [m]u-[DU]G4 za3-me [..........]

praised him.

15 B 15 A obv i 15 C obv i 11’ D obv i 4’ G i’ 3’ H i 7’ T i 3’

unug uri3 maš unug uri3 maš [.......] ⸢uri3⸣ [...] [u]nug uri3 maš [..................] maš [...........] uri3 maš unug ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣

Uruk, (with) a twin standard,

16 B 16 A obv i 16 C obv i 12’ D obv i 5’

kul-ab4(UNUG) kul-ab4 [...]-[a]b4 kul-ab4

Kullaba,

d

B 12 obv i 12 obv i 8’ obv i 1’ i 4’

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5. Score G H

3

51

[...]-[a]b4 [.....] [T]U [...]-ab4

i’ 4’ i 8’

17 B 17 A obv i 17 C obv i 13’ D obv i 6’ H i 9’

ki en TU {AN}ki en TU [........] ⸢x⸣ ki en TU [......] TU

place where the En is/was born:

18 B 18 A obv i 18 D obv i 7’-8’ G i’ 5’

d

nin-irigalx za3-me nin-irigalx za3-me d nin-irigalx ; za3-[...] [....]-[iri]galx [.......]

(there said) Ninirigal praise.

19 B 19 A obv i 19 D obv i 9’ G i’ 6’

e2 ša3 šeg12 kul-ab4(UNUG) e2 ša3 šeg12 kul-ab4 [......]-[še]g12 [...]-ab4 [.....................]-[a]b4

House inside the brickwork of Kullaba,

20 A

B 20 obv i 20

en nun TU.TU en nun TU.TU

(where) the princely Ens are/were born;

21 A

B 21 obv i 21

⸢suḫ10⸣ ĝeš[gi]bil ⸢suḫ10⸣ ĝeš[gi]bil

a crown of shoots

22 B 22 A obv i 22 C obv ii 1

[..................] [.......] ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [.....] ⸢x⸣ ⸢TU?⸣

.......... ;

23 B 23 C obv ii 2 E ii 1

suḫ10 gibil diĝir [......] [gi]bil [...] suḫ10 gibi[l] diĝir

a new crown of the deity

24 B 24 A obv ii 1 C obv ii 3 E ii 2 Q ii’ 1’

gurun bad ⸢x⸣ [........] [.......] bad gurun bad ⸢gurun⸣ b[ad]

which opens flowers;

25 B 25 A obv ii 2 C obv ii 4 E ii 3 Q ii’ 2’

ĝiparx(KISAL) diĝir ĝi[parx] ⸢diĝir⸣ ĝiparx ⸢x⸣ ĝiparx diĝir ĝip[arx] diĝir

divine ĝipar,

d

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52

4

5

5. Score 26 B 26 A obv ii 3 C obv ii 5 E ii 4 Q ii’ 3’

ki

kisal diĝir kisa[l] diĝir ki kisal diĝir ki kisal diĝir [.......] diĝir

divine courtyard,

27 B 27 A obv ii 4 C obv ii 6 E ii 5

kul-ab4(UNUG) an-gin7 kul-ab4 an-gi[n7] kul-ab4 an-gin7 kul-⸢x⸣ an-⸢x⸣

Kullaba, like the heaven

28 B 28 A obv ii 5 C obv ii 7 E ii 6

šu nu-teĝ4(TI) šu nu-teĝ4 šu nu-teĝ4 šu nu-te[ĝ4]

unapproachable:

29 B 29 A obv ii 6 C obv ii 8 E ii 7

d

inanna za3-me inanna za3-me d inanna za3-me d inanna za3-[...]

(there said) Inanna praise.

30 B 30 A obv ii 7 B obv i’ 1’ C obv ii 9 E ii 8 H ii 1’

abzu ki kur gal ab⸢zu⸣ ki kur gal [......................] abzu ki kur gal ⸢zu⸣ [............] [.....] ki ⸢x⸣ gal

Abzu, place of a great mountain,

31 B 31 A obv ii 8 B obv i’ 2’ C obv ii 10 E ii 9 H ii 2’

eridug(NUN) men an ki eridug(NUN) ⸢men⸣ an ki [..........] ⸢x⸣ an ki eridug(NUN) men an ki eridug(NUN) ⸢men⸣ an ki eridug(NUN) men an ki

Eridug, crown of heaven and earth:

32 A B C E H

en dnu-TE-mud za3-me [......................] ; za3-me [...] nu-TE-mud ; za3-me en d⸢nu⸣-TE-⸢mud⸣ ; za3-me ⸢en⸣ d[................]-ḪU en n[u]-T[E]-mud ; za3-me

(there said) Lord Nudimmud praise.

ku’ara(A.ḪA) ir nun A.ḪA ir nun

Ku’ara, with a princely scent:

ki

d

B 32 obv ii 9-10 obv i’ 3’-4’ obv ii 11-12 ii 10 ii 3’-4’

33 B 33 A obv ii 11

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5. Score

6

7

8

53

⸢A⸣ [...] ir nun A.ḪA ir nun A.⸢ḪA⸣ ir nun

B C H

obv i’ 5’ obv ii 13 ii 5’

34 A B C D H

d B 34 asar-lu2-KALAG? za3-me d obv ii 12-13 asar-lu2-ĜURUŠ(?) ; za3-me obv i’ 6’-7’ [.....] [lu]2-ĜURUŠ(?) ; ⸢za3-me⸣ obv ii 14-15 dasar-lu2-KALAG ; za3-me obv ii 1’-2’ [.........................] ; za3-me d ii 6’-7’ asar-lu2-[ĜU]RUŠ(?) ; za3-me

35 A B C D H

B 35 obv ii 14 obv i’ 8’ obv ii 16 obv ii 3’ ii 8’

urim2(ŠEŠ.UNUG) kur šim urim2 kur šim ⸢x⸣.UNUG kur ⸢šim⸣ urim2 kur šim urim2 kur šim urim2 ku[r] šim

Ur, mountain with fragrant herbs:

36 A B C D G H

B 36 obv ii 15-16 obv i’ 9’-10’ obv ii 17-18 obv ii 4’-5’ ii’ 1’ ii 9’

lugal dnanna(ŠEŠ+KI) za3-me lugal dnanna ; ⸢za3⸣-me lu[gal] [.]⸢nanna⸣ ; z[a3]-[...] lugal [.]nanna ; za3-me lugal dnanna ⸢x⸣ ; za3-me lug[al] [.]nann[a] ⸢za3-me⸣ lug[al] ⸢d⸣nanna za3-me

(there said) Lord Nanna praise.

37

B 37

E-babbar (Larsa?), divine abode (with) breeding bulls,

A D

obv ii 17 obv ii 6’

G

ii’ 2’

E2.BABBAR ĝešgal diĝir NINDA2×GUD ⸢E2⸣.BABBAR ⸢x⸣ diĝir DU E2.BABBAR ĝešgal diĝir NINDA2×GUD E2.BABBAR2 ĝešgal diĝir NINDA2×GUD

38 B 38 A obv ii 18 D obv ii 7’ G ii’ 3’

lugal dutu za3-me lugal d[utu] za3-me lugal utu za3-me [l]uga[l] utu za3-m[e]

(there said) Lord Utu praise.

39 B 39 A obv ii 19 C obv iii 1 D obv ii 8’ G ii’ 4’

ki nisig nun TU.TU ki nisig [.....] TU.TU ⸢ki nisig nun TU.TU⸣ ki nisig nun TU.TU ⸢ki⸣ [......] [T]U.[T]U

Green place where princes are born:

(there said) Asarluḫi praise.

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54

9

5. Score 40 B 40 A obv ii 20-21 C obv iii 2 D obv ii 9’-10’ G ii’ 5’

ama dnin-gal za3-me ama ⸢nin⸣-gal ; za3-me ama dnin-gal za3-me ⸢ama⸣ nin-gal ; za3-me ama dnin-[GA]L.GAR za3-me

(there said) mother Ningal praise.

41 B 41 A obv ii 22 C obv iii 3 D obv ii 11’ G ii’ 6’

u3-gal-gal gi nim u3-gal-gal gi nim u3-gal-gal gi nim ⸢u3-gal-gal⸣ gi nim ⸢x⸣-⸢gal-gal⸣ [......]

Ugalgal with high reed,

42 B 42 A obv ii 23 C obv iii 4 D obv ii 12’ E iii 1

dag lu2 kalag!-ga dag (⸢x⸣?) lu2 ĜURUŠ?-ga dag lu2 ĜURUŠ-ga ⸢x⸣ [...............................] dag lu2 ĜURUŠ-ga AN

residence of the mighty one:

43 B 43 A obv iii 1 C obv iii 5 E iii 2

an za3-me [...] za3-me an za3-me an za3-me

(there said) An praise.

eridug(NUN)ki KI.LAK496mušen diĝir Eridug, (place of) the kib birds eridugki [... LA]K496mušen [...] of the goddess: eridugki KI.LAK496mušen diĝir eridugki KI.LAK496mušen diĝir

10 44 B 44 A C E

obv iii 2 obv iii 6 iii 3

d 45 B 45 dam-gal-nun za3-me A obv iii 3 ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [..........] za3-me B obv ii’ 1’-2’ [.................] ; ⸢za3⸣-[...] d C obv iii 7-8 dam-gal-nun ; za3-me d E iii 4 dam-gal-[nu]n za3-me H iii 1’ [......]-gal-nun ⸢x⸣

(there said) Damgalnuna praise.

obv iii 4 obv ii’ 3’ obv iii 9 iii 5 iii 2’

kur suḫ10 diĝir ⸢x⸣ [......] diĝir kur [.......] ⸢x⸣ kur suḫ10 diĝir [ku]r [s]uḫ10 [...] kur suḫ10 diĝir

Mountain, divine crown,

A B C E H 47 A

B 47 obv iii 5

kur ki sikil kur ki sikil

mountain, pure place;

11 46 B 46

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5. Score

55

B C E H

obv ii’ 4’ obv iii 10 iii 6 iii 3’

[...] [k]i sik[il] kur ki sikil [ku]r ki sikil kur ki sikil

48

B 48

A B C E H

obv iii 6 obv ii’ 5’ obv iii 11 iii 7 iii 4’

zabalam3(INANNA.UNUG) / Zabalam, hung with a pure zabalam5(INANNA.AB) pana ku3 la2 bow, INANNA.⸢UNUG⸣ [.....] ku3 [...] [.............]⸢AB?/UNUG?⸣ [..........] INANNA.UNUG pana ku3 la2 INANNA.UNUG pana k[u3] la2 ⸢x⸣.⸢AB?⸣ pana ku3 [...]

49

B 49

A B

obv iii 7 obv ii’ 6’

C E H

obv iii 12 iii 8 iii 5’

50 B 50 A obv iii 8 B obv ii’ 7’ C obv iii 13 H iii 6’

Zabalam, princely quay with zabalam3(INANNA.UNUG) / the silos: zabalam5(INANNA.AB) kar nun guru7-guru7 INANNA.⸢UNUG⸣ kar nun guru7-[...] INANNA.⸢AB/UNUG?⸣ kar ⸢x⸣ [gu]ru7[gu]ru7 INANNA.UNUG kar nun KA.DU6 INAN[NA] [...] [k]ar nun KA.DU6 ⸢x⸣.AB kar nun guru7-guru7 mušen babbar dinanna mušen!(RI) babbar dinanna [x?] [m]ušen babbar [(d?)]inan[na] ⸢mušen⸣ babbar dinanna mušen babbar dinanna

d 51 B 51 nin-UM za3-me A obv iii 9-10 dnin-UM ; ⸢za3⸣-me B obv ii’ 8’-9’ dnin-UM ; za3-me C obv iii 14-15 dnin-UM ; [........] d H iii 7’-8’ nin-UM ; za3-me

12 52 B 52 A B C H

obv iii 11 obv ii’ 10’ obv iii 16 iii 9’

53 B 53 A obv iii 12 B obv ii’ 11’

(there said) the white bird Inanna,

Nin-UM, praise.

BU+BU.KALAM BU+BU.KALAM BU+BU.KALAM BU+BU.KALAM BU+BU.KALAM

Kiti?,

mar

flood and storm wind:

marux(GUR8) UD MAR ⸢GUR8⸣ UD [M]AR GUR8 ⸢UD⸣

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56

5. Score C

obv iii 17

54 B 54 A obv iii 13-14 B obv ii’ 12’f C obv iii 18

13 55 B 55 A B D G

obv iii 15 obv ii’ 14’ obv iii 1’ iii’ 1’

56 B 56 A obv iii 16 B obv ii’ 15’ D obv iii 2’ G iii’ 2’

14 57 B 57 A C D G

obv iii 17 obv iv 1 obv iii 3’ iii’ 3’

58 B 58 A obv iii 18-19 C obv iv 2 D obv iii 4’ G iii’ 4’

15 59 B 59 A C D G

obv iii 20 obv iv 3 obv iii 5’ iii’ 5’

60 A

B 60 obv iii 21

C D

obv iv 4 obv iii 6’

MAR GUR8 UD

am-gal-nun za3-me am-gal-nun ; za3-me am-gal-nun ; za3-me am-gal-⸢x⸣ za3-[...]

(there said) Amgalnuna praise.

úr

urumx(A.ḪA) NINDA2×GUD babbar úr A.ḪA NINDA2×GUD babbar úr A.ḪA NINDA2×GUD babbar ú[r] A.ḪA NINDA2×GUD babb[ar] [...........] NINDA2×GUD [.........]

Urum, white breeding bull:

dili-im6(DU)-babbar za3-me dili-im6-babbar za3-me dili-im6-babbar za3-me dili-im6-babbar za3-me dili-im6-babbar za3-me

(there said) Dilimbabbar praise.

UB uri3 babbar UB uri3 babbar UB uri3 babbar UB uri3 babbar UB uri3 babbar

UB (Jemdet Naṣr?), white

pana-ku3-la2 za3-me pana-ku3-la2 ; za3-me pana-ku3-la2 za3-me pana-ku3-la2 za3-me pana-ku3-la2 za3-me

(there said) Panakula praise.

šita3 ḫar mul šita3!(MAR) ḫar mul šita3 ḫar mul šita3 ḫar mul šita3 [...] mu[l]

Watercourses, sparkling rings,

standard:

šita3 za nunuz ku3 ereš-diĝir la2-la2 watercourses, (necklaces of) šita3!(MAR) za nunuz ku3 ereš-diĝir shining gems and beads worn la2-la2 by a high priestess, za nunuz ku3 ereš-diĝir la2-la2 šita3 za nunuz ku3 ereš-diĝir la2-la2

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5. Score

57

61 B 61 A obv iii 22 C obv iv 5 D obv iii 7’ E iv 1

kaskal nun bar UD.KIB.NUN(ki) kaskal nun ⸢x⸣ [U]D.KIB.NUN[...] kaskal nun bar UD.KIB.NUN kaskal nun UD.KIB.NUN kaskal nun bar UD.KIB.NUNki

princely roads outside of Sippir(Sippar),

62 B 62 A obv iv 1 C obv iv 6 D obv iii 8’ E iv 2 H iv 2’

buranun(UD.KIB.NUN) idigna ⸢buranun idigna⸣ buranunki idigna buranun idigna buranunki idigna buranun idigna

the Euphrates and the Tigris,

63 A B C D E H

B 63 obv iv 2 obv iii’ 1 obv iv 7 obv iii 9’ iv 3 iv 3’

mur-marx(MUR) ša4 mur-marx ša4 [..................] mur-marx ša4 [mu]r-marx ša4 mur-marx ša4 mur-marx ša4

murmuring (with each other):

64 A B C D E H

B 64 obv iv 3-4 obv iii’ 2-3 obv iv 8-9 obv iii 10’f iv 4 iv 4’-5’

d

nin-bi2-lu-lu za3-me nin-bi2-lu-lu ; za3-me [d] nin-bi2-lu-lu ; za3-me d nin-bi2-lu-lu ; za3-me d nin-[......]-lu ; [...]-me d nin-bi2-lu-lu za3-me [.] [ni]n-⸢bi2-lu-lu⸣ ; za3-me

(there said) Ninbilulu praise.

d

A B C E H

obv iv 5-6 obv iii’ 4 obv iv 10 iv 5 iv 6’

KIŠ.UNUG dag diĝir ki-gal KIŠ.UNUG ; dag diĝir ki-gal KIŠ.UNUG dag diĝir ki-gal ⸢KIŠ⸣.UNUG dag diĝir ki-⸢x⸣ ⸢KIŠ⸣.UNUG dag [...] ki-gal ⸢KIŠ⸣.UNUG [d]ag diĝir ki-gal

Kutha, residence of the netherworld’s god,

66 A B C E H

B 67 obv iv 7 obv iii’ 5 obv iv 11 iv 6 iv 7’

ĝessu sig ĝessu sig ĝessu sig ĝessu sig ĝessu si[g] ĝe[ssu] s[ig]

(in which there is) a deep shade:

16 65 B 65-66

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58

5. Score 67 A B C E H

B 68 obv iv 8 obv iii’ 6 obv iv 12 iv 7 iv 8’

68 B 69 A obv iv 9-10 B obv iii’ 7-8 C obv iv 13-14 H iv 9’

17 69 B 70 A B C

obv iv 11 obv iii’ 9 obv iv 15

d

en-ki dnin-ki ⸢x⸣[...]-ki dnin-ki d en-ki dnin-ki d en-ki dnin-ki d ⸢en⸣-k[i] [.......] d en-ki dnin-ki

(there said the) Enki and Ninki (deities)

d

KIŠ.UNUG za3-me [K]IŠ.UNUG ; za3-me d KIŠ.UNUG ; za3-me dKIŠ.UNUG? ; za -me 3 d KIŠ.UNUG ⸢za3-me⸣

(and) Nergal praise.

kiš gu4 du7 [...] ⸢x⸣ du7 ki[š] gu4 du7 [k]iš gu4 du7

Kiš, goring ox:

[.]

d 70 B 71 za-ba4-ba4 za3-me d A obv iv 12 ⸢za⸣(LAK798)-[b]a4-ba4 za3-[...] B obv iii’ 10-11 dza(LAK798)-ba4-ba4 ; za3-me d C obv iv 16 za-ba4-ba4 za3-me

18 71 B 72 A B C

obv iv 13 obv iii’ 12 obv iv 17

adab(UD.NUN) nir BU.NUN adab nir ⸢BU⸣.NUN [a]dab nir [B]U.NUN adab nir [B]U.NUN

(there said) Zababa praise.

Adab of the hero of the BU.NUN (= Ašgi),

72 B 73 A obv iv 14 B obv iii’ 13

eš3 AN ⸢x⸣ SU eš3 AN ⸢x⸣ SU ⸢eš3⸣ AN ⸢NI?⸣ SU

Shrine ...:

73 B 74 A obv iv 15 B obv iii’ 14

d

aš8(ḪI×DIŠ)-gi(4) za3-me aš8-gi4 za3-me d aš8-gi za3-me

(there said) Ašgi praise.

keš3 šeg12 TU.TU keš3 šeg12 TU.TU keš3 šeg12 TU.T[U]

Keš, bricks on which (women) bear,

e2 tum12-turmušen gunu3 e2 tum12-turmušen gunu3 ⸢e2⸣ t[um12]-⸢x⸣mušen [g]unu3 [.............]mušen gunu3

House of multi-coloured small doves:

19 74 B 75 A B

obv iv 16 obv iii’ 15

75 B 76 A obv iv 17 B obv iii’ 16 C obv v 1

d

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5. Score 76 B 77 ama dnin-tu za3-me A obv iv 18 ama d[...]-tu [........] B obv iii’ 17-18 ama dnin-tu ; za3-me C obv v 2 ama dnin?-tu za3-me

20 77 B 78 A B C

obv iv 19 obv iii’ 19 obv v 3

KI.EN.GI ki sikil ⸢x⸣ GI [...............] KI.[...].GI ki sikil KI.EN.GI ki sikil

d 78 B 79 mes-saĝĝa-unug za3-me d A obv iv 20 [..............................] B obv iii’ 20-21 [.]mes-⸢saĝĝa-unug⸣ ; ⸢za3⸣-[...] d C obv v 4-5 mes-saĝĝa-unug ; za3-me D obv iv 1’-2’ ⸢d⸣[...................] ; za3-me d H v 2’ mes-saĝĝa-⸢unug⸣ z[a3]-me

59

(there said) mother Nintur praise.

KI.EN.GI, a pure place:

(there said) Messaĝĝa’unug praise.

gudug dumu nun an ⸢x⸣ [........................] gudug dumu nun an gudug dumu nun an gudug dumu nun an

(KI.EN.GI ?:) GUDUG-priest of the princely child of An,

80 B 81 A obv v 1 C obv v 7 D obv iv 4’ E v1 H v 4’

ĝiparx(KISAL) en an-da mu2 [............] an [...] ⸢mu2⸣ ĝiparx en an-da mu2 ĝiparx en an-da mu2 [ĝi]parx en an-da mu2 ĝiparx en an-da ⸢mu2⸣

ĝipar of the En-priest(ess), grown together with heaven:

81 B 82 A obv v 2 B obv iv’ 1 C obv v 8 D obv iv 5’ E v2 H v 5’

d

menx(ĜA2×EN) za3-me menx za3-me d ⸢menx⸣ za3-me d menx za3-me d menx za3-me d menx za3-me d menx z[a3]-me

(there said) Men praise.

KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3 KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3 .EN.GI ERIN2 ku3 KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3 KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3 KI.EN.GI ERIN2 ku3

KI.EN.GI, pure yoke:

21 79 B 80 A C D H

obv iv 21 obv v 6 obv iv 3’ v 3’

22 82 B 83 A B C D E

obv v 3 obv iv’ 2 obv v 9 obv iv 6’ v3

d

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60

5. Score H v 6’ L1 obv i’ 1’

[...].⸢EN⸣.[G]I ERIN2 [...] [.......................] [ku]3

83 A B C D E H L1

lamma dnin-sumun2 za3-me lamma dnin-sumun2 ; za3-me lamma dnin-sumun2 za3-me lamma [.....] ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ⸢za3⸣-me lamma dnin-sumun2 za3-me lamma dnin ⸢x⸣ [................] lamm[a] ⸢d⸣nin-su[mun2] [.....] [.........................] ⸢x⸣ za3-me

(there said) the guardian goddess Ninsumuna praise.

ĝa2-nun ku3 ub amar ĝa2-nun k[u3] ub amar ĝa2-nun ku3 ub amar ⸢x⸣-nun ku3 ub ⸢amar⸣ ĝa2-nun ku3 ub amar ĝa2-⸢x⸣ [..................] ĝa2-⸢x⸣ ku3 ub amar [....]-nu[n] [.............]

(KI.EN.GI ?,) pure barn, recess for calves:

B 84 obv v 4-5 obv iv’ 3 obv v 10 obv iv 7’ v4 v 7’ obv i’ 2'

23 84 B 85 A B C D E H L1

obv v 6 obv iv’ 4 obv v 11 obv iv 8’ v5 v 8’ obv i’ 3’

d 85 B 86 lugal-banda3da za3-me d A obv v 7-8 lugal-banda3da ; za3-me

B obv iv’ 5-6 lugal-banda3da ; za3-me d C obv v 12-13 lugal-banda3⸢da⸣ ; za3-me D obv iv 9’-10’ dlugal-banda3da ; ⸢za3⸣-me d H v 9’ lugal-banda3da [..........]

24 86 B 87 A B C K

obv v 9 obv iv’ 7 obv v 14 i’ 1’

87 B 88 A obv v 10 B obv iv’ 8 C obv v 15 K i’ 2’

25 88 B 89 A B

obv v 11 obv iv’ 9

(there said) Lugalbanda praise.

karkara(IM=LAK377) še gu til3 IM [......] til3 IM še gu til3 IM še gu til3 [......] gu [...]

Karkara, where barley and flax make (men) live:

d

iškur(IM=LAK377) za3-me iškur za3-me d iškur za3-me d iškur ⸢za3⸣-me [.] iškur za3-me

(there said) Iškur praise.

NISSABA2(NAGA) ki nun idim(LAK4) NISSABA2 ki nun idim NISSABA2 ki nun idim

Ereš, place of the venerable princess,

d

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5. Score C K

61

NISSABA2 ki nun idim [NISS]ABA2 ⸢ki⸣ nun idim

obv v 16 i’ 3’

89 B 90 A obv v 12 B obv iv’ 10 C obv v 17

teme2(teNAGA) li? nun nar du12 [.........................] n[ar] [.......] TE.NAGA [L]I? nun nar du12 [...].NAGA LI!? n[un] nar d[u12]

(where) the singer sings of the saltwort and juniper? (plants) of the princess:

90 A B C

d

nissaba2(NAGA) za3-me niss[aba2] [....] d nissaba2 za3-me [.....................]

(there said) Nissaba praise.

dulum(NAĜAR.BU) naĝar nun NAĜAR [.....] naĝar [...] dulum naĝar nun [.................] ⸢x⸣

Dulum, the princely carpenter

92 B 93 A obv v 15 B obv. iv’ 13

aga3 (x) ŠE+LU3 aga3 ⸢x⸣ Š[E][....] [(x) ]⸢x⸣ ŠE+LU3

with a ... (metal) axe,

93 B 94 A obv v 16 B obv iv’ 14

aga3 ⸢ŠIM?⸣ aga3 ⸢x⸣ [ag]a3 ⸢ŠIM?⸣

a ... axe,

94 B 95 A obv v 17 B obv iv’ 15 C obv vi 1

šum ku3-babbar ⸢x⸣ [.................] šum ku3-babbar šum ku3-babbar

a silver saw,

95 B 96 B obv iv’ 16 C obv vi 2

bulug4 za7(LAK798)-gin3 bulug4 za7-gin3 bulug4 za7-gin3

and a lapis-lazuli chisel:

B 91 obv v 13 obv iv’ 11 obv v 18

26 91 B 92 A B C

obv v 14 obv iv’ 12 obv v 19

d

d 96 B 97 nin-dulum(NAĜAR.BU) za3-me B obv iv’ 17-18 [...]-dulum ; za3-me d C obv vi 3-4 nin-dulum ; za3-me

27 97 B 98 B obv iv’ 19 C obv vi 5 L1 obv ii’ 1’

kar nesaĝ(LAK159) a de2-de2 [...] nesaĝ a de2-⸢de2⸣ kar nesaĝ a de2-de2 [............] a d[e2 ... ]

(there said) Ninduluma praise.

Quay for first-fruit offerings, where water is poured out:

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62

5. Score 98 A B C L1

B 99 obv vi 1 obv iv’ 20-21 obv vi 6 obv ii’ 2’-3’

28 99 B 100 A B C D E L1

obv vi 2 obv iv’ 22 obv vi 7 obv v 1’ vi 1 obv ii’ 4’

100 A B C D E L1

B 101 obv vi 3 obv iv’ 23 obv vi 8 obv v 2’ vi 2 obv ii’ 5’

29 101 B 102

d

sirsir(dAB.BU.BU) za3-me [......................] ; ⸢za3-me⸣ [.] AB:B[U].B[U] ; za3-me d sirsir za3-me [A]B:B[U] [...] ; [...]-me

(there said) Sirsir praise.

AB×AŠ2 u5 a šu2 AB×AŠ2 u5 a šu2 AB×AŠ2 u5 ⸢a⸣ [...] AB×AŠ2 u5 a šu2 AB×⸢AŠ2⸣ ⸢x⸣ a šu2 AB×AŠ2 u5 a šu2

AB×AŠ2, (where) geese cover the water:

⸢x⸣ [.....] ⸢u5 a⸣ [...] d

ki-kimušen za3-me ki-kimušen za3-me [...]⸢x⸣ ⸢ki⸣ za3-me d ki-kimušen za3-me d ki-kimušen za3-me d ki-k[i]mušen [.....] [...]-kimušen z[a3]-me

(there said) Kiki praise.

AB׊U2 uri3 gal-gal AB׊U2 uri3 gal-gal AB׊U2 uri3 gal-gal

AB׊U2 with great standards:

d

A B C D

obv vi 4 obv v’ 1 obv vi 9 obv v 3’

⸢x⸣ uri3 gal-gal AB׊U2 uri3 gal-gal

102 A B C D

B 103 obv vi 5-6 obv v’ 2 obv vi 10 obv v 4’

ku3 dezina2(ŠE.TIR) za3-me ku3 dezina2!(GI.TIR) ; za3-me ku3 ezina2 za3-me ku3 dezina2 za3-me ku3 ⸢d⸣ezina2 za3-me

(there said) pure Ezina praise.

ĝišša(ĜEŠ.KUŠU2) munus ur4 ĝišša munus ur4 ĝišša munus ur4 ĝišša munus ur4 ĝišša munus ur4

Ĝišša, where women gather:

d

(there said) Ninura praise.

30 103 B 104 A B C D

obv vi 7 obv v’ 3 obv vi 11 obv v 5’

104 A B C

B 105 obv vi 8 obv v’ 4 obv vi 12

nin-ur4 za3-me nin-ur4 za3-me

nin-ur4 za3-me d ⸢x⸣ [................] d

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5. Score D K

d

nin-ur4 za3-me nin-ur4 za3-me

obv v 6’ ii’ 1’

d

31 105 B 106 A B C D K

obv vi 9 obv v’ 5 obv vi 13 obv v 7’ ii’ 2’-3’

106 A B C D K

B 107 obv vi 10 obv v’ 6 obv vi 14 obv v 8’ ii’ 4’

32 107 B 108 A B C

obv vi 11 obv v’ 7 obv vi 15

108 B 109 B obv v’ 8 C obv vi 16

33 109 B 110 B C

63

obv v’ 9 obv vi 17

KI.AN e2 gu4 ur3 saĝ gunu3 ⸢x⸣.AN [...] gu4 ur3 [...] gunu3 KI.AN ⸢e2⸣ gu4 ur3 gunu3 [......................] ⸢x⸣ gunu3 KI.AN e2 [............] gunu3 KI.AN gu4 ur3 ; saĝ gunu3

KI.AN, House for currycombed bulls with multicoloured heads:

d

šara2 za3-me ⸢x⸣ [..............] d ⸢šara2⸣ za3-me [.] ⸢šara2⸣ za3-me [................] me d š[a]ra2 za3-me

(there said) Šara praise.

lagaš(NU11.BUR.LA) ki im KU7 [......................] lagaš im [.......] lagaš ki im ku7

Lagaš, place with sweet (?) clay:

d

(there said) Ĝatumdug praise.

ĝa2-tum3-du10 za3-me ĝ[a2]-[t]um3-du10 za3-me d ĝa2-tum3-du10 za3-me d

niĝin6(AB×ḪA) diĝir ab2 NAĜAR Divine Niĝin (with) NAĜAR ! ⸢niĝin6⸣ (KU7×⸢ḪA⸣) diĝir [...] NAĜAR cows, niĝin6 diĝir ab2 NAĜAR

110 B 111 B obv v’ 10 C obv vi 18

sirarax(AB×ḪA.TAG) diĝir sirarax!(KU7×ḪA.TAG) diĝir sirarax diĝir

divine Sirara

111 B 112 B obv v’ 11 C obv vi 19

NINDA2×GUD NAĜAR NINDA2×GUD NAĜAR

(with) NAĜAR bulls:

112 B C L1

diĝir nin UM.MUmušen diĝir ⸢nin⸣ ⸢UM⸣.⸢MU⸣ [(x)] diĝir nin UM.MUmušen [...] ni[n] MES.⸢MU⸣ [...]

B 113 obv v’ 12 obv vi 20 obv iii’ 1’

[..........................] ⸢x⸣ (there said) the goddess, lady of UM.MU birds,

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64

5. Score 113 B C L1

B 114 obv v’ 13 obv vi 21 obv iii’ 2’

diĝir urunx(EN) nin um diĝir urunx nin um ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ diĝir urunx nin ⸢MES⸣

the exalted goddess, lady of the um (bird),

114 B C L1

B 115 obv v’ 14 obv vii 1 obv iii’ 3’

nin um.AB DAR nin um.AB DAR!?(MUŠEN) ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ um DAR [...] ⸢um⸣ [...]

lady of the um-ab and dar (birds),

115 B C L1 V

B 116 obv v’ 15 obv vii 2 obv iii’ 4’ ii’ 1’-2’

d

nanše za3-me nanše za3-me d nanše za3-me d nanše za3-me [.......] za3-[me]

Nanše praise.

d

obv v’ 16 obv vii 3 obv iii’ 5’ ii’ 3’

ĝir2-su ĝir2-su ĝir2-su ĝir2-[...] [...]-su

Ĝirsu,

B C L1 V 117 B C E J

B 118 obv v’ 17 obv vii 4 vii 1 obv i’ 1

e2 ĝir2-nun e2 ĝir2-nun e2 ĝir2-nun [...] ĝir2-nu[n] ⸢e2⸣ [...........]

the House Ĝirnun:

118 B C J

B 119 obv v’ 18 obv vii 5 obv i’ 2

d

nin-ĝir2-su za3-me nin-[ĝi]r2-su d nin-ĝir2-su za3-me [....]-ĝir2-su za3-me

(there said) Ninĝirsu praise.

GUBLAGA(LAK617×LA) NINDA2×GUD gunu3 GUBLAGA NINDA2×GUD gunu3 GUBLAGA NINDA2×GUD gunu3 [GUBLA]GA NINDA2×GUD gunu3 GUBLAGA [............................]

Ki’abrig, (with) multicoloured breeding bulls:

d

(there said) Ningublaga praise.

34 116 B 117

35 119 B 120 B C J M

obv v’ 19 obv vii 6 obv i’ 3 i’ 1’

120 A B C

B 121 obv vii 1-2 obv v’ 20 obv vii 7-8

d

nin-gublaga(LAK617×LA) za3-me [...................] ; za3-[...] d [...]-[gubla]ga za3-me d nin-gublaga ; za3-me

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5. Score J M

65

[...]-[g]ublaga [.......] d nin-gub[laga] [......]

obv i’ 4 i’ 2’

36 121 B 122

SAḪAR iš BU.NUN SAḪAR iš [................] SAḪ[AR] iš ⸢BU⸣.NUN SAḪAR iš B[U].⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [...] BU.NUN

SAḪAR, hill of the BU.NUN,

A B C J K M

obv vii 3 obv v’ 21 obv vii 9 obv i’ 5 iii’ 1’ i’ 3’

122 A B C D I J K

B 123 obv vii 4 obv v’ 22 obv vii 10 obv vi 1’ i’ 1’ obv i’ 6 iii’ 2’

SAḪAR iš gal babbar SAḪAR iš [................] SAḪ[AR] iš babbar gal SAḪAR i[š] ⸢babbar gal⸣ SAḪ[AR] [................] [SAḪ]AR [................]

123 A B C D I K

B 124 obv vii 5 obv v’ 23 obv vii 11 obv vi 2’ i’ 2’ iii’ 3’

ĝeš-gi muš keš2 ĝeš-gi m[uš] ke[š2] ĝeš-⸢gi⸣ [......] keš2 [...]-gi [mu]š keš2 ĝeš-gi m[uš] keš2 [.........] muš keš2 ĝe[š]-gi [...........]

reed thicket, where snakes are writhing,

124 A B C D I K

B 125 obv vii 6 obv vi’ 1 obv vii 12 obv vi 3’ i’ 3’ iii’ 4’

ambar suḫur-suḫur du10 ambar suḫur-su[ḫur] ⸢x⸣ ambar suḫur-suḫu[r] ⸢x⸣ ambar suḫur-suḫur ⸢du10⸣ ambar suḫur-suḫur du10 [.......] suḫur-suḫur du10 a[mbar] [......................]

marsh, good for carps,

125 A B C D I

B 126 obv vii 7 obv vi’ 2 obv vii 13 obv vi 4’ i’ 4’

iri a lu2 du10 iri a lu2 du10 iri a lu2 du10 iri a lu2 du10 iri a lu2 du[10] [...] a lu2 du10

town, whose water is good for men:

⸢x⸣ [..........................] SAḪA[R] ⸢iš⸣ [.........] SAḪAR, great white hill,

[........................... ] ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [ .........................]

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66

5. Score 126 A B C D

B 127 obv vii 8-9 obv vi’ 3-4 obv vii 14-15 obv vi 5’-6’

d

lugal-DU.DUL3 za3-me lugal-⸢x⸣.DUL3 ; za3-[...] d lugal-DU.DUL3 ; za3-me d lugal-D[U].DUL3 ; za3-[...] d lugal-⸢x⸣.DUL3 ; ⸢za3-me⸣

(there said) Lugal-DU.DUL3 praise.

Enegi, (...) (with) cows and donkeys

d

A B C D

obv vii 10 obv vi’ 5-6 obv vii 16 obv vi 7’

en-giki ab2 anše (⸢x⸣) ⸢en⸣.g[i .................] en-g[i]ki ; ab2 anše (⸢x⸣) en-giki ab2 anše ⸢en⸣ [.......................]

128 B C L1

B 130 obv vi’ 7 obv vii 17 obv iv’ 1’

gu dili-bad gu dili-bad gu dili-bad ⸢gu⸣ dili [...]

(like) a string of shining (beads);

129 B C L1

B 131 obv vi’ 8 obv vii 18 obv iv’ 2’

am gu4 nu2 am gu4 nu2 am gu4 [n]u2 am gu4 nu2

(with) bulls and oxen lying

130 B 132 B obv vi’ 9 C L1 obv iv’ 3’

gu dili-bad gu dili-bad omitted gu dili-ba[d]

(like) a string of shining (beads);

131 B 133 B obv vi’ 10 C obv vii 19

am gu2 gi4 am gu2 gi4 [...]⸢gu2⸣ gi4

(with) wild bulls turning the neck,

132 B C F

B 134 obv vi’ 11 obv vii 20 obv i’ 1’

saman3 giri17 keš2 ⸢saman3⸣ giri17 keš2 ⸢saman3⸣ giri17 keš2 [.................] [ke]š2

bound by nose ropes,

133 B C F

B 135 obv vi’ 12 obv vii 21 obv i’ 2’

im ur3 im ur3 ⸢im⸣ ⸢x⸣ [...] ur3

harrowing the clay;

ur gegge eš2-dam nu2 ur gegge eš2-dam nu2 ur ⸢x⸣ [..................]

(where) black dogs lie at ‘the tavern’;

37 127 B 128-129

134 B 136 B obv vi’ 13 C obv viii 1

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5. Score

67

F

obv i’ 3’

[u]r gegge eš2-dam nu2

135 B C F

B 137 obv vi’ 14 obv viii 2 obv i’ 4’

d

nin-azu(ZU5+A) nin-azu d ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ d nin-ZU5(+A?)

(where) Ninazu

136 B C J

B 138 obv vi’ 15 obv viii 3 obv ii’ 1

ab2 silig-silig ab2 silig-silig ab2 silig-silig ab2 silig-silig

makes the cows cease (from work?):

137 B C J

B 139 obv vi’ 16-17 obv viii 4 obv ii’ 2

d

nin-azu(ZU5+A) za3-me nin-azu ; za3-me d nin-azu za3-me d nin-azu za3-me

(there said) Ninazu praise.

ŠU.EŠ.GI še gu til3 ⸢x⸣.EŠ.⸢GI⸣ še ⸢x⸣ til3 ⸢x⸣.EŠ.GI še gu til3 ŠU.EŠ.[G]I še gu til3

ŠU.EŠ.GI, where barley and flax make (men) live:

d

namma za3-me namma z[a3]-me d namma za3-me d namma za3-me

(there said) Namma praise.

AB.KID.KID

AB.KID.KID:

38 138 B 140 B C J

obv vi’ 18 obv viii 5 obv ii’ 3

139 B C J

B 141 obv vi’ 19 obv viii 6 obv ii’ 4

39 140 B 142

d

d

d

B C J

obv vi’ 20 obv viii 7 obv ii’ 5

AB.KID.[....] AB.KID.KID AB.KID.KID

141 B C I J

B 143 obv vii’ 1 obv viii 8 ii’ 1’ obv ii’ 6

SAL+ḪUB2-gal dinanna SAL+ḪUB2 [...] d⸢inanna⸣ SAL+ḪUB2-gal dinanna

142 B C I J

d B 144 nin-AB.KID.KID za3-me [.] obv vii’ 2 nin-AB.KID.KID [.......] obv viii 9-10 dnin-AB.KID.KID ; za3-me ii’ 2’ [.....] AB.KID.KID [.......] d obv ii’ 7 nin-AB.KID.KID za3-me

(there ) the grand SAL+ḪUB2official of Inanna

[....................] ⸢x⸣ SAL+ḪUB2-gal dinanna Nin-AB.KID.KID (said) praise.

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68

5. Score

40 143 B 145 B C D I J

obv vii’ 3 obv viii 11 obv vii 1’ ii’ 3 obv ii’ 8

144 B C D I J

B 146 obv vii’ 4 obv viii 12f obv vii 2’ ii’ 4’-5’ ii’ 9

GU2.GANA2 iš nun [...].GAN[A2] [i]š [n]un GU2.GANA2 iš nun [...].GAN[A2] [............] [.............] ⸢x⸣ iš nun [G]U2.[G]ANA2 iš nun

GU2.GANA2, princely hill:

d

nam-nir za3-me ⸢nam⸣-⸢nir⸣ za3-m[e] d nam-nir ; za3-me d na[m]-[.............] [.] [na]m-nir ; za3-me [......]-nir [..........]

(there said ) Namnir praise.

d

B C I

obv vii’ 5 obv viii 14 ii’ 6’

GANA2.GAL DA NI ĝar ⸢GANA2⸣.GAL D[A] NI [...] GANA2.GAL DA NI [...] GANA2.GAL DA NI ĝar

GANA2.GAL, where DA (and) NI officials are appointed:

146 B C I

B 148 obv vii’ 6 obv viii 15 ii’ 7’-8’

NUN.GANA2.GAL za3-me NUN.GANA2.GAL z[a3]-me NUN.GANA2.GAL za3-me NUN.⸢GANA2⸣.GAL ; za3-me

(there said) Nun-GANA2.GAL praise.

41 145 B 147

B C I U

obv vii’ 7 obv viii 16 ii’ 9’ i’ 1’

lamma an-ki lamma an-[...] [lam]ma an-ki lamma an-ki ⸢x⸣ an-ki

Guardian goddess of heaven and earth,

148 B C U

B 150 obv vii’ 8 obv viii 17 i’ 2’

ama-gagan nun unu ama-gagan nu[n] unu ama-ga⸢x⸣ ⸢nun⸣ ⸢x⸣ ama-gagan nun [...]

princely foster mother of the (divine) abode:

149 B C U

B 151 obv vii’ 9 obv viii 18f i’ 3’

d

lamma-sa6-ga za3-me lamma-sa6-ga za3-me d lamm[a]-sa6-ga ; za3-me [.] [lam]ma-[...]-ga ⸢x⸣

(there said) Lammasaga praise.

NE.GI ki nun N[E].GI ki nun [N]E.⸢GI⸣ ki nun

NE.GI, place of the prince,

42 147 B 149

43 150 B 152 B F

obv vii’ 10 obv ii’ 1’

d

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5. Score

69

151 B 153 B obv vii’ 11 F obv ii’ 2’

NE.GI.BAR u6 di NE.GI.BAR u6 di NE.GI.BAR u6 di

the admirable torch,

152 B 154 B obv vii’ 12 F obv ii’ 3’

izi u6 ru ⸢izi⸣ ⸢u6⸣ [r]u izi u6 ru

fire, which imposes admiration,

153 B C F

B 155 obv vii’ 13 obv ix 2 obv ii’ 4’

til3 ušx(LAK672) [...] ušx ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ til3 ⸢ušx⸣

which bestows life and death:

154 B C F

B 156 obv vii’14-15 obv ix 3 obv ii’ 5’

ku3 dNE.GI za3-me ⸢ku3⸣ dNE.GI ; za3-me ku3 dNE.GI za3-me ku3 dNE.GI za3-me

(there said) pure dNE.GI praise.

KU7 gu4 NINDA2×GUD mušen dKU gu NINDA ×GUD muš[en]! 2 7 4 (R[I]) dKU gu NINDA ×GUD ⸢mušen⸣ 2 7 4 [....] KU7 gu4 ⸢x⸣ ⸢mušen⸣

KU7, (place with) oxen, bulls and birds:

d

(there said) dKU7 praise.

44 155 B 157

d

B

obv vii’ 16

C F

obv ix 4 obv ii’ 6’

156 B omitted B C obv ix 5 J obv iii’ 1

45 157 B 158 B C J

obv vii’ 17 obv ix 6 obv iii’ 2

158 B C J

B 159 obv vii’ 18f obv ix 7-8 obv iii’ 3

46 159 B 160 B C J

obv vii’ 20 obv ix 9 obv iii’ 4

KU7 za3-me

d

omitted d K[U7] [...]-me d KU7 za3-me URUgunû-gal ab2 du7 URUgunû-gal ab2 du7 URUgunû-gal ab2 du7!(GUD) URUgunû-gal ab2 du7

URUgunû-gal, perfect cow:

d

en-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI za3-me en-ME.TE.TI ; [...]-me d e[n]-[(ME.)]TE.GAL.[T]I ; ⸢za3⸣-me d en-TE.GAL.TI za3-me

(there said) En-(ME.)TE.GAL. TI praise.

girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) [.......................]⸢A.DU⸣ girimx girimx

Girim,

d

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70

5. Score 160 B C J

B 161 obv vii’ 21 obv ix 10 obv iii’ 5

d

irḫan(dMUŠ.DIN.DAR.BALAĜir-ḫa) [MU]Š.[...].⸢DAR⸣.BALAĜ M[UŠ].[...].DAR.BALAĜir-[...] d irḫan

on the (river) Irḫan:

161 B C I J

B 162 obv viii’ 1-2 obv ix 11-12 iii’ 1’-2’ obv iii’ 6

d

nin-girimx(A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) za3-me ⸢nin⸣-⸢A⸣.⸢x⸣.MUŠ.DU ; za3-me d nin-girimx ; za3-me [.] [n]in-girimx ; za3-me d nin-girimx za3-me

(there said) Ningirima praise.

ab2 ur3 ab2 babbar ab2 ur3 ab2 babbar ab2 ur3 ab2 babbar ab2 ur3 ab2 babbar ab2 ur3 ab2 ⸢x⸣

(Girim with the?) currycombed and white cows:

d

nin-e2-ku3 za3-me nin-e2-ku3 za3-me d nin-e2-ku3 ; za3-me d nin-e2-ku3 ; za3-me d nin-⸢e2⸣-k[u3] [......]

(there said) Ninekuga praise.

MAR bilagx(BALA) an-ki MAR bilagx an-⸢ki⸣ MAR bilagx an-ki MAR bilagx an-ki

MAR, spindle of heaven and

47 162 B 163 B C I J

obv viii’ 3 obv ix 13 iii’ 3’ obv iii’ 7

163 B C I J

B 164 obv viii’ 4 obv ix 14-15 iii’ 4’-5’ obv iii’ 8

48 164 B 165 B C I J

obv viii’ 5 obv ix 16 iii’ 6’ obv iii’ 9

165 B C I

B 166 obv viii’ 6-7 obv ix 17 iii’ 7’-8’

d

d

earth:

[..................] ki d

nin-MAR za3-me [n]in-MA[R] ; za3-me [.] nin-MAR!(RAD) za3-me d nin-MAR ; za3-me

(there said) Nin-MAR praise.

NA.DU3, the quay of Ningal:

B C I

NA.DU3 kar dnin-gal obv viii’ 8-9 NA.DU3 ; kar dni[n]-[ga]l obv ix 18 [N]A.DU3 kar [.]nin-gal iii’ 9’ NA.DU3 kar dnin-gal

167 B C I U

B 169 obv viii’ 10f obv ix 19-20 iii’ 10’-11’ ii’ 1’

d

49 166 B 167-168

nu11-E2.NUN-ta-e3 za3-me nu11-[...].⸢NUN⸣-⸢ta⸣-⸢e3⸣ ; z[a3]-me ⸢x⸣-NUN-⸢x⸣-e3 ; za3-[...] nu11-E2.NUN-ta!(GUD)-e3 ; ⸢za3-me⸣ nu11-E2.[...]-t[a]-e3 [...]

(there said) Nu-E2.NUN-ta’e praise.

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5. Score

50 168 B 170

e2 GAG.KAŠ-si kurun2(DIN) TU e2 GAG.KAŠ-si kurun2 TU [..........] ⸢si⸣ [.......]⸢TU⸣ [............................] TU e2 ⸢GAG⸣.KAŠ-si kurun2 TU

B C L1 U

obv viii’ 12 obv ix 21 rev i’ 1’ ii’ 2’

169 B L1 U

d B 171 nin-GAG!.KAŠ-si za3-me d obv viii’ 13f nin-GAG!(DIN).KAŠ-si ; za3-me rev i’ 2’-3’ [....]-⸢x⸣.[K]AŠ-si ; [z]a3-[...] [.] ii’ 3’ nin-⸢x⸣.[...]-si z[a3]-[...]

51 170 B 172

eš3-kar2-kar2 [...].KAR2.⸢x⸣

B obv viii’ 15 F obv iii’ 1’ L1 rev i’ 4’

AB.KAR2.KAR2

171 B C F

B 173 obv viii’ 16 obv x 3 obv iii’ 2’

men an [..........] [....] an men an

172 B C F

B 174 ku3 dMUŠ3.KUR za3-me obv viii’ 17f dM[UŠ3] ⸢x⸣ ; za3-[me] obv x 4 ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ obv iii’ 3’ ku3 dMUŠ3.KUR za3-me

52 173 B 175

kisiga(LAK617×KU3) GUL diĝir LA[K617 G]UL [...] kisiga G[UL] diĝir kisiga GUL diĝir

obv viii’ 19 obv x 5 obv iii’ 4’

174 B C F R

d B 176 nin-mug za3-me obv viii’ 20-21 ⸢dnin⸣-[...] ; [...]-me d obv x 6 nin-mug ⸢x⸣ [...] d obv iii’ 5’ nin-mug za3-me i’ 1’ ⸢d⸣ ⸢x⸣ [................]

B C F J R

obv ix’ 1-2 obv x 7 obv iii’ 6’ obv iv’ 1 i’ 2’

House GAG.KAŠ-si, which produces fine beer:

(there said) Ninkasi praise.

‘Shining Shrine’:

[.................. ] ⸢x⸣

B C F

53 175 B 177-178

71

eš3-bulug4 bulug4 an-ki eš3-bul[ug4] ; bulug4 an-k[i] eš3-bulug4 bulug4 an-k[i] eš3-bulug4 ; [..........] [..........] ; bulug4 an-ki [...-bulu]g4 bulug4 an-ki

(there said) the crown of heaven,

the pure dMUŠ3.KUR praise.

Kisiga, ... (tool) of the goddess:

(there said) Ninmuga praise.

‘Awl-shrine’, awl of heaven and earth:

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72

5. Score 176 B C J R

B 179 obv ix’ 3-4 obv x 8 obv iv’ 2 i’ 3’

54 177 B 180 B C J

obv ix’ 5 obv x 9 obv iv’ 3

178 B C J

B 181 obv ix’ 6-7 obv x 10 obv iv’ 4

55 179 B 182 B C J L1

obv ix’ 8 obv x 11 obv iv’ 5 rev ii’ 1’

180 B C I J L1

B 183 obv ix’ 9 obv x 12 iv’ 1’-2’ obv iv’ 6 rev ii’ 2’-3’

56 181 B 184 B C I L1

obv ix’ 10 obv x 13 iv’ 3’ rev ii’ 4’

182 B C I L1 P

B 185 obv ix’ 11-12 obv x 14-15 iv’ 4’-5’ rev ii’ 5’-6’ i’ 1’

d

nin-nisig za3-me nin-nisig ; za3-me d nin-nisig z[a3]-[...] d nin-nisig za3-me [.] nin-nisig za3-me

(there said) Ninnisig praise.

šuruppag(SU+KUR+RU) pana ku3 nun šuruppag pana k[u3] [n]un šuruppag pana ku3 nun šuruppag pana ku3 nun

Šuruppag, pure bow of the princess:

d

sud3(SU+KUR+RU) nun za3-me sud3 nun ; za3-me d sud3 nun za3-[...] d sud3 nun za3-me

(there said) the princess Sud praise.

ĜA2×MUŠ gu4 NUN (ME) ĜA2×MUŠ gu4 NUN ĜA2×MUŠ gu4 NUN ĜA2×MU[Š] gu4 NUN ME [...................] ⸢x⸣ NUN

ĜA2×MUŠ, princely (?) ox:

d

nin-ĜA2×MUŠ za3-me nin-[..............] za3-me d nin-ĜA2×MUŠ za3-me [.] ni[n]-[..........] ; za3-me d nin-[Ĝ]A2×[M]UŠ z[a3]-me d nin-ĜA2×MUŠ ; za3-me

(there said) Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ praise.

A2/DA-ne en zu [...............] ⸢x⸣ A2-ne en ⸢x⸣ DA-[n]e en zu DA-ne en zu

A2/DA-ne, known by the Enpriest:

d

(there said) dnin-A2/DA-ne praise.

d

d

[.]

nin-A2/DA-ne za3-me ⸢x⸣-⸢DA⸣/⸢a2⸣.⸢ne⸣ ; [...]-m[e] d nin-⸢DA⸣/⸢a2⸣.ne ; z[a3]-[...] d nin-A2.ne ; za3-me d nin-DA.ne ; ⸢za3-me⸣ [.............] ⸢x⸣ z[a3]-[...]

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5. Score

57 183 B 186 B C I L1 P

obv ix’ 13 obv x 16 iv’ 6’ rev ii’ 7’ i’ 2’

184 B C I

B 187 obv ix’ 14 obv x 17 iv’ 7’-8’

73

isin2(IN)bulug4 an-ki [..........................] isin2 bulug4 a[n]-[...] isin2![LI] bulug4 an-ki [isi]n2 bulug4 an-[...] isin2 bulu[g4] an-ki

Isin, awl of heaven and earth:

d

nin-isin2(IN) za3-me [.........................] d nin-isi[n2] [......] d nin-isin2 ; za3-[...]

(there said) Ninisina praise.

obv ix’ 15 obv x 18 iv 9’

[...] gu duru5(A) [...] g[u] A [.......] gu ⸢A?⸣ [.......] gu ⸢A⸣ ⸢x⸣[...]

... fresh flax ...

B C I 186 B C I R

B 189 obv ix’ 16 obv x 19 iv’ 10’ ii’ 2’

e2 an-ki [................] A[N .........] AN ⸢x⸣ [.....] e2 an-⸢ki⸣

House of heaven and earth,

187 B C I R

B omitted obv ix’ 17 obv x 20 iv’ 11 ii’ 3

lugal gu ba13 si [................] [................] [................] lugal gu ba13(ME) si

which the king fills with linen cloaks,

188 B C R

B 190-191 obv ix’ 18 obv x 21 ii’ 4

⸢nun še⸣ duru5(A) sumun2 lu [...] ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [.........] [...................] ⸢nun še⸣ duru5(A) sumun2 lu [...]

(where) the prince (...) fresh grain and numerous grazing cows:

58 185 B 188

d 189 B 192 nin-⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ; za3-me B obv ix’ 19-20 dnin-⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [...] ; za3-me C obv x 22 [...............................] ĝeš.a

59 190 B 193 B C F

obv ix’ 21 rev i 1 obv iv’ 1’

⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212) [................] [................] ĝeš.a ⸢ASALx⸣

(there said) Nin-... praise.

‘Euphrates poplars’,

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74

5. Score 191 B C F

B 194 rev i 1 rev i 2 obv iv’ 2’

en du10 ⸢en du10⸣ [.............] en du10

cherished by the En-priest:

192 B C F

B 195 rev i 2 rev i 3-4 obv iv’ 3’

d

me-dim2-ša4 za3-me ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ za3-me [.........................] d me-dim2-ša4 za3-me

(there said) Medimša praise.

LAK225 ANŠE UD

......................... :

60 193 B 196 B C F L1

rev i 3 rev i 5 obv iv’ 4’ rev iii’ 2’

[LA]K225 ANŠE [.......] ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [.....................] LAK225 ANŠE UD

[LA]K225 ANŠE UD

194 B 197

d

B rev i 4-5 F obv iv’ 5’ L1 rev iii’ 3’-4’

d

lugal-u9(EZEN×AN)-saḫar za3-me

61 195 B 198 B F L1 J

rev i 6 obv iv’ 6’ rev iii’ 5’ obv v’ 1

196 B J L1 L3

B 199 rev i 7-8 obv v’ 2 rev iii’ 6’ i’ 1’-2’

(there said) Lugalusaḫar praise.

lu[g]al-[u]9-saḫar ; ⸢za3⸣-me lugal-u9-saḫar za3-me [.] lu[gal]-u9-[sa]ḫar ; za3-me d

ki

kisig2(LAK617×SIG7) gu4 uru4 ⸢kisig2?⸣ ⸢gu4?⸣ [.......] ⸢x⸣ ki kisig2 ; [......................] ki[sig2!?] [.......] gu4 uru4 [.........] ; gu4 {⸢x⸣} NE.RU

Kisig, where oxen plough:

d nu

nunuz-du10 za3-me nunuz-du10 ; za3-me d nu nunuz-du10 za3-me d nu ⸢x⸣ [.......................] [....][nunu]z-du10 ; za3-m[e]

(there said) Nunuzdug praise.

d nu

A B J

rev i 1’ rev i 9 obv v’ 3

en pana nun en pa[na] ⸢x⸣ en pana nun en pana nun

(Kisig?: there said) the Lord with the princely bow,

198 A B J

B 201 rev i 2’ rev i 10 obv v’ 4

niĝir na-nam niĝir na-nam niĝir na-na[m] niĝir na-nam

who is verily a herald,

62 197 B 200

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5. Score 199 A B C J

B 202 rev i 3’-4’ rev i 11-12 rev i 14 obv v’ 5

63 200 B 203 A B I J

rev i 5’ rev i 13 v’ 1’ obv v’ 6

201 A B C I

B 204 rev i 6’-7’ rev i 14-15 rev i 17-18 v’ 2’-3’

75

(d)

lugal-da-sila za3-me lugal-da-⸢sila⸣ ; za3-me d lugal-da-sila ; za3-me [...]gal-[.....................] lugal-da-sila z[a3]-me

Lugaldasila, praise.

dugina2(LAK617×MIR) gukkal TU dugina2 gukkal ⸢TU⸣ ⸢dugina2⸣ gukkal TU [................................] ⸢dugina2⸣ guk[kal] TU

Dugina, producing fat-tailed sheep:

d

MI.DAM za3-me [...].⸢DAM⸣ ; [.....] d MI.DAM ; za3-me ⸢d⸣MI.DA[M] ; za3-me d M[I].[....] ; z[a3]-[...]

(there said) dMI.DAM praise.

Umma: (there said) the guardian of the waterskin,

d

B C I N O

rev i 16 rev i 19 v’ 4’ i’ 1’ i’ 1’

umma2(ḪI×DIŠ) en-nuĝx(NUN) kuš ummux(A.EDIN) umma2 en-nuĝx kušummux [.......] ⸢en⸣ [.....................] umma2 e[n-......................] umma2 [....] NUN kuš ⸢ummux⸣ [.... ..... e]n?-nuĝx KUŠ.A.[......]

203 B C I N O

B 206 rev i 17-18 rev i 20 v’ 5’ i’ 2’ i’ 2’

en-lu2-nu-gid2 za3-me en-lu2-nu-gid2 ; za3-me ⸢en⸣-[...]-nu [...........] [..........] nu ⸢x⸣ [........] [e]n-lu2-nu-[gi]d2 za3-me en-lu2-[.......] ⸢x⸣ za3-me

Enlunugid, praise.

GIN2.U9(EZEN×AN).ŠA3.GA GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA

GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA:

64 202 B 205

65 204 B 207 B N O

rev i 19 i’ 3’ i’ 3’

205 B C L2

B 208 rev i 20-21 rev ii 1 i’ 1’-2’

[.............]⸢x⸣.GA [... GI]N2?.⸢U9⸣.GA d

nin-šubur-maḫ2 za3-me nin-šubur-maḫ2 ; za3-me z[a3]-[...] [....]-⸢šubur⸣-[.......] ; za3-me d

(there said) Ninšuburmaḫ praise.

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5. Score

66 206 B 209

A.ŠA3.BU A.ŠA3.BU A.ŠA3.BU

B C L2 S

rev i 22 rev ii 2 i’ 3’ i 1’

207 B C L3 S

B 210 rev ii 1 rev ii 3 ii’ 1’ i 2’

menx(ĜA2×EN) nun ⸢menx⸣ nun menx nun ⸢menx⸣ [...] [m]enx [n]un

208 B C L3 S

B 211 rev ii 2 rev ii 4-5 ii’ 2’ i 3’

d

A.ŠA3.BU,

[.......] BU [.....] ⸢BU⸣

amar-ama6(LAGAB×AN)-na za3-me (there said) Amaramana praise. ⸢d⸣⸢amar⸣-[a]ma6-na za3-me d amar-ama6-na ; za3-me ama[r]-⸢x⸣ [...............] ⸢x⸣ [..........]-na za3-me KI.AN gi duru5 KI.AN gi duru5 KI [...] gi duru5

67 209 B 212

a princely crown:

Ki-An, (with) fresh reed,

B rev ii 3 C rev ii 6 L3 ii’ 3’

⸢x⸣ [...............]

210 B 213 B rev ii 4 C rev ii 7

ki an uru6 TU ki an ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ ki an uru6 TU

place created by mighty An:

211 B 214 B rev ii 5-6 C rev ii 8-9

AN.tu-da za3-me AN.tu-da ; za3-me AN.tu-⸢da⸣ ; za3-me

(there said) (An)tuda praise.

⸢muru3⸣(IM=LAK377) e2 a si ⸢muru3⸣ e2 a si [...] ⸢e2⸣ a si

Muru(?), ‘House placed by the water’,

213 B 216 B rev ii 8 C rev ii 11

immalx(TUR3) nu2 immalx nu2 [imma]lx nu2

(where) cows are lying,

214 B 217 B rev ii 9 C rev ii 12

e2-ša3-ta e2-ša3-ta [...]-ša3-ta

(where) from the inner part of the temple

68 212 B 215 B C

rev ii 7 rev ii 10

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5. Score

77

215 B C F

B 218 rev ii 10 rev ii 13 rev i’ 1’

suḫ10 menx(ĜA2×EN) suḫ10 menx [.....] ⸢menx⸣ s[uḫ10] m[enx]

suḫ10 and menx crowns

216 B C F

B 219 rev ii 11 rev ii 14 rev i’ 2’

ḫe2-GAM+GAM ḫe2-GAM+GAM [ḫ]e2-GAM+GAM ḫe2-GAM+GAM

protrude:

217 B C F

B 220 rev ii 12-13 rev ii 15-16 rev i’ 3’

d

ama-ušum-gal za3-me ama-ušum-gal ; za3-me [..................................] d ama-ušum-gal za3-me

(there said) Ama’ušumgal praise.

d

rev ii 14 rev ii 17-18 rev i’ 4’

kul-ab4(UNUG) sila daĝal kul-ab4 sila daĝal [.........] ; sila daĝal kul-ab4 sila daĝal

Kullaba with broad streets,

B C F 219 B C F

B 222 rev ii 15 rev ii 19 rev i’ 5’

menx(ĜA2×EN) šu BAD menx šu BAD [.....] šu [.....] menx šu UD

donating the menx crown;

220 B C F

B 223 rev ii 16 rev ii 20 rev i’ 6’

utu dištaran(dKA.DI) utu dištaran u[tu] dKA.[...] utu [.]K[A].[...]

Utu, Ištaran

221 B C F

B 224 rev ii 17 rev ii 21 rev i’ 7’

d

nin-UM nin-UM [..] ⸢nin-UM⸣ d n[in]-[...]

(and) Nin-UM

222 B C N F

B 225 rev ii 18 rev ii 22 ii’ 1’ rev i’ 7’

sa-bar6 pana sa-bar6 pana [...................] [...................] sa [...] pana

(with) a net, a bow

šita2(LAK489) za-gin3 šita2 za-⸢gin3⸣ (⸢x⸣?) šita2 [...]-gi[n3]

(and) a lapis-lazuli club:

69 218 B 221

223 B 226 B rev ii 19 F rev i’ 8’

d

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5. Score N

ii’ 2’

ši[ta2] [......]

224 B C F

B 227 rev ii 20-21 rev iii 1-2 rev i’ 9’

d

70 225 B 228 B C F

rev ii 22 rev iii 3 rev i’ 10’

nin-niĝarx za3-me nin-naĝar ; za3-me ⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣ [........] ; za3-me d nin-niĝarx!(SIG.E2) z[a3]-[...]

(there said) Ninniĝara praise.

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 [....].GI ki du10

ĜEŠ.GI, a good place,

d

⸢x⸣ [...............]

226 B 229 B rev iii 1 C rev iii 4

nam-ma-LAK131 nam-⸢x⸣-LAK131 [n]am-ma-[.....]

she indeed protects (?) it;

227 B 230 B rev iii 2 C rev iii 5

ama dli9-si4 ama dli9-si4 ama dli9-si4

mother Lisin,

228 B C J

B 231 rev iii 3 rev iii 6 rev i 1’

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 ĜEŠ.GI ki du10

ĜEŠ.GI, a good place,

[.............] du10

229 B C J

B 232 rev iii 4 rev iii 7 rev i’ 2’

nam-ma-LAK131 nam-[...]-⸢LAK131⸣ nam-ma-LAK131 [n]am-ma-[..........]

she indeed protects (?) it.

230 B C J

B 233 rev iii 5 rev iii 8 rev i’ 3’

za3-me du11-ga za3-me du11-ga za3-me du11-ga [...]-⸢me⸣ du11-ga

(After?) the praise said

231 B C J

B 234 rev iii 6 rev iii 9 rev i’ 4’

diĝir gal-gal diĝir gal-gal diĝir gal-gal ⸢diĝir gal⸣-gal

by the great gods,

232 B C J

B 235 rev iii 7-8 rev iii 10-11 rev i’ 5’

ama dli9-si4 za3-me ama d⸢x⸣-si4 ; za3-me ama dli9-si4 ; za3-⸢x⸣ [...] [.]li9-si4 [...........]

Mother Lisin said praise.

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5. Score

79

Colophons Transliteration

Transcription

A

rev. iii’ 1 rev. iii’ 2 rev. iii’ 3 rev. iii’ 4 rev. iii’ 5 rev. iii’ 6

a-kalam-dug3 ⸢x x x⸣ gu5-[li] ⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) [ur-den(?)]-E2 il?-⸢zu?-zu?⸣

A-kalam-dug; Imlik-Ea(?) [Biggs]; Guli; Ur-sag-dḪa-ri2 [Biggs]; [...]-Enlil/Ea (?); Il-zuzu.

B

rev. iii 9 rev. iii 10 rev. iii 11 rev. iii 12 rev. iii 13 rev. iii 14 rev. iii 15 rev. iii 16 rev. iii 17 rev. iii 18 rev. iv 1 rev. iv 2 rev. iv 3

a-ĝeštin-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si su-ma-a-ḫa PUZUR4-il i-ku.gu-il ur-did2-da en-na-il ḫu-ti-um i-ti-dša-gagan BAD dub ⸢a-kalam⸣-dug3

A-ĝeštin-abzu, the master; Lugal-KISAL-si; Šūma-aḫa; Puzur-Il; Ikūn-gu-Il (or Ikūn-Il); Ur-Ida; Enna-Il; UR.UR; Ḫutium; Iddin-Šakkan, owner (?) of the tablet; A-kalam-dug.

C

rev. iii 12’ rev. iii 13’ rev. iii 14’ff rev. iv 1

[...]⸢gi?⸣[...] [u]r?-⸢d?en-E2⸣ [...] ur-did2

... Ur-Enlil (?); ... Ur-id(a).

D

rev. 1’ rev. 2’ rev. 3’ rev. 4’ rev. 5’ff.

lu[gal]-KISAL-si [su]-ma-a-ḫa il-su3-ERIN2+X dub ⸢mu-sar⸣ [...]

Lugal-KISAL-si; Šūma-aḫa; Ilšu-ERIN2+X has written the tablet.

F

rev. ii’ 1 rev. ii’ 2

lugal-KISAL-si ur-did2

Lugal-KISAL-si; Ur-id(a).

UR.UR

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6. Commentary58 Hymn 1 (ll. 1-14): Nippur, Enlil The introductory hymn is the Zame Hymn most commented on.59 Translations by various scholars show different interpretations: Alster: (1) City, grown together with heaven, (2) embracing heaven, (3) god of Nippur, (4) ‘Bond of heaven and earth’, (5) Enlil, ‘great mountain’, (6) Enlil, lord (7) Nunamnir, (8) whose command (9) is irrevocable (10) whose ... cannot be ... (11) Enlil who placed the Anunna gods (12) below earth, (13) the great gods (14) spoke his praise.60 Lambert: (1) In the city that grew with heaven, (2) that embraces heaven, (3) Nippur, (4) the bond of heaven and underworld: (5) Enlil, the great mountain, (6) Enlil, the lord, the noble (7) Namnir, (8) the lord whose command (9) is not reversed, (10) is not confounded, (11) Enlil, seed which the noble (12) established, (13) spoke praise (14) of/concerning the great gods (as follows).61 D’Agostino: (1) Der Gott, der zusammen mit der Stadt gewachsen ist, (2) der den (ganzen) Himmel umarmt, (3) der Gott von Nippur (4) – dem Band von Himmel und Erde –, (5) Enlil, der große Berg, (6) Enlil, der Herr Nu- (7) namnir, (8) der Herr, dessen Wort/Befehl (9) nicht verändert werden kann, (10) nicht verworren werden kann, (11) Enlil / (12) verstreute / den prächtigen Samen (12) auf der Erde; (13) (dann) / (14) teilte er / den großen Göttern (14) die (/ihre) Kennzeichen zu.62 Krecher: (11) The Anunna gods have, o Enlil, (12) founded it (= the city), (13) the great gods (14) have said (to you? to it = to the city?) ‘hail’!63 Krebernik: Stadt, die mit dem Himmel zusammen gewachsen ist, die den Himmel umarmt, Nippur, Band von Himmel und Erde: Enlil, der Herr Nunamnir, der Herr, der sein Wort nicht zurücknimmt und nicht erweitert?, Enlil hat (dort) die Anunna-Götter in ihre (Kult)Orte eingesetzt, und die großen Götter haben ihn gepriesen.64 In lines 1-14 four themes can be distinguished. The first one (lines 1-4) is a mythological description of the town of Nippur. The city has ‘grown together with the heaven, embracing the heaven’. These epithets for Nippur describe the grandeur of Nippur in terms of ‘height’ and ‘extent’, not so surprising because Nippur is the city of Enlil, the supreme god of the Sumerian pantheon. In more general terms said, these epithets express the special relationship between Nippur and the heaven, the realm of the gods, which makes Nippur the most important religious centre. Line 4 contains another epithet for Nippur – dur an-ki ‘the bond of heaven and earth’ –, which again accentuates the

58

59 60 61 62 63 64

The comments of Biggs 1974, 53-56 have been used throughout. References to the work are only made in particular cases, e.g. when our interpretation differs from his. Steible 1996, 64f. discusses briefly the whole composition. Alster 1976, 121f. Lambert 1976, 430. D’Agostino 1988, 80f. Krecher 1992, 293. Krebernik 1994a, 154. See also Krebernik 1998a, 319f. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

82

6. Commentary

special position of Nippur, suggesting a direct contact between heaven/Enlil and Nippur/the humanity. In later times the name Duranki designated a temple of Inanna in Nippur.65 The second theme (lines 5-10) is Enlil and his divine power. The third theme is the allotment of domains to the Anunna gods – domains for their residences (temples) and their households. As appears from the subsequent hymns, these domains are the towns/places where the respective gods function as city gods and where they are venerated. The fourth theme (lines 13-14) is the praise uttered to Enlil by the Anunna gods because he installed them in their cult places. The 69 hymns which follow briefly describe or allude to one or some characteristic features of each cult place (mostly as appositions); the final formula which according to our interpretation is abbreviated, the DN za3-me of each hymn, states that the (main) deity of that place praised Enlil. 1f

D’Agostino preferred the translation: ‘Der Gott, der zusammen mit der Stadt gewachsen ist, der den (ganzen) Himmel umarmt,’ because – as he said – the expression diĝir uruda mu2 as divine epithet is attested very well.66 Krebernik defended the other interpretation (uru an-da mu2 ‘Stadt, die mit dem Himmel zusammen gewachsen ist’) on the basis of a formal criterion: ‘Der Vergleich mit den anderen “Hymnen” läßt im ersten Teil die Nennung eine (Kult)Ortes erwarten. Dieser wird zunächst – ein geläufiges poetisch Stilmittel – durch Epitheta umschrieben (...).’67 Therefore it is more likely that the first hymn also has this structure. The verbs mu2 and gu2 ... la2 can be found elsewhere in a metaphorical sense. Some examples are: 1. dnin-tu ama iri-da mu2-a ‘Mother Nintu, grown with the city’.68 2. ḫur-saĝ-da mu2-a an-da gu2 la2-a e2-kur-da mu2-a ‘grown together with the mountain range, embracing the heaven, grown together with the Ekur’ (said of the Keš temple). Although these specific lines are not preserved in the extant manuscripts of the archaic version of the Keš Temple Hymn, it may be assumed that the lines in the archaic version were (nearly) identical to those in the Old Babylonian version because of the retention of the text tradition.69 3. e2-u6-nir an-ki-da mu2-a ‘Eunir, grown together with heaven and earth’.70 4. e2-ninnu an-ki-da mu2-a ‘Eninnu, grown together with heaven and earth’.71 5ff Lines 5-10 contain several epithets for Enlil. Nunamnir and ‘Great Mountain’ were used throughout the third and second millennium. Lambert comments on the separation of

65 66 67 68 69 70 71

George 1993, 80, no. 218: (e2).dur.an.ki ‘House, Bond of Heaven and Underworld’. D’Agostino 1988, 80f., with reference to Falkenstein 1966. Krebernik 1994a, 154. DP 53, obv. viii 12 (P220703); TSA 1, obv. viii 7 (P221362). The Keš Temple Hymn 15f.; Biggs 1971a, 196. TH 1, 1. The Building of Ninĝirsu’s Temple, Gudea Cyl. B 24:14. Other translations: (1) ETCSL 2.1.7, 1360: ‘Eninnu has grown so high as to fill the space between heaven and earth.’; (2) Römer 2010, 81, B xxiv 14: ‘Eninnu, (in gleichem Umfang) mit Himmel (und) Erde gewachsen.’ © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

9f

72 73

74 75 76 77 78

79 80 81

83

nu and nam-nir (between lines 5 and 6).72 Although it is obvious, as he says, that the common title of Enlil, i.e. Nunamnir, is present, this separation ‘might seem a problem’. He sees a comparable phenomenon in lines 143-144 of the Zame Hymns: (143) GU2.GANA2 iš nun (144) dnam-nir za3-me. According to Lambert: ‘This proves that the first element is nun “noble” and was originally not part of the name (...).’ Consequently, he translates lines 6-7: ‘Enlil, the lord, the noble Namnir.’ But with respect to nu(n)-, we agree with Edzard73: ‘Für ursprüngliches nu- spricht außer dem Alter der Belege die leichtere Erklärbarkeit einer Umdeutung nu- > nun- vor folgendem n (nam).’ In the article cited here, Edzard is dealing with the origin and meaning of the ‘prefix’ *nu. Nunamnir is according to him ‘der mit nam-nir zu tun hat/versehen ist’. Enlil was actually the supreme god of the Sumerian pantheon in the third millennium BCE, while An, the nominal head of the pantheon, was in fact a deus otiosus. An ED IIIa composition relates that Enlil was brought forth by the primaeval divine pair Enki (who has not to be confused with the Enki of Eridug) and Ninki.74 Enlil’s spouse was Ninlil, who is not mentioned by name in the Zame Hymns; instead we find Sud who later was identified as Ninlil.75 The verbal expression in line 10 is to be read nu-šar2-šar2 and not, as Lambert supposed, nu-ḫi-ḫi. In the ED period the two signs ŠAR2 = LAK809 and ḪI = LAK359 are clearly distinguished; later LAK809 was replaced by LAK359.76 We take du11-ga as the direct object of the two verbs gi4 and šar2. A literal translation of du11-ga gi4 would be ‘to let return what has been said’.77 Alternatively, a different construction with a similar meaning, amply attested in legal documents, could be envisaged, where gi4 has the intransitive meaning ‘to return (with claims)’, ‘to go back (on an agreement)’.78 In this case du11-ga would be in the locative case. This construction is in fact attested with du11-ga. Thus, Utuḫeĝal is called lugal du11-ga-na nu-gi4-gi4-da ‘the king on whose orders one cannot go back’.79 And in an Ur III document we read: du11-ga na-ba-gi4-[gi4] ‘one cannot go back on what has been said’80. The parallelism between nu-gi4-gi4 and nu-šar2-šar2, however, supports the former interpretation, at least if we assume that šar2 is a transitive verb meaning ‘to make numerous’ – which is obviously derived from the numeral šar2 ‘3600’. inim šar2šǎr2 (= šutābulu), literally ‘to make the words numerous’, means ‘to discuss, to argue a matter’.81 This usage, however, differs somewhat from that in the present Zame Hymn. Lambert 1976, 430. Edzard 1962, 95f. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001j, 614b also refer to Edzard’s article when they describe (the meaning of) Nunamnir, and moreover: ‘Einen ähnlich gebildeten Beinamen führt auch Enki, s. Nudimmud.’ IAS 114, obv. i 9’-11’. See Lisman 2013, 24 and 225-227, with previous literature. See below, ZH 54 and commentary on l. 178. Krebernik 1994b, 384 sub ZATU254. For the more specific meaning ‘order, demand’ of du11-ga, see Mittermayer 2009, 295, sub l. 500. For this formulaic expression in legal documents, see, e.g., Steinkeller 1989, 45-47. Römer 1985, 277 l. 21; ETCSL 2.1.6, The Victory of Utuḫeĝal 11. Owen 2011 (CUSAS 6), 1542, obv. 6 (P429454). Sjöberg 1974, 155-156. The expression is also found in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 391, see Mittermayer 2009, 138 and 270. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Here it refers to Enlil’s spoken word, and not to ‘words’ in a generic sense. The parallelism between gi4 and šar2 implies either similar or contrasting meanings of the two verbs. In view of their known basic meanings, the latter possibility is more plausible. In this case, Enlil is the implicit subject of the verbs: he will not revoke (gi4) his spoken words nor will he make them more (šar2), i.e. add something to them (?). The possibility that gi4 is used here in the sense of ‘to contest, challenge (a verdict)’ – implicitly referring to those who receive Enlil’s commands – cannot be completely ruled out, but in this case another meaning for šar2 would be required. There are some OB attestations for the meaning ‘to mix’ of šar282, which underlies Lambert’s translation (‘whose command ... is not confounded’), but this seems hardly appropriate in this context. Lines 6-10 have parallels in UGN texts.83 IAS 113 ii 5-7 refers also to Enlil: (5) UD

KIŠ-⸢NUN⸣ (6) GAL nu-nam2-NAĜAR (7) GAL du11-TUKU DU6-DU3-DU3; in

normal orthography: (5) den-E2 (6) en nu-nam-nir (7) en du11-ga nu-gi4-gi4: ‘Enlil, the lord Nunamnir, the lord whose commands are not revoked.’ In SF 37 vi 3-4 // SF 38 iv 2-3, the god Enki bears a similar epithet: SF 37 vi 3-5: (3) UD⸢GAL-ki⸣ dug4 ⸢nu⸣-PA.RU (4) nu-⸢šar2⸣-šar2 // SF 38 iv 2-4: (2) ⸢UD⸣ GAL-ki [dug4 nu]-PA.[RU] (3) nu-šar2-[šar2]; in normal orthography: denki dug4 nu-gi4 nu-šar2-šar2 ‘Enki, whose commands are not revoked and not extended.’ Some later passages expressing in different ways Enlil’s irreversible commands may be quoted here: en nam tar-ra-na šu nu-bal-e-de3 ‘The Lord, who does not alter a fate decreed by him’;84 maḫ-di ... du11-ga a2-taḫ-a-ni niĝ2 nu-kur2-ru ‘Prominent one... whose command and support are things which are immutable’;85 dnu-nam-nir du11-ga eš-bar zid niĝ2 nu-kur2-ru ĝe26-me-en ‘I am Nunamnir, whose firm commands and decisions are immutable’;86 en du11-ga nu-kam3-me-da ‘the Lord (= Enlil) whose utterance is immutable’.87 11f There are different interpretations of lines 11-12. 1. Alster’s translation ‘Enlil placed the Anunna gods below the earth’ was based on his view that this text might refer to the time when Enlil separated heaven and earth, and thus divided the gods into two groups: ‘the gods of the upper world (these are later called the Igigi-gods), and the gods of the lower world, who are the Anunna gods.’88

82

83 84 85 86 87 88

Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld: Sladek 1974, ll. 44, 53, 61, 186, 200, 213; Iddin-Dagan A: Reisman 1970, 158, 174, 205: l. 155; Reisman 1973, 190, 198: l. 155; ETCSL 2.5.3.1, 157. Perhaps this meaning is due to a confusion with ḫi, since – as mentioned above – šar2 was written with the sign ḪI in this period. The two compositions quoted below correspond to Zand 2009, CUT 11 and CUT 3. Song of the Hoe 2; see also Lisman 2013, 324, 326 with previous literature. Enlil in the Ekur 167f.; see also Reisman 1970, 58, 68, 102. A tigi to Enlil for Ur-Namma (Ur-Namma B): Klein 1989, 46, 49, 52: l. 40. Išme-Dagan S: Ludwig 1990, 88, 90: l. 26; Frayne 1990, 37: l. 28. Alster 1976, 122. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

85

But in the period that the Zame Hymns were written, this division of the gods into Anunna and Igigi had not yet been made; the Anunna were still ‘the gods of the upper world’ and the gods named Igigi were not yet known in the Sumerian religious world.89 Lambert’s translation shows that he considered the a as ‘seed’, which the nun ‘the noble’ established (ki .. ĝar) as an epithet for Enlil. Because he did not comment on these two lines, the question remains: did he mean that Enlil produced the Anunna? D’Agostino translated: ‘Enlil verstreute den prächtigen Samen auf der Erde’. His explanation of this is that lines 11-12 would refer back to the creation of the great gods by Enlil, a creation which started with the scattering of the ‘prächtigen Samen’ on the earth; this seed is An’s seed, although this is not explicitly mentioned.90 To the best of our knowledge, such act by Enlil is not attested in the Sumerian literature. In a recent publication arguments were given for the production of the Anunna by An and the mother goddess (Ninḫursaĝa, Ningal).91 Krecher supposed that the Anunna gods founded the city92 (meaning the city of Nippur, we presume), and he interpreted den-E2 at the beginning of line 11 as a form of address: ‘o Enlil’. This interpretation by Krecher is less likely. The mytheme that the Anunna – or another god – should have founded a city is unknown in the extant Sumerian literature. This action by Enlil confirms his supremacy in the Sumerian pantheon, since An too receives a cult place. Rubio noted about the verbal form: ‘The verbal form mu-GAR.GAR exhibits an early orthographic convention of representing the plurality of one of the syntactical arguments (in this case, the ergative subject) (...).’93 His translation of lines 11-12 is accordingly: ‘Enlil, the Anunna gods have founded (the city)’. The reduplication of ĝar in mu-ĝar-ĝar (‘freie Reduplikation’)94 indicates the plurality of the object ki (‘places’). In this edition we follow the interpretation of Krebernik: ‘Enlil hat (dort) die Anunna-Götter in ihre (Kult-)Orte eingesetzt.’ Enlil, who probably only became the supreme god of the Sumerian pantheon in the ED period, resided in Nippur.95 From there he allocated the individual cult places to the Anunna gods, who are called by name in the hymns that follow.

Syntactically, two interpretations are conceivable, which do not differ much semantically: the direct object of mu-ĝar-ĝar is either a-nun, with ki in a locative case (‘Enlil installed the Anunna in their places’), or ki, with the gods in the dative case

89 90

91 92 93 94 95

Kienast 1976, 40a; Black and Green 1998, 106b. D’Agostino 1998, 82. This problem could be solved, according to D’Agostino, by the translation of a-nun as ‘Samen des Fürsten (= An)’. Lisman 2013, ch. 4.2.1.3 (168-170) and ch. 4.2.2.2 (173). Krecher 1992, 293. Rubio 2003, 206 fn. 40. Edzard 1972-76. For a hypothesis about Enlil as head of the Sumerian pantheon: see Lisman 2013, ch. 3.2 of the Excursus 1 – Enlil and Ninlil (133-136). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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(‘Enlil allocated the places for the Annunna’). We prefer the latter analysis because ĝar is likely to have a non-animate object. 13f The term za3-me plays a fundamental role in the Zame Hymns named after it; therefore it has to be discussed here in some detail. Since the Zame Hymns were first described by Biggs, the term has been been identified with later za3-mi2, well known from the doxology za3-mi2 DN at the end of numerous OB (and later) compositions, and usually translated as ‘praise (be) to DN’. The identification is corroborated by the same usage of DN za3-me in ED texts and by the existence in ED texts of the compound verb za3me – du11 corresponding to later za3-mi2 – du11 ‘to say praise’. Attinger first suggested that the term is identical with the ĝešza3-mi2 ‘lyre’.96 However, Michalowski, with whom Attinger now agrees97, pointed out, that the name of the musical instrument is most probably to be distinguished from za3-mi2 ‘praise’.98 While Akk. sammû ‘lyre’, which is obviously related to ĝešza3-mi299, indirectly testifies to a final vowel in this word, syllabic spellings point to a final -n in za3-mi2 ‘praise’100; the two terms must have been confused, however, since the word for lyre is also attested with a final -n.101 Alternatively, the n-ending could be secondary in both words, and the changing orthography could reflect the corresponding reinterpretation. In later lexical texts, za3-mi2 ‘praise’ is equated with Akk. tanittu, while the compound verb za3-mi2 – du11 is translated as kanû D(t), ‘to care (for), to treat kindly, to cherish’, obviously under the influence of mi2 – du11, for which such a meaning is genuine.102

96

97 98

99

100

101

102

Attinger 1993, 757 § 939: ‘ĝišza3-mi2 désignant la lye, za3-mi2 a dû signifier originellement “chant (de louange) exécuté au son de la lyre”, et seulement par extension “louange, éloge”’. Attinger: personal communication. Michalowski 2010, 219: ‘[...] and all of this may point either to a difference between the words z a (...)m i n “praise”, and z a m i , “instrument”, in Sumerian, or to irrelevant phonologcal reinterpretations by later Akkadian scribes.’ sammû is most probably a loan from Sumerian. Michalowski 2010, 219: ‘It is also possible that Sumerian z a m i is actually a loan from another language, potentially from Semitic, and that while the Akkadian and Sumerian names are related, they may be independent loans from a third language, similar, for example, to the words for “lapis lazuli” or “monkey.”’ A direct Semitic origin is excluded as there are no terms corresponding to Akk. sammû in other Semitic languages. Note, however, the phonetic similarity between Sumerian za3-mi2(-n) and Akkadian zamāru. den-lil -la za-am-me-en-zu du -ga ‘Enlil, you praise is sweet’ (Samsu-iluna F, Segment B 7’; 2 2 10 see Alster/Walker 1989, 12); i-ni-in-ki? za-am-me-ni? syllabic for *en den-ki za3-mi2 ‘praise to the lord Enki’ (H 74 ii 12, see Cavigneaux/al-Rawi 2002, 28); za3-mi2 gal-gal du11-ge du7-ĝu10 šir3-re-eš ḫe2-em-⸢e⸣-[ne] ‘may they sing my (deeds) worthy to be praised in great songs’ (Šulgi C, Segment B 19; see Castellino 1972, 260 CBS 13907 obv. 15); balaĝ ku3 ki-aĝ2-ĝa2-ni nin-ḫenun dnin-igi-zi-bar-ra; šir3-ku3 za3-me-en la2a-la ĝal2-la-ni ‘her beloved lyre, NinḫenunNinigizibara, which present holy songs and abundant praise’ (Ninisina C 43, see M. E. Cohen 2017, 90, Saeedi 0212: 43). We thank P. Attinger for the references. [x]-za-me-inḪUB2-za3-mi2 = DUB sa-am-me-e , [xdu]-ub za-me-indub-za3-mi2 = MIN (Hh VIIb 83f., cited after Civil in Michalowski 210, 218); [x]-me-in GIŠ.UB.RI (read ĜEŠ.AR2.RE) = sa-am-muu2 (Diri III 52, see MSL 15, 52f., also cited in Michalowski 2010, 218). Attinger 1993, 757 § 938. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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87

In the bilingual lexical list EŠ2.BAR.KIĜx(UNKIN) from Ebla, ZA3.ME is translated as wa-ti-um.103 The Eblaite word has been compared to Hebrew hôdâ ‘to praise’ (Hiphil from h-d-y) and Akk. wadû, wuddû by Krebernik.104 Pomponio, D’Agostino and Archi drew attention to the presence of ZA3.ME in economic texts from Ebla, where the meaning ‘praise’ did not seem suitable. Pomponio derived wa-ti-um from a root w-t-h considered by him as a secondary form of ʔ-t-w ‘to come’.105 Archi106 and D’Agostino107 compared wa-ti-um (like Krebernik) to Akk. wadû and proposed the meaning ‘to assign’ for the administrative term ZA3.ME. Fronzaroli agreed with D’Agostino in connecting wa-ti-um with Akk. wadû, but offered a different analysis than D’Agostino of the following passage in the Eblaite royal ritual (edited by him in ARET 11) 108: ARET 11, 113f.

Text 1 (75) wa-a du-ti-u3 na-ti-lu na-da-a

Text 2 (79) ZA3.ME-ma BALAG.DI-BALAG.DI BALAG.DI

wa-la (?) tūdiʕū nāTilū naTāla

du-ti-u3 is apparently a verbal form (3. m. pl. preterite109) from the same root as wa-tium, either in the G-stem formed according to the paradigma wabālu, ūbil, tūbil etc. or in the D-stem (tuddiʕū).110 The subject and the object are both expressed in text 2 by the same logogram BALAG.DI, which literally means ‘lyre-player’ or ‘mourner, lamentation priest’.111 The corresponding syllabic spellings in text 1 represent the participle (subject) and the infinitive (object) of a verb naṭālu, identified by Fronzaroli with Akk. naṭālu ‘to see’, but with the meaning ‘to raise’ (as attested in Hebrew), but 103 104

105

106

107

108 109 110 111

MEE 4, VE 1181. Krebernik 1983, 41: ‘Im Sinne von “gepriesen” zu hebr. ydH (Hifil) “preisen”. Im Akk. könnte wadû “kennen”, wuddû “kennzeichnen” entsprechen, das dann von edû “wissen” (w-d-ʿ) zu trennen wäre.’ Pomponio 1982 (appeared in 1984) 211-213; he accordingly translated it as ‘(la merce è) pervenuta’ in TM.75.G.2022, fully edited in Archi 1987b, 117-122. Archi 1987b, 116, after quoting Pomponio’s and Krebernik’s proposals: ‘But it seems better to start from wadûm “to know” and to consider wa-ti-um a paris form of it. The D form of this verb means, according to AHw, 1455: “kennzeichnen; für jmd. kennzeichnen, zuteilen, zuweisen.” And this is precisely the meaning of zà-me in the economic texts of Ebla. [...] The meaning “praise” for zà-me seems to be secondary.’ D’Agostino 1988, 76: ‘Ich möchte hier die eblaitische Glosse der “zweisprachigen Vokabularien” mit dem Zeitwort wadû “kennen” in Zusammenhang bringen, und äussere deshalb die Vermutung, dass z à - m e die Bedeutung “gekannt, das heisst: zugewiesen, zugeteilt” (aber auch “Zuweisung, Zuteilung”) habe.’ Fronzaroli 1991a, 33. The third masculine plural with t-prefix is common in Ebla. Fronzaroli 1991b, 45, assumes the D-stem. Sumerian balaĝ di and its Akkadian equivalents are treated in Attinger 1993, 451-453 ch. 5.3.20. In fn. 1233 he remarks: ‘Il n’est d’ailleurs pas exclu que buluĝ5/balaĝ soit originellement une onomatopée.’ In that case, balaĝ di would literally mean ‘balaĝ sayer’ rather than ‘lyre player’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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‘ici dans le sens de «élever la voix»’.112 While D’Agostino had connected du-ti-u3/ ZA3.ME-ma with the preceding context113, Fronzaroli – in our view correctly – combined it with the following lines and translated: ‘et les lamentateurs célèbrent la lamentation’. He suggested that ‘Le sens «célébrer» demandé par le contexte [...] peut être un développement sémantique secondaire.’114 Krispijn, without taking into account the administrative texts, read the lexical equation from Ebla as ‘za3-me = wādium “someone who praises”’.115 D’Agostino connected the administrative term ZA3.ME with the first Zame Hymn and suggested an interpretation of za3-me du11 in ZH 1 as a ‘zusammengesetztes Verb in der Bedeutung “die Kennzeichen zuteilen, die Eigenschaften ausdrücken”’.116 In principle this meaning could be applied to the Zame Hymns in their entirety. As a result, the composition would describe in detail how Enlil ‘jedem Gott sein Betätigungsfeld zuteilt, oder jedenfalls Charakteristika, die ihm in der kosmischen Ordnung seinen Platz zuweisen.’117 We prefer, however, the traditional understanding ‘(to) praise’ of za3-me (– du11) since za3-me (with its UGN equivalent ZADIM-me118) in connection with deities is well attested in other ED literary compositions, where this meaning is more or less clear, whereas ‘to assign’ would hardly make sense: ELTS 18 (‘Figure aux plumes’) rev. vi 2-5 (end) 119: GAL? KA za3-me ; nin-ĝir2-su za3-me ; en saĝ sig men ĝal2 ; [nin]-⸢ĝir2-su⸣ ⸢za3⸣-me SF 18 obv. iii 12-14 120: dinana EZEN.TIR ⸢ḪI?⸣ ušu[m]-gal ; ⸢za3-me dug4⸣ ; NIN A za3- ⸢dug4⸣ // IAS 132 obv. v 1’-4’: [...] ⸢inana(SA6)⸣ ; ⸢ušum-gal⸣ ; ⸢x⸣ DU3?, mu(NUN)-na5-dug4 ; ⸢A BU⸣ za3(ZADIM)-me mu(NUN)-na5-⸢dug4⸣ // IAS 162 iv 1’-3’: [...] ⸢ušum⸣-[gal] ; ⸢ŠITA? ḪI NI?⸣ ⸢za3-me⸣ ⸢mu(NUN)-na5-dug4⸣ ; NUN za3(ZADIM)me ⸢mu(NUN)-dug4(ŠID)⸣ SF 18 obv. iii 20: dinana za3-me // IAS 152 i’ 2 [d]⸢inana⸣ za3(ZADIM)-me SF 18 obv. iv 11-12: dinana ni[n?] gal ⸢x ḪA?⸣ ; [...] ⸢za3-me⸣ // IAS 132 vii 1’: [...] ⸢za3-me⸣ // IAS 152 ii’ 1: d(UD)inana za3(ZADIM)-⸢me⸣

112 113

114

115 116 117 118 119

120

Fronzaroli 1988, 12; 1991a, 33. D’Agostino 1988, 79: ‘Öl und Wohlgerüche ... vor den Göttern und vor den Menschen teilt sie (die maliktum) (als Opfer) zu, dann fängt das Wehklagen an.’ Fronzaroli 1991a, 33. His Italian translation in ARET 11 (= Fronzaroli 1991b), p. 15 at (75) is: ‘E hanno eseguito i lamentatori la lamentazione’. In ARET 13 (= Fronzaroli 2003), p. 311 and in ARET 16 (= Fronzaroli/Catagnoti 2010), p. 282 the verb za3-me has also been translated as ‘eseguire, completare’. Krispijn 2008, 126. D’Agostino 1988, 82. D’Agostino 1988, 83. Krebernik 1984, 286, with reference to IAS 142 xiv 8: UDza-ba4-ba4 ZADIM-me. Cf. Wilcke 1995. The first sign, copied as ME in Thureau-Dagin’s copy of DC 2, pl. XXXIV (see CDLI P220632), and read mì by Wilcke, looks rather like a GAL on the photograph in ELTS. Zand 2009, CUT 1. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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89

SF 18 obv. iv 22: dinana ⸢za3⸣-me // IAS 132 viii 3-4 [...] ; ⸢za3⸣-me // IAS 162 vi 9’: d(UD) inana ⸢za3(ZADIM)⸣-me SF 36 obv. v 15 - vi 1: za3-me-du11-ga dsud3 SF 36 rev. i 10-11: za3-me-du11-ga dsud3-kam4 SF 39 rev. ii 2-3 (end): lugal(PA.NUN) utu za3-me SF 56 rev. ii 1 and 6: dnissaba za3-me IAS 117 vii 1’ (end) 121: [...] ; ⸢za3(ZADIM)-me⸣ IAS 130 i’ 4’: inanna za3-me IAS 132 ii 3’-5’122: za3(ZADIM)-me mu(NUN)- na5-⸢dug4(ŠID)⸣ ; A.BU ⸢za3⸣-me ; mu(NUN)na5-dug4(ŠID) IAS 141 i’ 5’-6’ (end?): [den(GAL)]-ki(UNU) za3-me IAS 142 xx 5-7 123: PA4 d(UD)en(GAL)-ki(UNU) ; za3(ZADIM)-me mu(NUN)-dug4 A BU 600 9 ; d(UD) za-ba4-ba4 ; ⸢ušum-gal⸣ za3(ZADIM)-me IAS 142 xxi 8-10: d(UD)za-ba4-ba4 za3 (ZADIM)-me ; an(UD) ki(UNU) še3-GAR5 ; d(UD) nissaba za3-me IAS 209 ii’ 1’ 124: ⸢x⸣ dinana za3(ZADIM)-me IAS 342 iii’ 9: dUTU ZA3.ME // ARET 5, 6 xviii 2-3 (end): dUTU [ZA3].⸢ME⸣ 125 IAS 346 2’ (end): den-⸢E2⸣ ⸢za3⸣-me IAS 388 obv. vii 5’: [x]⸢x x⸣ ⸢za3-me!?⸣ IAS 388 rev. i 5’ (end): dinanna za3-me ARET 5, 7 xiv 4-5 (end): dNISSABA ZA3.ME 126 MEE 3, 43 rev. v 1’-2’ (NPL): dza-b[a4-b]a4 za3-me RIME 1, E.1.9.1.32 iii 8f. (Urnanše, diorite plaque): dnin-ĝir2-su za3-me On the other hand, we would not rule out the possibility that the Ebla attestations represent the same term, and that the meaning ‘(to) praise’ is derived from a basic meaning like ‘to mark, to make known’. 121 122 123 124 125

126

Zand 2009, CUT 7. Zand 2009, CUT 1. Zand 2009, CUT 15. Zand 2009, CUT 67. Cf. Krebernik 1992, 81. Note that the compositions ARET 5, 6 and ARET 5, 7 are in Akkadian. dUTU in ARET 5, 6 and dNISSABA in ARET 5, 7 are therefore most probably to be read as Šamaš and Ašnan (?), respectively. It is uncertain, however, if the reading wa-ti-um for ZA3.ME applies here. Cf. Krebernik 1992, 90. See also the previous note concerning IAS 342 // ARET 5, 6. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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The translations of lines 13-14 show that there are basically two interpretations. Some scholars think that Enlil is the subject of these lines.127 Biggs supposed: ‘It is therefore probable that the rest of the text should be understood as praise uttered by Enlil.’ For Steible these two lines mean, that at the end of each of the following hymns the deity mentioned should be praised: ‘Die za3-me Formel ist also eine Kurzform für za3-me mu-du11 “er (= Enlil) hat den Preis zugesprochen”. Dies bedeutet daß, frei übertragen, “in X der Gott Y zu verehren ist”’. Probably the idea that Enlil is the subject of lines 1314 was based on the use of the verbal expression mu-KA, which form written as mudu11 indeed has to be interpreted as the singular ḫamṭu form, pointing to a singular subject. Rubio translated these lines128: ‘the great gods have said “praise (them/it?)”’, thus the praise is for the cities. Other scholars129 understand these lines in the sense that the Anunna are praising Enlil, an explanation which we share. Krecher supposed that the verbal expression mu-DU11 may have been written instead of mu-ni-in-e-eš or the like. Also, for Krebernik it is more plausible that the Anunna are the subject considering the content: ‘gepriesen wird die höhere Gottheit von den nach-geordneten, der Eine von den Vielen.’ 130 Later Krebernik nuanced his statement131: ‘Enlil setzte die Götter in ihre Kultorte ein, und diese priesen ihn von dort aus. Falls die Deutung zutrifft, würde es sich um eine den Göttern in den Mund gelegte Hymne auf Enlil handeln, andernfalls um eine der späteren Tempelhymnen-Sammlung vergleichbare Dichtung, in der die einzelnen Götter an bzw. zusammen mit ihren Kultorten gepriesen werden.’ If the verbal form mu-DUG4/DU11 relates to a plural agent, Krebernik commented: ‘(...) muß DUG4 für die später gewöhnlich e bzw. (mit Infix -b-) be2 geschriebene Pluralbasis von dug4 stehen.’132 The spelling DU11 = e7 is attested in another Abū Ṣalābīḫ composition, i.e. The Instructions of Šuruppag v 10: u3-nu-ĝar na-DUG4133; this line corresponds to its Old Babylonian version: u3-nu-ĝar-ra na-ab-be2-e134. Perhaps also a formal aspect may be indicative for seeing the great gods as subject in lines 13-14. In the previous lines Enlil’s name – or at least as a short reference to him as e.g. in line 8: en – was repeated each time a new aspect of this god was mentioned. In lines 11-12 Enlil allocated cult places to the gods, but lines 13-14 start with diĝir gal-gal, and not with Enlil or even a short name or epithet for him. Moreover, it seems more likely that the Anunna praise Enlil because of Enlil’s gift to them, than that Enlil should praise the Anunna: indeed, for what? The structure of the last hymn, ZH 70, differs somewhat from that of ZH 2-69, and the possible interpretations will be discussed in the commentary.

127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134

Biggs 1974, 45; Lambert 1976, 430; D’Agostino 1988, 80-81; Steible 1996, 64. Rubio 2003, 206. Alster 1976, 121; Krecher 1992, 293; Krebernik 1994a, 154, 157; Krebernik 1998a, 319f. Krebernik 1994a, 157. Krebernik 1998a, 319f. Krebernik 1994a, 157. Biggs 1974, 60. Alster 1974, 36, l. 47; ETCSL 5.6.1, 42. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 2 (ll. 15-18): Uruk-Kullaba, Ninirigal 15f As stated in the introduction, we suppose that each Zame Hymn normally starts with a reference to a (cult) toponym. This Zame Hymn clearly refers to Uruk-Kullaba, the two toponyms which occur in lines 15 and 16, respectively. These two districts can be distinguished in the late Uruk period; they were already united into one urban centre before the Early Dynastic period.135 It is certainly not by chance that the logogram for Kullaba, kul-ab4(UNUG), contains UNUG, the logogram for Uruk, and that the usual value of the sign read kul here is nuĝun (traditionally numun) ‘seed’. The sign transliterated LAK31 by Biggs is URI3. For the interpretation of uri3 maš there are two possibilities. First, it could be a ‘twin standard’, i.e. two standards each with one buckle. The sign URI3 depicts such a standard. Szarzyńska described the cult symbols of archaic Uruk and also archaic Sumerian standards.136 The standards were identified by their emblems. One group of emblems ‘is closely connected with the cult symbols placed in pairs on both sides of the gates of buildings.’137 These symbols may represent particular deities or protective forces. One of them is represented by the sign URI3, a logogram with inter alia the meaning ‘care, protection’.138 Szarzyńska also provided examples of cylinder seal engravings which showed ‘that the reed symbols were placed in pairs by the sides or the gates of a temple.’139 The symbol URI3 was not restricted to the archaic period (as some of the symbols described by Szarzyńska were indeed), but it occurred also ‘in later periods and in the whole of Sumer.’ A second possible interpretation of uri3 maš is ‘standard (with a) goat’. Goats were used in apotropaic rituals.140 Legrain shows some examples of standards and animals – goat? deer? – next to buildings.141 However, it is not possible to decide whether or not these pictures have something to do with apotropaic rituals. 17 This line contains an epithet for Kullaba. In ms. D, an undamaged text, we read ki en TU, while in ms. A traces of a sign are visible in front of KI which Biggs read AN. The sign seems to have been overwritten by KI – probably the scribe anticipated the next line and corrected himself when he noticed it. Therefore we read the line as ki en TU ‘place where the En is/was born’. ‘En’ may have been the title of the rulers of archaic Uruk who combined both secular and religious powers.142 It is not unlikely that the epithet alludes to the first, primaeval En or to Gilgameš. In the Sumerian literature Gilgameš bears the title ‘En of Kullaba’, e.g. in the Sumerian King List, in Gilgameš and Aga and in The Death of Gilgameš.143 The name of Gilgameš is already present in 135 136 137 138 139

140

141 142 143

Szarzyńska 2011, 1; Nissen 1988, 100f.; Nissen 2013, 110f.; Nissen 2015, 6. Szarzyńska 1987-1988; Szarzyńska 1996. Szarzyńska 1996, 1. Szarzyńska 1987-1988, 6. Szarzyńska 1987-1988, 7. Examples of buildings with on two sides a standard with one buckle (the identity of the building is not always clear: temple or pen): Legrain 1936, figs. 187, 205, 336-342 , 347-349, 355, 360, 361, 385, 387; Szarzyńska 1987-1988, table 5 nos. 3 and 4. Wiggermann 1992, 77 sub goat, with further references. The explicit sources date from the postOld Babylonian period. Legrain 1936, figs. 187, 385, 387. Steinkeller 1999; Steinkeller 2017, Appendix 1 (82-104); Steinkeller 2018. SKL 112-114; Gilgameš and Aga (ETCSL 1.8.1.1) and The Death of Gilgameš (ETCSL 1.8.1.3): © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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ED texts, also as part of a personal name.144 Another well-known En is Enmerkar, but his name could not be found in the ED literature. He is mentioned in the Sumerian King List as ‘King (lugal) of Unug’ and in other literary Sumerian compositions from the OB period (Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta; Enmerkar and Ensuḫgirana) both as ‘En/Lord of Unug’ and as ‘En/Lord of Kullaba’.145 18 As pointed out in the introduction, we understand the za3-me formula in hymns 2-70 in the sense that each deity praises Enlil for the allocation he received from him. Who was Ninirigal?146 Krebernik summarised what is known about the goddess.147 Some important points are: (1) The theonym dnin-UNUG appears for the first time in two texts from Fāra: the god list SF 1 and an offering list.148 The identification of dninUNUG with dnin-AB.GAL in later sources (from Ur III onwards) is based on the association of both theonyms with Kullaba.149 The reading Ninirigal(a) was established by Falkenstein.150 (2) The position of Ninirigal in the Fāra god list and in the Zame Hymns from Abū Ṣalābīḫ points to the high rank of this goddess, at least in the Early Dynastic period.151 After this period the goddess lost this initial importance. (3) Krebernik contests Conti’s view that Ninirigal was an aspect of Inanna or even could be identified with Inanna.152 (4) Ninirigal’s name is present in the OB An = Anum

144

145

146

147

148 149

150 151

152

passim. Fāra god list SF 1, col. xiii = rev. iii 7’, see Krebernik 1986, 182; YOS 1, 3. Two ED III maceheads: VA 03123 (Krebernik 1994c; Sallaberger 2013, 52f., Abb. 5.3), and MRAH O.0709 (Sallaberger 2013, 53, Abb. 5.4). In a personal name: Hackman 1958 (BIN 8), 175, rev. ii 4 (P212719): urdbilga (ĜEŠ.NE×PA )-mes!(UM). x 4 SKL 102-103; Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (ETCSL 1.8.2.3) and Enmerkar and Ensuḫgirana (ETCSL 1.8.2.4; Attinger 2017: Enmerkara et Ensukukešdana): passim. For the sign UNUG various transliterations were used in the literature: 1. /irigal/, e.g. van Dijk 1964, 7; Conti 1993; Krebernik 2000b; Steinkeller 2013a, 468; and 2. urugal2 (Borger 2010, no. 232; ePSD). In our edition irigalx is used. See also J.G. Westenholz 2013, 49 and fn. 160. Westenholz listed the goddesses and their cities mentioned in the Zame Hymns (2013, 48-58). Krebernik 2000b; the female identity of Ninirigal was confirmed in an ED text: IAS 318 obv. i 3-4 dnin-urugal ama gal ‘Ninirigal, the great mother’, and also in Emesal texts in which the nin-part 2 of her name was written as /gašan/ (ibid., p. 386b). SF 1, obv. i 11; offering list: TSŠ 929 obv. 3 (see also Steible and Yıldız, 2008, 165 (P010943)). Note the older spelling in An adab to Suen for Ibbi-Suen (Ibbi-Suen C) in Sjöberg 1970-1971, 148, CBS 8526 l. 57: nin-zid dnin-AB×[GAL] ama kul-ab4ki-a-ke4 ‘The good lady Ninirigal, mother of Kullaba’ (in ETCSL 2.4.5.3, 58). Falkenstein 1941, 31ff. In the Fāra god list SF 1, obv. i 11; in the Zame Hymns immediately after the introduction, before Inanna, Enki and An. The position of Ninirigal in the AṢ god list is no. 76 (Mander 1986, 25). Krebernik 2000b, 387a; Conti 1993, 343. Conti also assumed that the motifs of ZH 2 and 3 inspired the opening line of TH 16. This was based on his transliteration of AB-gal-e as iri12-gal-e, with the translation ‘Irigal’ (Conti 1993, 344f.). A more plausible transliteration for AB is eš3 ‘shrine’. TH 16 is dedicated to the temple of Inanna. The Temple Hymns have a rather consequent structure: each hymn starts with the name of a certain temple, its epithet or with a place-name, but never with the temple name and its epithet together. Moreover, if we follow Conti’s interpretation, two different temple names – Irigal and Eanna – should have been mentioned in one temple hymn, which is unusual and thus very unlikely. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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forerunner TCL 15, 10, obv. iv 26, followed by dnun-bar-an-na, one of the names of the god of fire. In An = Anum (tablet II 341153) she is explicitly mentioned as the wife of the fire-god. There and in other late occurrences she is close to the healing goddess. Ninirigal has been widely interpreted as a netherworld goddess since the name contains the element UNUG = irigalx ‘big city’, which may be a metaphor for the netherworld. Thus, van Dijk claims that ‘Ninirigal als weibliche Unterweltsgottheit gehört in den Vegetationszyklus’ and that in earlier times – van Dijk undoubtedly means the ED period – she was distinguished from Inanna.154 Also Steinkeller in his discussion of the goddesses Gansura and Nanaya shares this opinion155: ‘Given her netherworld character, and her association with Uruk, it is virtually certain that Gansura personified Venus’s invisibility phase, that is, Inana’s disappearance in the netherworld. In the Uruk III period, this hypostasis appears to have been called Inanna kur “Inanna of the netherworld”156. Her later manifestation, documented since the Fāra period, was probably the Uruk netherworld goddess Nin-Irigalx(UNUG)/Irigal(AB×GAL) “Lady-ofthe-Nether-world”157.’ The interpretation of dnin-UNUG as a netherworld goddess (to be identified with Ereškigal) and her relationship with Inanna are, however, uncertain in view of the evidence quoted by Krebernik. Hymn 3 (ll. 19-29): Kullaba, Inanna 19 The phrase šeg12 kul-ab(a)4 ‘the brickwork of Kullaba’ is found passim in several OB compositions about Lugalbanda and Enmerkar.158 In Kullaba, the central sector of Uruk, Inanna’s temple Eanna was situated.159 20 The translation ‘princely Ens’ is based on the fact that in line 25 a ĝipar is mentioned. The plural form Ens in the translation is caused by the plural verbal form TU.TU. Steinkeller demonstrated that archaic rulers in Sumer bore the title en.160 The function of en could be both a worldly ruler as well as a priestly office. These priestly officials were living in a ĝipar, a residence specially for the en within the temple domain. Therefore, a translation such as e.g. ‘lords and princes’ for en nun seems less appropriate. In literary Sumerian compositions of later times lords (en) and princes (nun) of Kullaba were mentioned by name, e.g. Lugalbanda, Enmerkar and Gilgameš.161 153 154 155 156

157 158

159 160 161

Litke 1998, 108. Van Dijk 1998, 10. Steinkeller 2013a, 468-469. With references to Szarzyńska 1987, Szarzyńska 1993 and Steinkeller 2002. Inanna-kur is also present in ZH 51, ll. 170-172. Reference to Conti 1993. Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave and Lugalbanda and the Anzud Bird (Wilcke 1969); Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (Cohen 1973); Enmerkar and Ensuḫgirana (Berlin 1979), in Attinger’s edition (2017) called Enmerkara et Ensukukešdana. Steinkeller 2018, 151 fn. 7. Steinkeller 1999, § 2, 104-111; Steinkeller 2017, Appendix 1 (82-104). The epithet ‘Lord of Kullaba’ can be found passim in the Old Babylonian literary compositions with Lugalbanda, Enmerkar or Gilgameš as protagonist. For Gilgameš also in the SKL 112-114, and in Šulgi O 32, 41, 63. ‘Princes of Kullaba’ are mentioned in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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21ff We assume that lines 21-24 are a metaphorical description of the ĝipar and of the courtyard of Inanna’s temple. Analogous comparisons with a suḫ10 ‘crown’ are found for e.g. the Keš temple, Enki’s temple in Eridug, the giguna of Ninḫursaĝa’s temple in Keš; but also a landscape could be associated with a men ‘crown’ or suḫ10.162 A description of the precinct of Inanna’s temple in Kullaba filled with gurun ‘fruit; flowers’ is present in TH 16.163 For an extensive discussion of the word GIBIL, see Keetman 2017. Biggs’ transliteration for line 22 is [x x] tu-[tu], but the photo of tablet C does not allow us to confirm this transliteration. 25f Steinkeller pointed to the fact that ‘in the early script /ĝipar/ is written with the sign KISAL, which also stands for kisal “courtyard”’.164 He also noted that ‘in the hymn to Inanna of Uruk, Kullab is likened to a ĝipar of heaven’ with a translation of lines 25-26: ‘the ĝipar of heaven, the ĝipar of heaven and earth’.165 This seems less likely: what could be the meaning of e.g. a ĝipar of heaven and earth? Therefore we prefer the transliteration AN = diĝir in both lines. The adjective ‘divine’ may be a prelude to lines 27-28. Referring to the above remark about KISAL having two meanings (ĝipar and kisal), we presume that ki in line 26 is a phonetic indicator (kiKISAL = kisal) used in order to distinguish between these two meanings of KISAL. Both the divine ĝipar and the divine courtyard belong to the ‘unapproachable’ Kullaba (l. 28). All the aspects mentioned in the preceding lines contribute to the grandeur of Kullaba. The sentence ‘Kullaba is unapproachable like the heaven’ is the ultimate expression of this magnificence, provided by its goddess Inanna. 28 nu-TI must contain the marû-stem of the Sumerian verb /ti/ (ḫamṭu), /teĝ/ (marû) ‘to draw near’, and therefore can be transliterated nu-teĝ4. Presumably a ‘gerund’ in /-ed/ (with copula /-am/?) is meant here, which would be spelled nu-teĝ3(TE)-ĝe26(ĜA2)(dam) in later periods.166 29 In most Sumerian mythological traditions Inanna was the daughter of the moon god Nanna and his spouse Ningal; her brother was the sun god Utu, and her sister Ereškigal was the goddess of the Netherworld. In Uruk, however, Inanna was closely associated with An. Inanna was the most prominent female deity of the Sumerian pantheon. Her principal shrine was the Eanna in Kullaba/Uruk. Her personality shows three main

162

163 164 165 166

7f. The Keš Temple Hymn 35: e2 suḫ10-bi an-ša3-ga la2-a ‘House, its crown reaches into heaven’; Enki’s Journey to Nibru 9: suḫ10 kug galam du11-ga abzu-ta e3-a ‘an artfully made shining crown rising out from the abzu’; TH 7, 95: gi-gu3-na-zu suḫ10 za-gin3 ‘your temple terrace, a lustrous crown’; Enki and the World Order (Benito 1969, 105, ll. 348f.; ETCSL 1.1.3, 349f.): ‘edin uru16na men kug nam-mi-in-guru3, (...) suḫ10 [na4]za-gin3 am3-keše2 ‘he raised a holy crown over the upland plain; (...) he made it wear a lapis-lazuli headdress’. In TH 16, 199 the precinct is filled with gibil gurun sig7-ga ‘green fresh fruit’. Krebernik apud Steinkeller 1985, 46; Steinkeller 1999, 109 fn.18. Steinkeller 1999, 111. Some examples are: Enki and the World Order 196: umun2 zid ki diĝir u3-tud-za an-gin7 šu nuteĝ3-ĝe26 ‘your right body, a place where gods are born, is unapproachable like heaven’; An adab (?) to Nuska for Išme-Dagan A15: inim kug an-gin7 šu nu-teĝ3-ĝe26-zu-še3 igi-bi šu-mu-e-ši-ĝal2 ‘they always pay attention to your holy words, which, like heaven, can never be approached fully’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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aspects. First, she is the planet Venus, the morning and evening star. Second, she is the goddess of love and sexual behaviour (but not a mother-goddess, who existed as a deity of its own). Third, she is a warlike goddess.167 Hymn 4 (ll. 30-32): Eridug, Nudimmud 30 abzu is not only the name for the subterranean waters and Enki’s abode in Eridug, but also a general name for sanctuaries. Green mentioned some examples from the Sumerian literature in which the abzu was compared to a mountain.168 The ‘great mountain’ in this line most likely indicates the ziggurat of Eridug. It is not unusual that in the first line of the Zame Hymns the designation of the place is followed by the word ki, which is not meant as determinative but as an apposition: ‘X, place of ...’.169 31 The first line of most of the Zame Hymns mentions a (cult)place, in this hymn it is Abzu. Line 31 gives a more specific indication of its location, i.e. in Eridug. In general the kideterminative with place-names is absent in the Zame Hymns. There are a few other possibilities for the transliteration, the sign order and the translation in this case: 1. The first two ones contain epithets for Eridug: NUNki men an ‘Eridug, the crown of heaven’, and NUNki men diĝir ‘Eridug, the divine crown’. 2. The next two ones are epithets for the Abzu: men an NUNki ‘the heavenly crown of Eridug’, and men diĝir NUNki ‘the divine crown of Eridug’.170 3. men nun an-ki: An initial translation may be ‘the crown of the prince of heaven and earth’, where the crown refers to the Abzu. The expression nun an-ki as an epithet for Enki is present in the TH 1, line 20. The same expression was also used for (most likely) Enlil in a royal inscription of Lugalkiĝinnedudu (an ED III text).171 And as second translation: ‘the princely crown of heaven and earth’, also an epithet for the Abzu. There is an Early Old Babylonian composition, a royal inscription of NurAdad, in which the expression men an-ki was found and in which it refers to the moon god Nanna.172 32 en dnu-TE-mud is an unusual spelling for en dnu-dim2-mud ‘Lord Nudimmud’, a wellknown epithet for Enki. For a possibly similar use of TE see below, ZH 45 line 158 with commentary.The Sumerian texts mention different parents for Enki. In an UD.GAL.NUN text from the ED IIIa period (IAS 114) we read that Enki is the son of An, the god of heaven, and of Ki, Earth.173 In a later tradition, his parents are An and Namma, the 167 168

169 170

171 172 173

Wilcke 1976; Black and Green 1998, 108-109. Green 1975, chapter The Abzu, 154-182, with the examples on pp. 155 and 162: (1) abzu kur kuggin7 ḫa-ma-ab-mu2-mu2 ‘let they make the abzu grow for me like a holy mountain’ (= Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 54); (2) abzu kur me nun-na du3-a ‘the abzu, the mountain built with princely me’ (= An adab (?) to Enki for Išme-Dagan B7). Another example is found in the TH 1: (3) abzu eš nun-bi-ir am -gub (4) e du -kug u sikil-la rig -ga ‘(3) abzu, shrine, erected for its 3 3 2 6 2 7 prince; (4) house, holy mound, to which pure food is donated (or: where pure food is eaten).’ See also ZH 8, 10, 20, 25, 32, 37, 43 and 70. Hallo 1970, 125 l. 36 in A Hymn to Nissaba, where the Abzu is called men gal NUNki ‘the great crown of Eridu’. RIME 1, E1.14.14.4 ii 1’-2’ (P222892). RIME 4, E4.2.8.3 2. (P448360). Lisman 2013, 24, 142 sub 3. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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primaeval water. Enki’s wife is Damgalnuna, his son is Asarluḫi, and his sister Nanše. Enki is associated with (sweet) water and fertility, crafts, wisdom, and magic.174 Hymn 5 (ll. 33-34): Ku’ara, Asarluḫi 33 For A.ḪA as ‘Ku’ara’, the city of Asarluḫi, in the neighbourhood of Eridug: see Steinkeller 1980, 28.175 ir nun, literally ‘princely scent’, is equated with ar-gu2-um in Ebla.176 Perhaps the ‘princely scent’ is an allusion to the purification rites in which Asarluḫi was involved. The expression A.ḪA ir nun is also present in the text IAS 375, line 2’. 34 In ED texts, there are two distinct signs corresponding to later KAL(AG), one with a single vertical final wedge, and one with two final vertical wedges.177

ĝuruš, kal, lamma

kalag, rib

In ED IIIa texts, the first form stands for ĝuruš, kal178 and lamma179, while the form with two final wedges is attested with the values kalag180 and rib181. The two signs merged into the second form as early as the Presargonic period.182 Unexpectedly, 174 175 176

177 178

179

180 181 182

Black and Green 1998, 75. See also Schrakamp 2015a, 198 fn. 15. MEE 4, VE 1042. Fronzaroli 1984, 149 compares Arabic ʾarǧ, ʾarǧa ‘profumo’ and Akk. argānu, which designates an aromatic conifer and its resin. The relationship with the latter term is, however, problematic since it is most probably the same as margā/ūnu, margūlu, see CAD A II 255f. Krebernik 1986, 162 and fn. 4; Krebernik 1998a, 277. Gelb et al. 1991 (OIP 104), 14 obv. iii 15: PN a2-kal-le. The same form, with a single vertical wedge and value kal, can still be attested in many ED IIIb texts, e.g.: PN a2-kal-le (Hackman 1958 [BIN 8], 82 obv. ii 4 [Umma]; Monaco 2011 (CUSAS 14), 158 obv. ii 3 [Zabalam?]; Bartash 2013 (CUSAS 23), 58 obv. i 4 [Umma]; ibid., 65 obv. i 2 [Umma]; Notizia and Visicato 2016 (CUSAS 33), 220 obv. i 4 [Zabalam]; Powell 1978: HUCA 49, 34 1. obv. ii 8 [P392107]; HUCA 49, 50 13. rev. i 2’ [P298639] [Umma?]; Owen 1975 (MVN 3), 106 obv. i 3 [Umma]); PN en-a2-kal-le (BIN 8, 83 i 2; RIME 1, E1.9.5.1 i 39 [Ĝirsu]; RIME 1, E1.12.4.1 4 [Umma?]; RIME 1, E1.12.5.1 5 [Umma?]; RIME 1, E1.12.6.1 4 [Umma?]; Notizia and Visicato 2016 (CUSAS 33), 244 rev 4 [Umma]); PN e2-a2-kal-le (CT 50, 30 rev. ii 4 [Ĝirsu]; VS 25, 1 rev. i 1 [Ĝirsu]). In addition to this, some attestations of the form KALAG (with two final wedges; value kal) have also been found in ED IIIb texts: PN a2-kal-le (BIN 8, 55 obv. i 2; BIN 8, 58 3; BIN 8, 112 obv. i 7 [Umma]; BIN 8, 120 obv. i 7’); PN e2-a2-kal-le (Westenholz 1975b (OSP 1), 49 obv. ii 5 [Nippur]); kal-la (Luckenbill 1930 [OIP 14], 50 2 [Adab]). Also in most ED IIIb texts lamma has one final wedge, but in some ED IIIb texts, lamma occurs with two final wedges, e.g.: Hackman 1958 (BIN 8), 93 obv. 2 (P212641); two texts from Nippur: Westenholz 1975b (OSP 1), 46, v 6 (P216103), and Pohl 1935 (TMH 5), 9, obv. iv 7 (P020423). IAS 329, iv 5. SF 1, obv. x 22 // IAS 82, obv. ii 3; IAS 311, i’ 3’, part of the Keš Temple Hymn (Biggs 1971a). A literature search (CDLI, December 2018) for ĝuruš (627× in 269 texts) showed in 3 texts ĝuruš with one final wedge: (1) private collection, Ĝirsu (?), obv. i 3 (P236005); (2) Westenholz 2014 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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already in our texts the two forms seem to appear as variants: tablet C (photo) has clearly the form with two wedges, while tablet B according to Biggs’ copy shows a single wedge at the end; in A and H the form cannot be determined with certainty because the last part of the sign coincides with the column divider. d asar-lu2-KALAG most likely is the god whose name later was written as dasar-lu2ḫi. Some ED attestations of the name dasar have been found.183 In TH 10, dedicated to Asarluḫi, line 140, the epithet lu2 KALAG.KALAG is present for this god. In the Ur III period both the personal names ur-dasar and ur-dasar-lu2-ḫi occur. In the literature one example can be found in which the god’s name was written as dasar-lu2.184 It is not clear how and why the name of this god developed from dasar into dasar-lu2-ḫi via dasarlu2-KALAG. It may be that the god’s name in this Zame Hymn is only dasar with the epithet lu2-KALAG. From the ED period onwards Asarluḫi’s involvement in incantations is attested.185 Asarluḫi was the son of Enki and Damgalnuna. Hymn 6 (ll. 35-36): Ur, Nanna 35 Any correlation between Ur and/or Nanna and fragrant herbs could not be found in the Sumerian literature. The epithet kur may be a metaphor for the temple/ziggurat of Ur, or may be seen as a parallel to the word ki in the first line of other Zame Hymns. 36 For the translation of lugal with respect to the gods in the Zame Hymns we prefer ‘Lord’ with the connotation ‘ruler, master’ instead of ‘king’. The moon god Nanna was the son of Enlil and Ninlil; his wife was Ningal, and their children were Utu, the sun god, and Inanna.186 Hymn 7 (ll. 37-38): E2.BABBAR (Larsa?), Utu 37 We prefer the transliteration E2.BABBAR ‘Shining House’ instead of e2 dutu because (1) E2./BABBAR/ is known as a name for Utu’s temples187, and (2) usually the deity’s name is only mentioned in the last line of the respective hymns. The composite sign NINDA2×GUD most probably has the same meaning (and reading?) as later ninda2 ‘breeding bull’; the inscribed GUD obviously indicates the semantic category, NINDA2 perhaps the pronounciation. The connection between Utu,

183

184 185

186 187

(CUSAS 26), 221, obv. ii’ 1’, 2’, and iii’ 1’ (Ur; P467743); (3) Pomponio et al. 2006, 27, obv. i 6 (Adab; P382279). A search for KAL(AG) (407× in 352 texs) resulted in 4× KAL(AG) with one final wedge: (1) Hackman 1958 (BIN 8), 25, obv. i 4 (Umma; P212606); (2) Bartash 2017 (CUSAS 35), 426, rev. ii 2 (Umma; P250675); (3) Nik 2, 42, obv. 3 (Umma; P215823); (4) Kraus (unpublished unassigned), rev. 14 (P417284). The texts are: DP 53, obv. ix 5 (P220703); Nik 1, 23, rev. i 9 (P221730); TSA 1, obv. ix 7 (P221362); SF 1, rev. i 14 (note Krebernik’s hesitation to write dasar [Krebernik 1986, 192 sub AN.ASAR]; SF 23, obv. iii 12 (P010600). The first three texts, administrative texts from Ĝirsu, show a remarkable phenomenon: the gods Iškur, Asar and dPA.KAL are mentioned together in each case. The Old Akkadian text RTC 254, rev. ii 10 (P217026). The earliest witness is MS 4549/1 vi 7 – vii 4: see George 2016, Nr. 1 (ibid. plate I-II); Text II.D.2 (ibid. p. 100). For Ur III see Geller 1985, 12f. See also the discussion by Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 80f. on l. 144 about Asarluḫi and Ku’ara. Krebernik 1995, §§ 3.1-3.2, 364f. TH 13, 176; TH 38, 491; George 1993, 70f., nos. 97-100. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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his temple and a breeding bull is also known from the later Temple Hymns.188 In TH 13, dedicated to Utu in Larsa, we find in line 170 eš3 e2 babbar2 ninda2? babbar2 ‘shrine E-babbar, shining breeding bull’. In TH 38, dedicated to Utu in Sippar, a bull is mentioned in line 484, but due to the broken text the exact relation of this bull to Utu is lost. The association of Utu/Šamaš with a ‘wild bull’ (am) and with ERIN2+X can be found in the Early Dynastic Šamaš-myth (the texts IAS 326 + 342, with a parallel text from Ebla ARET 5, 6).189 Steinkeller discussed the sign combination ERIN2+X at length, and he tentatively concluded that this may be ‘an alternative logogram for ditānu / tidānu, which originated in archaic Ur and was later adopted by the northern Babylonian script.’190 This word may be the original Semitic word for kusarikku, the human-faced bull.191 Furthermore, Steinkeller gave some examples for the depiction of the ERIN2+X, the human-faced bull, in combination with Utu/Šamaš on cylinder seals.192 Steinkeller adds: ‘I find these images to be strikingly reminiscent of the following passage from the Shamash myth: [ÉREN]+ ⸢X dUTU⸣ [ti-bí]-ù [me]-i-la-⸢me⸣ / ÉREN+X dUTU PA.È d ME.LAM, [ARET 5 6 iv 6 + OIP 99 326 iii 6-7] which, if correctly reconstructed, may be translated: “the bisons of Shamash make visible (his) divine radiance.”’ The sun-god is pictured with sun-rays emanating from his shoulders and arms, and with a saw in his hands. He is flanked by two human-faced bisons holding a gate-post on seal no. 4; on the seals 5 and 6 Utu/Šamaš is ‘climbing over two kneeling human-faced bisons, which clearly are substitutes for the mountains’. Moreover, Steinkeller demonstrated that the sign combination ERIN2+X was ‘documented in the ED IIIa sources from Abu Salabikh and Ebla, as well as in two Pre-Sargonic inscriptions from northern Babylonia (...).’ And furthermore, this sign combination ‘does not occur in the contemporaneous sources from Fāra, and there are no attestations of it in the ED IIIb material from southern Babylonia (...).’193 In conclusion: our tentative interpretation of the NINDA2×GUD ‘breeding bulls’ in this Zame Hymn is that they are two gatekeepers, shaped like bulls, besides the entrance of Utu’s temple (see especially Steinkeller 1992, plate 8 figs. 4 and 5). The hymn gives no direct indication with respect to the location of Utu’s temple, a city name is not mentioned. In TH 13 (Larsa) and TH 38 (Sippar) Utu is associated with a bull. The city of Sippar is mentioned in ZH 15 line 61, but there it is connected with the god Ninbilulu. These considerations and Steinkeller’s observations led us to the conclusion that this Zame Hymn rather refers to Utu’s temple in the southern city of Larsa than to that in the northern city of Sippar. 38 Utu was regarded as the son of the moon god Nanna and his spouse Ningal, at least in the Sumerian tradition. His wife, not mentioned in the Zame Hymns, was known by the names (among others): Šer(i)da, Ninkara and Aja.194 His name is written here without 188 189 190 191 192 193 194

Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969. Krebernik 1998a, 320 sub 6; Krebernik 2011b, 604b; Steinkeller 1992, 256-269. Steinkeller 1992, 265. For ditānu ‘aurochs’: CAD D, 164b-165a. Steinkeller 1992, 260f., referring to Wiggermann 1992, Figures, p. 303 and fn. 8. Steinkeller 1992, plate 8, nos. 4-6; the citations are on p. 266. Steinkeller 1992, 262f. Krebernik 2011b, 602, § 3.1. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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divine determinative in most of the mss. This is often the case in third millennium texts. Utu also appears in ZH 68. Hymn 8 (ll. 39-40): ki nisig (Ur?), Ningal 39 Alternative interpretations for ki nisig nun TU.TU ‘Green place where princes are born’ include: nisig/sar ki nun TU.TU ‘Greenery/garden, place that engenders princes’, and nisig/sar nun ki TU.TU ‘Princely greenery/garden, place of giving birth’. In our edition of the Zame Hymns a translation of the introductory lines of each hymn with reference to a (cult) place – recalling lines 11-12 of the first Zame Hymn, in which Enlil allocated domains to the Anunna – is preferred. Most of the Zame Hymns start indeed with the mention of, or the reference to, a place-name. But there are also examples in which the opening line contains an epithet for the deity’s domain.195 40 Zgoll gave a survey of Ningal, the spouse of Nanna, in her function of mother goddess, e.g. ‘mother of Ur’ and ’mother of Utu’.196 Manuscript G has a deviating form/spelling of Ningal’s name: dnin-[GA]L.GAR. Hymn 9 (ll. 41-43): Ugalgal (Uruk?), An 41 The sign read by Biggs as IGI+SILA4(?) is most probably U3. u3-gal-gal is first attested in the so-called ‘Prisoner Plaque’ from Kiš (v 12’), where it is combined with lugal.197 Steinkeller, presupposing an analysis as ‘the u3-gal-gal of the king’, interprets u3-galgal as a title ‘denoting a high court official’. He lists other ED occurrences of u3-galgal from which it appears that the term is not only used as a title198 but can also designate a place.199 Only the latter meaning seems to apply to the present hymn. The literal meaning is perhaps ‘(location of the) assembly’200, which would be an appropriate name of a temple of An.201 42 We suppose that the sign ga in this line points to the reading kalag of the sign which is rendered as ĜURUŠ. If so, this may be an indication that the signs KALAG and ĜURUŠ

195 196 197 198

199

200

201

See e.g. ZH 11, 15, 27. Zgoll 2000, 353, § 3.1. Steinkeller 2013b, 139 sub v 12’. Steinkeller 2013b, 139 sub v 12’ with references to ED Personal Names and Professions (143–144, 252–255) and to the bilingual lexical list EŠ2.BAR.KIĜ2 from Ebla (MEE 4, VE 1139). Instead of u3-gal-gal, the NPL text witnesses from Ebla have u2-gal-gal (obv. vii 5b; rev. iii 6b [P242176]). Steinkeller 2013b, 139 sub v 12’ with reference to ED Geography (MEE 3, p. 237 no. 208). The Ebla text witness has u3-gal-ga-alki. For the new duplicate MS 3204 see Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 196-202; u3-gal-galki is in MS 3204 obv. iii 9. In VE 1139, u3-gal-gal is explained as du-da-gi-lum, da-da-mu(-u[m]). According to Steinkeller Steinkeller 2013b, 139 the former lexeme ‘could mean “the trusted one, confidant”’ (derived from takālu). Note, however, that the nominal pattern rather indicates an abstract verbal noun (infinitive). The second Eblaite explanation is most probably identical with taʾtamu (or taʾtāmu?) ‘assembly’ (CAD T, 299a). This term appears also in MEE 4, 222, where GU3.KIĜx(UNKEN) is equated with da-da-mu and ba-ḫa-lumum ‘to gather’ (= Akk. paḫāru), cf. Civil 1987, 237. The word U3 ‘high ground, near river or canal banks’ (Civil 1994, 131f.) appears only in Ur III and later texts, and it is not very likely to be applicable in the present context. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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in this period were not always differentiated.202 Another argument for the reading kalag may be that the combination lu2 ĝuruš could not be attested in any text. An alternative transliteration is: dag-ga lu2 ĜURUŠ; in this case dag-ga may be the past participle of the verb dag ‘to demolish’, but this is very unlikely in the context of this Zame Hymn. The word dag alone, ‘residence’, is also present in ZH 16 line 65. 43 The god An was the nominal head of the Sumerian pantheon, but in fact a deus otiosus. His cult place was Uruk. The primaeval pair an-ki – An (Heaven) and Ki (Earth) – brought forth Enki (the god of Eridug), while An and the mother goddess Ningal or Ninḫursaĝa presumably produced the Anunna, the most prominent gods of the Sumerian pantheon.203 Hymn 10 (ll. 44-45): Eridug, Damgalnuna 44 The presence of the sign MUŠEN makes it likely that a bird name is involved here. In the catalogue of birds presented by Veldhuis we find a ki-(ib)mušen ‘a water bird with webbed feet’.204 Besides the more frequent spelling ki-ib, ki-ib2 is also attested.205 Although syllabic spellings are unusual for the ED period, a spelling ki-ib was found in some lexical lists.206 We prefer to read the sign LAK496 (read by Biggs as egir), which in this line shows extra wedges near the feet (which therefore look like webs), as ibx, resulting in a kib bird. 45 Damgalnuna is the spouse of Enki, the city god of Eridug. Most likely she is mentioned in the Fāra god list SF 1 (ddam-ga[l]-x207), but her name is missing (perhaps due to gaps) in the god list from Abū Ṣalābīḫ. In the Old Babylonian composition Enki and Ninḫursaĝa Damgalnuna was identified with the mother goddess Nintur/Ninḫursaĝa.208 Hymn 11 (ll. 46-51): Zabalam, Nin-UM (= Inanna) 46 kur suḫ10 diĝir ‘Mountain, divine crown’ could also be read as: kur dinanna ‘mountain of Inanna’; but it is unusual to mention the deity in the first line of these hymns. 47 Instead of kur ki sikil ‘mountain, pure place’ one could also read kur ki-sikil ‘mountain of the young woman’. ki-sikil is a well-known appellative epithet for Inanna. For an ED text with dinanna ki-sikil, see Biggs, BiMes 3, no. 33, lines 2’-3’. In the composition Inanna and Ebih̬ both expressions kur ki sikil and ki-sikil dinanna are present.209 Clearly it is a play on words, as there are more examples in these hymns. 48 Biggs noted at this Zame Hymn: ‘INANNA.UNUG and INANNA.AB suggest the city of Zabalam’.210 In the score it was several times indicated AB? because the text concerned

202 203 204 205

206 207 208 209 210

See the commentary on l. 34 with respect to the signs KALAG and ĜURUŠ. Lisman 2013, 165-170. Veldhuis 2004, 260f. Veldhuis 2004, 261, with reference to Owen 1981, 31 and commentary on 39 sub l. 25; Owen et al. 1984 (MVN 13), 740 rev. 4. Biggs 1974, IAS 39, obv. vii 14’-15’; IAS 42, iii’ 7’-8’. SF 1, rev i 17, see Krebernik 1986, 179, xi 17. Krebernik 1997a, 515, § 7.4; for Enki and Ninḫursaĝa: see Attinger 1984. Attinger 1998, 168f., ll. 17 and 11, respectively. Biggs 1974, 53 sub ll. 46-51. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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was more or less damaged; therefore it is possible that originally the sign UNUG was written, the gunû part now being erased. We presume that in both lines 48 and 49 INANNA-UNUG, the city of Zabalam, was meant and not eš3(AB)-inanna ‘the shrine of Inanna’, because in that case the diĝir-determinative at Inanna would have been written. pana ku3 la2 ‘hung with (= carrying?) a shining bow’ occurs also in hymn 14 (line 58), where it refers to a deity known also from Fāra.211 In the present hymn, it was considered as an epithet for Zabalam, or perhaps the (metaphorical) designation of a part of Zabalam, namely the princely quay with the silos (line 49). If the latter is true, it is more appropriate to leave pana-ku3-la2 untranslated and render it as a proper name Panakula. 49 We understand kar nun guru7-guru7 ‘princely quay with the silos’ as an epithet for Zabalam. Leemans observed that during the Akkad period large amounts of grain and fish were shipped from Umma to Zabalam.212 This may be the reason for the mentioning of ‘the quay with the silos’ of Zabalam. guru7 ‘silo, granary’ could be used as a capacity unit in Fāra.213 The Akkadian loanword karû presupposes an older form *garu of the Sumerian term. Two manuscripts (C and E) have KA.DU6 instead of guru7. The two signs, interpreted as bu3(KA׊U) by Biggs, could be a syllabic spelling ka-du6 for guru7 in its older form *garu. 50 mušen babbar dinanna ‘white bird of Inanna’ could be another epithet for Zabalam, but according to the context it is rather to be taken as the subject of the hymn, ‘white bird Inanna’. In TH 26, dedicated to Inanna of Zabalam, it is said that Inanna ‘shines in brightness’ and that ‘the firmament is made beautiful in the evening’ by her.214 Theses lines clearly refer to Inanna as the planet Venus. 51 Contrary to what one should expect, the hymn does not conclude with Inanna’s name, but rather with an epithet for her, Nin-UM ‘Lady of the ...’.215 The name Nin-UM, recurring in ZH 69 line 221, is neither attested in any of the extant parts of the Early Dynastic god lists from Fāra or Abū Ṣalābīḫ, nor in any god list of the later periods. Such-Gutiérrez mentioned the presence of this deity in an ED text from Adab.216 The meaning of UM here is uncertain. Apart from a bird, um can also designate ‘a reed or rush rope’ (= Akk. ummu)217. Perhaps it is another word for Inanna’s well-known emblem, the Schilfringbündel, which the logogram for her name depicts. dnin-um could therefore be interpreted as ‘Lady of the reed bundle’.

211 212 213 214

215

216 217

Fāra god list SF 1, obv. x 23; see Krebernik 1986, 178. Leemans 1972-1973, 79a. Powell 1989-1990, 495b. TH 26, 323-324: (323) niĝ2 babbar2-ra saĝ mu2-mu2-mu2 (...), ‘who shines in brightness’ (...), (324) ĝeš-ḫe u -sa -an-na ni -te-a-ni-še sag -ga ‘through whom the firmament is made beautiful 2 2 11 2 3 12 in the evening’. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001h suggested that Nin-UM might be a byname of Inanna. The name dnin-UM is also present in ZH 69 l. 221. Such-Gutiérrez 2005/6, 30: Luckenbill 1930 (OIP 14), 53, iii 6 (P222241). CAD U, 133 s.v. ummu F, with lexical references. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 12 (ll. 52-54): Kiti?, Amgalnuna218 52 For the sign combination transliterated here as BU+BU.KALAM: see ZATU299 and the comments by Steinkeller219 and Lecompte220. It consists of a horizontal and a vertical BU forming a right angle filled by the sign KALAM, which sign combination is also attested in SF 55 obv. v 15. This form continues an older one consisting of only one ‘vertical’ BU and KALAM (ZATU299). The earliest source for the reading of BU+BU.KALAM is found in ED Geography 193, where the Ebla ms. has the syllabic spelling gu2-ti-irki instead of BU+BU.KALAMki.221 An OB copy of Archaic Cities replaces BU(+BU).KALAM by ki-te4(NE)ki.222 Therefore BU+BU.KALAMki has been tentatively identified with the OB toponym Kiti.223 It should be noted, however, that the latter does not end in -r as can be concluded from its derivative Kitītum ‘(Ishtar) of Kiti’. Furthermore, the female deity of OB Kiti stands in contrast to the presumably male city god of BU+BU.KALAM in this Zame Hymn, Amgalnuna. According to its form, Kutir could be of Elamite origin (cf. the element Kutir- in personal names like KutirNahhunte) and in this case it would contain a suffix -(i)r. If this is correct, the relationship of Kutir with later Kiti could be explained by the loss of the suffix and by a vowel variation u/i well attested in Elamite. In ED Geography, BU+BU.KALAMki is preceded by the similar (or identical?) name gu3-NEki // gu/gu2-NE-erki.224 53 Lecompte translated this line as ‘tempête et orage’.225 The spelling MAR.GUR8 can be interpreted as mar-ru10 or better as marmarux.226 It represents the Sumerian word for ‘quiver’ (attested in e.g. EDPVA 290227) as well as a word for ‘storm’, which is also written ma-ru(12) in a-marmaru, a-ma-ru(12) ‘floodstorm’, ‘emergency’. The expression ud marmarux (in which ud is another word for storm) occurs in some OB compositions: Inanna and Ebiḫ 4228, and in Šulgi V 13229.

218

219 220 221

222

223

224 225 226 227

228 229

Civil 2003, 51 fn. 11 remarked: ‘ED literary references to weapons can be found in the Zami-hymns 52-58 (OIP 99, 47).’ Because of the reference he made, it must concern the ZH 12-14 (ll. 52-58), but in these hymns no weapons are mentioned, to the best of our knowledge, except in the name of the god Pankula ‘Hung with a pure bow’ (l. 58). Steinkeller 1995a, 703 sub no. 299. Lecompte 2009, 149-152; 272-274. MEE 3, 236; Biggs 1974, 75, l. 226. An additional ED duplicate is MS 3204, published by Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 196-202. ATU 3, 146 Cities 25 (BUvertical.KALAM) // SF 23 obv. ii 7 (BU+BU.KALAM) // IAS 21 ii 8 (BU+BU.KALAM) // Gurney 1974 (UET 7), 80 obv. ii 5 (ki-te4ki). For a possible location of Kiti: Frayne 1992, 43 map 4; 47 sub LGN 96; Sommerfeld 1983-1984, 90; Schrakamp 2015a, 228-229. MEE 3, 236 l. 192. Lecompte 2009, 273. Attinger 1998, 168-169, 182 (commentary) sub l. 4. Civil 2008, 44 (text) and 126 (commentary). Note the variant me-GUR8 in the mss. from Ebla. In MEE 4, VE 965b (quoted by Civil) MAR.GUR8 is equated with iš11-ba-du-um (corresponding to Akkadian išpatu) ‘quiver’. Attinger 1998, 168. Ludwig 1990, 75-91. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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54 The name am-gal-nun ‘Princely wild bull’ is written without the diĝir-determinative in all copies of this composition; also in the next two Zame Hymns the diĝir determinatives for Dilimbabbar and Panakula are absent. These three deities are present in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list, there with diĝir determinative.230 The name Amgalnun(a) could not be found in the extant parts of the Fāra god lists, nor in any other composition. Jacobsen, describing the history of the rulers in Ešnunna during the second half of the Larsa period, mentioned in addition that in Kiti, a small town near Ešnunna, a temple was built for Inanna of Kiti (or Inanna-Kitītum).231 If indeed the same place Kiti is meant in this ZH 12, it may be concluded that Amgalnuna – a minor god whose name is absent in compositions written after the ED period – was replaced by Inanna as city god. Hymn 13 (ll. 55-56): Urum, Dilimbabbar 55 For the reading A.ḪA.UR2, or perhaps better with ur2 as a gloss úrA.ḪA, as Urum: see Green 1986 and Frayne 1992, 13. Green mentioned the appearance of Urum, on archaic tablets written as ḪA.RAD.UR2; a variant spelling was A.ḪA.UR2.232 Urum is found in Archaic Cities 9233, in MSVO 4 passim234, and in the ED composition IAS 21, i 9. The cities of Urum, Kiti (the foregoing hymn) and UB (Jemdet Naṣr?) are towns in the North of Sumer and in the Diyala region.235 Temple Hymn 37 is dedicated to the temple of Su’en in Urum. In line 469 of this hymn we read: e2 ab2 lu-a tur3 daĝal-la ‘Eablua (“House of abundant cattle”), wide cattle yard’. The relation between Urum, Nanna-Su’en and cattle was described in this Temple Hymn like in this ZH 13. 56 For the reading ddil-im2/6236-babbar (instead of daš-): see Krebernik 1995, 363a.237 Steinkeller 2016 elaborated on it, replacing the older interpretation as ‘Lonely white runner’ by ‘Shining Bowl’ (with dil-im2/6 for dilim2). The older spelling with im6 appears also in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list.238 Later, Dilimbabbar was simply an alias of the moon god, but in the TH 37, Dilimbabbar functions as Nanna-Su’en’s shepherd.239 Since the moon god Nanna, the city god of Ur in the South, is already mentioned in ZH 6, Dilimbabbar could be here the name of the moon god in North Sumer. It may be tentatively concluded that after an intermediate phase, during which Dilimbabbar was seen as Nanna’s shepherd, he syncretised with Nanna, and the name Dilimbabbar became an epithet for Nanna. 230 231 232 233 234

235 236 237 238

239

Mander 1986, 25 nos. 43-45. Jacobsen 1940, 189. Green 1980, 10 fn. 46; there was a ‘variant writing A/ZA for RAD’ in some texts. ATU 3, 146, Cities 9. Englund and Matthews 1996 (MSVO 4) show several texts with ḪA.RAD.UR2; e.g. no. 2, obv. ii 2 and rev. 1; no. 4, rev. i 2; no. 14, obv. ii 1. Schrakamp 2015a, 198 fn. 15; 228. We follow Borger’s Zeichenlexikon in transliterating DU as im6 instead of im4 (Labat). See also Sjöberg 2003, 534 fn. 13; Alster 2004. Mander 1986, 25 no. 43. Mander transliterated DU = im4. The name of Dilimbabbar could not be found in the extant parts of the Fāra god lists. TH 37, 470: ddil-im2-babbar-e nam-sipad-zu ša-mu-un-ak ‘Dilimbabbar performed the shepherd’s task for you’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 14 (ll. 57-58): UB (Jemdet Naṣr?), Panakula 57 The location of the city represented by the sign UB is still the subject of controversy. Matthews suggested the identification of ancient UB with Jemdet Naṣr.240 His argument was that the excavations in Jemdet Naṣr yielded several artefacts bearing the UB sign: numerous tablets, spindle whorls, painted pots, and a fragment of a baked clay cylinder seal. Matthews: ‘With the exception of an amulet with an UB sign from Tell Agrab (...) such non-textual representations of the UB sign are not known to me from other Mesopotamian sites, which strengthens the claim of Jemdet Nasr to be ancient UB.’ Matthews and Richardson recently repeated the proposal UB = Jemdet Naṣr.241 Englund suggested that the sign combination NI+RU could refer to Jemdet Naṣr.242 Englund and Grégoire translated ME NI+RU as ‘priest of NIRU (Jemdet Nasr)’243, and AB NI+RU as ‘households of NIRU’244. Englund stated: ‘... the sign combination ABa NIa+RU which qualifies the the grand total of land divided among the EN and his high officials ... can be reasonably interpreted to mean ‘household of NIRU’, whereby NIRU might represent Jemdet Nasr itself.’245 In our opinion another interpretation of NI.RU may be possible. While the combinations ME/SAĜĜA/AB + NI+RU are attested in many compositions from the Uruk period, ME/SAĜĜA + UB is not attested. The išib(ME) ‘priest’ and SAĜĜA ‘chief administrator’ are usually officials of a temple rather than of a town. Therefore we think that AB NI+RU might represent ‘the shrine (AB = eš3) (of) NI.RU’, whereby NI.RU is a temple name. ‘Households of a city’ seems also to contradict the general opinion that in the Jemdet Naṣr period the temple was still the centre of the economy.246 UB is present in Archaic Cities 21247, and in ED Geography248, but not in later geographical lists. NI.RU does not appear in either of the two lists. Frayne identified UB(ki) with the city of Upî.249 Streck raised objections against this identification250: ‘Das von D.R. Frayne ... für O[pis] in Anspruch genommene, frühdynastische UB kann lautlich kaum für Jupî o. ä. stehen und bezeichnet wohl einen 240 241 242 243 244

245 246

247

248 249

250

Matthews 1993, 41f.; quotation on p. 42. Matthews and Richardson 2019, 3 Table 1: Ancient site name UB, Modern site name Jemdet Naṣr? Englund 1998, 197 and fn. 450; he refers among others to texts published in MSVO 1. Englund and Grégoire 1991 (MSVO 1), 1 obv. ii 2a. Englund and Grégoire 1991 (MSVO 1), 2 rev. ii 1. Englund 1998 197 fn. 450 incorrectly mentions AB~a NI~a+RU as ‘strange building’ of Jemdet Naṣr, referring to Fig. 3 on p. 25 ‘the large building of Jemdet Nasr’. Englund 1998, 209 Cf. Stone 2000, 236. Stone’s statement (2013, 161) concerning ‘the importance of temples and the absence of any evidence for large secular buildings that might have served as palaces or even highstatus residences for priests during the Protoliterate and Early Dynastic I periods’ may also serve as an evidence for the control of the temples over the Mesopotamian daily life. ATU 3, 146 Cities 21 (CDLI Q000034) // SF 23 obv. ii 3 // IAS 21 obv. ii 4 // Gurney 1974 (UET 7), 80 ii 1 (UBki). IAS 94 obv. iv 14’ (UBki) // MEE 3, text 56 iv 21 (UBki); cf. OIP 99, 73 l. 95 and MEE 3, 233 l. 90. Frayne 1992, 46 sub LGN 90, but the evidence he presented is only based on Ur III and later texts. For the relative location of Upi: Frayne 1992, 43 map 4; cf. Steinkeller 1986, 34 sub 90. Streck 2003, 115a. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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anderen Ort.’ We tentatively follow Matthews’ proposal that UB(ki) is most likely the logogram for the city of Jemdet Naṣr. 58 Apart from this Zame Hymn, the deity pana ku3 la2 (Panakula) ‘Hung with a pure bow’ occurs as a theonym in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list and in the Fāra god list SF 1.251 In ZH 11, pana ku3 la2 is an epithet for Zabalam. Hymn 15 (ll. 59-64): Sippir (Sippar), Ninbilulu 59 The starting point for the transliteration and interpretation of the text of this Zame Hymn was the name Ninbilulu (l. 64), later called Enbilulu, who was known as the ‘inspector of canals’.252 This led to the transliteration šita3 ‘water-channel’ (instead of Biggs’ rad). The metaphor of the ‘sparkling rings’ may express the reflection of the sunrays on the water of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. 60 This line expresses in another way the same idea as in the preceding line: the reflection of sunlight on the water. For the female priestly official ereš-diĝir, see Steinkeller 1999, 120f; this official is also present in ED Lu E.253 Biggs interpreted the signs of this line as follows: dnin-mar la2-la2 za-zax ku3. 61 Woods described the semantic relationships that led to the same spelling UD.KIB.NUN for the river Euphrates and for the city of Sippar. He also offered a hypothesis about the location of Sippar on a holy site associated with this river.254 The interpretation of UD.KIB.NUN as Sippar (the ki determinative is present in ms. E) seems more logic than Biggs’ view that it might be buranun, the river Euphrates. The earliest syllabic spellings of the toponym occur in the ED Šamaš Hymn, see Krebernik 1992, 100. The mss. from Ebla have zi-bi2-ir and zi-bi2-ra, the latter corresponding to KA.BAR in the ms. from TAṢ. KA.BAR was considered as a variant of UD.KA.BAR = siparru ‘bronze’ by Krebernik, but it could also be interpreted as a syllabic spelling zu2-bar (also as part of the Diri compound UD.KA.BAR). OB Diri Nippur 328 (MSL 15, 24) gives the (Akkadian) pronunciation as si2-[ip-pi/pa]-ra, Diri Ugarit I 121 (MSL 15, 71) has: zi-ib-bi-ra UD.KIB.NUNki = si-ip-pi-ir. The conventional Sumerian reading zimbir is based on Diri I 142 (MSL 15, 110f.): zi-im-bi-ir (Var. zibi-ir) UD.KIB.NUNki = si-ip-[...]. It is perhaps secondary (due to dissimilation of the geminated consonant). Syllabic spellings from the 1st millennium overwhelmingly show the vowel a in the second syllable (sip-parki), but in NA sources u is also attested (si-purki).255 62 Blaschke described the spelling and the possible meaning of the Sumerian words for the rivers Euphrates and Tigris.256 If Sumerian, the name of the Tigris may go back to /idigira/ = id igira ‘river of the heron’.257 251 252 253 254 255 256 257

Mander 1986, 25 no. 45; Krebernik 1986, 178, column obv. x 23. See the commentary on l. 64. DCCLT, no. 72a. Woods 2005a, 2005b; for Sippar’s location: Woods 2005a, 37-39. E.g. SAA 10, 366 rev. 6; SAA 15, 26 : 8; 266: 5. Blaschke 2018, §§ 3.2 and 3.3, 86-164. Keetman 2016; Blaschke 2018, 154: ‘Letzten Endes beruhen alle Vorschläge auf Spekulation. Der © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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63 Black discussed ‘Sumerian noises’ – i.e. ideophones – which are attested only in literary compositions in all phases of the Sumerian language.258 These expressions mostly have ‘the same form of repeated consonantal pattern with contrasting vowels /u/ followed by /a/, and construed as compound verbs.’ Black’s example no. 10 is mur-mara .. ša4/dug4 ‘to roar’. The value /mar/ of ḪAR/MUR (not yet attested and therefore transliterated by us as marx) could be related with the values war2/ar3 of ḪAR. But Black also showed that in these noise expressions the alternation u/a was not always present.259 64 Ninbilulu is mentioned in the god lists of Abū Ṣalābīḫ and Fāra.260 This name is not attested after the ED period. From the context it is clear that Ninbilulu was involved in waterways. In Old Babylonian compositions we find Enbilulu as the ‘inspector of canals’, in one text even in connection with the Euphrates and Tigris.261 Sometime between the ED and the OB period the change of name must have taken place. It is not known if Ninbilulu was a god or a goddess; both options are possible.262 If Ninbilulu was a male deity from the beginning, why was the element nin- of his name changed into en-, while this did not happen in other nin-names of male deities, as e.g. Ninĝirsu? Although the divine ‘inspector of the canals’ must have been an important deity in Sumer with its needs for irrigation canals, he seems to have played only a minor role in the pantheon, at least judging by the relatively few texts in which he is mentioned. However, his descendance from Enlil as decribed in Enlil and Ninlil263 and his appearance in Enki and the World Order264 imply a certain importance. Apart from these two OB literary compositions, Enbilulu is mentioned in a ‘non-standard Old Babylonian Nippur god list’.265 In other god lists dealing with the pantheons from South and Middle Babylonia, En/Ninbilulu could not be found.266 In Enūma eliš VII 57-69, Enbilulu as such as well as in combination with the epitheta E-pa-dun ‘Digger of Ditches and

258

259 260 261

262

263

264 265 266

Hintergrund des Namens bleibt weiterhin unklar.’ With respect to the name of the Euphrates Blaschke concluded (2018, 164): ‘Leider kann hier keine zufriedenstellende abschließende Deutung der Etymologie und der Schreibung des Namens des Euphrat geboten werden.’ Black 2003, 37 (with quotation). Examples no. 10.1 and 10.2 on p. 47, in which /mara/ is written as ma-ra; both examples are from Old Babylonian texts. Black 2003, passim. Mander 1986, 29 no. 259; Krebernik 1986, 173, col. obv. vi 17. Lambert 2006, 239 was convinced that the god Ninbilulu in ZH 15 was the same god as Enbilulu (‘the NIN does not of course require a female deity’). For a recent discussion about Enbilulu in the composition Enlil and Ninlil, see Zgoll 2011. Enbilulu, in connection with the Euphrates and Tigris and/or as inspector of waterways can be found in Enki and the World Order 267-273 (Benito 1969, 100), and in Enlil and Ninlil 142 (Behrens 1978, 218; Attinger 2019a, 22, 32). Asher-Greve 2013, 18: ‘In the Early Dynastic pantheon of Lagaš the gender of many nin-deities remains ambiguous because gender is rarely identified in Early Dynastic sources.’ Most likely it is also true for the other pantheons in ED Sumer. See also Edzard and Heimpel, 2000; Westenholz 2013, 50 sub 6. Behrens 1978, 218 ll. 140-142; Attinger 2019a, 22 ll. 140-142. For an interpretation of the myth: see Zgoll 2011. Benito 1969, 100 ll. 267-273. Peterson 2009, 94, CBS 2182 + UM 29-15-458 + N 5764, col. rev. ii’ 6. Richter 2004. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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107

Canals’, Gugal ‘Irrigation-Inspector’, and Ḫeĝal ‘Plenty’ are proclaimed as names for Marduk.267 Hymn 16 (ll. 65-68): Kutha, Nergal Lambert’s translation was as follows: ‘(65) Kutha, (66) great abode of heaven and netherworld, (67) pleasant shade (68) of Enki and Ninki, (69) praise to Nergal!’268 Wiggermann translated lines 66-69 in this way: ‘big dwelling (dag-gal) whose shadow spreads in the West (SIG) over the Enki and Ninki (gods)’.269 A previous attempt by Lisman to translate this Zame Hymn is: ‘(65) Residence of Nergal, (66) great residence of Heaven and Earth, (67) low-lying aegis (68) for Enki and Ninki; (69) Nergal be praised’, which was reconsidered.270 65 The sign read by Biggs as GIR3 (in this line and in line 69) is in fact KIŠ. The majority of scholars agree that KIŠ.UNUG was a logogram for Nergal’s city Kutha in the earliest periods. Steinkeller discussed the development of a number of signs depicting animal heads that originated in the Uruk period. He argued that the sign KIŠ is very likely ‘an “unreformed” ALIM’.271 For the name ALIM.UNU Steinkeller favoured this explanation272: ‘(...) ALIM.UNU is actually a toponym, and (...) it belongs to the class of archaic toponyms comprised of UNU, “city”, and the name of its divine owner, (...). (...) ALIM.UNU would represent the “city of Nergal (ALIM)”, that is, Kutha.’ Nergal was ‘promoted’ by the Sargonic kings. The syllabic spelling gu2-du8-a for the name of his city seems to have been introduced by their scribes and was maintained from that period onwards. Changes and/or modifications of spellings after the Early Dynastic period were not uncommon, as Krebernik showed.273 Since Nergal is a netherworld god, the transliteration dag diĝir ki-gal “residence of the netherworld’s god” seems more appropriate than dag gal an-ki ‘great residence of heaven and earth/netherworld’. The expression diĝir ki-gal ‘god of the netherworld’ has its counterpart in dereš-ki-gal, the name of the goddess of the netherworld, which is attested in the ED text DP 51, obv. iii 5.274 66 sig was translated by Lambert as ‘pleasant’, and by Wiggermann as ‘the West’. Both translations are not supported by the literature. ĝessu sig is also found in Inanna and Šukaletuda.275 67 Enki and Ninki are a pair of primaeval gods, developed from the undivided unit an-ki, presumably from ki alone, since they have only chthonic characteristics.276 Enki and 267

268 269 270 271

272 273 274 275 276

Lambert 2013, 126-129. Litke 1998, 92 restored the name Enbilulu in An = Anum II 210 after these lines of Enūma eliš. Lambert 1990, 44. Wiggermann 1999, 219a. Lisman 2013, 116. Steinkeller 2004a, 183. For the development of the signs belonging to the KIŠ group, see also Mittermayer 2005, 22-52. Steinkeller 2004a, 183f. Krebernik 1998a, § 6.4, 283f. Allotte de la Fuÿe 1912 (P220701). Volk 1995, ll. 110, 158 and 280. Lisman 2013, § 4.2.1.1, 165f; see also Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000f, especially § 1. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Ninki are the ancestors of Enlil.277 There are several ED compositions in which the chthonic and netherworld character of Enki and Ninki is alluded to. In the Ebla incantation 19c we read: ur2-pi ki-še3 den-ki dnin-ki ‘its roots downwards (or: to the netherworld) are Enki and Ninki’; and in incantation 20b: ĝeššinig ur2-be den-ki dnin-ki ‘tamarisk, its roots are Enki and Ninki’.278 Another reference can be found in the inscription of the Vulture Stele (Eannatum I). One of the oaths was sworn by Ninki. The sanction on the breaking of this oath was expressed as follows: ‘may Ninki let a serpent from the earth bite into Umma’s foot, may Ninki take away Umma’s foot from the earth’.279 68 In the composition Enlil and Ninlil Nergal’s parents are Enlil and Ninlil.280 Here Nergal features under his name Meslamtaea; he was born after the moon-god. Originally Nergal was predominantly worshipped as a netherworld god in the northern part of Mesopotamia (Akkad). But after the Old Akkadian period he also became accepted in the southern Sumerian pantheon, where until then Ereškigal had been the goddess of the netherworld.281 From that period onwards, both deities were the rulers of the netherworld, and became finally husband and wife.282 Hymn 17 (ll. 69-70): Kiš, Zababa 69 Lambert remarked on the description ‘goring ox’: ‘a title fully justified by the political reputation of Kish in early times’.283 The name ‘Kiš’ may be an allusion to the wild bull: the old sign GIR3 represents this animal (see e.g. this sign on the tablet W15658; P002207). 70 The logogram dKIŠki in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list284 possibly represents Zababa, as suggested by Steinkeller.285 However, at this time in the Fāra god list SF 1286 and in the

277 278 279

280 281

282 283 284 285 286

Text IAS 114, i 9’-11; translation and edition: Lisman 2013, 23-25; 225-228. Krebernik 1984, 96 (incant. 19c), 102 (incant. 20b). RIME 1, E1.9.3.1. The relevant text is in the lines rev. v: 30-41: (30) u4-da inim-ba (31) šu i3-bal-e (32) dnin-ki (33) nam-ni ma-ni-ku -ra (34) ummaki (35) muš ki-ta ĝiri -ba (36) zu ḫe -mi-du -du -e 5 2 3 2 2 3 3 (37) ummaki (38) e-bi bal-e-da-bi (39) ĝiri -bi (40) nin-ki-ke (41) ki ḫe -da-kar-re ‘(30-31) When he 3 4 2 2 reneges on his word, (32) may Ninki, (33) by whom I made him swear for me, (34-36) let a serpent from the earth bite into Umma’s foot. (37-38) When Umma crosses this canal, (39-41) may Ninki take away its (= Umma’s) foot from the earth.’ (in other words: raze Umma to the ground). For the meaning of the expression nam .. ku5 see Edzard 1976a, 75, 79f. Attinger 2019a (with previous literature), Enlil and Ninlil: pp. 16, 31 l. 90. In South Mesopotamia Ereškigal was known as the queen of the netherworld from the Old Akkadian period onwards. There are only a few early attestations of the name Ereškigal: (1) In the Presargonic text DP 51 obv. ii 6 - iii 5 Ereškigal receives offerings. (2) In TH 14, 179, the netherworld is said to belong to Ereškigal. (3) Lu’utu, ensi of Umma during the OAkk period, built a temple for Ereškigal (RIME 2, E2.11.6.2; P216745). For a recent interpretation of this text, see Artemov 2012, 21f. Wiggermann 1999. Lambert 1976, 430b. Mander 1986, 25, no. 64. Steinkeller 2004a, 184. Krebernik 1986, col. xiii 11’ (= SF 1 rev. iii 11’). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Zame Hymns we find the usual syllabic spelling dza(7)-ba4-ba4. The sign-form ZA7 (present in SF 1 and in mss. A and B of the Zame Hymns) is nothing else than an earlier form of ZA (present in ms. C of the Zame Hymns). The importance of the god Zababa in the ED period may be inferred, not only from the reference to him in this Zame Hymn, but also from the mention of him in various ED literary texts where he plays a major role287 and from the fact that he is named in the doxology of two Sumerian library texts from Ebla (‘Praise to Zababa’).288 Zababa is mentioned in TH 35, from which his character as a war god appears.289 Westenholz remarked about religion in the Old Akkadian period: ‘neither Zababa nor Tišpak were particularly popular in the names, even in their respective home towns, Kish and Eshnunna, respectively.’290 It seems as though Zababa after that period, in the Ur III time, was a less revered god: his name is only rarely present in personal names; in Sallaberger’s ‘kultische Kalender der Ur IIIZeit’ the name Zababa is absent.291 Only in the Old Babylonian period does his cult seem to experience a revival, e.g. Warad-Sin built a temple for Zababa.292 Hymn 18 (ll. 71-73): Adab, Ašgi 71 As pointed out by Marchesi and Marchetti, the toponym Adab, later written UD.NUNki, is spelled with a special NUN sign instead of the later NUN sign in Pre-Sargonic texts from Adab: ‘(...), the sign NUN is not exactly NUN but a similar sign that ends in an arrow point.’293 This special ‘NUN’ sign, restricted to the toponym, is also attested in ED texts from Fāra294, Abū Ṣalābīḫ295, Isin296, and Nippur297. The sign combination BU.NUN, with a ‘normal’ NUN, represents a profession according to the lexical list ED Lu A, where it is followed by the similar expression SAĜĜA BU.NUN.298 From the Old Akkadian period onwards the sign order is always BU.NUN. An Ur III witness provides the explanation/gloss (?) ⸢nu?-un⸣-n[un?] for ⸢BU.NUN⸣.299 ⸢nu?-un⸣ is perhaps a syllabic spelling for BU = nun3, for which the ePSD gives the translation ‘fight, combat’.300 If so, BU.NUN could be interpreted as nun3nun, and nir BU.NUN might be ‘Lord/hero of the combat’. The sequence nir BU.NUN is also attested in a literary text from Fāra, where it refers to the god Ašgi.301 In a literary UD.GAL.NUN

287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301

MS 3211 (P342659); IAS 129 and 142, see Lambert 1981, 93. Lambert 1981, 93 fn. 11. Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 43 ll. 448-456. Westenholz 1999, 79. Sallaberger 1993. RIME 4: E4.2.13.24. Marchesi and Marchetti 2011, 169. Gelb et al. 1991 (OIP 104), 13, col. iii 7 (P005998). ZH 18, l. 71; IAS 43, obv. ii 7; IAS 61, obv. iv 7’; IAS 69, obv. ii’ 5’; IAS 73, obv. iv 18. Owen 1975 (MVN 3), 67, col. ii 2 (P222207). Westenholz 1975b (OSP 1), 16, col. rev. i 1 (P221575). ED Lu A l. 69 (DCCLT); Lecompte 2013, 149. SLT 24, rev. i 9' (P227723); see Green 1984, who transliterated: ⸢nu-un⸣-n[a?]. ePSD: nun3 ‘fight, combat’, Akk. anuntu (see CAD A II, 150, with lexical reference). SF 39, obv. vii 17. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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text from Abū Ṣalābīḫ, Ašgi is called GUD BU.NUN.302 The meaning of the two epithets could be ‘lord/hero of combat’ and ‘bull of combat’, respectively, which could be compared with Ašgi's epithet ur-saĝ ‘hero’ in the Keš Temple Hymn (passim). In a late god list303, Ašgi is identified as Ninurta, whose warlike nature is well-known. 72 Biggs’ transliteration of this line was an ni ab kuš. The sign NI, or perhaps IR, could not be determined with certainty; the extant part of the sign involved in ms. A does not seem to point to NI. AN NI is attested as a place-name in Archaic Cities 48.304 SU here is presumably a verb. We cannot offer a plausible interpretation of the line. 73 Ašgi’s name is written as d(AD.)aš8[ḪI×DIŠ]-gi/gi4 in ED texts from Fāra, Abū Ṣalābīḫ and Adab; later the complex ḪI×DIŠ was replaced by ŠIR with aš as phonetic complement.305 Apart from being a son of the mother-goddess, not much is known about the god.306 In the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list he has a prominent place (no. 9, just after Ninĝirsu).307 In the Fāra god list SF1 his name is found in col. obv. viii 13.308 He is also mentioned in TH 29 dedicated to his mother Ninḫursaĝa (line 375: ‘Ašgi, the god of Adab’). His name is absent from the OB An = Anum fore-runner TCL 15 10 and from the Emesal god list309, but it is present in the OB god list from Nippur310 and in An =Anum311. For Ašgi’s warlike character, see the commentary at line 71. Hymn 19 (ll. 74-76) Keš, Nintur312 74 In the chapter ‘The brick of birth’ of his book ‘Birth in Babylonia and the Bible’, Stol described the use of bricks as a support during the delivery; some lines in the Sumerian literature show that one of the attributes of the mother goddess – Aruru, Nintu,

302 303 304 305

306

307 308

309 310 311 312

IAS 163, ix 3’-4’. CT 25, pl. 12, K. 4339, rev. iii 22 (Explanatory Lists of Gods). ATU 3, 148 Cities 48; Englund 1998, 91, Fig. 26 col. 4 no. 3. Biggs 1971b; he noted that in Presargonic texts the name Ašgi was spelled as dŠAR2×DIŠ-gi/gi4. However, Krebernik (1994b, 384) questioned the sound value of the sign ZATU254 as indicated there, being ḪI, DU10 and ŠAR2: ‘Ob dem Zeichen auch der neben ḪI und DU10 angeführte Wert ŠAR2 zukommt, ist fraglich, da dieser in fārazeitlichen Texten als großer runder Griffeleindruck (= 3600) geschrieben wird, während die Raute nur für ḪI/DU10 steht.’ In all ED texts in which the name of Ašgi occurs (before it was written with the sign ŠIR) the aš8 sign is clearly ḪI×DIŠ, i.e. written with the lozenge form. For the various spellings of Ašgi’s name: see Such-Gutiérrez 2003, 321, notes 1349 and 1350. Steinkeller and Postgate (1992, 15-19) gave a survey of the distribution of the value of ḪI×DIŠ in third millennium texts. Krebernik 1997a, § 4.3.3, 509a. Such-Gutiérrez 2003, 321; Such-Gutiérrez 2005/2006, 6-8. George 1993, 153, no. 1134 mentions a temple of Ašgi: e2.u4.gim.x.x ‘House like a Storm...’. IAS 82, obv. i 9; Mander 1986, 24. Krebernik 1986, 175. Krebernik 1998a, 320-321 suggested that Ašgi may be the central god in the UGN text IAS 254, because his name was mentioned several times in this text. His name is present in e.g. col. rev. v 7-9; in the line rev. v 8 we read daš-gi za3-me. See also Krebernik 1997a, 509a, § 4.3.3. For the Emesal God List: MSL 4, 3-10; Borger 1998, 17-28. Peterson 2009, 15 no. 158. Litke 1998, 74, tablet II 68. This Zame Hymn was already translated by Biggs 1971a, 195-196. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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111

Ninḫursaĝa – is made up by birth-bricks.313 The verb TU.TU appears without subject or object. The literal translation of this line may be: ‘Keš, bricks to bear on’. 75 The tum12-turmušen may be a special kind of tum12mušen, with references by Veldhuis to the Ebla Vocabulary (but without indication about the kind of bird).314 The tum12mušen – ‘“wild dove”, perhaps the turtledove’ – is one of the most frequently mentioned bird names in the Sumerian literature, and according to Veldhuis ‘often associated with mourning and anxiety’.315 In the text of the Barton Cylinder we read: mušen a-ba-šubbe2 ‘after they have laid down birds’.316 That was explained as an offering to Ninḫursaĝa on the occasion of the goddess’ return to her city of Keš after the end of a disaster that had struck Keš. The cited lines, just like this Zame Hymn, may express a certain relationship between the mother goddess and birds. 76 The city goddess of Keš is the mother goddess, mostly called Nintur or Ninḫursaĝa.317 In the ED version of the Keš Temple Hymn the name of this goddess is spelled dTU.318 In the text Š402 obv. iv 2 and 3, dTU is mentioned twice.319 Steible and Yıldız commented that ‘die doppelte Nennung von dTU unmittelbar hintereinander deutlich (macht), daß hier, theologisch gesehen, zwei Erscheinungsformen derselben Gottheit unterschieden werden.’ Waetzoldt discussed the identity of the goddesses dTU, dTU-da and dnin-tu, and he wondered whether these goddesses might be identified with each other.320 Such-Gutiérrez argued that dTU and dnin-tu were at least originally independent deities.321 In the Fāra god list SF 1 both dTU and dTU-da are present.322 For Tuda, see ZH 67.

313

314 315 316 317

318 319 320 321 322

Stol 2000, 118-122. Birth-bricks are also mentioned in TH 7, 94, dedicated to Ninḫursaĝa of Keš: e2-keš3ki šeg12-zu TU.TU-zu ‘Temple of Keš, your bricks of your giving birth’. Sjöberg and Bergmann (1969, 22) translated this line as: ‘House of Keši, your bricks are (well) moulded’, because of one variant Sumerian text with šeg12-zu du8-du8-zu. Biggs (1971a, 196 fn. 13) commented on this translation: ‘Because it is the temple of Nintu, the goddess of birth, a reference to it as the brick upon which women give birth seems more appropriate.’ The translation of this line in ETCSL 4.80.1, 94 is: ‘O house Keš, your brickwork and your moulding of it’. SF 55 obv. ii 2 has: keš3 šeg12 TU ‘Keš, a brick on which one bears’. In Enki and the World Order (Benito 1969, 108 ll. 394-396; ETCSL 1.1.3, 395-397) we read: da-ru-ru nin9 den-li[l2-la2-k]e4, dnin-TU nin TU.TU-da, šeg12 TU.TU ku3 nam-en-na-ni šu ḫe2-em-ma-an-[ti] ‘Aruru, Enlil’s sister, Nintu, the lady of giving birth, is to get the holy bricks to bear on as (symbol of) her office.’ Veldhuis 2004, 291. Veldhuis 2004, 289-292. Lisman 2017, 156, col. xv 8 and 13. Nintur: this Zame Hymn; the Keš Temple Hymn, passim; TH 7, 93. Ninḫursaĝa: TH 7, 89 and 100; the Barton Cylinder (Lisman 2017). For the various names of the mother goddess, see Krebernik 1997a, § 3, 503-507. For Nin-tur: Krebernik 1997a, 506-507, § 3.31; Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001f; Krebernik 2009 sub Šassūru. Biggs 1971a, 202, l. 78 (D ii), and 203, l. 129 (D r. ii). Steible and Yıldız, 2008, 154, with commentary 158f. Waetzoldt 2001, 551, § 70. Such-Gutiérrez 2003, 362f. sub 106. dNin-tu(r), and 368 sub 116. Tu. Krebernik 1986, 168 and 181: obv i 19 and rev. ii 29, respectively. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 20 (ll. 77-78): KI.EN.GI (Uruk?), Messaĝĝa’unug 77 The sign combination KI.EN.GI in this line is most likely (an epithet for) a location in (the neighbourhood of) Uruk.323 An indication therefore can be found in the name of its tutelary deity Messaĝĝa’unug. 78 About the spelling and the reading of the name Messaĝĝa’unug, Peterson gave a detailed summary of the data from the literature.324 This summary did not give any insight into the character or the field of interest/action of this god.325 The god is present in the god list from Abū Ṣalābīḫ326 and in the Fāra god list SF 1327. The position of Messaĝĝa’unug in these god lists is not helpful in determining the god’s character. In the text usually called Lugalzagesi 1, this king of Uruk called himself lu2 dmes-saĝĝa-unugki-ga ‘a man of Messaĝĝa’unug’.328 In the list ED Lu A, a list with professions written in the Early Dynastic period, mes-saĝĝa is present.329 In the so-called Presargonic Riddles we read330: ‘Messaĝĝa’unug, the great ensi of Inanna’. Krebernik gives a summary of the texts in which the name of this god occurs; he concludes that ‘kein eindeutiges Bild von Stellung und Funktion der Gottheit’ can be determined.331 Hymn 21 (ll. 79-81): KI.EN.GI (?), Men 79 This Zame Hymn does not begin with the mention of a place-name. Perhaps it belongs to the previous one, with the toponym KI.EN.GI (see also the commentary on line 81). As already stated, the Zame Hymns normally begin with a reference to a (cult) place. On the basis of this scheme we assume that this line contains a metaphorical allusion to KI.EN.GI. The line could also be read as: gudug an dumu nun ‘gudug Priest of An, princely son’; gudug diĝir dumu nun ‘Divine gudug priest, princely son’, or gudug nun dumu an ‘Princely gudug, son of An’. Steinkeller, in his translation of this line – dumu nun ‘the child of the Prince’ – identified this Prince as Enki332; in that case most likely the diĝir determinative would have been used for nun, as is usual in most of these hymns for a god’s name. The expression gudug an-na was used, to the best of our knowledge, only once more, as an epithet for king Sargon.333 In the Old Babylonian period the gudug priest may be characterised by the god with whose cult he is associated.334

323

For some interpretations of the GI in KI.EN.GI, see Steinkeller 2005, 308f.; Wencel 2015. For KI.EN.GI = Enegi, see ZH 37.

324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334

Peterson 2009, 74-76. In CT 16, 3, l. 88, we read: dmes-saĝ-unugki niĝir kul-aba4ki ‘Messaĝĝa’unug, herald of Kullaba’. Mander 1986, 25 no. 46, transliterated as dpisan2saĝĝa:unug. Krebernik 1986, 174, obv. vii 16. RIME 1, E1.14.20.1 i 30; CDLI P431232. ED Lu A 47 (DCCLT), where umbisaĝ mes is written. Biggs 1973, 29 col. iv 8’. Krebernik 1993b. Steinkeller 1999, 111. RIME 2, E2.1.1.1 surface a 7 (OAkk, P461926); composite OB text (P227509), col. i 7. Charpin 1986, 252-257, with many examples (not for the god An). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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The sign transliterated as gudug has not the ‘usual’ later form (UḪ.ME), but it was written differently, as discussed by Krebernik.335 80 For the transliteration KISAL = ĝiparx: see the commentary on lines 25-26 (ZH 3). An alternative transliteration for EN is urunx ‘exalted’, resulting in the translation: ‘exalted ĝipar’. Depending on whether Men is a god or a goddess, the function of En was performed by a priestess or priest, respectively. 81 Very little is known about the deity Men.336 We neither know his/her gender and lineage nor his/her city. The name is written with the composite sign ĜA2×EN (menx), which later developed into ĜA2×(ME.EN) and stands for men ‘crown’. This word is also part of dnin-men-na, a name of the mother-goddess, of which dMENx could be the ancestor, but up to now there is no proof for this assumption. In the god list from Abū Ṣalābīḫ Men is – perhaps by chance – not attested, but the deity is present in the Fāra god lists. In the god list SF 1, it occupies a very prominent place (line 7) after Nanna and Utu, followed by the similar theonym dBAR.MENx and Nissaba. Men is also present in the god list section of SF 23.337 The ED list of cultic personnel mentions an išib priest of dMEN .338 The acrographic ED Word List F mentions a ki dmen ‘place of Men’ among x x other expressions formed with ki339; the exact connotation of ki is uncertain here. The position of Men in the Zame Hymns between two gods who are at home in the region of Uruk suggests that Men also had his/her domain in the neighbourhood of Uruk. Hymn 22 (ll. 82-83) KI.EN.GI (Uruk?), Ninsumuna 82 For the name KI.EN.GI, see the commentary on ZH 20 line 77. We write ERIN2 because of the uncertain transliteration of this sign. Jacobsen commented on the term erin2 ‘yoke’ in this Zame Hymn340: the ox-yoke is used as a metaphor for Ninsumuna’s city. Ninsumuna had some temples in (the neighbourhood of) Uruk.341 83 Marchesi and Marchetti mentioned the evidence for the original reading dKAL as lammarx instead of /lamma/.342 Ninsumuna literally means ‘Lady of the wild cow’. The reading of the theonym as Ninsumuna (instead of Ninsun) was discussed by Wilcke.343 Ninsumuna occupies a prominent place in the Fāra god list344, but she is not attested (perhaps simply not preserved) in the god list from Abū Ṣalābīḫ. The inchoate marriage of Ninsumuna and Lugalbanda is related in an ED IIIa composition.345 Their son is Gilgameš. 335 336 337 338

339 340 341 342

343 344 345

Krebernik 1984, 23, 229f., 308 fn. 24; Krebernik 1998a, 280. Krebernik 1993a. SF 23, obv. vi 16, without determinative. SF 57 rev. vi 21. The duplicates from Abū Ṣalābīḫ (IAS 44-53) omit this and other entries of the Fāra text. Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 239 no. 137. Jacobsen 1989, 74. George 1993, nos. 321, 598. Marchesi and Marchetti 2011, 168. Wilcke hesitated about where to place the diĝir determinative: dlamma nin-sumun or lamma dnin-sumun (Wilcke 2001, 502a). Both places seem possible. 2 2 Wilcke 2001, §1, 501-502. SF 1, obv. i 15: see Krebernik 1986, 168. IAS 327; for an new edition of this composition, see Lisman 2019. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 23 (ll. 84-85): KI.EN.GI (?), Lugalbanda 84 For the addition of the toponym KI.EN.GI in the translation, see the commentary on ZH 21 line 79. In his edition of Lugalbanda and Ninsuna (IAS 327), Jacobsen commented: ‘Since both Lugalbanda and Ninsuna are bovine in character, their love of offspring may reflect the cowherder’s wish for growth of his herd.’346 The bovine character of Ninsumuna is inherent in her name. The ‘bovine character’ of Lugalbanda, or better: a link between Lugalbanda and cattle, may be found in the mention of a ‘pure barn, recess for calves’ (instead of the name of a place, as in the majority of the Zame Hymns). This expression may be explained in two ways. It is an epithet for the place of Lugalbanda’s residence. At the same time it may be an allusion to the occupation of Lugalbanda as this can be found in the Sumerian King List, i.e. sipad ‘shepherd’.347 Storehouse and recess are useful for the maintenance and as a shelter for a herd, respectively. 85 Lugalbanda, whose parents are unknown, was a deified king of the Uruk I dynasty, mentioned in the Sumerian King List.348 He appears in the Early Dynastic god lists of Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ.349 Lugalbanda is particularly known from later compositions with the modern titles: Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave and Lugalbanda and the Anzud Bird.350 Hymn 24 (ll. 86-87): Karkara, Iškur 86 The logogram IM(ki) may represent the place-names Karkar(a), Mur(u) and En(n)egi. The cities to which they refer must have been associated with the storm-god Iškur, whose name is written with the same logogram. According to Schwemer, Karkar(a) is the most likely reading351, but the other two cannot be ruled out. As a place-name, the logogram is already attested in Archaic Cities 26.352 The ED lexical list SF 7 enumerates in the first column pairs of deities and place-names written with the same logograms, among them dIM, referring to the god Iškur and to his cult city.353 In TH 27, dedicated to Iškur, we read in line 332: šeĝx (IM.A.A) še gu-nu ‘rain for the crops’.354 The verb til3 ‘to live’ is an intransitive verb (not used for plants); with an 346 347 348

349 350 351

352

353 354

Jacobsen 1989, 85 fn. 27. SKL 107: dlugal-ban3-da sipad ‘The shepherd Lugalbanda’. SKL 107-108: dlugal-ban3-da sipad mu 1200 i3-ak ‘The shepherd Lugalbanda ruled for 1200 years.’ Fāra: SF 1, obv. vii 15: see Krebernik 1986, 174; Abū Ṣalābīḫ: Mander 1986, 27 no. 123. Wilcke 1987, 121-130, §§ 4.1.1 – 4.1.3. Schwemer 2001, 11f.; Schwemer 2016, 70f., §§ 2.1, 2.2. See also Edzard 1976c, 64a, and Sjöberg & Bergmann 1969, 119 sub l. 350. ATU 3, 146 Cities 26 (CDLI Q000034). The city’s name was written with the sign NI2 (IM×A: ZATU396 = LAK377). For NI2 see also CDLI ‘Archaic Geography’, Q000265; e.g. tablet W19948,24+W19948,36, obv. ii’ 11. NI2 probably represents the city of Karkara. In the late ED period, the signs IM (ZATU264 = LAK376) and NI2 merged into one sign (LAK377) (Krebernik 1998a, 277 and fn. 468). SF 7, obv. i 21f. še gu-nu, also written še gun3nu, has mostly been translated as ‘mottled barley’, based on gunu3 = barmu, burrumu ‘multicoloured’. According to Powell 1984, 67: ‘an equally possible – and I am inclined to believe, more probable – equivalent is banû, an adjective designating things that are © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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object it has a causative meaning: ‘to make/do live’. We assume here a transitive use of til3 and an ellipsis of the object. Transitive til3 is attested e.g. in the Uruk III and ED PNs en-e2-til3 ‘the En makes the house(hold) live’ 355, nin-KALAM-til3 ‘the lady makes the land/people live’356. 87 Iškur is the god who in the Sumerian tradition is responsible for storm, wind, lightning and thunder, and rain.357 In a Presargonic text, Enlil calls Iškur ‘my son’358, but usually An was regarded as the father of Iškur, and Medimša (ZH 59) as his spouse.359 Hymn 25 (ll. 88-90): Ereš, Nissaba This Zame Hymn is obviously based on a ‘sign play’ with the sign NAGA occurring in each line. In order to disambiguate its meaning, each sign is provided with an indicator: in line 88, the determinative ki indicates a toponym and thereby assures the reading Ereš; in line 89, te is used as a phonetic indicator assuring the reading teme2 ‘saltwort’ (see also the commentary on line 90)360; and in line 90, the determinative diĝir implies the reading Nissaba. 88 We assume that nun here means ‘princess’. A feminine connotation of nun, which normally means ‘prince’, is attested in the name of the goddess Nungal.361 Cavigneaux and Krebernik noted that ‘Nungal’s Name, dnun-gal geschrieben, enthält sumerisch nun “Fürst” in der seltenen femininen Konnotation und bedeutet ”Große Fürstin”. Another attestation of the meaning ‘princess’ can be found in the literary composition Ninurta’s exploits.362 For LAK4 = idim, see Steinkeller 1981, 21. Steinkeller also discussed two possible locations for the city of Ereš, a northern location and a southern one, and he concluded his discussion363: ‘In summary, all we can say is that the evidence on the location of Ereš is inconclusive, though it seems to tip in favor of a southern localization.’ The

355 356 357 358 359 360

361

362

363

“fine, excellent, beautiful”, and the like.’ In the edition of the TH 27, še gu-nu is translated as ‘the late barley’ (Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 36, l. 332); ETCSL 4.80.1 has ‘fine barley’. See also the translation (and the commentary on it) of še gu-nu (1) Michalowski 1989, 44-45, 68-69, 82-83, ll. 129 and 499; and (2) Sollberger 1967, 283-284, ll. 27 and 64. The term was borrowed into Akkadian as šegunû ‘crop’. The pertinent article in CAD Š II, 260-261, concludes with the suggestion that the term literally meant ‘barley (and) flax’. This is hardly conceivable, since the word for flax was Sumerian gu, Akkadian qû, not /gunu/! W17729,ee, rev. i 3b (P002761); MS 2500, obv. ii 7 (P006067). WF 35, obv. vi 7, read nin-ti-kalam, also in Pomponio 1987, 200. Schwemer 2016, 70-72, § 2. Schwemer 2001, 166, 179 (with references to previous literature). Schwemer 2016, 71, § 2.3. For the reading /teme/, see Borger 2010, 101, no. 293. Summarised: NAGA = ereš2, teme2, Nissaba; NAGAinverted and NAGAtenû = teme, te3 (reference to Civil 1987a and Volk 1990). In the ePSD the reverse is presented: NAGA = teme, and NAGAinverted = teme2. Cavigneaux and Krebernik (2001k) summarised what is known about Nungal; quotation § 1 p. 615b. Nungal’s name is already present in the Fāra god list (SF 1, rev. i 18). Van Dijk 1983, 70, l. 142: en zi en-ra nun-e tu-ud-da (variant: en zi en-ra nun-a u3-tu-ud-da) be-lum kun-nu-u2 [š]a ana be-lim ru-ba-tu2 ul-du-šu2 ‘juste Seigneur, qu’une princesse (!?) a enfanté pour un prêtre-En’. ETCSL 1.6.2 l. 142: ‘good lord, whom a princess bore to an en- priest.’ Steinkeller 2003b, 628-631; quotations on pp. 631 and 629, respectively. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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preference for a location ‘somewhere within the region extending between Šuruppak and Uruk’ was based on the activities of Lugalzagesi’s family at Ereš, and perhaps even their origin from there. Roaf and Frayne suggest a northern location, between Kiš and Nippur.364 89 teme2(teNAGA) is in all likelihood identical with the plant name later spelled teme(NAGAinverted/tenû)sar or úteme(NAGAinverted/tenû).365 It most probably designates a plant similar to únaga ‘saltwort’. About this plant Civil remarks: ‘It is not frequent in non-lexical texts or at least it is difficult to recognize because it tends to be replaced by the regular NAGA.’ The biotope of these plants may consist of alkaline-containing ground, because of their high salt tolerance. Some Salsola species grow in salty marshes. In Mesopotamia the soil was becoming more and more salty due to repeated irrigation, thus becoming a very suitable soil for the NAGA-plants. The leaves of some Salsola plants can be used as vegetables; the plants may also be used for the production of potash. The presence of both LUL and TUK in this line suggests the transliterations LUL = nar ‘singer’ and TUK = du12 ‘to play a musical instrument; to sing’ are involved. Other transliterations than nar and du12 do not lead to a meaningful translation in this context. A combination of nun and the verb du12 could not be found in the literature. The reading li? ‘juniper?’ instead of TA or ŠA has been preferred since no plausible interpretation of TA or ŠA is available.366 90 The goddess Nissaba was described by several scholars as in origin a grain goddess or an agricultural deity.367 The logogram for this goddess was initially dNAGA, and in later periods dŠE.NAGA.368 The later spelling dŠE.NAGA can tentatively be explained as follows. The saltwort removes a great deal of the salt that inhibits the growth of e.g. barley. After this removal the soil is again suitable for the growth of barley (or another grain species). Was Nissaba initially, as the spelling of her name with the logogram NAGA indicates, the goddess of this saltwort, in later periods she was also acknowledged as a grain goddess due to the advantageous action of the saltwort. This was realised when the sign ŠE was added to the original spelling of her name, resulting in dŠE.NAGA. After all, the addition of the ŠE did not influence (the pronunciation of) her name.369 The advantageous effect of the teme plant may be the reason for the song 364 365 366

367 368 369

Roaf 1996, 102; Frayne 1992, 51 map 5. Civil 1987a, 48f. The combination NAR NAGA is present in texts from the Uruk III period (in some Uruk texts the sign ḪI is present in the nape of the sign NAR) and also in one ED I-II text, the so-called Hoffman tablet (Gelb et al. 1991 [OIP 104], texts p. 33; plate 1 no. 1). From these texts it may be concluded that NAR NAGA might be a profession. However, in the Archaic and ED lexical lists this profession could not be demonstrated. Black and Green 1992, 143; Michalowski 2001, 575b; Selz 1989, 491. Krebernik 1998a, 284; Michalowski 2001, 575b. Several attempts were made in order to determine the meaning of the name Nissaba (Michalowski 2001, 575b-576a). Selz’ interpretation as ‘Herrin der Getreidezuteilungen’ seems less likely (Selz 1989). In the early periods that Nissaba’s name was written as dNAGA, without the extra ŠE, most probably her name was already pronounced as Nissaba. The sign NAGA is not related to grain. In an ED text from Fāra , SF 77 ii 11 – which text seems to be an exercise text with lists of words © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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of praise (line 89). In an OB hymn to Nissaba we read that Nissaba is nourished amidst pure alkaline plants, in TH 42 Nissaba is born amidst the same plants.370 Hymn 26 (ll. 91-96): Dulum, Ninduluma 91 The usual reading of the diri-compound NAĜAR.BU is ildu3. In ED Word List F 90 NAĜAR.BU occurs with the variant AN:DU (= il3-du) in source K.371 This word list – sometimes also called Geography B, because of a number of entries with ki – contains besides geographic names non-geographic topics. For the preferred reading of the compound NAĜAR.BU as dulum, see the commentary on line 96 of this Zame Hymn. The town of Dulum may be situated in the neighbourhood of Zabalam, in the district of Umma.372 92 It is interesting to cite what Biggs remarked with respect to the sign combination ŠE+LU3 (in his transliteration: ŠE+GUG)373: ‘The sign in line 93 [our line 92;L/K] given in a convenient transliteration as ŠE+GUG is not listed in LAK. It is not, in fact, made with ŠE, which in Abū Ṣalābīkh texts invariably has a horizontal wedge, but rather with wedges like those in TU. It seems here to be a word for a valuable metal or a stone.’ In the list ED Metals the combination ŠE+LU3 is present, and indicated as ‘a metal’.374 Our suggestion is that this metal may be an alloy with a certain hardness, making it suitable for an axe. Why an alloy? Because for the most usual pure metals the logograms are known. The same order of tools (aga3/gin2 – šum – /bulug/) is found in the so-called Early Dynastic Vocabulary A.375 In the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list the metal ŠE+LU3 and the tool šum (this Zame Hymn line 94) are present as gods.376 93 We assume that aga ŠIM may point to an axe with a helve made of a special kind of (precious) wood (šim). A wooden tool is mentioned in A hymn to Nisaba: šita ĝešnimbar ‘a date-palm mace’.377 One might expect an axe made of some kind of metal, but no metal could be found expressed by a combination with the word ŠIM. 96 The arguments for the reading of the god’s name dnin-NAĜAR.BU as Ninduluma are given by Cavigneaux and Krebernik.378 He is a carpenter god. In this case we suppose

370

371 372

373 374 375 376 377 378

(Biggs 1974, 39) – we find: NAGA.SA2 nu-su-bu-še3. This suggest a pronunciation of dNAGA as Nissaba, but without any indication of grain, either in the spelling or in the etymology of her name. A hymn to Nisaba (Nisaba A) 2-3: (2) dnissaba immal2 gal duraš-e tud-da (3) šeg9-bar naĝa kugga ga zid gu7-a ‘(2) Nissaba, great wild cow born by Uraš, (3) mountain goat nourished amidst pure alkaline plants on good milk’ (Hallo 1970, 124). TH 42, 540: munus zid naĝa kug-ga gi du3-e tud-da ‘the true woman, amidst pure alkaline plants born of a reed stylus’. Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 229b and 236, source K. Powell 1976, 102f. Powell supposed that Nin-NAĜAR.BU is a deity of the Umma district. Most of the texts which mention the god’s name were found in Zabalam and in Umma. In none of the ED geographic lists could a town spelled like NAĜAR.BU be found. Biggs 1974, 54 sub ll. 92-97; his GUG is to be read as GUG2. ED Metals 62; CDLI Composite no. Q000027. Civil 2008, 36, ll. 156-158. Mander 1986, 28, nos. 186 and 187. ETCSL 4.16.1, 48. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000b, with the relevant but scanty data with respect to Ninduluma. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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that the name of the deity contains the name of his town, analogous to e.g. the goddess Ninisina and the town of Isin. Hymn 27 (ll. 97-98): kar nesaĝ, Sirsir 98 The god Sirsir (dAB.BU.BU) is known as the deity who is responsible for Enki’s procession boat and who was later identified with Marduk.379 Hymn 28 (ll. 99-100): AB×AŠ2, Kiki 99 AB×AŠ2 most likely is a toponym.380 With respect to the sign order of the next signs, we prefer u5 a šu2 ‘a goose floating on the water’ (we read šu2 instead of šuš as Biggs did). Veldhuis observed that the word u5mušen ‘the goose’ in early third millennium texts is sometimes written without the mušen determinative because the sign u5 already includes the sign mušen.381 The metaphor using a bird applies very well to the goddess Kiki. Another order, a-u5 šu2 ‘floating on high water’ may also be possible, but is less likely.382 A third possibility, a šu2 u5 ‘floating on and diving in the water’ also seems unlikely, because the presence of two verbs in one line is unusual in the Zame Hymns. 100 Veldhuis listed the attestations of d(nin-)ki-ki in Sumerian literature.383 In the Fāra god list SF 1 dnin-ki-kimušen is present in col. obv. vi 6, whereas dki-kimušen appears in col. obv. ix 8.384 Maybe they are related to each other, or even identical. In the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list dki-kimušen is present at place no. 30, while Nanše has position no. 26 in this god list.385 Presumably Ninkiki/Kiki was originally the goddess of the water birds. Because her name can not be attested after the ED period, it may be that at that time she was syncretised with Nanše, known as the goddess of birds and fishes. Hymn 29 (ll. 101-102): AB׊U2, Ezina 101 There is some confusion in the literature about the inscribed sign (ŠU2 vs ŠUŠ) in the composite sign which we transliterated as AB׊U2, corresponding to LAK542. The older form (present here), which consists of two wedges, should be transliterated as ŠU2 or ŠUŠ2. It later developed into a Winkelhaken, which according to Borger’s Zeichen-

379

380 381

382 383

384 385

Green 1978, 160; Krebernik 2011a; Krebernik commented on this Zame Hymn (ibid. p. 554b): ‘Bereits in den “Zame-Hymnen” aus Abū Ṣalābīḫ wird S[irsir] mit einem “Kai” (des Erstlingsopfers?) assoziiert, an dem “Wasser ausgegossen” wird’. In Ee. VII 70, Sirsir as Marduk’s 28th name is interpreted as šāpik šadî elēnuš Tiāmat ‘who heaped up a mountain upon Tiamat’, see Lambert 2013, 128f.; Shibata 2018, 202. Archaic Cities 44, transliterated as AB×NUNt in CDLI Composite no. Q000035. Veldhuis 2004, 295. The text BM 115798, obv. ii 15 (a copy of the Keš Temple Hymn) mentions u5-gin7 a-e šu2-a ‘like a goose floating on the water’ (Geller 1996, 70 l. 50, and 73f., comments on l. 50). In Gragg’s edition of the hymn (1969) this line is missing. See also PSD A I, 199f.; the ED text DP 485, rev. iii 3 has: a-u5-a-am6 said of a boat (P221135). Veldhuis 2004, 272. He also referred to Sjöberg (2003, 553, no. 1126), who cited some lines from the UGN text IAS 131 vii 5’-7’: (5’) dki-kimušen (6’) u4-gin7 (7’) dim-dim mu(NUN)-za ‘Kiki howled like a storm’. Krebernik 1986, 173 and 176, respectively. Mander 1986, 24. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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lexikon should be transliterated as ŠU4 or ŠUŠ.386 The archaic predecessor of the toponym AB׊U2 was AB+ZATU659387, as a comparison between SF 23 obv. iv 18 and ATU 3, 149 Cities 73 shows.388 Foster adopted Biggs’ transliteration AB׊UŠ389; he discussed the possibility that the logogram represents the city of Apišal.390 He concluded: ‘Therefore, we conclude that while an identification of RÉC 349 with Apišal is not excluded, it cannot on the present evidence be put forward as more than a possibility.’ The sign read by Biggs as LAK31 is URI3. 102 Ezina, a grain goddess, is present in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list391 and most probably also in Fāra god lists392. In the Old Sumerian period Ezina received offerings in Lagaš; she also belonged to the pantheon of Umma.393 There is neither a Temple Hymn dedicated to Ezina, nor could any data about a possible ‘city of Ezina’ be found in the literature. An Early Dynastic composition from Abū Ṣalābīḫ relates the (otherwise unknown) adventures of Ezina’s children.394 Another, later, composition in which Ezina, who represents Grain, is one of the protagonists, is The Debate between Grain and Sheep.395 Hymn 30 (ll. 103-104): Ĝišša, Ninura 103 Recently Almamori discussed the cities of Ĝišša (modern name Umm al-ʿAqārib) and Umma (modern name Jokha) in the Early Dynastic III period.396 His argumentation is based on the results of archaeological excavations and on textual sources. The excavations demonstrated that Ĝišša during the ED III period was a large city, while initially Umma – at a distance of a few miles from Ĝišša – was only a small settlement. At a certain moment, towards the end of the ED III period, Ĝišša was abandoned (Almamori assumed that this happened because of the change of the river course; there is no evidence of a destruction or plundering) and its inhabitants moved to Umma. The old name of Umm al-ʿAqārib was Ĝišša (written ĜEŠ.KUŠU2ki), while Jokha was called Umma or Umme, written HI×DIŠ in Sumerian texts, and UB.MEki in Old Akkadian royal 386 387 388

389 390

391 392

393 394

395 396

Borger 2010, 176 no. 661. Green and Nissen 1987, 170 no. 10. Hilprecht published an Old Babylonian tablet from Umma, on which a lugal-(AB׊U2)ki is mentioned (Hilprecht 1893, plate VIII no. 19 line 6). Biggs 1974, 49 sub line 102; Foster 1990, 35. Foster 1990, 35f.; 40-43. At a certain point in his discussion Foster (1990, 36) remarked: ‘Therefore, it is tempting to identify RÉC 349 and LAK31 as writings of the city Apišal, (...).’ LAK31 is clearly a mistake, because in the rest of the text he discussed the possible identification of only RÉC349 (= LAK542) as way of writing the name of the city of Apišal. The next quotation in the main text is on p. 43. Mander 1986, 24, no. 24. In the older spelling dTIR: SF5, obv. iii 9; SF 6, obv. iii 3 (Krebernik 1986, 190, SF 5-6, no. 27); SF 23, iii 19. Ebeling 1938; Steinkeller 2012. IAS 283 and duplicates (Biggs 1974, 90); an edition of the text of this composition is in preparation (Lisman). Alster and Vanstiphout 1987. Almamori 2014a. As a result of this discussion we read in this line ĝišša (Biggs’ transliteration was umma). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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and monumental inscriptions397 but also in some Sumerian texts398. After the abandonment of Ĝišša and the expansion of Umma – presumably caused by the people moved from Ĝišša – the spelling ĜEŠ.KUŠU2ki was now used for Umma. Another point was also considered by Almamori399: ‘Although the accurate meaning of HI×DIŠ (ŠAR2× DIŠ) still escapes us, this was apparently invented at Ĝišša.’ In the list OB list Diri, Umma is equated with Kišša.400 Our tentative hypothesis is that the rulers of Ĝišša, using the title lugal ḪI×DIŠ, may have referred to their rule over the whole province which was called Umma, too.401 ĜEŠ.KUŠU2ki, characterised by the epithet munus ur4 ‘gathering women’ or ‘where women gather’, is also found in another literary composition from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ.402 Since wool industry played an important role in Umma403, the epithet may allude to the plucking (ur4) of sheep and the gathering of wool. Furthermore, since MUNUS has also a reading mi2/mex, a pun with me ur4 ‘to gather the me’ (said, e.g., of Inanna and Ninisina404) cannot be excluded. This short hymn is clearly based on a sign play with UR4, which recurs in the name of the goddess. 104 Cavigneaux and Krebernik summarised what is known about the goddess Ninura.405 In the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list she is mentioned between Nanše and Gatumdug.406 In the Fāra god lists she is not attested. The majority of the texts in which Ninura is mentioned date from the Ur III period, where her name is spelled as dnin-ur4-ra. We could not find any attestation of Ninura after this period. In the so-called Presargonic Riddles from Lagaš Ninura is called ama-tu-da ummaki ‘the natural mother of Umma’.407 In another ED text we find: (3’) dnin-ur4 (4’) an mu-dub2-dub2 (5’) ki mu-sa2-sa2 ‘Ninura made the heaven tremble continuously, beat the earth continuously’.408 These are the only descriptions of Ninura we could find in the literature. Her name suggests that she was the goddess of ‘the plucking of sheep’. Obviously she was especially honoured in Umma, as suggested by this Zame Hymn and the line from the Presargonic Riddles. Waetzoldt noticed409: ‘Ursprünglich dürfte Nin-ur(a) (dNin-ur4) die oberste Gottheit der 397 398

399 400 401

402 403

404

405 406 407 408

409

RIME 2: E2.1.1.1, ll. 59, 121’; E2.1.2.2, ll. 5, 16; E2.1.2.4, l. 135’. Hackman 1958 (BIN 8), 159, rev. ii 2 (P221571); Bartash 2017 (CUSAS 35), 479, obv. iv 9 (P253776). Almamori 2014a, 29f., § VI.5 (quotation p. 30). Diri Nippur 230 (MSL15, 20): um-me-en GIŠ.UḪ3.KI = ki-iš-[...]. Waetzoldt 2013, 318a, (where inadvertently ŠAR3 was written instead of ŠAR2). We would also like to refer to the contribution to this discussion by Marchesi and Marchetti 2011, 170f. IAS 282 obv. viii’ 7’. Waetzoldt 2013, 324 § 8 and § 9.3; with respect to the industry and handicraft: ‘(...), sonst verarbeitete man hauptsächlich heimische Produkte (besonders Wolle, Leder, Holz und Rohr).’ E.g.: Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld 15; A šir-gida to Ninisina 7. There are also temple names with (e2)-me-ur4(-ur4) (George 1993, nos. 788-795). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001i, 510. Mander 1986, 24, no. 27. Biggs 1973, 28, col. iii 4. IAS 282, obv. vii’ 3’-5’. For a similar expression in the Ebla texts ARET 5, 24-26 see Krebernik 1997b, § 3.2, 187-188. We assume that sa2 is used for sag3 ‘to beat’. Waetzoldt 2013, 322a. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Provinz (= Umma; L/K) gewesen sein: Die ältesten Texte nennen sie vor Šara und der “Mutter von Ĝiš(š)a (= U[mma])”’. Hymn 31 (ll. 105-106): KI.AN, Šara 105 KI.AN(ki) most likely is a place in the neighbourhood of Umma; it belongs in any case to the province of Umma.410 The undamaged text of ms. K differs from the other texts in two aspects: (1) E2 is missing; (2) gu4 ur3 and saĝ gunu3 appear in separate cases, isolating the expression saĝ gunu3 ‘(with) multicoloured head(s)’. This last one may refer either to the place or to gu4. In the latter case, it would be parallel to ur3. This is a well attested qualification of cattle in ED sources, where it is paralleled by šarx(NE). The meaning of both terms is not definitely clarified.411 This opposition can be observed in archaic and ED lexical lists412, but is also attested in a few literary compositions413. ur3 qualifying cattle is well attested without its counterpart šarx(NE), while the latter occurs only rarely without ur3. Since clear colour terms as qualifications of cattle are recognisable in the same lexical texts, ur3 and šarx(NE) most probably represent a different semantic category. In view of one of the responsibilities of Umma’s city god Šara (see below), we suppose that indeed domesticated bulls are meant in this line. However, we presuppose here the wellknown meaning ‘to wipe (clean)’ of the verb ur3, i.e. ‘to currycomb’ when applied to animals. The result of this action has also an effect on the appearance of the hides of the animals.414 The analogy between a harrow and a comb is expressed in the Song of the Ploughing Oxen: ĝešgana2-ur3 ĝešga-rig2 a-ša3-ĝa2 ‘the harrow, the comb of my field’.415 106 The god Šara was discussed by Vulliet; in Umma was Šara responsible for agriculture, irrigation and domestication.416 Bauer noted that KI.AN and Umma might have had the same pantheon because of the closeness of the towns to each other.417 According to Vulliet Šara was ‘Dieu tutélaire de la province d’Umma’, according to Waetzoldt ‘Stadtgott von KI.ANki’418. In TH 25, Šara’s temple e2-maḫ was situated in the town of Ĝišša. In a recent paper Almamori concluded that the White Temple excavated in the 410

411

412

413 414

415 416 417 418

Edzard 1980a; Edzard et al. 1977, 85f.; Carroué 1993, 21; Steinkeller 2001, 46; Waetzoldt 2013, 321b, § 4. Pientka-Hinz 2011, 327-333 understands ur3 as ‘raised under the protection of a roof’ (i.e. racially pure or domesticated) and šarx(NE) as ‘of mixed race’ (i.e. mixed between wild and domesticated animals). The distinction she finally made is (p. 332): ‘Rasse- bzw. Hausrinder’ und ‘Mischlinge bzw. Halbwilde’. But according to Attinger 2017 (Enmerkara et Ensukukešdana; 2004, actualisé en 2017; fn. 185), her arguments in this respect ‘n’emportent toutefois pas la conviction.’ Uruk text W9656,ex; ED Animals A (DCCLT). In the ED list, each kind of animal (ab2, gu4, amar, am) starts with the opposition ur3 – NE/šarx. Civil 1988. Another meaning of gu4 ur3, ‘rear ox of a plough team’ (Stol, 1995), ‘Eggen-Bulle’ (Waetzoldt 2007, 378, § 4.3.2) or ‘(Rind) direkt am Pflug’ (Weszeli 2007, 394, § 4.1.2) seems less likely in this context. Civil 1976, 89, l. 120. Vulliet 2009, 32, § 3.2. Bauer 1998, 494. Vulliet 2009, 32, § 3.2; Waetzoldt 2013, 322a. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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city of Ĝišša had been the temple of the city god Šara during the ED period.419 This does not seem to correspond to ZH 30 and 31, according to which Ninura was the city god of the city of Ĝišša, while Šara belonged to the city of KI.AN. Hymn 32 (ll. 107-108): Lagaš, Ĝatumdug 107 im ku7 ‘sweet clay’, or perhaps im kurušda ‘fattener clay’, could not be found in other texts. Probably fertile soil is meant. 108 Gatumdug was the city goddess of Lagaš; she is attested in the Fāra god list 420 and probably also in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list421. We cannot distinguish any characteristic traits of Gatumdug. Finally she was identified with BaU (dba-U2).422 Gatumdug was still used as a theophoric element in personal names during the Ur III period. Hymn 33 (ll. 109-115): Niĝin, Sirara; Nanše 109 Niĝin (niĝin6), in traditional transcriptions Nina, was the cult place of Nanše.423 NAĜAR appears here and in the next line as a qualification of ab2 ‘cow(s)’. This usage is known from ED Animals A 112. Krecher, commenting on ab2 naĝar in a word list from Ebla, thinks that NAĜAR there might be a toponym.424 NAĜAR.KI in ED Lu C 46425 must be a profession, but a city NAGARki can be found in an ED inscription from Mari and in two Old Akkadian texts from Sippar.426 At least in the Mari inscription, Nagar = Tell Brāk is meant, which is normally written na-gar3ki.427 Waetzoldt in his RlA article ‘Rind’ does not mention ab2 NAĜAR.428 We can offer no plausible explanation. 110 AB×ḪA.TAG = sirarax, instead of dnanše tag (Biggs’ transliteration). Sirara was the temple of Nanše in Niĝin, as is shown by Heimpel.429 The logographic spelling of the toponym Sirara is based on the sign AB×ḪA, which represents the name of the goddess Nanše and the name of her city, Niĝin. In inscriptions from Lagaš, Sirara is mostly written UD.MA2.AB×ḪA.KI.TAG. Later, this sign group developed into UD.MA2. AB×ḪA.ŠIR(tenû); OB Diri Nippur has UD.MA2.AB×EŠ.ŠIR.430

419 420 421 422

423

424 425 426

427 428 429 430

Almamori 2014b, 177, 186. SF 1, obv. ix 14: see Krebernik 1986, 177. IAS 82, obv. ii 6, where her name is spelled dĝa2-tum3-da (Krebernik 1986, 193). See also: Selz 1995, 134-136. The reading of the name dba-U2 was discussed by Keetman 2018. His arguments for the reading dba-bu11 were sustained by a recent contribution of Schrakamp 2019, both with previous literature. For AB×ḪA = niĝin6, see Borger 2010, 92 no. 236. For Nanše’s cult place: (1) TH 22; (2) Selz 1995, 182f., sub 1.3 and 1.4; (3) Heimpel 1998, 156a, § 11. Krecher 1983, 188 sub 34. SF 47, rev. ii 5 (P010632), see MSL12, 14; for the correct line numbering see Taylor 2003, 1-2. Mari text: RIME 1, E1.10.12.1 7. Sippar texts: CT 1, BU.91-5-9,589 obv. 2; 7 (P212952) and BU.91-5-9,590 rev. 2 (P212954). Eidem 1998. Waetzoldt 2007. Heimpel 1981, 98-101. MSL 15, 24: 329, with gloss si?-r[a...]-⸢x⸣. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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111 For NINDA2×GUD NAĜAR: see the commentary on line 109, but it should be noted that a section of NINDA2×GUD similar to that of ab2 (ll. 109-114) is absent in ED Animals A. The reading of NINDA2×GUD is unknown.431 112 Ms. L1 writes MES (in ll. 112-114) instead of UM as in all the other mss. Biggs accepted MES as the primary reading and noted UM as a variant. Veldhuis noted: ‘In the Zame hymn for Nanše (...) ummušen is mentioned several times (MESmušen in some manuscripts).’432 We assume that MES in L1 is an error for UM. In lines 112 and 114 Nanše is called nin UM.MUmušen and nin UM.ABmušen, ‘Lady of the ... birds’. Both bird names are composed with the sign UM. For the distinction between the signs UM, DUB and MES see Krebernik 1994b, 383 sub ZATU86. We could not find a MUmušen in the literature. Instead of the UM.MUmušen also a MU.UMmušen might be possible. In ED Birds we find: 41. UMmušen 433; 49. UM.[X]mušen; 150. MU.[X]mušen. 113 The um bird is a ‘diving water bird, perhaps the grebe or the coot.’434 The determinative mušen was omitted (as possibly also in line 112 of ms. B) perhaps because the connection between Nanše and birds was so obvious. 114 Ms. C has a clear DAR according to the photograph, whereas ms. B has MUŠEN according to the copy. The sign in B is very narrow, an error either of the scribe or of the copyist, who omitted the additional wedges by which MUŠEN and DAR differ, seems very likely. If we accept DAR as the correct variant, the context reminds of Nindara, the name of Nanše’s husband. However, the missing determinative does not favour a reading nin-dara, while the reading DAR = gunu3 is equally possible. Furthermore, UM.AB could be an early spelling for (or a variation of) later um-ab-bamušen, which Veldhuis translated as ‘um bird of the sea’.435 Thus, several plausible analyses of the line are possible: (1) nin um-ab dar ‘lady of the um-ab and dar (birds)’; (2) nin eš3 um dar ‘lady of the shrine of the um and dar (birds)’; (3) nin eš3 um gunu3 ‘lady of the shrine of the multicoloured um (birds)’; (4) nin um dar ab ‘lady of the um and dar (birds) of the sea’. We tentatively preferred (1) in our translation. Moreover, it cannot be excluded that there is a kind of sign play in this line: Nanše’s name also contains the sign AB. 115 Nanše, the city goddess of Niĝin, is known as the goddess of birds, fish and marshes, and as a dream interpreter.436 Her name is found in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list437 and in the Fāra god list438. Nanše’s father is Enki, Ninĝirsu is her brother, Nindara her husband, and Nin-MAR.KI her daughter.439

431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439

Borger 2010, 106 no. 327. Veldhuis 2004, 302. See also Veldhuis 2004, 302. Veldhuis 2004, 302, with reference to lexical texts. Veldhuis 2004, 302. Veldhuis 2004, ch 2.2; Heimpel 1998, 153, §§ 3 and 4. IAS 82, obv. ii 4; Mander 1986, 24, no. 26. SF 1, obv. ix 11; Krebernik 1986, 176. Selz 1995, 211 sub 120. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 34 (ll. 116-118): Ĝirsu, Ninĝirsu 117 The House Ĝirnun – ‘House of the Princely Path’ – was a shrine at the procession road (Ĝirnun) towards the temple of Ninĝirsu, the Eninnu (‘the House of Fifty’).440 118 Ninĝirsu, the god of Ĝirsu441, and Ninurta share many qualities. Therefore it was argued that both were only two names and manifestations for the one and the same superregional deity. Another point of view was that Ninĝirsu and Ninurta were originally two local gods with different genealogy and partially different aspects. Streck has good arguments for this latter point: the god lists from both Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ present Ninĝirsu and Ninurta separately.442 Ninĝirsu appears at a very prominent place in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list, while Ninurta has a much higher place in the Fāra god list. Ninĝirsu was the son of Enlil and (possibly) Ninḫursaĝa; his spouse was BaU, his sister Nanše. Ninĝirsu was originally an agricultural god who took on a more and more warlike character.443 Hymn 35 (ll. 119-120): Ki’abrig, Ningublaga 119 The composite sign LAK617×LA is also part of the name of the god dningublaga(LAK617×LA) mentioned in the next line. Deimel in LAK distinguished two basic signs: LAK611 = EZEN, and LAK617, for which last sign there is no transliteration because it occurs only with inscribed signs. LAK617 is often incorrectly transliterated EZEN. We refer to it by LAK617 and use this also for the asymmetric form illustrated in LAK by the basic sign of LAK619 (which has a BAD inscribed). In ED Fāra, LAK611 = EZEN is used only with inscribed AN (= LAK613) and KASKAL (= LAK616), while LAK617 is used in all the other composite signs, i.e. with inscribed AŠ (= LAK618), BAD (= LAK621), KU3 (= LAK620), LA (= LAK621)444, MIR (= LAK622), TAR (= LAK626), TE (= LAK624), U2 (= LAK625), UD (= LAK623), URUDA (= LAK6237). Later, LAK617 became LAK611 = EZEN, and LAK611×AN was replaced by BAD3 (= u9; ug5). In the present Zame Hymn, as in other ED texts, the sign use is consistent: all the extant mss. have LAK617×LA (= LAK621). The same sign occurs in the next line as part of the theonym dnin-LAK617×LA = Ningublaga. On the basis of the structure of the Zame Hymns, Cavigneaux and Krebernik argued that gublaga could also be the name of a cult place of Ningublaga.445 However, a toponym *Gublaga does not seem to be attested 440 441

442

443 444

445

Falkenstein 1966, 123f. sub 4, 151 sub 8; George 1993, 94 no. 400. Heimpel 2002 hypothesised about the name Ninĝirsu and the tutelary deity of Ĝirsu. The name Ninĝirsu literally means ‘Lady of Ĝirsu’. In times before the Early Dynastic period it may have been an epithet for BaU, ‘nin ĝirsu’, the tutelary goddess of Ĝirsu. This function was taken over by a male deity, perhaps her husband, who continued to use the title Ninĝirsu, according to Heimpel’s hypothesis. In any case, in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list both BaU and Ninĝirsu appear, at distant places: Ninĝirsu in IAS 82, obv. i 8, and BaU in IAS 82, obv. iv 21. Streck 2001a, 512a § 1. Fāra god list: Ninĝirsu in SF 1, obv. v 19’; Ninurta in SF 1, obv. ii 18. God list from Abū Ṣalābīḫ: Ninĝirsu in IAS 82, obv. i 8; Ninurta in IAS 82, obv. iv 15. Streck 2001a, 514, § 4.2; 517, § 8.2. The Fāra text quoted under LAK615 (= LAK611×LA) as ‘9112,11’ has also the basic form LAK617 (SF 55 obv. xi 20, collated). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000e, 374, § 3: ‘Dem Schema dieser Hymnen entsprechend könnte EZEN×LA ein Kulttoponym sein, so daß N[ingublaga].s Name “Herr von Gublag” bedeuten © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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otherwise. In TH 11446, Ningublaga’s cult place is Ki’abrig.447 Ki’abrig is attested from the ED period onwards. Later spellings include ki-ábabrigx or ki-ab2-rig7, wherein the sign AB2 ‘cow’ seems to allude to the nature of the place and/or of the god.448 We assume that LAK621 = GUBLAGA in the Zame Hymn stands for Ki’abrig. However, this assumption, which implies that GUBLAGA has two different readings in the theonym Nin-GUBLAGA and as a spelling of his cult place, is somewhat problematic in view of names like dNin-IN for Nin-Isina, where IN has the same value (Isin) in the theonym and as a toponym.449 The cult place in this hymn is characterised by NINDA2×GUD gunu3 ‘(with) multicoloured breeding bulls’. 120 The ‘Rindergott’ Ningublaga450, a son of the moon-god, is also present in the Fāra god list SF 1.451 Like in TH 11 and in the Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur line 200, he is associated here with cattle.452 The LA in LAK617×LA = gublaga seems to be a phonetic indicator. Later it was replaced by GUD ‘bull’, which points to the nature of the god and can also be understood as a phonetic indicator (gu4). Hymn 36 (ll. 121-126): SAḪAR, Lugal-DU.DUL3 121 Place-names written IŠki (or SAḪARki) are attested in Ebla453, Abū Ṣalābīḫ454 and in some administrative Ur III texts from Ĝirsu. Their readings are uncertain. For BU.NUN, see commentary on l. 71. 123 The verb keš(e)2-d/r ‘to bind’, referring to snakes, is most likely to be interpreted in a figurative sense, in this case ‘to writhe’. 126 Lambert suggested a possible reading dlugal-šur2-ra2 for the theonym dlugalDU.DUL3.455 Alternatively, one could read it dlugal-sur2-du. The sur2-du3 is a bird, a kind of falcon.456 In ED Birds this bird is written as sur2-dumušen.457 In the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list, where determinatives are usually written, dlugal-DU.DUL3 is also present but

446 447

448

449

450

451

452 453 454 455 456 457

würde.’ Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 25-26 ll. 147-156. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000e, 375 § 7. See also e.g. Michalowski 1989, 48 ll. 200-201, where we read that Ningublaga leaves Ki’abrig. For Ki’abrig: see Edzard 1980b. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000e, 375b § 7: ‘Der ursprüngliche Hauptkultort N[ingublaga]’s war wohl Ki’abrig, wobei die Schreibungen KI-ábABRIGx und KI.ÁB.RIG7 wohl auf volksetymologischen Ausdeutungen von Gublag beruhen.’ Examples like Enlil/Nibru or Nissaba/Ereš, where the spellings for the theonym and the cult place are fully identical, represent a different type and cannot be used for support here. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000e. The reference for the reading cited in Cavigneaux & Krebernik 2000e, 375a § 3 can be updated: for Diri see now MSL 15, 36, 11:06: dNIN.EZEN×LA = ni-in-guub-la-ga. Krebernik 1986, 169, col. ii 9 transliterated the sign as EZEN+×LA and incorrectly identified it with LAK615 (instead of LAK621). Michalowski 1989, 48. For more examples: Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000e, 375a, § 6. Bonechi 1993, 210. IAS 503, obv. ii 4, which mentions fields of the town of Saḫar. Lambert 1987a, 134a sub Lugal-DUL.DU. Veldhuis 2004, 282. ED Birds 25 (DCCLT). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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without a mušen-determinative.458 Therefore the transliteration dlugal-sur2-du seems less likely for the name of the deity dlugal-DU.DUL3. Hymn 37 (ll. 127-137): Enegi, Ninazu Wiggermann’s translation of this Zame Hymn, based on the assumption that Ninazu here represents a god of the netherworld, is as follows:459 ‘Enegi, where the Mighty Cow (Ereš-kigal) opening her parts (gu-rum for gurum, ḫurdatu A) brings wild ox and bull (the souls) to rest, where the one opening her parts holds the Untamable Wild Ox (Gugal’ana) on a leash; plaster work (Enegi), where the black dog lies down at the tavern, where Ninazu makes the cows (souls) cease work.’ Some comments on Wiggermann’s translation may be made here. 1. ‘Mighty Cow’: the translation ‘mighty’ must be based on the reading ir9 of the sign GIR3/ ANŠE. However, the word ir9-ra ‘strong’ is ‘extremely rare in Sumerian sources, its usage being limited to the contexts involving Nergal and related deities.’460 See also our commentary on line 127. 2. gu-rum for gurum, ḫurdatu A ‘vulva’ (lines 128 and 130): this equation stems from the Middle Babylonian period, labelled ‘Standard Babylonian’ in the CAD.461 3. According to Wiggermann ‘the tavern is the place where the souls assemble before their final trip’.462 Wiggermann refers to Sjöberg 1969, 88, commentary ad TH line 180. This line is part of TH 14 dedicated to Ninazu's temple in Enegi. In that hymn no tavern is mentioned. Also Sjöberg in his commentary does not mention a tavern, let alone a tavern as a meeting point for roaming souls; his remark runs as follows: ‘gu2-si-a-nam-lu2-ulu3 refers to the Nether World as the place where the dead are gathered.’ 127 In accordance with the structure of the Zame Hymns, a place-name is expected here. Therefore it is very unlikely that EN.GI.KI can be interpreted as Kiengi and identified with ‘the land of Sumer’.463 Instead, we are dealing in all likelihood with the topnym En(n)egi. En(n)egi was spelled in different ways: (1) IMki; (2) EN.DIM2.GIGki (with some hesitations by Edzard); and (3) EN.GI(4).KIki.464 The city of En(n)egi is predominantly known because of its city god Ninazu (this Zame Hymn; TH 14). It was located between Ur and Uruk.465 The transliteration of LAK253 as anše and not ĝiri3466 is also based on the (supposed) 458 459

460 461 462 463 464

465 466

Mander 1986, 25, no. 79. Wiggermann 2000, 333b; the translation is given with Wiggermann’s own commentary between brackets inclusive. Steinkeller 2004a, 176, who mentioned only OB examples. CAD Ḫ, 249. Wiggermann 2000, 333a. For Kiengi as ‘the land Sumer’, see e.g. Wilcke 1974, 202-232; Steible and Yıldız 1993. Edzard 1976c, 64; Carroué 1993, § 2.2.5, 35-40; Steinkeller 1995b, 542-543; Bauer 1998, 512; Wencel 2015. Frayne 1992, 95; Sallaberger 1999, 136. See Mittermayer 2005, § 3.2, 28-32. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

128

131 132

133

134

467 468 469

470 471

472 473

127

parallelism of lines 127-128 with lines 129-130. The extant part of the damaged sign in the text of ms. B may belong to the sign ur3; the uncertainty is indicated by a question mark. For ur3 ‘to currycomb’ see the commentary on line 105 (ZH 31). Steinkeller clearly described the difference between the signs TIL and BAD.467 This line contains BAD, and not TIL (as Biggs supposed in his transliteration of this line). The literal translation of gu dili-bad is: ‘a shining cord’; we suppose here an analogy with a shining necklace or something similar. Perhaps it expresses a peaceful coexistence of the herds of different animals, or just resting animals. When nose ropes are applied/attached the bulls ‘turn the neck’ (and so come to rest) or they ‘turn around’. For the transliteration ŠE.ŠE3.NUN.BU = saman3, see Borger 2010, 158 no. 579; for the meaning of ‘lead rope’, see Biggs 1974, 55 sub lines 128-139. There was also a deity Saman ‘Lead rope’, with various ED spellings similar to the present one.468 The sign which Biggs indicated by x is in fact UR3. The expression im ur3 ‘to plaster with clay’ (see Wiggermann’s translation) is attested in many Ur III texts, but this meaning does not seem to fit in the present context. Instead, we assume that ur3 is meant here in the sense of ĝeš ur3 ‘to harrow’, one of the tasks of a team of animals as described in lines 131-132. Recently Sibbing Plantholt summarised what is known about black dogs in Mesopotamia.469 She pointed out the dual role of dogs which can be both good and evil, both guardians and foes: ‘The tavern theme in early Sumerian incantations (...) emphasizes that the black dogs belong to both worlds’, i.e. the world of the living and that of the dead people. The closest parallels to the passage in this Zame Hymn can be found in a literary composition from Fāra: ur gegge eš2-TE nu2470, and in a snake-incantation from Ebla: ur gegge eš2-dam-ma nu2-a471. ur gegge in the afore-mentioned incantations may refer to apotropaic figures of dogs, and in this Zame Hymn to dog statues at the entrance of Ninazu’s temple, called eš2-dam ‘tavern’ (?). For eš2-dam as a temple name: confer the (e2-)eš2-dam (kug) of Inanna, well-known from literary compositions.472 Statues of dogs, placed at entrances of buildings or rooms, may function as guards; compare in this respect the lion statues at the entrances of temples.473 Also known is an example of a

Steinkeller 1981. Krebernik 2008. Sibbing Plantholt 2017; quotation p. 170. Some examples in addition to those mentioned by Sibbing Plantholt: (1) Another ED attestation of ‘black dog(s)’ is the field name du6 ur gegge ‘hill of the black dog(s)’, apparently a meeting point for Enannatum and Ur-Lumma (RIME 1, E1.9.4.2 viii 8 [= P222496, rev. ii 8]). (2) The positive qualities of a black dog are found in Dumuzi’s Dream: (96) ur gegge ur nam-sipa-da-zu (97) ur gir ur nam-en-na-zu ‘(96) the black dog, your sheepdog, 15 (97) the watchdog, your dog of lordship’ (Alster 1972, 64-65). For the translation of gir 15 ‘domesticated’ and not ‘noble’, see Steinkeller 2005, 307-309. SF 36, obv. v 10-11. Krebernik 1984, 180-181: TM.75.G.2459 xvi 2-3. For black dogs in incantations, see: Heimpel 1975, 497, § 8; Farber 1981, 58; Krebernik 1984, 180-183; Veenhof 1996. George 1993, 83, no. 262. Heimpel 1987, § 4, 82-83. In the Keš Temple Hymn (Gragg 1969, 173 l. 92; ETCSL 4.80.2, 93): kan4-bi-ta piriĝ šu-ba nu2-a ‘(house) at whose gate is a lion reclining on its paws.’ See e.g. Thomas © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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6. Commentary

dog, made of black steatite, as a votive statue.474 In our context, ur must not necessarily be the same as ur-gir15 ‘dog’, but could refer to a member of the genus Panthera, like a lion, tiger or panther. Several compositions concerning Inanna mention her in combination with dogs or lions.475 In a first- millennium incantation text the lion is called ‘Ištar’s dog’.476 136 The verb silig ‘to cease’ led us to the suggestion ‘cease from work’, which may also be enclosed in lines 131-132, and in lines 127-130: all animals are lying down. 137 Wiggermann described what is known about the god Ninazu.477 Apart from his role as a netherworld god, Ninazu is also a god of agriculture. In TH 34, Ninazu is called ‘warrior’. Wiggermann observed: ‘The Early Dynastic iconography of Ninazu in Ešnunna must have been like that of Tišpak, his Akkadian successor, but in an earlier stage of development.’478 He described and showed a number of seals with a god holding a plough, thereby assuming that this god may be Ninazu or Tišpak.479 It has to be admitted: all these seals originate from Ešnunna and not from Enegi. But since Tišpak is Ninazu’s successor, it may be safely assumed that at least some of his characteristics (if not all) also belonged to Ninazu himself. This Zame Hymn fits into the picture of Ninazu as a god connected with agriculture. Ninazu’s mother is Ereškigal in TH 14; in TH 34 and in the composition Enlil and Ninlil480 his parents are Enlil and Ninlil. His wife is Ningirida, his son Ninĝešzida. Hymn 38 (ll. 138-139): ŠU.EŠ.GI, Namma 138 The place-name ŠU.EŠ.GI is also present in the ED duplicates of Archaic Cities.481 In the same list, ŠU.EŠ.GI occurs also as part of the compound name ŠU.EŠ.GI-E2.DUR2482, where E2.DUR2 could be an older spelling of e2-duru5 ‘hamlet, village’.483 For the translation of še gu til3, see the commentary on line 86, where the same expression occurs.

474 475

476 477 478 479 480 481

482

483

2016, 199, fig. 202. Corfù and Oelsner (2018) describe (among others) the apotropaic function of dog figurines and the various colours with which they may be painted. Their examples are all from the second and the first millennium BCE. Thureau-Dangin 1904 (see also P386356); Durand 1977, 32-34. The Exaltation of Iannna (Inanna B) 14 ur; A Hymn to Inanna (Inanna C) 23 pirig, and 105 ur gal. See also Wilcke 1976, § 10, 82: ‘Die Attributtiere der Göttin (= Inanna; L/K) waren Löwen; unter den (großen) “Hunden” in den Enḫedu’anna-Dichtungen hat man sich gewiß auch Löwen vorzustellen.’ On an ED seal from Uruk, Inanna may be recognisable with lions (?) at her feet (Braun-Holzinger 2013, 152, Siegel 10). Caplice 1965, 108 l. 6: ur-maḫ ur-gir15 diš-tar ‘the lion, Ištar’s dog’. Wiggermann 1997, 39; Wiggermann 2000. Wiggermann 1997, 35. Wiggermann 1997, 37-39; the seals in question are shown in Fig. 3 on p. 52. Behrens 1978, 217, 225 ll. 113-116; Attinger 2019a, 19 ll. 113-116. SF 23, obv. iii 14 // IAS 21 iv 1. The corresponding entry in the Uruk III version, ATU 3, 148 Cities 51, has GI.ŠUvertical. SF 23, obv. iv 8 // IAS 21 not preserved. The corresponding entry in the Uruk III version, ATU 3, 149 Cities 63, has GI[.ŠUvertical?]-E2.DUR2. Steinkeller 1995a, 700 sub 127. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

129

139 To the best of our knowledge, until now no composition is known in which Namma is mentioned as the tutelar goddess of a specific city. There are three foundation pegs from the ED IIIb period – one peg from Uruk, the other two in all probability also from that town – on which a text was inscribed saying that Lugalkisalsi built a temple for Namma.484 The goddess is present in the Fāra god list SF 1 (obv. viii 10). In the Old Babylonian literature Namma appears in prominent roles: in a cosmogonic function as the mother of an-ki ‘heaven-earth’; as the ‘procreator of a multitude of gods’ and as the mother of Enki.485 Hymn 39 (ll. 140-142): AB.KID.KID, Nin-AB.KID.KID The hymn refers to a deity addressed as the SAL+ḪUB2-gal of Inanna; for this title see below, commentary on line 141. 140 The structure of most of the Zame Hymns suggests that AB.KID.KID is a toponym or a temple name. Cavigneaux and Wiggermann assumed that AB.KID.KID here is a mistake for AD.KID(.KID)486 and has to be read /akkil/, but this is very unlikely since all witnesses of this line show the same spelling. On the other hand, it cannot be excluded that an original AB.KID(.KID) became assimilated to AD.KID in the later lexical tradition. The usual reading of AD.KID is ad-kup4 or adgub ‘basket-maker; reedworker’, but a reading akkil2 ‘noise; lamentation’ is also attested.487 Furthermore, (e2)akkil/akkil2 occurs later as the name of a temple of Ninšubur.488 Therefore, on the basis of a reverse argumentation, Cavigneaux’s and Wiggermann’s assumption could still hold true. Apart from this Zame Hymn, AB.KID.KID is attested in two ED IIIa texts and in many ED IIIb texts, where it is always written without the ki determinative and may represent a personal name, and in two Old Akkadian texts as (part of) a personal name.489 484 485

486 487

488

489

RIME 1, E1.14.15.2. Lisman 2013, 164f.; 173f. § 4.2.3.1; 295-296: in Enki and Ninmaḫ ll. 17-18, 22, 24, 29-30. See also Ceccarelli 2016, 35f. Cavigneaux and Wiggermann 2014, 28 fn. 11. AD.KID in Diri I 235–239 (MSL 15, 112; 113 notes), preceded by akkil = GAD.TAK4.SI (ll. 229234). A town AD.KIDki is mentioned in MEE 3, 235 no. 150 (with references to Abū Ṣalābīḫ manuscripts). According to Diri I 233-234. and 238-239, -akkil/akkil2 was the name of temples of Ninšubur and Manungal (cf. George 1993, 66 nos. 49–53). One ED IIIa text shows the personal name ur-e2-AB.KID.KID (Nöldeke 1939 [UVB 10], 19 pl. 26b [see also Krebernik 1998a, 243 fn. 73]; Krecher 1973, 210, v 4). Steible (2015, 159) mentioned AB.KID.KID as a toponym: the ED IIIa text TSŠ 302 rev. ii 4. Most of the ED IIIb texts, showing AB.KID.KID, are published by Notizia and Visicato 2016 (CUSAS 33), passim; one attestation in Bartash 2017 (CUSAS 35), 382 obv. ii 2. In some of the ED IIIb texts the transliteration eš3-lil2ke4 was found for AB.KID.KID. The OAkk text with AB.KID.KID is in Milano and Westenholz 2015 (CUSAS 27), 20, obv. i 1; the OAkk text with ur-AB.KID.KID is published in MAD 4, 237, no. 78 rev. 17 (= Krecher 1973, 237, no. 16). In texts from the Ur III and later periods AB.KID.KID could not be attested anymore. Furthermore, AB.KID (mostly transliterated in the literature as eš3lil2) is found increasingly from the ED period up to and including the Ur III period, and is (part of) © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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141 Biggs read dilmun for SAL+ḪUB2 in this line. Wiggermann demonstrated that SAL+ḪUB2 has a reading /lagar/.490 He also argued that the /lagar/-function in the ED period was different from that in the OB period. According to him, /lagar/ in the present Zame Hymn ‘cannot be a synonym of sukkal, since Ninšubura and not the totally unknown dnin-AB.KID.KID is the sukkal of Inanna’.491 Cavigneaux and Wiggermann afterwards nuanced this: ‘(...) SAL.ḪUB2 a le sens de ca “vizir” dès l’époque ED III au plus tard (...)’.492 But this seems to be less likely, because there is an Ur III seal, in which a human, geme2-dlamma, is called both ereš-diĝir ‘priestess’ and SAL+ḪUB2 of the goddess BaU.493 A human can be a cultic official of a deity, but a vizier? Michalowski proposed that SAL+ḪUB2 ‘is not a synonym of sukkal, but an alternative writing of this word’494. In spite of the fact that both the reading and the exact meaning of the title SAL+ḪUB2-gal cannot be established with certainty, it likely refers to that of a deity corresponding to the later Ninšubur, since according to an OB hymn, An bestowed on Ninšubur both the office of Inanna’s nam-sukkal and of Inanna’s nam-SAL+ḪUB2maḫ.495 This conclusion has already been drawn by Cavigneaux and Wiggermann (2014). There are two more Old Babylonian compositions, a letter and a hymn, in which Ninšubur is mentioned as SAL+ḪUB2.496 The sign combination SAL+ḪUB2, which later could merge with DILMUN, was used as a synonym of sukkal ‘vizier’ in the Old Babylonian period and had then a reading lagarx.497 142 Cavigneaux and Wiggermann concluded that dnin-AB.KID.KID in this Zame Hymn is d Nin-akkilx, and that ‘dNin-akkilx est l’équivalent de Nin-šubura (déesse d’Akkil)’.498 Nevertheless, the reading of AB.KID.KID and, consequently, of dnin-AB.KID.KID remains uncertain. Note also the two similar names da-ba-šu2-šu2 and dab-ta-gi4-gi4 in the list of Inanna's messengers in An = Anum.499

490 491 492 493 494

495 496

497

498 499

a personal name. Wiggermann 1988; Biggs read dilmun for SAL+ḪUB2 in this line. Wiggermann 1988, 237. Cavigneaux and Wiggermann 2014, 28. Sigrist and Tohru 2013 (PPAC 5), 296 (P202238 = P464009). Michalowski 1990, 1. His suggestion (Michalowski 1990, 7) that ‘the origin of the OB reading sukkalx for SAL.ḪUB2 is to be found in the northern Early Dynastic writing GIN2.DILMUN, which was used to write the word šaqil(um), “shekel”’ is hardly acceptable, because the Akkadian term was not šaqil(um) but šiqlum < *ṯiql-. The word ša-gi-lum in a bilingual list – ĜEŠ.DILMUN = waza-nu-um/num2, ša-gi-lum – quoted by Michalowski (the bilingual list EŠ.BAR.KINx from Ebla, see MEE 4, 245, VE 409a), represents most probably /ṯaqilum/ ‘heavy’. Cavigneaux and Wiggermann 2014, 27: CBS 15119+ (with previous literature). Walker and Kramer 1982, 78-83: Letter from Kug-Nanna to the God Ninšubur 7; Behrens 1998: A Hymn to Inanna as Ninegala 213. Wiggermann 1988; Michalowski 1990; Michalowski 1999; Cavigneaux and Wiggermann 2014. In Borger’s Zeichenlexicon (2010, 224) the reading of SAL.ḪUB2 is lagar3. Cavigneaux and Wiggermann 2014, 28. An = Anum IV 143-169 (Litke 1998, 158-160); the two names are restored from TCL 15, 10, rev i 2-3 (=ll. 243f.). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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131

Hymn 40 (ll. 143-144 ): GU2.GANA2, Namnir 143 We tentatively take GU2.GANA2 as a place-name. In the ED version of Archaic Cities two toponyms composed with GANA2 ‘field’ are present: GANA2.GI4 and GANA2.NUN. GI4.500 Another possibility is that GU2.GANA2 is an abbreviation for GANA2 gu2-edenna, Gu’edena501 (see also the commentary at line 144). For IŠ nun the readings iš nun ‘princely hill’ or saḫar nun ‘princely mountain’ are feasible. 144 The theonym dnam/nam2-nir is to be distinguished from Enlil’s byname Nunamnir.502 Apart from this, very little is known about the deity Namnir, whose name could mean something like ‘Herrschergewalt’503, a name which may be appropriate for the deity of a region (Gu’edena) that was disputed between the rulers of Umma and Lagaš in the Early Dynastic period. He/she is mentioned in the Fāra god list SF 1504 and in an administrative text from Fāra505. Furthermore, Namnir is attested in Fāra as part of the PN amar-(d)nam-nir.506 After the ED period the deity Namnir seems to have disappeared. Lambert was of the opinion that nun in line 143 was part of the theonym, and that dnun-nam-nir is identical with Enlil's title nu-nam-nir mentioned in ZH 1, lines 6f. This is very unlikely, since in that case Enlil would praise himself because of the domain which he received from himself. We could find only one example for the spelling dnun-nam-nir.507 Hymn 41 (ll. 145-146 ): GANA2.GAL, Nun-GANA2.GAL 145 We assume that GANA2.GAL here is a toponym because it is also part of the name of the deity. The word GANA2-da ‘field side’, only attested in Ur III-texts, seems to refer to a cultic place.508 In ED Lu A a saĝĝa GANA2.GAL is present509; the ED Officials has a NI and a DA official510. 146 Cavigneaux and Krebernik refer to this Zame Hymn as the only text in which the deity d nun-GANA2.GAL is mentioned.511 It seems possible that GANA2.GAL was later understood as an euphemism for the netherworld, just like ki-gal, and that Nunganagal finally became the goddess Nungal, known as a daughter of Ereškigal. Nungal is not

500

501 502 503 504 505

506

507 508

509 510 511

SF 23, obv. v 12-13. The corresponding entries in the Uruk III version (ATU 3, 150 Cities 86-87) are GANA2.GI4 and GANA2.BU.GI4. Edzard 1971a. Lambert 1976, 430b. Krebernik 1998b, 140. SF 1, obv. vii 17: see Krebernik 1986, 174. TSŠ 614, obv. iii 6; to be connected with e2 geme2 in the preceding line and/or um-ma in the following line? (P010864). For attestations, see Pomponio 1987, 34. The spelling amar-dnam-⸢ni-ir⸣ (WF 62, obv. iv 6) quoted there and repeated in CDLI P011019 is not correct. Tinney 1999, 38 l. 15: Ur-Namma the Canal-Digger, a version from Ur (ETCSL 2.4.1.4, 13). Sigrist 1992, 167-168, with hesitations about the correct reading: ‘Certain copies modernes font davantage penser à e2-da qu’à gan2-da.’ ED Lu A 115 (DCCLT). ED Officials 3 and 39, respectively (DCCLT). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001l. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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only known as the goddess of the prisons but also of justice.512 Hymn 42 (ll. 147-149): ?, Lammasaga 148 For this line, several segmentations are possible: (1) GA and GAN/ḪE2 can be combined with AMA, yielding ama-gagan or eme4-gagan, a designation for a pregnant women or a mother having children. The same use of GA as a gloss is attested in the personal name i-ti-dša-gagan in colophon ms. B rev. iv 1. (2) One can combine AMA and GA and interpret this as an equivalent of later eme2(UM.ME)-ga ‘wet nurse’; in this case GAN/ḪE2 could be combined with NUN resulting in ḫe2-nun ‘abundance’. (3) AMA can be combined with GAN/ḪE2, yielding ama-gan ‘breeding female animal; child-bearing mother’; in this case ga could be combined with nun: ga nun ‘princely milk’. Furthermore, unu-ga ‘in/of the abode’ seems possible in view of du11-ga in ZH 70, where syllabic ga is also used as a phonetic complement to a logogram. We prefer the first possibility since it seems to be the most suitable epithet for the protective goddess, but the other ones cannot be ruled out. Since a Lamma ‘protective spirit’ is normally not limited to a specific cult place, the identification of unu with the city of Uruk seems doubtful: in principle any cella could be meant. On the other hand, the presupposed scheme of the Zame Hymns would require a location for each deity. 149 Besides other functions, Lammas ‘seem to be a general feature of a temple’. This is in accordance with the general protective nature of a Lamma on behalf of persons, temples, cities and countries.513 Hymn 43 (ll. 150-154): NE.GI, dNE.GI (Girra?) 150 Archaic Cities 32f. has the sequence NE.GI (Uruk) // dNE.GI (Fāra) – AB/KU7.SU (Uruk) // dKU7 (Fāra).514 Evidently, these two toponyms correspond to NE.GI and dKU7 in ZH 43 and 44. They seem to refer to two closely connected (cult) places. While NE.GI is a toponym in this line, dNE.GI, a name of the fire-god, in line 154 refers to the city god. We have here another example of a common pattern, namely identical spellings of the name of the deity and of her/his (cultic) city as e.g. in the cases of Šuruppag and Sud, Nippur and Enlil, etc. However, in the present case, the readings of both, the toponym and the theonym, are unclear. This analysis implies that nun does not form part of the toponym. Since the place determinative is rarely used in the Zame Hymns (cf. Introduction § 3), we take ki as a logogram to be combined with nun: ‘place of the prince’ or ‘princely place’. One may ask if the expression ki nun could have been understood as a pun on the Akkadian (!) term kinūnu ‘brazier’, for which the logogram KI.NE was used. Interestingly, these two 512

513 514

Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001k, 617 § 5. The Hymn to Nungal does not give further information about this hypothesis (Sjöberg 1973; Sjöberg 1977, 3-6). Foxvog et al. 1983; quotation: 451 § 6e. The transliteration of the two lines in ATU 3, 147 (Cities 32f.) is not quite correct. The mss. read as follows: W 21208,18 (ATU 3, pl. 76) ii’ 1: [...] AB/KU7?.⸢SU⸣. W 20335,2+4+7+9 (ATU 3, pl. 76) ii’ 7’-8’: NE.GI ; ⸢AB/KU7?⸣.[x]. W 23998,1 (ATU 3, pl. 77) i’ 4’-5’: GI.NE ; [x.]⸢x⸣, where x can be AB/KU7 or SU. SF 23, ii 13’-14’: dNE.GI ; AN.KU7. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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signs form part of the present line, and therefore this line could also be analysed as KI.NE gi nun ‘brazier, princely reed’. However, for the reasons outlined above we prefer to see here the place name NE.GI. Nevertheless, a sign play involving different possible readings and meanings should not be ruled out. Michalowski read the line gibil6 eriduki and concluded about the god Gibil: ‘His mythological origin, as well as his place in the pantheon, are well demonstrated by the fact that he is already associated with Eridu in one of the Abu Salabikh zami-hymns.’515 However, no other Zame Hymn mentions a deity together with her/his city in the first line. Also the absence of the divine determinative, which is present in line 154, runs counter to a divine name here. 151 The clearest component of this line is u6 di, the infinite marû form of u6 du11 ‘to admire’. Among the remaining signs, NE.GI could be the same toponym as in the preceding line, and BAR a separate logogram. However, elsewhere the signs NE, GI, and BAR are attested as a group. In the inscriptions of Gudea, NE.GI.BAR designates a plant, most probably a kind of reed.516 In pre-Sargonic administrative texts from Ĝirsu, NE.GI.BAR occurs in combination with grain (mostly še ‘barley’, but also ziz2 ‘emmer’, kib3 ‘wheat’); še NE.GI.BAR is usually subcategorised by the addition of babbar2 ‘white’ and gegge ‘black, dark’.517 Perhaps a certain ‘reed-like’ state of the crops is meant in these contexts. It has been suggested that NE.GI.BAR is identical to OB gi-li-bar (= Akk. ṭubû ‘sprouting reed’)518, usually read gi-en3-bar or gien3-bar nowadays. Alternatively, NE.GI.BAR could be read gi-barbar7 ‘blazing reed’ (= torch), but this interpretation is hardly possible for the other attestations. Be that as it may, a term for ‘reed’ would fit well into the context of the present hymn: on the one hand, wildfires in the reed marshes were a common phenomenon, on the other hand, the ‘reed’ could refer to the fire-god’s symbol, the torch.519 Therefore, we tentatively translate NE.GI.BAR as ‘torch’. The usual word for torch, gi-izi-la2, does not seem to be attested before the Ur III period. Note, however, that the deified torch, dgi-izi-la2, is named together with dniĝ2na ‘incense burner’ as an adviser of the fire-god in An = Anum II 344.520 It seems possible that the mentioning of NE.GI.BAR in the present hymn involves a pun, because an element bar (‘to blaze’?) is also present in several names of the firegod: dĝeš-bar(-ra), dĝeš-bar-an-na, dnun-bar-an-na, dnun-bar-u9-na, dnun-bar-u4515 516

517 518

519 520

Michalowski 1993, 156. In Gudea Cyl. A 3: 12, Gudea calls the goddess Ĝatumdug NE.GI.BAR a gal-la ru2-a ‘N. planted in a big water’ (or ‘who planted N. in a big water’?); it stands in parallel with kiši17(ĜIR2gunû)-gal ‘camel thorn’ mentioned in the preceding line. In Gudea Statue E v 22 = G iv 16 and E vii 13 = G vi 11 ‘7 talents of NE.GI.BAR’ are listed among the bridal gifts (offerings) of Gudea to the goddess BaU. Dornauer 2018, 67-69 and 73, tentatively proposes the reading zaḫ-ge-bar with the meaning ‘giant cane’. See Powell 1984, 63, and Selz 1989, 201f. Tournay and Lambert 1952, 83 (sub 5, 22) draw attention to GI.LI.BAR a gal-la nu-un-ru2 in BE 31, 16 rev. 12 and 16, which parallels NE.GI.BAR a gal-la ru2-a in Gudea Cyl. A 3: 12. Their argument seems still very plausible, whatever the exact reading of NE.GI.BAR/GI.LI.BAR may be. In any case, it seems to end in -bar. Frankena 1968, 385a; Michalowski 1993, 157. After Litke 1998, 108. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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da, dnun-bar-ḫuš-a.521 152 Biggs transliterated NE.RU as erim2 ‘enemy’. We assume, however, that the two signs are separate logograms, and that NE = izi and u6 ru parallel NE.GI.BAR and u6 di, respectively, in line 151. 153 The word izi in line 152 most probably functions also as the subject of this line. The remaining two signs TI and MUNSUB could to refer to the contrasting powers of fire,522 which can cause life (TI = til3) and death (MUNSUB = ušx)523. 154 Several scholars discussed dNE.GI, the god of fire.524 Most information about him stems from periods after the third millennium BCE. The theonym dNE.GI is conventionally read dgibil6, but the only well-attested reading is Girra/i.525 Note that dNE.GI is not mentioned in the Temple Hymns. Hymn 44 (ll. 155-156526): dKU7, dKU7 155 dKU7 can be identified as the topnym dKU7 // AB/KU7.SU in Archaic Cities 33, see above, commentary on ZH 43 line 150. 156 As in the preceding hymn, the names of a (cult) place and its deity have the same spelling. The theonym dKU7 is apparently different from Ninirigala, the protagonist of ZH 2, who was considered dNE.GI’s wife, at least in later periods. For the theonym d KU7, OB and later sources offer a variety of readings. An = Anum VI 210-214 has the glosses ku-ku-la, ka-ka-la, EŠ-qa, EŠ-da, ba-di-li-ša2.527 This section corresponds to Ea IV 188-190 with the glosses ku-uk-ku-da, ka-ak-ku-da, ba-an-dili2-ša, and to Aa IV/3, 173’-176’ with the glosses ku-uk-ku-ša, ka-ak-ku-ša, ba-an-dili2-ša.528 The glosses seem to reflect only two original lemmata529, which can be normalised as ka/ukka/uX and bandiliša. The first one (specifically in the form kakkala) can be

521

An = Anum II 335-340 after Litke 1998, 107f. with reading dnun-bar-u9-na instead of dnun-barBAD3-na.

522

523

524 525

526 527 528 529

For some positive and negative effects for which the god Gibil/Girra was held responsible: Frankena 1968, 384-385. For the sign transliterated here as ušx (Biggs: munsub), see Krebernik 1998a, 277. The three signs differentiated by Pettinato in MEE 3, 365 no. 328-330 are graphic variants of the same sign LAK672 = MUNSUB; Catagnoti 2013, 49 gives two of them under the same number 275. In the Instructions of Suruppak, ED ušx (IAS 256, obv. iii 4) was replaced by uš2 in OB mss., see Alster 1974, 11, l. iii 4 and 36, l. 32. For the meaning ‘to die’ of ušx, see also Krecher 1985, 142f. fn. 23. Dossin 1934; Frankena 1968; Michalowski 1993, 156f. Attinger and Krebernik, 2005, 67 sub 92: ‘La lecture dgibil4gi de dNE.GI est possible, mais pas assurée, dgirraxgi étant aussi envisageable.’ The linguistic background of Girra is unclear, a corresponding noun relating to fire exists (as far as we know) neither in Sumerian nor in Akkadian/Semitic. In Diri, the only gloss to dNE.GI is gi-ri (Diri Nippur 11:2, see MSL 15, 36). Biggs presented the lines 157-159 (our numbers are 155-158) as if belonging to one hymn. After Litke 1998, 215f. MSL 14, 362 and 382, respectively. This was in part already acknowledged in Lambert 1977b s.v. Kakkala/Kukkula/Kakkuda/ Kakkuša/Kukkuša. Lambert remarks: ‘The variants with -da and -ša presumably arose by confusion of signs, but the original form cannot be ascertained.’ © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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compared to ga-ga-lum, the name of the sign KU7 in the Ebla Sign List.530 Neither the (lexical) contexts nor the readings themselves offer a plausible clue to the identity and meaning of the underlying lexemes and to the nature of the deity dKU7. kakkala and gaga-lum are reminiscent of Sum. gakkul, Akk. kakkullu ‘mash-tub’ and of Akk. qaqqullu designating a plant, a tree and a bird. bandiliša shows similarities to Sum. baan-dul ‘reed mat’ and Akk. bad(d)illu (a bird), bandillu ‘belly’. We refrain from speculations going beyond these observations. Hymn 45 (ll. 157-158): URUgunû-gal, En-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI 157 The sign rendered as URUgunû is inscribed with two sets of horizontal strokes inside the right part of the sign, comparable with the strokes present in e.g. GUG2. Deimel did not include this sign in his LAK. This sign is also present in SF 57, rev. vi 12, and in TSŠ 302, rev. iii 7 (Biggs’ commentary on this line). 158 At first glance one may think that the sign ME in ms. B is a mistake for GAL which is clearly present in mss. C and J. Another possibility is that in mss. B and J one of the two similar signs – GAL and ME, respectively – was inadvertently omitted, while ME was present in the damaged part of ms. C. The intended spelling then may have been den(ME.)TE.GAL.TI, a possibility we prefer in view of the analogously structured theonym d nin-ME.TE.GAL.TI in the Fāra god list SF 1.531 It seems likely that the two are related. For the theonym den-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI several interpretations seem possible. (1) It could contain the profession name GAL.TE = tiru, which is present in ED Lu A.532 Biggs therefore suggested that TI here is a gloss referring to GAL.TE, and that the theonym consequently should be read Entiru. (2) ME and TE could belong together. (2a) If the missing ME in C and J is an error, the theonym could contain ME-te as an older spelling for ni2-te ‘self’ etc. (2b) On the other hand, the missing ME besides TE is reminiscent of ZH 4 line 32, where TE in dnu-TE-mud stands for dim2; it therefore could also be interpreted as a phonetic complement (TEme) indicating a reading /TeM/ of TE. Hymn 46 (ll. 159-161): Girim, Ningirima 159 The sign combination A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU is the oldest spelling for /girim/, which is mostly attested as part of the name of the goddess Ningirima.533 It is usually transliterated as girimx in the literature.534 Girim could be either a cult toponym or a designation of a cultic installation. Frayne asked himself if Girim might be the same place as Murum535, the cult place of Ningirima according TH 19536. Biggs supposed that ‘(...) Murum, the cult center of Ningirim, was probably on the Araḫtu, a main branch of the Euphrates, at least in the middle of the third millennium B.C.’537 The Murum of Ningirima should most probably be distinguished from other places with similar names: Muru, a cult place 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537

Ebla Sign List 36, see Archi 1987a, 94. SF 1, obv. iii 8: Krebernik 1986, 200 s.v. reads dnin-TE.ME-gal-ti. ED Lu A 17 (DCCLT). Krebernik 2000a, 363b § 2.1. E.g. Krebernik 1986, 168 (SF 1, obv. col i 12). Frayne 1992, 95-97. Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 31. Biggs 1974, 55, sub ll. 160-162. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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of the storm-god Iškur (written IŠKURki 538), and Mur(u), the cult place of the Mungo deity Ninkilim/n539, after which her husband Nin(m)ur(u)540 is named.541 160 For the analysis of the spelling as dMUŠ.DIN.DAR.BALAĜir-ḫa cf. Krebernik 1984, 298: ‘AN ist in den frühen Schreibungen sicherlich nicht als Syllabogramm zur Darstellung einer geschlossenen Silbe in ir-ḫa-an verwendet, sondern als Gottesdeterminativ, so daß die defektive Glosse bloß als ir-ḫa anzusetzen ist.’ Frayne argued that Irḫan was an early name for the Araḫtum-canal.542 Similarly Wiggermann, who discussed the spellings and the meaning of Irḫan: ‘Irḫan is the Sumerian name of the western branch of the Euphrates (...). The Akkadian name of this waterway is Araḫtu (...).’543 161 The goddess Ningirima was comprehensively described by Krebernik.544 Her place in the Fāra god list SF 1 is prominent: col. obv. i 12. Her main aspects include associations with: (1) water, (2) incantations, (3) serpents and fishes. Some of these elements are graphically represented in the original spelling of her name, dnin-A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU: A ‘water’, ḪA = KU6 ‘fish’, MUŠ ‘snake’.545 After the third millennium BCE, Ningirima as an incantation deity was to a large extent replaced by Asarluḫi. Hymn 47 (ll. 162-163): (Girim?), Ninekuga 162 Because of the absence of a toponym in this line, we assume that this Zame Hymn refers to the same place (Girim) as the previous one. ur3 (x in Biggs’ transliteration) and babbar in combination with ab2 ‘cow’ are certainly the same specifications of cows as those mentioned at the beginning of ED Animals A.546 Krebernik has pointed out the use of UR3, NE and babbar as qualifications for cattle.547 For ur3 ‘to currycomb:’ see the discussion in the commentary on line 105. 163 The deity Nineku(ga) is, apart from this Zame Hymn, sofar only attested in the Fāra god list SF 1 and in an administrative text from Fāra.548 Cavigneaux and Krebernik translate the name as ‘Herrin des Reinen Hauses’, but the gender is uncertain.549

538 539 540 541

542 543 544 545

546

547 548

549

See the commentary on ZH 24, l. 86. Mungo: Heimpel 1995. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001b. In contrast to Röllig 1995, who thinks the cult place of Iškur IMki ‘entspricht wahrscheinlich Muurki in AbB 6, 81:8 und Mu-ru-um als Kultort der Göttin Ningirin’ (= Ningirima). Frayne 1992, 95-97. Wiggermann 2001b, 570b, § 1.2. Krebernik 1984, 233-262; Krebernik 2000a, for her characteristics: see § 5. A summary of the various orthographies for Ningirim is given by Cohen 1976, 84 fn. 14 sub 2, and Krebernik 1984, 233-242; 2000a, 363b § 2.1. SF 81 // IAS 25-26 // MEE 3, nos. 12-17, edited in MEE 3, 51-56. MEE 3, no. 62 was recognised as a syllabic duplicate and studied by Krispijn 1981-2 and Krecher 1983. An additional fragmentary duplicate from Uruk was published by Cavigneaux 1991, 50. Krebernik 1984, 40; see also Pientka-Hinz 2001, 327-333 (commentary at line 105). Fāra god list SF 1 obv. ii 13. Administrative text: TSŠ 715, col. i’ 11’. For a new edition see Steible and Yıldız 2008, 176 and 180 (Š 715 = Text 3.2, rev. ii 11). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000c. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Hymn 48 (ll. 164-165): MAR, Nin-MAR 164 The reading of MAR here is uncertain. One would expect a toponym, but MAR(ki) is not attested as a toponym except for its possible occurrence in the theonym dnin-MAR.(KI), for which see the commentary on the next line. BALA in the meaning ‘spindle’ as assumed here is transliterated bilagx, based on the Akkadian loanword pilakku ‘spindle’. 165 Sallaberger (2001) summarised what is known about the goddess dnin-MAR.(KI). She is the daughter of Nanše, and a patroness of cattle. In rendering her name in this way we show the uncertainty that still exists with respect to the correct reading of her name. The main point of discussion is the function of KI: is it the determinative of a placename Mar (marki), is it to be read ki, or is it part of MAR.KI as a diri-compound? The next question is: was there only one goddess dnin-mar(ki) = Ninmar, or were there two goddesses: (1) dnin-mar(ki) = Ninmar, and (2) dnin-mar-ki(-k/ga) (or perhaps better: d nin-MAR.KI)?550 Attinger offered no final solution to this question. The relevant data for this discussion are the following : 1. In the earliest attestations (the ED IIIa period), the theonym is spelled dnin-MAR551, with two exceptions: the Fāra god list SF 1 has dnin-MAR.KI, and the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list has dnin-MAR.GI4.552 2. In most ED IIIb texts the goddess’ name is spelled dnin-MAR.KI.553 In some ED IIIb texts, mostly from Girsu, variant spellings with and without KI of presumably identical personal names occur.554 3. Some spellings from the Ur III period show that dnin-MAR.KI like den-ki ended in *k/g, which was probably not part of the genitive marker -(a)k; later, the last part of the name could be reinterpreted as kug3.555 4. A toponym MAR(ki) is not attested except for the present Zame Hymn. Instead, Gu’abba (gu2-ab-baki), situated in the south-east of the province of Lagaš on the coast, is known as the main cult centre of Nin-MAR.556 The name of the town is present in a few texts from the ED period, and amply attested in Ur III texts. 550 551

552 553

554

555 556

Attinger 1995. SF 5-6, no. 22 (Krebernik 1986, 190); NTSŠ 205 obv. iii 2 (P010503); NTSŠ 250 obv. i 2 in the personal name ur-dnin-MAR (P010512); TSŠ 1 obv. iii 3’ (P010700); WF 9 obv. iv 11 (P010966); WF 13 rev. i 1 (P010970); WF 126 obv. ii 6 (P011084); WVDOG 143, 138 obv. i 2 (P497508); WVDOG 143, 139 obv. i 2 (P497509). WF 135 obv. iii 4 has the personal name ur-nin-MAR (P011093). Fāra SF 1 rev. ii 22; Abū Ṣalābīḫ: Mander 1986, 28, no. 205. Search January 2019: ED period 153× dnin-MAR.KI, 6× dnin-MAR; Ur III period 1432× dninMAR.KI, 8× dnin-MAR. Some examples: dnin-MAR-ama-pa4-pa4 in: Hussey 1912 (HSS 3), 20 obv. iv 16 (P221329); TSA 10, obv. iv 12 (P221371); TSA 12, obv. v 9 (P221373) and VS 25, 69, obv. iv 14 (P020275); dninMAR.KI-ama-pa4-pa4 in HSS 3, 21 obv. v 6 (P221330); dnin-MAR-ama-mu in ITT 5, 9207 obv. i 3 (P227582), and in RTC 53, obv. ii 4 (P221450); dnin-MAR.KI-ama-mu in: ITT 5, 9202 rev. ii 3 (P227569) and VS 25, 37 obv. ii 8 (P020244). Attinger 1995, 28. Edzard 1971b; Bauer 1998, 439; Sallaberger 1999, 287 Abb. 9; Sallaberger 2001, 464 § 3.2; Laursen and Steinkeller 2017, ch. 8. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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5. When a theonym and a toponym are written with the same logogram, or when the theonym contains the name of the deity’s town, it seldom occurs that both determinatives are written (like dXXki).557 6. Whiting postulated that ‘(...) Mar was a pre- or proto-historic geographical name that did not survive except in the name of this deity.’558 Until now no proof for this hypothesis could be found. The questions: ‘Are dnin-MAR and dnin-MAR.KI two different goddesses or not?’, and ‘How are the two spellings to be read?’, cannot be answered with absolute certainty. But we tend to agree with Sallaberger’s hypothesis that MAR in the spellings dnin-MAR(.KI) is a logogram with an unknown reading559, and that KI is a phonetic indicator which at the beginning was not obligatory.560 This view is strongly supported by the unique spelling dnin-MAR.GI4 in which GI4 has the same function as KI. In later periods the original spellings were probably no longer understood and KI became obligatory. Hymn 49 (ll. 166-167): NA.DU3, Nu-E2.NUN-ta-e3 166 NA.DU3, literally ‘stela’, is supposed to be a toponym here, which can perhaps be identified with NA.DU3.KI in a text from the Uruk III period.561 In ms. B NA.DU3 and kar dni[n-[ga]l are in two different cases. This suggests that gal belongs to the name of the deity and not to the toponym. ‘The quay of Ningal’ seems to be an epithet for the preceding toponym NA.DU3. Alternatively, the line could be interpreted as ‘The stela at the quay of Ningal’. A stela – na-du3/ru2(-a) – of a deity or of a ruler (deceased and/or deified) could be deified itself.562 In Nin.MAR(.KI)’s temple in Gu’abba was also a shrine for a na-du3-a.563 167 The theonym dnu11-E2.NUN-ta-e3 ‘The light coming forth from the cella’ is also present in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list564, but other attestations could not be found. The reading agrun for E2.NUN in this name is likely but not certain. Similar theonyms are dmesE2.NUN-ta-e3 565, dmes-lam-ta-e3(-a), dša3-tur3-nun-ta-e3 and dur2-(e2)-nun-ta-e3.566 A god whose symbol is – , however, much later – a ‘light’ or lamp (nu11) is Nuska567, spelled dPA.UDU or dSIPA = dnuska2 in Fāra, but dPA.TUG2 = dnuska in later periods. 557

558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566

567

E.g.: dSUD3 988×, dSUD3ki 2×; dNAGA (Nissaba) 875×, dNAGAki 5×; dnin-ĝir2-su ~ 7900×, dninĝir2-suki 22×; den-E2 (Enlil) ~16.600×, den-E2ki 1× (Januari 2019; search only in third millennium BCE texts). Whiting 1985, 1f. Note the value ša3 of MAR in the UD.GAL.NUN orthography (Krebernik 1998a, 300). Sallaberger 2001, 463 § 1. Englund and Grégoire 1991 (MSVO 1), 243 rev. i 3 (P000714). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 1999. Sallaberger 2001, 465b § 6.1; 468a. Mander 1986, 26 no. 91: dLAK24-e2-nun-ta-e3; Alberti 1985, 9 no. 91: dnu11-agrun-ta-e3. Fāra god list SF 1, rev. iv 5’ (= Krebernik 1986, 183 xiv 5’). These deities are treated in RlA by Krebernik s.v. Mes-agrunta-ea, Šaturnuntaʾe, Urnunta-e(a) and by W.G. Lambert s.v. Lugal-irra and Meslamtaʾea. King 1912 (BBS), 76-80 (with plates I-IV): a kudurru in the British Museum (BM 102485); Black and Green 1998, 145 and fig. 7 p. 16. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Nuska is present in TH 4. His attributes (light, fire) and task (viziership) were described by Streck.568 It appears from his description that Nuska was not an unimportant god. Therefore it is somewhat surprising that he is not present in the (extant parts of the) ED god lists, but only in some ED administrative texts569, while he is amply attested in Ur III texts. Our tentative hypothesis is that Nu-E2.NUN-ta-e3 was a local or a minor god in the ED period, who – because of his ‘light’ attribute – afterwards syncretised with Nuska. Hymn 50 (ll, 168-169): E2 GAG.KAŠ-si, Ninkasi 168 The expression e2 GAG BI si DIN TU is likely to contain the designation of the cult place of the goddess Ninkasi, to whom the hymn is dedicated. Otherwise a specific cult place of Ninkasi is not known. She received offerings in the main temples of other deities.570 Various interpretations are possible. 1. Lambert suggested that GAG/KAK = ka15 was used in some UGN texts as a phonetic complement in the name of Ninkasi, indicating the reading kaš of BI: udnin-ka15kas2si.571 For the reading ka15, he also referred to ED Lu A 58: GAL-ka15kas2-si – a notation not adopted by Veldhuis (GAL SI KAK BI, SI.KAK.BI gal)572 – and to the Akkadogram maš-ka15(GAG)-en in ED Lu E (MSL 12, 19).573 Borger’s Zeichenlexikon does not mention a sound value ka15 for the sign GAG.574 2. BI together with DIN may be read kurun ‘fine beer’, a meaning that DIN = kurun2 also has of its own. In that case GAG would be meaningless as a phonetic indicator, but it could be understood as du3 ‘to build’. One possible result could be e2 kurun si TU du3 ‘house built for brewing (si) and producing (TU) fine beer’. A toponym e2-du3ki is present in the List of Geographical Names.575 But this interpretation seems less likely because of the pleonasm ‘brewing and producing’. 3. DIN is interpreted as kurun2 ‘fine beer’, GAG as du3 and BI as kaš, yielding e2 kaš si kurun2 TU du3 ‘house built for brewing beer (and) producing fine beer’. 4. Our preferred alternative is e2 GAG.KAŠ-si kurun2 TU ‘House GAG.KAŠ-si, which produces fine beer’, because the presumed temple name (e2-)GAG.KAŠ-si resembles /kasi/ in the name of the beer-goddess Ninkasi (see below). 169 The oldest attested spelling of the name of the brewing-goddess Ninkasi is dninGAG.KAŠ-si as attested in the god lists from Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ.576 In UGN text the 568 569

570 571 572 573

574 575 576

Streck 2001b, supplemented and corrected by Lambert 2002. Milano 1986, 11 rev. i 2 (P010564); Pohl 1935 (TMH 5), 11 obv. i 9 (P020425); TMH 5, 154, obv. ii 6 (P020568); TMH 5, 159 obv. v 11’ (P020573); TMH 5, 164 rev. iii 3 (P020578); TMH 5, 168 obv. ii 9 (P020582); Westenholz 1975b (OSP 1), 111 obv. i 6 (P221618). Krebernik 2000c, 444, § 6. Lambert 1976, 431 fn. 7; Lambert 1981, 85 and fn. 7. ED Lu A 58 (DCCLT). Lambert 1981. The Akkadogram is also attested in MEE 4, 334 VE 1306’ and later texts; the usual sign order became MAŠ.EN.GAG. Borger 2010, 115 no. 379. Biggs 1974, 72 l. 60 (= IAS 94 obv. iii 2’). SF 1, obv. iii 17; IAS 86, vi 7’. The same spelling without determinative is attested in a hitherto unpublished ED IIIa hymn to Zababa (MS 3211 iii’ 18’, CDLI P342659). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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same spelling with determinative UD instead of AN (udnin-GAG.KAŠ-si) is attested. The spelling dnin-GAG!(DIN).KAŠ-si in ms. B is most probably due to the presence of DIN in the previous line. The usual spelling dnin-ka-si is present as early as in some Fāra texts.577 The same spelling with the sign sequence dnin-KAŠ.SI.GAG is attested in a Sargonic/Ur III text.578 A tentative explanation for the old spelling dnin-GAG.KAŠ-si might be that it represents an original full form /nin kag-e kaš si/ ‘The Lady who fills the mouth with beer’, which later was contracted to /nin-ka(š)-si/. If this is correct, the old spelling should be transliterated dnin-gag-kaš-si. Accordingly, the name of her sanctuary would be e2-gag-kaš-si ‘House where the mouth is filled with beer’. Hymn 51 (ll. 170-172): eš3-kar2-kar2, dMUŠ3.KUR (Inanna?) 170 AB.KAR2.KAR2, in our transliteration eš3-kar2-kar2, can also be found in ED Word List F 100, where KAR2 has the form of a horizontal ŠE3579, and in IAS 161 ii’ 6’. Wiggermann, probably by mistake, transliterated this word as AB.KID.KID.580 No further information is known about the ‘Shining Shrine’. 171 men an ‘the crown of heaven’, is understood as an epithet for dMUŠ3.KUR. It could also be an epithet for the ‘Shining Shrine’. 172 Steinkeller interpreted the theonym dMUŠ3.KUR as dinanna-kur ‘Inanna of the netherworld’, representing the invisibility phase of the planet Venus.581 He referred to Szarzyńska, who also saw the planet Venus behind dinanna-kur but offered a different explanation for kur: ‘This meaning of the kur is connected in all probability with the mountains in the East of the Sumer-country, upon which the sun rises and the planet Venus appears.’582 The expressions ‘shining shrine’ and ‘crown of heaven’ in the present Zame Hymn could indeed point to the Venus star, but not to the netherworld. However, the interpretation and reading of the theonym are uncertain. The second sign could well represent muš3 ‘appearance’ or suḫ10 ‘crown’ (later also written MUŠ3gunû = suḫ) rather than the theonym inanna. Furthermore, KUR is attested as an abbreviation for za-gin3(KUR) ‘lapis lazuli’.583 A possibly related theonym is dSI.MUŠ3.KUR in the Fāra god list SF 1584, which could be interpreted as dsi-muš3-kur ‘brilliance of the land’ (si-muš3 = šarūru); cf. si-muš3 gunu3-a ‘multicoloured radiance’ as an epithet for Uruk in Enmerkara et Ensukukešdana 4.585 Note also that KUR.MUŠ2.ZA with reading namri (< Akk. 577

578 579

580 581 582 583 584 585

SF 5, obv. v 7 (P010570); WF 153, obv. v 10 (P011112); TSŠ 629, rev. i 2 (see also Steible and Yıldız, 2008, 181-187) (P010870); Martin et al. 2001 (FTP), 110. N541, obv. iii 3 (P222174). For a survey of the spelling of Ninkasi’s name: Krebernik 2000c, 442 § 1.1. Zettler and Sallaberger 2011, 41, tablet 6 NT 205, obv. ii 9’ (NBC 10705; P301608). Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 236. The transliteration ‘GÁN+GÁN’ is imprecise. NUN.NUN for KAR2.KAR2 in ms. K seems to be corrupt. Wiggermann 1988, 236 sub 1. Steinkeller 2013a, 468. Szarzyńska 1987, 13. In a ms. from Ebla of EDPVA, see Civil 2008, 52, commenting on EDPVA 1-47. SF 1 rev. ii 5. Transliterated as dMUŠ3.KUR-si in Krebernik 1986, 180 sub xii 5. Cf. Attinger 2017, 10 l. 3 sq. ‘une corne chatoyante’ and fn. 183. The ETCSL 1.8.2.4 title is Enmerkar and En-suḫgir-ana. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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namru ‘bright’?) is a byname of Uruk.586 Hymn 52 (ll. 173-174): Kisiga, Ninmuga 173 LAK617×KU3 (= LAK620; not EZEN×KU3 as transliterated by Biggs587) has a reading kisiga588, which is the name of the town Kisiga589. For the difference between LAK617 and LAK611 = EZEN see the commentary on line 119. The city of Kisiga most likely was situated in the south of Sumer.590 Röllig comments that the fact that this town can be attested only in Old Babylonian Sumerian compositions and in texts from ca. 1000600 BCE, and that this city is absent in economic texts, raises the question of whether it may have had also another name.591 Neither Edzard et al. nor Frayne mention this city in their geographic lists.592 In the literature we could only find the name Kisiga in a few Old Babylonian texts, some of which mention a temple e2-amaš-ku3 of Inanna593, but in third-millennium BCE texts the name Kisiga appeared to be present only in this Zame Hymn. In their article on Ninmuga, Cavigneaux and Krebernik suppose that Kisiga was the cult place of this goddess, to whom the present hymn is dedicated.594 GUL presumably designates a kind of tool used by the bur-gul ‘stone/seal- cutter’.595 GUL with such a meaning probably occurs (among other terms for tools) in Archaic Wood 54 (NAĜAR~a GUL) and 55 (GUL BU~a ĜEŠ)596, and in the ED Practical Vocabulary A, 164 (GUL-ŠITA.ĜEŠ) and 167 (ĝešniĝ2-gul).597 174 The reading of the theonym Ninmug(a) was established by Cavigneaux and Krebernik based on the Emesal form ga-ša-an-mu-ga.598 Additional evidence comes from the list 586 587 588

589 590 591 592 593

594 595

596

597

598

Diri Nippur 9.35 (MSL 15, 32f.); cf. Diri IV 47f. (MSL 15, 150f.). For the references to the literature we maintain the reading EZEN as it was used there. MSL 14, 60 Proto-Ea 773; MSL 15, 32 Diri Nippur 8:07. In ePSD: kisig. This sign is usually rendered as EZEN×KU3. The lemma ‘Kisiga, Kissik’ in RlA 5, 620-622, does not differentiate between Kisiga and Kisig (see ZH 61). Röllig 1980, 620 § 1; Sjöberg 1970-1971, 160 sub 1a. CBS 14053 sub 5. Roaf 1996, 199; it concerns a map of the geographic situation in the first millennium BCE. Röllig 1980, 621 § 4. Edzard et al. 1977; Frayne 1992. George 1993, 66 no. 60. This temple of Inanna is mentioned in Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld (Sladek 1974, 184 no.7), and in A balbale (?) to Inanna (Inanna F) (Römer 1969, 98 l. 37); the destruction of Kisiga was mentioned in the Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur (Michalowski 1989, 52f. l. 263 and his commentary on this line on 93f.). Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001a, 472f. § 5. bur-gul is mentioned in ED Lu E 24; ED Officials 110; ED Names and Professions 113 (DCCLT). For photographs see CDLI: Q000006 (ED Lu E); Q000008 (ED Officials); Q000010 (ED Names and Professions). ATU 3, 108; cf. CDLI Q000022. For NAĜAR ‘carpenter’ in ED lexical lists, see Velhuis 2014, 112, 117. Civil 2008, 37 and 91f. (commentary). Note that GUL za-gin3 (l. 31), equated with a-sa-al-t[i] K[UR] in Ebla, designates not a tool but a cup of lapis lazuli according to Civil, (ibid. 62), who compares Akk. gullu, kallu and (for the Eblaite term) Akk. asallu ‘container made of metal or stone’. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001a, 471 § 1. Originally, the signs MUG and ZADIM were not differentiated. Therefore, the theonym was also read as Ninzadim. In later periods, Ninzadim © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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Diri, which offers the syllabic spelling ni-im-mu-u[g].599 Ninmuga was responsible for handicraft and birth. Her tools are enumerated in Enki and the World Order.600 The word GUL in the preceding line seems to refer to one of her tools. Ninmuga occurs together with Ninnisig, who is mentioned in ZH 53 and in two offering lists from Fāra.601 Hymn 53 (ll. 175-176 ): eš3-bulug4, Ninnisig 175 AB.NAĜAR is attested as a toponym in the ED version of Archaic Cities.602 A reading eš3 NAĜAR ‘Shrine of NAĜAR’ is also possible; for a toponym written NAGARki see above, commentary on line 109. There is, however, no indication that NAĜAR in AB.NAĜAR is identical to NAGARki. We assume that AB.NAĜAR is the name of a shrine, which can be interpreted as eš3-bulug4 ‘Awl-shrine’. A metaphorical use of bulug4 (in later texts written bulug) ‘awl, needle’ is attested in /bulug/-an-ki, an epithet for Isin.603 176 Biggs commented on this Zame Hymn604: ‘Ninsar (...) is here identified as the patron deity of one of the crafts.’ For the reading of dnin-SAR as dnin-nisig: see Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001e, § 1. Both authors summarised what was known about dnin-SAR. In the heading of their article we read: ‘dnin-SAR (Nin-nisig). Göttliche Metzgerin und Schaffnerin.’ With respect to the transliteration dnin-nisig they commented: ‘Der Name Nin-ni(s)sig könnte als “Herrin Grün(zeug)” zu verstehen sein, was allerdings kaum mit der Funktion der Göttin zu vereinbaren ist.’ Lambert605 and Cavigneaux & Krebernik606 suggested that dnin-NAĜAR.AB might be another name for dnin-SAR. The epithet ĝiri2la2 ‘butcher’ of Ninnisig recurs in the Sumerian literature from the time of Iri’inimgina607 onwards. Initially Ninnisig was the butcher of Ninĝirsu, in later times the deity held that same office for the Ekur-temple in Nippur.608

599 600 601 602 603

604 605 606 607

608

probably existed as the name of a divine bowmaker (sasinnu) equated with Ea (CT 24 43:133). MSL 15, 36, Diri Nippur 11:14. Benito 1969, 109 ll. 405-410 (ETCSL 1.1.3, 406-411). TSŠ 402, rev. i 3’-4’ and TSŠ 629, obv. iv 3-4; Steible and Yıldız, 2008, 154-159 and 181-185. SF 23, iv 14 // IAS 21, v 3. In ZH 56 translated by Krecher (1992, 293) and by Johnson (2014, 17) as ‘pole of Heaven and Earth’; in Išbi-Erra and Kindattu ‘la borne du ciel et de la terre’ (van Dijk 1978, 193f., l. 27); ‘the (...) spindle of heaven and earth’ (ETCSL 2.5.1.2, C7); in A šir-gida to Ninisina: ‘die (kosmische) Grenze Himmels (und) Erde’ (Römer 1969, 300f., l. 90); ‘the cosmic border of heaven and earth’ (ETCSL 4.22.1, 90). More examples in PSD B, bulug A, sub 4, 174f. Biggs 1974, 56. Lambert 1981, 85 fn. 8. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001d. For the reading and interpretation of the name URU-KA-gina see Schrakamp 2015b; cf. Lisman 2013, 187f. fn. 840. RIME 1, E1.9.9.2 ii 15-16: (15) dnin-SAR (16) ĝiri2-la2 dnin-ĝir2-su-ka-ra (15) ‘For NinSAR, (16 ) the butcher of Ninĝirsu’. Nin-SAR was still known in the function of butcher in the god list An = Anum I 328: dnin-SAR ĝiri2-la2 e2-kur-ra-ke4 ‘Nin-SAR, the butcher of the Ekur’ (Litke 1998, 60). It also appeared from some UGN texts from the ED period, found in Abū Ṣalābīḫ (IAS 129+306 v 8’-9’ // 142 xx 14-17 // 142 xxi 4-7), that NinSAR was engaged in the butcher’s trade: (1)udnin-SAR (2)udnin-AB.NAĜAR (3)gu (4)udu am -ma-ĜIRI (1) (2)Lady of 4 am6-ma-ĜIRI2 6 2 ‘ NinSAR, AB.NAĜAR, (3)slaughtered oxen, (4)slaughtered sheep.’ Lambert’s transliteration of this text (1981, © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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The question of whether Ninnisig is a god or a goddess is as yet unresolved. Cavigneaux and Krebernik noted that nearly all of the evidence points to a goddess609, but it must be stressed that this evidence dates from the period after the third millennium BCE. Lambert translated the theonym dnin-NAĜAR.AB, which he considered as another name for dnin-SAR, in its UGN spelling udnin-bulug4(NAĜAR)-AB, as ‘Lord of BulugAB’610, which implies that he considered Ninnisig as a god. Neither the present Zame Hymn nor any other text from the third millennium BCE gives a decisive answer to the question about Ninnisig’s gender. Hymn 54 (ll. 177-178): Šuruppag, Sud 178 Sud is the city goddess of Šuruppag (Fāra).611 Her name is predominantly attested in third-millennium BCE texts. Sud became syncretised with Ninlil; her original character is difficult to determine. Sud’s relation with Enlil can be noted as early as in the ED period.612 It was most clearly expressed in the Old Babylonian composition Enlil and Sud, which relates how Sud became Enlil’s wife and at the same time got her new name Ninlil.613 Hymn 55 (ll. 179-180): ĜA2×MUŠ, Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ 179 The composite sign ĜA2×MUŠ = LAK696 is attested, apart from this Zame Hymn, in IAS 39 and 43 (ĜA2×MUŠ.ME)614 and in the Fāra god list SF 1 as part of the theonym d nin-ĜA2×MUŠ.615 Ms. J has an additional ME, which is absent in the copies of mss. B and C (L1 is too damaged to permit a conclusion), and therefore ME was bracketed in the composite text. Since the sign combination ĜA2×MUŠ.ME is also attested in IAS 39 and 43 (see above), ME should perhaps be restored in mss. B and C. Less likely here is NUN.ME = abgal.

609 610 611 612

613

614 615

85): (1)udnin-šar (2)udnin-bulug4-AB (3)gud am6-ma-GIR2 (4)udu am6-ma-GIR2) is slightly changed. Lambert commented on this UGN-text: ‘While there is no variant for GIR2, the context is so clear that it seems justified to assume that the original pictogram for KNIFE was used for the verb ‘slaughter’, perhaps pronounced gaz or šum.’ Lambert 1981, 85 fn. 8 also mentioned that ‘the same pair of divine names appears in NTSŠ 82 v 16: nin.šar nin.bulug4.AB’ . In an OB copy of an Ur-Namma cadastral register (IstNi. 2438) the temple e2-dnin-SAR, the temple of Nin-SAR, was present (Kraus 1955, 48, rev. iii 5-6). This cult place was situated ‘on the southern boundary of the province of Marad, first stop west of e2-kur (temple of Enlil at Nippur; L/K).’ Cf. Frayne 1992, 40f. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001f, 486. Lambert 1981, 85 and fn. 8. The goddess was treated together with Ninlil in Krebernik 2001. Krebernik 2001, 454b § 3.1.3. As pointed out by Krebernik, Enlil is mentioned at the end of the literary composition SF 36, dedicated to Sud. There is no translation of this text available. Enlil and Sud was edited by Civil 1983; Michalowski 1994 discussed the translation of lines 157164, and gave a new interpretation. IAS 39 obv. i 1’; IAS 43 obv. i 7. Krebernik 1986, 170, and on 197: ‘Mit dnin-a.GA2.MUŠ? in TCL 15, 10 rev. iv 2 (= l. 387) zu verbinden?’ The latter name was read dnin-A.GA2.KUR.BAD in Cavigneaux & Krebernik 2000a, but no further information is given. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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In some complex signs, ĜA2 and LAGAB are mutually interchangeable; thus AMA is normally written ĜA2×AN but sometimes LAGAB×AN (see also commentary on line 180). In the same way, ĜA2×MUŠ could be a variant of LAGAB×MUŠ. According to Ea I 124 (MSL 14, 183) and Aa I/2 = 2, 344 (MSL 14, 218), quoted in Borger’s Zeichenlexikon616, LAGAB×MUŠ has the value muššagana, translated as karurtu ša barbaru/barbartu ‘wolf’s hunger’, which is hardly compatible with a place-name. The sign combination ĜA2×MUŠ (‘serpent within a box/room’) is reminiscent of clay models of a sanctuary (?) with attached snakes.617 180 The deity dnin-ĜA2×MUŠ618, also attested in the Fāra god list SF 1, is in all likelihood identical to dnin-LAGAB×MUŠ in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list.619 Hymn 56 (ll. 181-182): A2/DA-ne, dnin-A2/DA-ne 181 DA-neki is a place-name which is also attested in ED Geography 188, where the Ebla ms. has the variant AM-ni2ki.620 In the ED Word List F 83 we find A2-ne, with a variant TA-ne in the Sargonic ms. K.621 A2 interchanges with DA in the extant mss. of this Zame Hymn. The variant AM-ni2ki could point to the reading a2/ax(DA)-neki, pronounced /amne/, /a(n)ne/ or /amni/, /a(n)ni/. On the other hand, the Sargonic variant ta-ne reflects a reading da/dax(A2)-ne. We are not able to harmonize the contradicting evidence. 182 The deity dnin-A2/DA-ne is not known from other texts. Hymn 57 (ll. 183-184): Isin, Ninisina 184 Ninisina, ‘Lady of Isin’ – in fact a title rather than a real name – is present in the god lists from Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ.622 Her husband is Pabilsaĝ, a son of Enlil; one of their children is Damu.623 In TH 30, Ninisina is called a-zu gal kalam-ma ‘the great healer of the Land’.624 She was identified as Ninkarrak, Gula, and BaU.625 Hymn 58 (ll. 185-189): ..., Nin-... Biggs (1974, 56) commented on the lines of this Zame Hymn: ‘The text in these lines cannot 616 617

618 619

620 621 622 623

624 625

Borger 2010, 201 no. 780. Depicted, e.g. in the exhibition catalogue L’Histoire commence en Mésopotamie (Thomas 2016), 102 fig. 33; see also ibid. p. 127, catalogue number 121. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2000d. Fāra god list SF 1 obv. iii 10 (Krebernik 1986, 170); Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list IAS 82, obv. iv 16 (Mander 1986, 26 l. 82). IAS 91 obv. vii’ 5 // MS 3204 obv. i 14 // MEE 3, no. 56 obv. ix 4; see MEE 3, 236 sub l. 188. Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 235. Fāra: SF 1, obv. iv 18; Abū Ṣalābīḫ: IAS 86, vi 5’. Edzard 2000. Pabilsaĝ in the Fāra god list: SF 1, ix 4 (Krebernik 1986, 176), and in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list: IAS 83, obv. v 5’ // IAS 84, obv. iii’ 2 (Mander 1986, 28 no. 231). TH 30, 392. Frankena 1971, 695; Livingstone 1988, 58; Edzard 2000, 388; Black and Green 1998, 101, 140. Ceccarelli 2009; J.G. Westenholz 2010. Gula (dgu2-la2) is attested in the god lists from Fāra (SF 1, ix 25; SF 5/6 no. 13 [Krebernik 1986, 177, 189]) and Abū Ṣalābīḫ (IAS 82, obv. vi 11 [Mander 1986, 26, no. 121]). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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be reconstructed confidently.’ He suggested that the lines of IAS 262 ii’ 2’-4’ (called Source R) probably belong to this section; we followed his suggestion. 186 e2 an-ki ‘house of heaven and earth’, temple E-anki. The temples with this name, mentioned by George626, are of a later date than the ED period; one belongs to Ištar, another one to Anu, and some could not be attributed to a deity. 187 This line is only preserved in ms. R. The neighbourhood of gu ‘flax’ and ME suggests that ME here refers to a textile to be read ma6/ba13. In ED Vessels and Garments we find two entries possibly containing ME = ba13/ma6: [tu9]:ba13 and siki:ba13.627 In Proto-Aa i 23628 ME is glossed with tu-ba and equated with na-al-ba-šum ‘fine cloak, for kings and gods’629. By analogy with siki ba13 we tentatively suggest that gu ba13 is also a fine garment, in this case made of linen, and probably used for the dressing of a priest or a deity’s statue. 188 This line may tentatively be interpreted as a parallel to the preceding line. Most likely a verb, parallel with si in the preceding line, is missing. 189 According to the context (garment of linen, line 187), the deity of this Zame Hymn, whose name is only partially preserved, could be Ninkida/i, attested as dnin-ki-di/da in Fāra630, dnin-⸢GADA.ki⸣[-du3?] in the OB An = Anum forerunner631 and dnin-GADA.kidu3 in An = Anum632. ki-di/da/du3 means ‘linen’ (Akkadian kitû) as the spellings with the logogram GADA demonstrate. According to An = Anum, Ninkidi/a/u is a byname of the Mungo goddess Ninkilim.633 Hymn 59 (ll. 190-192): ĝeš.a⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212), Medimša 190 The extant traces of this line in ms. F suggest the reading ĝeš.a⸢ASALx⸣(LAK212) ‘Euphrates poplar’; the spelling with A as a phonetic indicator is known already in the ED period.634 191 The expression en du10 occurs in the Keš Temple Hymn within a short list of priests635 and in TH 2 as an epithet for Enlil 636. In this Zame Hymn we take it as an epithet for 626 627 628 629 630

631

632 633 634 635

George 1993, 67, nos. 68-70. SF 64, obv. vi 14-15, cf. CDLI P499150, ll. 109-110 and Composite no. Q000024. MSL 14, 128. CAD N I 200 s.v. nalbašu. God list SF 1, iv 6: dnin-ki-di; for other attestations see Krebernik 1984, 291 and Cavigneaux & Krebernik 2000g. TCL 15, 10 rev. i: 45 (= l. 287). Read after de Genouillac’s copies 1923; 1930. The line, close to the lower right edge of the tablet, is no longer preserved as the photograph in the exhibition catalogue Babylone shows: André-Salvini 2008, 329, fig. 291. An = Anum V 34 (Litke 1988, 171). Heimpel 1995. Cf. Krebernik 1998a, 283 sub 6.3.9. and fn. 522. Gragg 1969, 174 l. 108; Biggs 1971, 202 l. 108; ETCSL 4.80.2, 109: ‘the good en-priest’. Wilcke 2006, 227 l. 108 ‘die zahllosen en-Priester’. Wilcke’s translation is obviously based on the reading šar2, instead of du10, but the sign in the ms. of Abū Ṣalābīḫ (IAS 308, obv. iii’ 7’) is ḪI, and not ŠAR2.

636

TH 2, 34: en du10 ‘the good lord’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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the preceding ĝeš.a⸢ASALx⸣ and translate ‘cherished by the en-priest’ but the interpretation ‘which pleases the en-priest’ cannot be excluded. 192 Medimša is also present in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list.637 In later sources, (Nin-)Medimša occurs as another name of Šala, the spouse of Iškur.638 Hymn 60 (ll. 193-194): LAK225, Lugalusaḫar Cohen briefly discussed this Zame Hymn.639 His transliteration and translation are: (193) azu2anše-unx(UD) ‘The heavenly donkey doctor’ (194) dLugal-iši-ugx ‘Lugališiug.’ 193 The first sign (LAK225) was interpreted in different ways. Biggs read it sumaš, but Cohen (see above) read it azu2 and regarded this as an older spelling for a-zu ‘doctor’. According to the photograph of ms. B and Bigg’s copy of ms. F in IAS, the sign is clearly LAK225 (and not LAK226).640 LAK225, which seems to depict a fish split in two halves or two joined fishes, is attested in ED Fish641, in an administrative Fāra text, where it also designates a type of fish642, and as part of a theonym in the Fāra god list SF 1643. LAK225 is not attested as a place-name, which one should expect in this line. For ANŠE UD a translation ‘white donkey(s)’ is plausible, and this might characterise a place written LAK225 (compare in this respect e.g. lines 55 and 69 of the Zame Hymns). But since this interpretation is highly hypothetical we refrain from a translation. 194 For EZEN×AN = u9 see commentary on line 119. The deity dlugal-u9-saḫar is present in the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list644; it is followed there by Medimša, who precedes dlugal-u9saḫar in ZH 59. The same theonym can be restored also in the Fāra god list SF 1.645 A very similar theonym is Usaḫara (written du4-saḫar-ra, du4-SAR-ra), perhaps another name of Ninura, the spouse of the city god Šara of Umma.646 Hymn 61 (ll. 195-196): Kisig, Nunuzdug 195 There is some confusion in the literature about the reading of the compound sign LAK617×SIG7 and the toponym behind it.647 The basic sign here is different from EZEN = LAK611; it is the same which was used as a frame sign of BAD3 in the ED period. Its older form, which is present in this line, resembles the frame of LAK619, but is faute de 637 638

639 640

641

642 643 644

645 646 647

IAS 82, obv. vi 9, see Mander 1986, 26 no. 119 with commentary on p. 55. Krebernik 1990; Schwemer 2001, 400-401; Richter 2004, 136, with references to Neo-Assyrian texts for the reading of the name; Peterson 2009, 14 no. 30; Schwemer 2016, 71 § 2.3. Cohen 1976, 86 and fn. 19. His line numbers 196 and 197 are identical to those of Biggs. The strokes at the fish’s dorsal section, characteristic of the sign LAK226, appear to be absent in the sign in question. Borger (2010, 106 no. 323) equates LAK226 with sumaš. SF 9, obv. i 9 // SF 10, obv. i 9. For an older form see the corresponding entry in ms. UET 2, 234, obv. i 7’ (Burrows 1935), which looks like NUN+⸢LAK225⸣. TSŠ 44, iii 1: LAK225ku6 (P010715). The preceding lines record other types of fish. SF 1, rev. iii 2, read dKI.DU3.AL.LAK225 in Krebernik 1986, 181 col. xiii 2. IAS 82 obv. vi 8, see Mander 1986, 26 no. 118 (dlugal-SAḪAR.EZEN×AN). Lambert 1987c, quoting this Zame Hymn and the TAṢ god list, read the name Lugal-kušBAD. SF 1, rev. v 1’. Krebernik 1986, 183 xv 1’ read [dlug]al-[I]Š, but [dlug]al-[u9-sa]ḫar seems possible. For this goddess: see Rudik 2015. For the transliteration LAK617 instead of EZEN (= LAK611): see commentary on l. 119. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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mieux transliterated here as LAK617, into which it later developed before merging with EZEN. The readings are based on lexical texts from the Old Babylonian period, when it had become EZEN×SIG7. According to these texts, EZEN×SIG7 had the readings /ud(i)nim/648 and /kisig/649 (to be transliterated ud(i)nim and kisig2 according Borgers Zeichenlexikon650). But note that the same readings (with the values ud(i)nim2 and kisig(a) according to Borger) were attributed to the signs EZEN×ḪA and EZEN×KU3, respectively.651 Biggs, without further disussion, read EZEN×SIG7ki in the Zame Hymn as Kisig.652 Beaulieu concludes his discussion of EZEN×SIG7 as follows: ‘The reading of EZEN×SIG7ki as UD(I)NIM in the early periods is uncertain, and KÍSIG(A) seems just as likely a possibility.’653 Steinkeller, in a discussion of the PN kiš-a-bi2-tuš, offers strong arguments for the reading kisig2: (1) SIG7 in EZEN×SIG7 is likely to be a phonetic indicator; and (2) the PN EZEN×X.KI-a-bi2-tuš654 is probably to be read EZEN×SIG7.KIa-bi2-tuš and then it could be a variant spelling for kiš-a-bi2-tuš.655 Frayne, in his study of ED Geography, used the gloss u4-di-ni-i[m] in an attempt to prove that EZEN×SIG7 represented the town of Edina at the Iturungal Canal.656 We prefer the reading kisig2 and consider KI as a phonetic indicator and not as the determinative for place-names since this is unusual in the Zame Hymns. This is supported by ms. F which shows only ki and kisig2 in one case, which makes an interpretation as ‘Kisig, place where...’ (analogously to lines 44, 88, 107) unlikely. The earliest attestations of this town could be hidden in the sign combination EZEN~b.SIG7 in some Uruk III texts.657 EZEN×SIG7 is present in pre-Sargonic, Old Akkadian and Ur III personal names658, and in some Ur III texts as a toponym659. No other attestations of EZEN×SIG7 could be found in third-millennium texts. This town has to be distinguished from the one written LAK617×KU3, read kisiga in our edition (ZH 52 line 173).

648

649

650 651 652 653 654 655

656 657

658

659

Proto-Ea (MSL 14, 60): 772 u4-di-ni-i[m] EZEN×SIG7; 774 u3-ud-nim [EZEN×SIG7 (?)]. ProtoAa Sb. 7 iv 29 (MSL 14, 121): u4-di-ni-i[m EZEN×SIG7]. Proto-Ea 775 (MSL 14, 60): ki-si-ig [EZEN×SIG7]; Ea VIII 97 (MSL 14, 479): ki-sig EZEN×SIG7; Diri Nippur 8:08 (MSL 15, 32): EZEN×SIG7.KI = k[i-si-ig]. Borger 2010, 99 no. 281. Borger 2010, 100, nos. 291 and 284, respectively. Biggs 1974, 52 with commentary on p. 56. This city was not treated in the Reallexikon. Beaulieu 1991, 107. Beaulieu did not give a definition of ‘the early periods’ in this sentence. DP 592 iv 4 (P221242). Steinkeller 1990b. The photo of DP 592, however, seems rather to confirm Bauer’s reading EZEN×MIR (= dugin2) critised by Steinkeller. Frayne 1992, 29f. and 33f. Cavigneaux 1991, 117, W 24033,1 obv. iii 7a (P004880); ibid. p. 122 W 24046,5 obv. i 2 (P004894). Note, however, that it is uncertain whether the two signs belong together. In both attestations, NUN is present in the same case, and could be combined with either sign. DP 592, obv iv 4 (P221242); VS 25, 105 obv. iii 5 (P020312); RTC 254 rev. i 10 (P217026); Legrain 1937 (UET 3), 876 rev. 4 (P137200). Sollberger 1966 (TCS 1), 225 rev. 4 (P145728); Legrain 1937 (UET 3), 1109 rev. i 10 (P137434); UET 3, 1136 obv. 10 (P137461); UET 3, 1181 obv. 9 (P137506). In AUCT 1, 539 obv. 2 (Sigrist 1984; P103384) bad3(?)ki was revised to kisig2 (see BDTNS no. 026981). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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6. Commentary

NE.RU in ms. J seems to be an unorthographic (syllabic?) spelling for uru4 ‘to plough’. 196 The god lists from Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ both contain a group of deities, whose names are formed with the element NU.NUNUZ.660 In the AṢ god list, the enumeration starts with the unextended form dNU.NUNUZ, which is also attested in an ED list of cultic personnel.661 The deity dNU.NUNUZ-du10, to whom the present Zame Hymn is dedicated, is the only member of the group which is present in both god lists:

Fāra d nu

Abū Ṣalābīḫ

NUNUZ-gu2-nu d nu NU[NUZ]-⸢x⸣ d nu NUNUZ-DU d nu NUNUZ-du10 d nu NUNUZ-gal

d nu

NUNUZ NUNUZ-du10 d nu NUNUZ-u8 d nu NUNUZ-⸢TUR3⸣(immalx?) d nu NUNUZ-KAM(ḪI×DIŠ) d nu

Krebernik transliterated the element NU.NUNUZ first as NU-NUS, Mander as nuNUNUZ. Later, Cavigneaux and Krebernik read it nununus and commented ‘wahrscheinlich handelt es sich um die Emesal-Form des Wortes munus “Frau”’.662 Even if their formulation is somewhat flimsy – since Emesal as a kind of sociolect existed only much later – it could be essentially true in the sense that we are dealing with an ancestor of the Emesal word for ‘women’. This seems far more likely than the word for ‘egg’, conventionally transliterated nunuz. Three or four names have an extension designating a female mammal: u8 ‘ewe’, TUR3 = immalx ‘cow’ (?), ab2-ba ‘(of the) cow’. This can be seen as a support of this interpretation. Furthermore, from dNUNUZ-ab2-ba one may conclude that the parallel names most probably are also genitival constructions. Finally, Emesal d.nuNUNUZ-gunu3-a corresponds to Emegir dmunus-gunu3-a, a byname of the goddess Ninimma, in the Emesal List.663 Alternatively, but less likely, nu-NUNUZ could be a gender-neutral designation of a person formed with the prefix nu- like nu-banda, nu-kiri6 etc. Hymn 62 (ll. 197-199): (Kisig?), Lugaldasila 197 Besides the proposed translation of en pana nun as ‘the Lord with the princely bow’, there are other possibilities. Thus, EN and NUN could belong together, yielding en-nuĝx ‘watch, guard; imprisonment’ or en-nun ‘type of priest’; in this case, we had to translate ‘the bow of the priest/guard’, which in turn could be an epithet for Kisig, the city 660

661 662

663

Fāra god list SF 1, ix 26 - x 1 (Krebernik 1986, 177). AṢ god list: IAS 83, obv. iv 10’-14’ (Mander 1986, 28 nos. 211-215). IAS 47, rev. ii 2 // 53, x 5: ME (= išib?) dNU.NUNUZ. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001m. The lemma d.nuNunus is followed by articles (by the same authors) on the theonyms: Nunus-aba (dNUNUZ-ab2-ba), Nunus-AŠtumu (dNUNUZ-AŠ-tum2-mu), Nunus-dug (d.nuNUNUZ-du10, the deity of the present Zame Hymn), Nunus-gal, (d.nuNUNUZ-gal) Nunus-guna (d.nuNUNUZ-gunu3-a), d.nuNunus-GU2.NU, dNUNUS.KAD4mušen, d.nuNunus-KAM(ḪI× DIŠ), d.nuNunus-TUR3, Nunus-u (d.nuNUNUZ-u8) and Nunus-zi (d.nu-u2NUNUZ-zi). Emesal I 26, cf. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001n. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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149

mentioned in the previous Zame Hymn and referred to also in this hymn. In principle, PANA or PANA.EN.NUN could represent an otherwise unknown toponym, but this is not very likely. 198 If our reading and interpretation of na-nam is correct, then this is the second finite verbal form in the Zame Hymns after the first one (mu-ĝar-ĝar) in line 12. 199 The god dlugal-da-sila can be found in the RlA as Lugalkudda.664 The reading kud-da is, however, unlikely here since kud ends in /-dr/ and since endings are as yet rarely written in this period. Therefore, we prefer the reading sila ‘street’, which fits well with niĝir ‘herald’ in the preceding line. The combination with da results in da-sila ‘street side’, and we get dlugal-da-sila ‘Lord of the street side’. The same deity could be indicated by dlugal-sila in Fāra god list SF 1.665 Hymn 63 (ll. 200-201): Dugina, dMI.DAM 200 Biggs remarked on the transliteration of this line: ‘[ms.] A apparently EZEN×GIN2’.666 The composite signs LAK617×GIN2 and LAK617×MIR (= LAK622) have the readings dugina and dugina2, respectively. The inscribed sign – GIN2, of which MIR/NIĜIR is the gunû-from – is probably a phonetic indicator. The association of Dugina with gukkal ‘fat-tailed sheep’ present in this line is already attested on an Uruk IV tablet which registers ‘1 fat-tailed sheep (of?) Dugina’667. The toponym EZEN~a×NIĜIR is also preserved in an Uruk III geographical list.668 RGTC 1 gives two attestations from pre-Sargonic Lagaš.669 We could not find any further information about Dugina. 201 We can only agree with Biggs’ comment: ‘The deity dDam-mi is unknown elsewhere but is probably the same as dNin-dam-mi in [IAS] No. 83 obv. ii 11 (god list).670 The deity dnin-MI.DAM is also attested in the Fāra god list SF 1671 and in the personal name ur-dnin-MI.DAM from pre-Sargonic Ĝirsu672. The latter one establishes the sign order MI.DAM. Hymn 64 (ll. 202-203): Umma, Enlunugid 202 Note the wordplay associating umma2 ‘(city of) Umma’ with kušummudx ‘waterskin’. For KUŠ.A.EDIN ‘waterskin’, see PSD A I, 64-66 (esp. § 2). EN.NUN could be en nun 664 665

666

667

668 669

670 671 672

Lambert 1987b; Mander 1986, 27, no. 161. SF 1, rev. iv 5” (Krebernik 1986, 183 xiv 5’’: dlugal-KU5), in CDLI (P010566) read as dlugal-sila. Note that lugal-sila (short form of lugal-sila-si or similar) is also a well-attested PN in Ur III texts. Biggs 1974, 52 fn. at 203. For our transliteration LAK617 instead of EZEN: see the commentary on l. 119. Englund 1994 (ATU 5), 88 and pl. 70: W 9579,bq, obv. i 1 (only one entry) (P001313): 1(N34) GUKKAL~a |EZEN~a×NIĜIR| (transliteration after CDLI). EZEN~a correponds to LAK617. MS 3173, obv. ix 4’ (P252184). DP 592 obv. iv 4 and and ITT 2, 4451 obv. 1 (Edzard et al. 1977, 31; for the proposed reading LAK617×SIG7ki = Kisig in the first instance, see above, commentary on l. 195). See also Schrakamp 2015a, 238, 242. Biggs 1974, 56 sub 203-4. SF 1, obv. vii 4; see Krebernik 1986, 174. Nik 1, 40, obv. ii 2 (P221747). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

150

6. Commentary

‘princely lord’, en-nuĝx ‘watch, guard’ (also ‘prison’)673, or en-nun ‘type of priest’. For contextual reasons we prefer en-nuĝx ‘guardian’. The same line but in a different context is found in SF 40 ii 18674, which suggests that ‘the guardian of the waterskin’ is an epithet for Umma. But we would not totally exclude that we have to translate here ‘Umma, (there said) the guardian of the waterskin, Enlunugid, praise’, which means that ‘the guardian of the waterskin’ is an epithet for Enlunugid. 203 The name of the deity written here en-lu2-nu-gid2 occurs in a variety of spellings which were collected by Mander.675 The same spelling as in the Zame Hymn but with divine determinative (den-lu2-nu-gid2) is present in the Fāra god list SF 1 (rev. i 7). The Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list has two entries which seem to be nothing other than different spellings of the same name: den-lu2-nu-gi4 (IAS 83, obv. vi 10’) // den-lu2-nu-gi (IAS 84, obv. iv’ 7’) and den-lu2-nu-gi4.DU (IAS 83, obv. vi 11’) // den-lu2-nu-DU (IAS 84, obv. iv’ 8’). From the Sargonic period onwards, we find the shortened form den-nu-gi(4).676 According to A šir-gida to Nuska (Nuska B), Ennugi receives his orders from Nuska, Enlil’s vizier.677 In An = Anum, Ennugi is explained as gu-za-la2 ‘throne-bearer’ of Enlil678, a function that had aspects of a policeman. Another late god list interprets dennu-gi as bēl erṣetim bēl lā tâ[ri] ‘lord of the netherword, lord of no return’.679 Ennugi is a god who ‘has special care over dikes and canals, and he is called the “canal inspector of the great gods”’.680 During the second millennium den-nu-gi(4)-gi(4) appears as the name of one of Ereškigal’s doorkeepers.681. The original meaning of En(lu)nugi may have been ‘The Lord who lets nobody return’. This interpretation in combination with En(lu)nugi’s responsibility for ‘dikes and canals’ could lead one to assume that he was the ferryman of the netherworld river, which the deceased had to cross in order to enter the netherworld, whence nobody could return. Interestingly, en-lu2-nu-gi4 is attested also as a PN682, which presumably had a different meaning (perhaps ‘The Lord/En is someone who lets nobody return’). Hymn 65 ( ll. 204-205): GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA, Ninšuburmaḫ 204 The order and interpretation of the signs in this line are unclear. For EZEN×AN = U9: see commentary on line 119. GA is most probably a syllabogram here; it could belong to ŠA3 (ša3-ga ‘of/in the heart’) or to U9 (u9-ga ‘dead’), less likely to GIN2 as phonetic 673 674 675

676

677 678 679 680

681 682

Steinkeller 1991, 229-230 fn. 15; Civil 1993, 75b. See Introduction § 6. Mander 1986, 66. It is not certain if den-šar2-nu-gi4 (SF 1, obv. x 11) belongs here. den-nu-gi quoted from OSP 1 refers in fact to the PN ur-den-nu-gi4 (Pohl 1935 [TMH 5] 172 = Westenholz 1975a [ECTJ] 172, i 1 and ii 2). den-nu-gi is found in two Ur III texts: (1) RIME 3/2.01.02.19, col. i: 1 (P432184); (2) in an offering 4 list: TCL 5, 6053, obv. ii: 17 (P131767). den-nu-gi -ra a aĝ -ĝa e -[a-me]-⸢en⸣, see Sjöberg 1977, 28 rev. 6’. 4 2 2 2 3 An = Anum I 318 (Litke 1998, 58). CT 25, 49, K 1451 rev. 3: EN KI-tim EN la ta-[ri]. Black & Green 1998, 77. Cf. Šurpu IV 103 (Borger 2000, 72): den-nu-gi EN E u PA5 ‘Ennugi, the lord of the ditch(es) and the canal(s)’. An = Anum V 224 (Litke 1998, 189). Cohen 1993, 80, text A iii 13 // text B iv 15. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

151

indicator (aga3ga). Presumably, a cult place is involved. 205 The theonym dnin-šubur-AL is mentioned in the Fāra god list SF 1 between two Ninšuburs.683 The Abū Ṣalābīḫ god list registers also two Ninšuburs684, but dnin-šuburAL is not found there. The two Ninšuburs almost certainly correspond to the sukkals of An (male) and Inanna (female) known from later texts.685 The reading of dnin-šuburAL – perhaps dnin-šubur-maḫ2 – and the identity of this deity are uncertain. Hill and Jacobsen introduced the widely accepted idea that šubur is ‘the Sumerian form of the name Šubar which designates the northern region later called Assyria.’686 This region supplied slaves for Sumer, and so the word šubur became a word for slave. The name of Ninšubur may be understood as ‘Lady/Lord/Queen of Šubartu’ or ‘Lady/ Lord of the (Subarean) servants’.687 Hymn 66 (ll. 206-208): A.ŠA3.BU, Amaramana 206 The line seems to contain a place-name formed with a-ša3 ‘a field’: probably a-ša3-gid2 ‘Long Field’. Alternatively, one could think of the toponym ŠA3.BU mentioned in Archaic Cities, but the archaic spelling was replaced in the ED mss. by šax(LAK50)/šabu-nunki.688 208 The sign read engur by Biggs seems to have an inscribed AN (rather than ḪAL) in the two mss. where it is preserved (B and C). LAGAB×AN = ama6 is attested in ED texts as a variant of ĜA2×AN = ama, as e.g. in the common personal name šeš-ama(6)-na.689 The theonym damar-ama6-na, if read correctly, seems to be of the same structure. We could not find other attestations for it. Hymn 67 (ll. 209-211): KI.AN, (An)tuda Krebernik in RlA tentatively translated lines 209-210: ‘Vater, der (den Ort) KI.AN (oder Himmel und Erde) belebt hat (sig17(GI) für sig7?); En, der (den Ort) KI.AN (oder Himmel und Erde) erschaffen hat.’690 Apart from the suggestion that the place KI.AN is involved here, this interpretation is unlikely (see below). 683

684 685

686 687

688

689

690

SF 1, obv. v 12’-14’, see Krebernik 1986, 172. There seems to be no space for an additional sign in l. 14’ (collated): (12’) [dnin-š]ubur, (13’) [dnin-š]ubur-maḫ2, (14’) [dni]n-šubur. IAS 82, obv. iv 8 // 86, obv. iii’ 7’ and IAS 82, rev. i 17; see Mander 1986, 25, 29. For Ninšubur: see Walker and Kramer 1982, 78-83; Wiggermann 2001a. The earliest attestation of An’s Ninšubur is in an ED text from Adab (Such-Gutiérrez 2005-2006, 29; [P431023]); SuchGutiérrez (l.c.) supposed that the title of sukkal, provided that ‘vizier’ was a correct translation, might give ‘einen Hinweis auf das männliche Geschlecht Ninšuburs.’ Inanna’s Ninšubur occurs in: TH 18, l. 227; Inanna and Enki (passim); Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld (passim). Hill and Jacobsen 1990, 68 fn. 79. Hill and Jacobsen 1990, 68 fn. 79; Wiggermann 2001a 490b. Wiggermann’s remark (2001a, 491b) ‘The Zami hymns (...) replace N[inšubur] with dNin-akkil2 (AB.KID.KID) (...) at home in Akkil (IAS 50: 142 ff.)’ was commented on above in the commentary on ZH 39. Archaic Cities 52; ED Geography 52. See Krebernik 2003, 168 fn. 130, who identifies the place with OAkk ša-ab-bu-nu-umki. Examples include: WF 84 rev. ii 2 LAGAB×AN (P011041); WF 86 rev. i 4 ĜA2×AN (P011043); TSŠ 261 obv. i 2 ĜA2×AN (P010791); TSŠ 627 obv. i 6 LAGAB×AN (P010869). Krebernik 2014, 152b. For KI.AN: see Schrakamp 2015a, 203 fn. 67. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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209 KI.AN(ki) most likely is a place in the neighbourhood of Umma; it belongs in any case to the province of Umma.691 The expression gi duru5 ‘fresh reed’ is present in a number of Ur III texts and in the Temple Hymn dedicated to Nanna.692 210 As in the Sumerian cosmogony of the third millennium BCE an-ki represented the primaeval origin693, it is unlikely that this line can be interpreted as ‘Lord who engendered heaven and earth’. Rather, the two signs are to be read in the reverse order, ki an, thus constituting a wordplay on the place-name ki-an in the preceding line. EN = uru16 as an epithet for the god An is attested at the beginning of an Ur III creation myth.694 TU links this line with the theonym in the next one. 211 Krebernik plausibly argued that dTU is a logogram for two different theonyms since several Fāra texts mention dTU in two subsequent lines.695 One dTU is most likely the mother goddess Nintu(r), to whom ZH 19 is dedicated. Concerning dTU(-da), who figures in this Zame Hymn, Krebernik quotes an Ur III incantation in which this deity is mentioned together with Ningirima and called maš-maš gal an-na ‘great incantation priest of An’. From this Krebernik concluded that dTU(-da) might have been the predecessor of Tutu. This hymn leads us to the assumption that the name is probably to be read an-tu-da, because in this case all the lines of the hymn would share, in a kind of wordplay, the same element an. Hymn 68 (ll. 212-217): Muru(?), Ama’ušumgal 212 The logogram IM/IŠKUR represents the names of three towns: Karkara, En(n)egi, and Mur(u). Karkara was perhaps meant in ZH 24, En(n)egi, spelled differently, in ZH 37. Since a cult place normally is present only in one of the Zame Hymns (an exception is e.g. Kullaba), it is likely that Mur(u) is meant in this hymn. If Mur(u) is identical with mu-ru-umki, the cult place of the deity Ningirima in in TH 19 – which is, however, uncertain –, one could compare iri abzu-ta barag-ga ri-a ‘city, founded from the abzu on a dais’ at the beginning of the Temple Hymn with e2 a si in the present Zame Hymn, both associating the respective cult places with water. e2 a si can be compared with e2 a si-ga, a sanctuary mentioned in some Ur III texts, nearly all from Umma.696 Therefore we assume that si-g = sig9 ‘to place’ is meant here. 691

692

693 694

695 696

Edzard 1980a; Edzard et al. 1977, 85f.; Carroué 1993, 21; Steinkeller 2001, 46f.; Waetzoldt 2013, 321b, § 4. TH 8, l. 101; some Ur III texts: Yıldız et al. 1988 (MVN 14), 98, obv. i 1 (P117779); ibid., 100, obv. i 1 (P117781); Legrain 1937 (UET 3), 1387, obv. i 7 (P137712); Gomi and Yıldız 1997 (UTI 4), 2781, obv. 4 (P140800); Sigrist and Tohru 2009a (BPOA 6), 318, obv. 1 (P312650); Sigrist and Tohru 2009b (BPOA 7), 1990, obv. 3 (P290783); ibid., 2577, obv. 1 (P312792). Lisman 2013, ch. 4.1. NBC 11108, obv. 1: a[n] uru16-ne2 an mu-zalag2 ‘The mighty An lighted heaven’ (Lisman 2013, 37; 243f). Krebernik 2014, 152f., § 1, with references to the god lists SF 5/6 and the offerings list Š 402. Umma: Grégoire 2000 (AAICAB 1/2), pl. 141, rev. 3 (P248865); Sigrist 1984 (AUCT 1), 43, rev. 2 (P102889); Sigrist and Tohru 2009b (BPOA 7), 2357, rev. 9 (P290510); Keiser 1914 (BRM 3), 80, obv. 2 (P107282); Limet 1976 (TSU), 48, passim (P135212); Sigrist 2000 (SAT 3), 1633, obv. 2 (P144833). Ĝirsu: CT 3, 20 BM 16366 obv. 2 (P108462). George 1993 does not mention the temple e2 a si-ga. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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153

214 Marchesi and Marchetti discussed the term e2-ša3, denoting ‘the innermost part of a building or building complex’, i.e. ‘inner room’ or ‘inner quarters’.697 215 The MUŠ3 sign, which depicts Inanna’s emblem, the Schilfringbündel698, can also be read suḫ10 ‘a crown’. The parallelism with menx suggests that the suḫ10 is meant here, and that both terms refer to different types of headgear. According to the context, they may be used metonymically, designating people wearing such headgear.699 216 The most common reading of GAM in later periods is gur2, gurum ‘to bend, to curve, to bow down; to curb’ (Akk. kanānu, kanāšu, kapāpu, kepû, qadādu). We transliterate GAM+GAM because the reading of the reduplicated sign is uncertain. For GAM+GAM in ED texts, see Civil’s comment on ED Word List F 29700: ‘The sign “GAM+GAM” in a W-configuration alternates with UL = du7 until Ur III.’ As a consequence, ḫe2GAM+GAM could stand for later ḫe2-du7 ‘a fitting ornament’. But the context (ablative in line 214, parallellism between lines 213 and 214-216) instead requires a verbal form. Therefore we tentativeley interpret ḫe2-GAM+GAM as a finite verbal form in spite of the fact that finite verbal forms are quite unusual in the Zame Hymns.701 The combination of this verb with the ablative in line 214 leads us to the tentative translation protrude. Representations of buildings (‘reed huts with projecting horns and side buckles’) from which objects stick out can be found e.g on cylinder seals.702 217 For a discussion of dama-ušum-gal(-an-na) and his relation with Dumuzi, dlugal-e2muš3, and the temple e2-muš3 see Krebernik 2003. He concludes: ‘Auf das namengebende muš3 spielt vielleicht die “Zame-Hymne” auf Ama’ušumgal an’.703 His tentative conclusion was that ‘(...) mit ddumu-zi in Fāra immer Dumuzi-Abzu (a goddess;L/K) gemeint ist, während der spätere Dumuzi-Ama’ušumgalana nur unter dem Namen d ama-ušumgal bekannt war. Die ersten mit Sicherheit auf Dumuzi-Ama’ušumgalana bezüglichen Belege stammen aus spät- und postsargonischer Zeit.’ Hymn 69 (ll. 218-224): Kullaba, Ninniĝara Cavigneaux and Krebernik translated and discussed this Zame Hymn in the Reallexikon704: kul-ab4 sila daĝal; menx babbar šu BAD; UD dKA.DI dNin-UM; ban-sa-babbar; ŠITA3+ĜEŠ za-gin3; dNIN-naĝar/NIĜIN3 za3-me ‘im breitstraßigen Kulaba, das eine weiße Tiara trägt, ...(von) An (?), Ištaran und dNin-UM, pries N[innaĝar] mit dem weiß bespannten Bogen und der Lapislazuli-Keule (scil. den Enlil).’ The structure of the hymn is analysed here somewhat differently: After the gods Utu, Ištaran and Nin-UM (lines 220-221), their respective weapons are named (lines 222-223). Since, according to the last line, Ninniĝara is

697 698

699 700 701 702 703 704

Marchesi and Marchetti 2011, 231 fn. 5. For the emblem we refer to some examples on cylinder seals: vertical reed bundles with volutes (i.e. MUŠ3 signs) are flanking a temple entrance: Colon 1987, 18 no. 28; 173 nos. 800 and 801; Klengel-Brandt 1997, 85 no. 79; Legrain 1936, nos. 187, 326, 385-387. See also Steinkeller 1998. Asher-Greve 1995/1996, 183a, § 2.1. For the various kinds of headgear: see Boehmer 1981. Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), 239 comment on no. 29. This one would be only the third one after mu-ĝar-ĝar in line 12 and na-nam in line 198. Legrain 1936, nos. 45, 187, 205, 336, 342, 344-349, 355, 360, 374, 387, 389; quotation on p. 3. Krebernik 2003, 164. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001c. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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6. Commentary

the principal deity of this Zame Hymn, the mention of Utu, Ištaran and Nin-UM probably refers to cult images of thoses deities in Ninniĝaras temple. 219 Ms. B has šu BAD705, while ms. F has šu UD. One possible solution would consist in the readings šu bad and šu bar6, respectively. But according to later standards, they would be hardly compatible since šu badr ‘to open the hand’706 and šu ba/bar ‘to release’707 are two different verbs. On the other hand, ŠU.BAD might be a Diricompound for a unit of length, usually read udu2, zapaḫ or zipaḫ2 = Akkadian ūṭu ‘half-cubit’.708 Diri Boghazköy 10:03 and 10:08709 provides the glosses u2-du and zapa-aḫ, but the restoration of ⸢ŠU.BAD⸣ in 10:08 is not very likely since another Diricompound, ŠU.MIN3, comes in between. This would mean that the Diri-compound ŠU.BAD is to be read udu2.710 Accordingly, the variants in this Zame Hymn would have to be read udu2 (ms. B) and šu ud/utu (ms. F). It is, however, difficult to make sense of the meaning ‘half-cubit’ in our context. A tentative suggestion may be that the scribe of ms. F made a mistake and wrote UD because he had ŠU.BAD = udu2 in mind, but that he intended in fact šu badr. The resulting expression ‘donating the menx crown’ would be an apt epithet for Kullaba. The term men(x) in connection with a city is also found in the ED version of the Keš Temple Hymn: keš3 men-gin7 / saĝ mu-ĝal2 ‘He (= Enlil) wore Keš like a crown on his head’711, and in TH 1, 13: eridugki saĝ-men ĝal2 ‘Eridug, with a crown placed on your head’712. 220 Utu has already been encountered in ZH 7 line 38. His name is written in line 220 without divine determinative as in most mss. of line 38. Ištaran is present in the Fāra and the Abū Ṣalābīḫ god lists.713 From third-millennium and Old Babylonian sources, he is known as an arbitrator and judge. He has ophidian traits, which may be related to this function: ‘It is undoubtedly in this function [as judge; L/K] that we find snakes on a large variety of objects, among them the boundary stones.’714 Ištaran’s cult place par excellence is Dēr, see e.g. TH 33.715

705

706

707 708 709 710

711 712 713

714 715

The differentiation between bad and til (Biggs’ transliteration) was clearly demonstrated by Steinkeller 1981. PSD B, bad B § 1.9 35f.; Attinger 2019b, 18b. The expression ‘to open the hand’ is per se ambiguous, it may refer to the acts of giving (the normal meaning) or receiving, cf. Edzard 1976b, 163 sub CT 50 Nr. 5. PSD B, ba D, 2-10; Krecher 1993, 111-117: ‘freilassen, freigeben’; Attinger 2019b, 21a. CAD U, 358; Powell 1989-1990, 461f. § I.2.d; Borger 2010, 153 sub no. 567. MSL 15, 96. At first glance, udu2 looks like an Akkadian loanword, but we cannot exclude the possibility that ūṭu was borrowed from Sumerian. IAS 307, ii’ 2’-3’; Biggs 1971a, 200. Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 17. Fāra god list SF 1, rev. x 5’, see Krebernik 1986, 187; AṢ god list: IAS 82, obv. vii 20 // 83, obv. ii’ 2’ // 86 obv. vi 3’, see Mander 1986, 27 no. 154. Wiggermann 1997, 42-44, quotation p. 43. See also: Lambert 1977a; Selz 1995, 155. Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969, 41 and 128-132 (commentary). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

155

221 The sign read mes by Biggs is UM according to the photograph of ms. B. For the deity Nin-UM, see commentary on ZH 11 line 51. 222 The three weapons mentioned in lines 222f. – ‘net’, ‘bow’ and ‘lapis lazuli club’ – are most probably to be connected with Utu, Ištaran and Nin-UM, respectively. Various spellings for /sapar/ ‘net’ (Akk. saparru) are known: sa-par3/par4/bar.716 The assumed spelling with UD = bar6 in this Zame Hymn would imply a sign-play associating the net with UD = Utu. Besides the well-known saw, the net was one of Utu’s attributes: one may take an oath before Utu while touching or holding a net.717 To the best of our knowledge, the bow as an attribute/emblem of Ištaran is not attested elsewhere. We assume that the lapis lazuli club (šita2) is to be connected with Nin-UM = Inanna. Some texts mention a šita2 and/or a mitum as a weapon of Inanna.718 224 The theonym is written dnin-naĝar (ms. B) and dnin-SIG.E2 (ms. F). The latter can easily be emended to dnin-ŠU2.UD.KID = dnin-NIĜIN3 or better dnin-niĝarx. This is confirmed by the variant dnin-naĝar. Ninniĝara is also attested in Fāra god lists.719 Since Ninniĝara was mentioned after Nintinuga (except in the list SF 1), Cavigneaux and Krebernik suggested: ‘Die Nachbarschaft mit Nin-tin-uga legt es nahe, in N[inniĝara] eine Erscheinungsform der Heilgöttin zu sehen, was durch spätere Götterlisten bestätigt wird.’720 Hymn 70 (ll. 225-232): ĜEŠ.GI (Abū Ṣalābīḫ?), Lisin 225 This last Zame Hymn was discussed by M. E. Cohen.721 He suggested that the Zame Hymns ‘hold the key to revealing the ancient name of modern Tell Abu Ṣalābīkh.’ He argued that they were written in Abū Ṣalābīḫ, because no copies have yet been found in other places. He also compared the structure of the Zame Hymns with that of the Temple Hymns. The Temple Hymns conclude with a doxology to Nissaba, but the last hymn in praise of a temple is the preceding hymn to the e2 il3-a-ba4 a-ga-de3ki-a ‘the temple of Ilaba722 in Agade’. Agade was the home of Enḫeduanna, the (alleged) creator of the Temple Hymns, and the residence of the dynasty of her father, Sargon. Cohen concluded723: ‘This final position of this temple hymn thus appears to be a place of honor. Similarly we suggest that the positioning of Lisi at the conclusion of the Zame Hymns to be no accident, but rather a deliberate honor bestowed upon the goddess of

716 717

718 719

720 721

722 723

Steinkeller 1985. Dalley 1986, 92: ḫuḫārum ‘net’ (CAD Ḫ, 224-225). In the so-called Vulture Stela Eannatum made the man of Ĝišša swear to Utu by a net (RIME 1, E1.9.3.1 rev. i 1-7). Inanna and Ebiḫ: Attinger 1998, ll. 18, 56. A tigi to Inana (ETCSL 4.7.5), 10, 12; TH 40, l. 514. SF 1, obv. i 14; SF 4, obv. i’ 2’; SF 5, obv. iii 1 = rev. iv 2; see Krebernik 1986, 168, 189, 190, respectively. Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001e. For Ninnaĝar: see Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001c. Cohen 1976, 90-92 (quotation p. 90); for the attempts at its identification with a former Sumerian town: Krebernik 1998a, 254 sub 4.1 and footnotes; Steinkeller 1986, 30f. For Ilaba, see Krebernik 2018. Cohen 1976, 91. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

156

6. Commentary

Abu Ṣalābīkh.’ If this comment is accepted, it follows that Lisin’s city ĜEŠ.GI can be identified as Abū Ṣalābīḫ. In his reports on the excavations at Abū Ṣalābīḫ, Hansen remarked724: ‘The period of the most extensive occupation on the eastern side was the Early Dynastic period. Occupation ceased at the end of Early Dynastic IIIA or shortly thereafter, and the site was never reoccupied.’ This means that one can hardly expect to find the name of this city in later economic texts. Cohen referred to Westenholz with respect to four Presargonic texts in which the name ĜEŠ.GIki occurs.725 Finally, ĜEŠ.GIki is also found in Akkadian literary compositions of the Old Babylonian period which relate the socalled Revolt against Naram-Sin and which are based on Naram-Sin’s own royal inscriptions.726 We follow Cohen’s conclusion that the last Zame Hymn tells us the ancient Sumerian name of Abū Ṣalābīḫ, ĜEŠ.GI, which is the cult place of Lisin. What follows after ĜEŠ.GI in lines 225 and 228, i.e. ki du10 ‘good place’, is meant as an epithet for the city’s name and is not part of the name. Michalowski, however, did not seem to agree with this view when he wrote in the Reallexikon: ‘L[isin]’s city is not known.’727 Like the first Zame Hymn, the last one shows some formal pecularities. Thus, it contains a finite verb, which apart from these two hymns is only the case in two other hymns: ZH 62 line 198 na-nam and ZH 68 line 216 ḫe2-GAM.GAM. The hymn starts with a well-known poetic pattern: a sentence with elliptic topic/subject is repeated with the missing topic – in this case the name of the goddess Lisin – inserted: ...... ama dli9-si4

ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 nam-ma-LAK131 ĜEŠ.GI ki du10 nam-ma-LAK131

The syntactic function of the following nominal expression za3-me du11-ga diĝir galgal ‘the praise said by the great gods’, followed by the usual fomula za3-me + theonym, is difficult to determine (see commentary lines 230-232). 226 In the following we discuss the crucial sign LAK131 (transliterated by Biggs as x), the meaning and reading of which have not yet been clarified.728 1. According to Green and Nissen (ZATU418) LAK131 goes back to archaic NUgunû, which seems uncertain. The ED forms can be described as TAB+BAR, BAR×TAB or BARgunû. In the Ur III period – and probably already as early as in the Fāra period

724 725

726 727 728

Hansen 1974, 5. For a recent survey of the excavations in Abū Ṣalābīḫ: Pollock 2015. Cohen 1976, 92 fn. 45. For ĜEŠ.GIKI: Westenholz 1975b (OSP 1), 84, rev. 2 (P221605); ibid., 89, rev. 2 (P221606); Pohl 1935 (TMH 5), 107, obv. 5 (P020521); and also perhaps TMH 5, 124, obv. ii 3 (P020538), but here ĜEŠ.GI is written without ki determinative. We also found the place ĜEŠ.GI-galki in four Ur III texts: (1) Sigrist 1984 (AUCT 1), 257 rev. 2 (from Puzriš-Dagan; P103102); (2) Forde and Flaugher 1987, 3 obv. 2 (from Umma; P130304); (3) Lafont and Yıldız, 1996 (TCTI 2), 3543, obv. 8-9 (from Ĝirsu; P132760); (4) Legrain 1912 (TRU), 377, rev. 3 (from Puzriš-Dagan; P135141). Is this place ĜEŠ.GI-galki related to the ancient ĜEŠ.GIki ? Foster 2005, 119f. sub 2: The Sparing of Agade (with references to the literature on p. 120). Michalowski 1987, 32a. Steinkeller 2013b, 139 sub v 11’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

157

– the sign was reinterpreted as two signs, BAR.TAB.729 2. The earliest clear attestations occur in ‘ancient kudurrus’ and some other documents from the ED I-II periods. In most if not all of them the sign is part of a personal name: 2a ELTS no. 1 ii 2: utu-LAK131(TAB+BAR) (perhaps PN) 730 ELTS no. 1 iii 1: utu-LAK131(TAB+BAR) (perhaps PN) 2b ELTS no. 3 ii 4: pa4-bilgax(X.NE)731-LAK131(TAB+BAR) (PN) 2c 2d ELTS no. 3 iii 5: LAK131(TAB+BAR).GI4.KI.EŠ? (perhaps PN) ELTS no. 3 iii 6: [pa4]-bilgax(X.NE)-LAK131(TAB+BAR) (PN) 2e 2f ELTS no. 5 ii 1: LAK131(TAB+BAR).KALAM (perhaps PN) ELTS no. 10 obv. 2: LAK131(TAB+BAR).ḪA.UR2 (perhaps PN) 2g 2h ED Prisoner Plaque v 11’: LAK131(TAB+BAR)-KALAM (PN) 732 2i UET 2 no. 65 i 2: en-LAK131(TAB+BAR) (PN) UET 2 no. 181 obv. ii’ 8: saman3(ŠE.BU.NUN.ŠE3tenû)-LAK131(TAB+ 2j BAR) (PN) 3. Clear PNs formed with LAK131 are attested in an OAkk duplicate of an ED name list: BAR+TAB-dug3 and BAR+TAB-KALAM.733 4. LAK131 (mostly written BAR×TAB) is found in literary texts from Fāra and TAṢ (most of them in UGN): 4a SF 18734 obv. iii 3: LAK131 TUG2.RU mu-DUG4 // IAS 132 iv 2’-3’: LAK131 kul-ab4; mu(NUN)-DUG4(ŠID) 4b SF 18 obv. v 8-10: BU.A 120?.9; UB nu(NU11)-dug4; LAK131! ŠU LA TAG4.LAK387! (ZA3); TAG4.LAK387 a-GAR5 // IAS 162 vii 3’-6’: A.BU 120?.9; UB nu(ĜEŠ)-dug4; LAK131 NUN TAG4.⸢LAK387⸣; TAG4.LAK387; a-GAR5 4c IAS 128735 vi 23: LAK131 120? ; TAG4.LAK387 NUN 90 729 730 731

732

733

734 735

Krebernik 1998a, 283; Krebernik 2015. ELTS = Gelb et al. 1991. The sign here and in ELTS no. 3, iii 6 is no. 377 in Burrows’ sign list (UET 2, plate 30). Later the compound developed into PA4.ĜEŠ.BIL = pa4-bil4 and ĜEŠ.BIL×PA4, ĜEŠ.GIBIL = bil3 as e.g. in the name of Bilgames. Steinkeller 2013b, 136 v 11’; on p. 139 sub v 11’ Steinkeller observed: ‘This sign is documented in the archaic sources from Ur (Burrows no. 79; certainly not MA, as identified there [= Burrows 1935, sign list no. 79 (plate 7); L/K]. It also appears in some of the archaic “kudurrus” (Gelb et al. 1991 [OIP 104] no. 1 ii 2; no. 3 iii 5, 6; no. 5 ii 1; no. 10 obv. 2). Interestingly, in OIP 104 no. 5 ii 1 LAK131 appears in association with two KALAM signs. As far as we know, LAK131 is not found in the ED IIIa texts from Fāra and Abu Salabikh. Nor is it documented in the Uruk III sources from Uruk.’ YOS 1, 11 iii 19f., cf. Bauer 2014, 13. The corresponding entries in the ED ms. IAS 328 (iv 8f.) are only partially preserved; the copy shows something like [K]IN instead of LAK131, but this is most probably to be emended to BAR×[TA]B!. Zand 2009, CUT 1. Zand 2009, CUT 14. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

158

6. Commentary

4d 4e 4f

IAS 134736 ii’ 2’-4’: A MU den-ki ; LAK131 SIG7 ME abzu UŠ ; UD.UD ḫemu(NUN)-ĝar IAS 453 (fragment): LAK131(BARgunû) UM[BIN] TSŠ 194 ii’ 1: LAK131(BARgunû) NU

5. The god lists from Fāra and Abū Ṣalābīḫ mention a theonym dur3-LAK131.737 It reoccurs in offering lists and PNs from the Ur III period (mostly from Umma), where it is written dur3-BAR.TAB.738 6. The god list from TAṢ contains a theonym dLAK131(BARgunû).UD!?.739 It is perhaps identical with the PN utu-LAK131 (see above, 2a-b). If so, it could refer to a deceased and deified ruler; this interpretation finds support in the preceding theonyms dmes-kalam and di-ku-pi, which originally may also have been personal names. 7. In the ED Ama’ušumgal Myth740, LAK131 of the TAṢ version (IAS 278 v 9) seems to be represented by the syllabic spelling ab in the Ebla version (ARET 5, 20//21), which is written syllabically to a large extent, whereby the sign sequence seems to correspond mostly to the pronounciation. Though we cannot offer a plausible interpretation of the line in question (but see below for a hypothesis) and its context, the attestation is nevertheless important because it proves that LAK131 was not pronounced /bar-tab/ or similarly. IAS 278 v’

736 737

738 739 740

ARET 5, 20 // 21

6 7

šembi-zi NIM

20 xi 5 21 xii 4

šembi-izi KA TUM3 šembi-izi KA TUM3

8

LAGAB×SIG7 LAK459

20 xi 6 21 xii 5

dĜA ×SIG 2 7 dĜA ×SIG 2 7

9

20 xi 7

ab su si za la

10

LAK131 šu TAG4.LAK387(AB2+ZAG) LAK387(AB2+ZAG) a ĝar

21 xii 6

ab su si za! La

11

NUNUZ u6 še

20 xi 8 21 xii 7

saĝ ĝar ĝeš ti a su-pi saĝ ĝar ĝeš t[i] a [su]-⸢pi⸣

LAK459 ⸢LAK459⸣

Zand 2009, CUT 13. SF 1, rev. iii 6 (see Krebernik 1986, 182): dur3:LAK131(BARgunû). IAS 82 obv. ii 16 (Mander 1986, 25 no. 38): dur3:LAK131(BAR×TAB). For this deity, see Krebernik 2015. IAS 83, rev. i (= viii) 11. Read ‘dáš!-šury(HABRUDA)’ by Mander 1986, 32 no. 422. Krebernik (2003, 171-177) published a preliminary score transliteration under the title “Ama’ušumgal Mythos”. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary IAS 278 v’ 12 13

a si nu-tuku a sa2 nu-tuku

159 ARET 5, 20 // 21

20 xii 1 21 xii 8

a! sa2 ne-da-gu7 a! sa2 ne-da-gu7

8. In an Early Sargonic exercise tablet, LAK131 appears in an obscure context: SIG7 AŠ2 LAK131(BAR×TAB).741 9. Sign combinations containing BAR and TAB as separate signs must be distinguished from the sign LAK131, which is not always easy. In a profession name first attested in Fāra, the varying sign order indicates that BAR and TAB are independent signs: TAB.BAR.AB742, AB.BAR.TAB743, BAR.TAB.AB744. The element BAR.TAB of this term is perhaps identical to bar-tab(-ba) occurring as a designation of persons in some Ur III texts.745 The meaning of bar tab-ba in a literary composition from Fāra (SF 36 iii 13) is unclear: eden bar tab-ba; most likely it is one of the compound verbs bar – tab/tab2 attested in later periods with the meanings ‘to join’ (with comitative), ‘to burn’ (normally written bar – tab2), and ‘to banish’.746 It is unlikely that the ED verb behind LAK131 is identical with one of them. After the signs BAR and MAŠ merged, there might have been instances where it could be confused with maš-tab(-ba) ‘twin’. Since LAK131 was originally a sign on its own, its meaning cannot be derived from its graphic components BAR and TAB. In the OAkk PNs quoted above, LAK131 is the first element, but in the theonym dur3-LAK131/BAR.TAB it is the second element. The elements combined with LAK131 in PNs can be nouns referring to (1) deities: Utu, Saman; (2) persons: en ‘lord, En-priest’, (pa)bil(ga)x ‘elder relative, uncle’, KALAM = uĝ3 ‘people’(?); (3) places: ḪA.UR2 (for A.ḪA.UR2 = Urum?), KALAM = kalam ‘land’(?). In one instance LAK131 is combined with a (predicative) adjective or participle: du10 ‘good’ or ‘who makes good’. In ED literary compositions, LAK131 appears several times in combination with TAG4.LAK387 (see above: attestations 4b, 4c, 7). LAK387 has been identified as an early form of ŠEM3/UB3/5, designating percussion instruments, and TAG4.LAK387 as ‘a special type of drum’.747 In ED Geography the toponym LAK387ki is written syllabically ab2-laki in the ms. from Ebla.748 The Ebla mss. of the ED Ama’ušumgal Myth would contain a similar correspondence if we take ab-la as the equivalent of TAG4.LAK387. 741

742 743 744 745

746 747 748

Bartash 2017 (CUSAS 35), 521 obv. i 2 (P250924). For the first sign, read x by Bartash, cf. the same sign in the last line of the text. WF 15 obv. iv 13 (P010972); WF 56 obv. iv 4 (P011013); TSŠ 100 obv. ii 5 (P010744). WF 53 obv. vii 15 (P011010); TSŠ 9+127 obv. iv 6 (P010706). WF 77 rev. vii 14 (P011034). ITT 3, 6549 rev. i 3, 5, 8 (P111357): bar-tab; Mander 1995 (MVN 19), 70 obv. 1 (P120184): bartab-ba; ibid. obv. 3 and rev. 2: bar-tab. See e.g. Attinger 2019c, 7 with fn. 57 (commentary on La lamentation sur Ur 79). Krispijn 2008, 147 sub šim(da). MEE 3, 233 l. 94. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

160

6. Commentary

And if su corresponds to šu, which is likely, the remaining signs si-za would turn out to be the syllabic equivalent of LAK131. This conclusion is, however, somewhat problematic since the signs in syllabic spelling are normally arranged according to speech in Ebla. Furthermore no obvious lexical interpretation of si-za is at hand. In the Zame Hymn LAK131 is preceded by the verbal prefix chain nam-ma- and therefore must represent a single verbal basis. This excludes the identification of si-za with the compound verb si – sa2 ‘to be/make straight’, ‘to be/keep in order’ etc. even if this would make sense in the context of the Zame Hymn. If the theonym dur3-LAK131 is composed of ur3 ‘roof’ and LAK131 as a verb (type dub-sar), one might postulate a meaning like ‘who repairs/protects the roof’. The prefix chain nam-ma- (in ll. 226/229) probably implies an object in the locative case as other ED examples seem to indicate: (1) SF 40 vi 6f.: ud 1 ĝe6 1 e2 sud3 nam-ma-til3 ‘one day and one night he/she stayed in the House of Sud’ (or: ‘... Sud stayed in the House’); (2) Barton Cylinder xvi 5-10: (7) nu-kiri3 ... (9)šu-ne2 nam-ma-dab5 ‘the gardener ... took ... in his hands’.749 After all, we cannot offer a precise lexical interpretation for LAK131 and have to limit ourselves to assuming a positive action of the goddess in or towards her city. 227 Lisin750 is attested in the TAṢ god list751. The epithet ama ‘mother’ can be compared to Ĝatumdug's title ‘mother of Lagaš’.752 It most probably indicates Lisin’s role as city goddess of ĜEŠ.GI, but it does not necessarily imply that she is a mother goddess like her mother Ninḫursaĝa/Ninmaḫ.753 Lisin’s cult is documented mainly for the third millennium BCE. Later her importance seems to have diminished, and she was regarded as a male deity. 230-232 The final passage of ZH 70 finds a structural parallel in the final passage of an Ur III composition entitled ‘Hymn to Enenusi’ by its editor Rubio754: ZH 70, 230-232 za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal ama dli9-si4 za3-me

6N-T637 vii 23-26 za3-mi2 du11-ga AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si za3-mi

If we assume that diĝir gal-gal stands in a genitival relation to za3-me du11-ga, the complex nominal phrase za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal can mean: (1) ‘the said praise of the great gods’ = ‘the praise said by the great gods’; (2) ‘the praised one of the great gods’ = (2a) ‘the one praised by the great gods’ or (2b) ‘the praised one among the great gods’.

749 750 751 752 753 754

Lisman 2017, 161. For a review of Lisin and her cult: Michalowski 1987. Further: Cohen 1976, 91f.; Selz 1995, 160. IAS 82, obv. v 19, see Mander 1986, 26, l. 107. Cf. Falkenstein 1966, 72f. (with references). Michalowski 1987, 32b; An = Anum II 70 (Litke 1998, 75). Rubio 1999, 156-191; for the passage quoted (vii 23-26) see o.c. 173. Rubio’s reading of the protagonist’s name as ‘En2-e2-nu-si’ (with en2 = AN.ŠU2) seems uncertain to us. For this reason we prefer the transliteration AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si. The deity is probably the same as dŠU4.ḪAL.E2-si in CUSAS 13, 118 obv. 6 and 119 obv. 6. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

161

By analogy, za3-mi2 du11-ga AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si can mean (1) ‘the praise said by AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si’ or (2) ‘the one praised by AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si’. Only (1) would make sense in the given context. Alternatively, za3-mi2 du11-ga AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si can be perceived as two paratactic nominal phrases, an assumption on which Rubio’s translation ‘The adored one, Enenusi, Enenusi, praise!’ is based. If we accept Rubio’s translation and adapt it to the corresponding passage in ZH 70, this would result in: The praised one among the great gods, mother Lisin, be praised! While this interpretation is perfectly possible grammatically, it would violate our working hypothesis that the hymns narrate the praise of Enlil by the ‘great gods’. With this background in mind, and under the assumption that za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal refers back to diĝir gal-gal za3-me mu-DUG4 in ZH 1 (ll. 13-14), a meaning like ‘after the praise (had been) said by the great gods’ would be in place here.755 In this case, the final lines would mean: (After) the praise said by the great gods, mother Lisin (said) praise (to Enlil). It is, however, difficult to find a plausible grammatical interpretation of za3-me du11-ga diĝir gal-gal resulting in such an adverbial meaning. A defectively written ‘pronominal conjugation’ */dug-a-nene/ ‘when they had said’ is excluded because this should be preceded (and not followed) by the subject diĝir gal-gal (in the ergative). Or should we, very hypothetically, consider the possibility that this construction was once also possible with a following noun (in the genitive) in place of a possessive pronoun? Alternatively, one could speculate that grammatical elements like the circumposition eĝer ...-ta were left unexpressed in writing.

Colophons756 The personal names contained in the colophons of IAS 1-515 were listed by Biggs in OIP 99, 33-35. Additional texts from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ were published in 1978 (IAS 516-532)757 and 2009 (IAS 533-556)758; the tablets IAS 516-556 do not contain colophons. Studies on the personal names from TAṢ include: Biggs 1988 (Akkadian names), Westenholz 1988, (Akkadian names); Pomponio 1991; Krebernik 1998a, 265ff. (Akkadian names); Sommerfeld 2010, 84-88. Visicato’s study on ‘Early Scribes of Mesopotamia’ includes a chapter on ‘The scribes of Abū Ṣalābīkh’.759 In the following commentary we refer to Biggs’ list only if our readings differ from his.

755

756 757 758 759

This interpretation could also apply to the ‘Hymn to Enenusi’: ‘After AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si had praised (Enlil, who had made AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si a protector of sheep etc.), AN.ŠU4+E2-nu-si be praised!’. See also ch. 8 Appendix: Colophons and Scribes. Biggs and Postgate 1978. Krebernik and Postgate 2009, with indexes to the administrative texts on pp. 15-21. Visicato 2000, 50-52. This work also contains comparisons with the names in administrative texts, but it treats only: ‘A-geštin-⸢x⸣/abzu’, ‘A-UZU-gal(?)/A-ul4-gal’, ‘Bí-bí-um/Bí-bí-ù/I-bí-um’, ‘Gu© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

162

6. Commentary

Colophon A (IAS 266) rev. iii’ 1 a-kalam-dug3 ‘The father does the land good’. Also in colophon B rev. iv 3. For names of this type see Krebernik 2002, 35-38. For the second sign, Marchesi proposed the reading uĝ3 rather than kalam, but there is evidence in favour of kalam.760 A-kalam-dug was also the name of an ED III ruler of Ur.761 rev. iii’ 2 ⸢x x x⸣ Biggs tentatively suggested the reading im-lik-E2, but this is difficult to verify on the basis of the photograph in OIP 99, pl. 119 as the text is damaged. rev. iii’ 3 gu5-[li] ‘Friend’. Listed in OIP 99, 35 s.v. Ku-li. The name is attested at least 7 times in TAṢ. gu5-li seems to occur also as an element of compound names: a-a-um-gu5-li (colophon IAS 18) and perhaps URU×A-⸢gu5?⸣-l[i?] (colophon IAS 142). The first element of a-a-umgu5-li is obviously Akkadian and therefore gu5-li would function as logogram for an Akkadian term. Alternatively, gu5-li could be a title. This interpretation could find support in the existence of URU×A (colophon IAS 25? and 113) and perhaps a-a-um (colophon IAS 141?) as independent names. rev. iii’ 4 ⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) On the photograph (OIP 99, pl. 119) it is not clearly visible whether one or two lines are involved. Biggs read the first signs as ‘ur-sag-dḫa-ri2’, which can only partially be verified by the photograph. This name is clearly attested in the colophon of IAS 474, where, however, the distribution of signs rather points to the sequence dḫa-ri2-ur-saĝ.762 rev. iii’ 5 [ur-den(?)]-E2 The name was tentatively restored as im-lik-E2 by Biggs, but a name ending in Enlil, e.g. [ur-den]-E2 is perhaps more likely in view of colophon C rev iii 13’: [u]r?-⸢d?enE2⸣. im-lik-E2763 is clearly attested in the colophon of IAS 126, ur-den-E2 also in the colophons of IAS 475 and 479.

760

761 762

763

NI-sum’, ‘I-gi(4)-ì-lum’, ‘I-ku(.gu)-il’, ‘Il-LAK647[= SIG5]’, ‘Im-ri-i-rúm’, ‘Puzur4-il’. Marchesi 2004, 178-180; appendix II: 190f.; 194 fn. 235: the name was interpreted as aya2-uĝ3du10 ‘The father is pleasing to the people’. However, the reading kalam instead of uĝ3 is supported by an explicit spelling of the similar name en-kalam-dug3 in a later duplicate of the ED names list edited by Cohen in 1993: en-kalam-dug3 (NBC 11202 i 18) // en-kalam-ma-ne2-dug3 (IM 160072 i 18). IM 160072 was published by Ali Murad in his dissertation (Murad 2015) as text no. 112. RIME 1, E1.13.4.1 1-3. The theophoric element is most probably to be identified as the Semitic theonym dḫa-ri(2)-im. For this theonym see Roberts 1972, 30 sub 24; Lambert 1973. OAkk personal names composed with Ḫarīm are: dḫa-ri-im-il3 (Foster 2018: STTI 2, 80 Ist L 9411 rev. 5’); i-da-dḫa-ri-im (Foster 2018: STTI 2 92-93 Ist L 9447 obv. ii’ 5’); PUZUR4-dḫa-ri2-im (Markina BuB 1 2004, 205, Erm. 14387 obv. 6, rev. 1; WO 13, 3 obv. 4; ITT 2, 4338 obv. 4; CT 50, 75 obv. 9); ib-ni- dḫa-ri2-im (Milano and Westenholz 2015 [CUSAS 27], 148 obv. 1); dḫa-ri2-im-be-li2 (Kienast and Volk 1995 [FAOS 19], pl. 9 Ki obv. 6). For the element -E2 see Krebernik 1998a, 266 fn. 324: ‘Biggs und Westenholz verstehen E2 (...) als Logogram für bītum “Tempel”. Vielleicht liegt jedoch eine defektiv-syllabische Schreibung für /ḥayy(a)/(Ea) vor.’ © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

163

rev. iii’ 6 il?-⸢zu?-zu?⸣ The name seems to be missing in Biggs’ list. The restoration suggested here is based on il-zu-zu in the colophon of IAS 42. Colophon B (IAS 268) rev. iii 9 a-ĝeštin-abzu ‘The father is (sweet like) wine of the Abzu (?)’. For names of the type X + ĝeštin/lal3 see Krebernik 2002, 18-20, where the present name is also mentioned. In the colophon of IAS 254, ĝeštin is accompanied by ĜEŠ as a determinative or phonetic complement: a!(MIN)-ĝešĝeštin-abzu. Most names formed with ĝeštin/lal3 consist of only two elements and seem to mean ‘X is (sweet like) wine/honey’. The function of the additional element abzu is unclear; note that abzu is absent in the colophon of IAS 480, where the same scribe must be meant. a-ĝeštin-abzu bears the title um-mi-a ‘master’ in: IAS 34, 39*764, 59, 117, 131*, 142, 175*, 268, 476. In some colophons a-ĝeštin-abzu figures without um-mi-a: IAS 46, 91, 128, 480. a-ĝeštin-abzu is followed by lugal-KISAL-si in nearly all IAS colophons765 (except in IAS 91, 254): 34, 39*, 46, 59, 117, 128, 131*, 175*, 268 (= B), 476, 480 (a-ĝeštin). rev. iii 10 um-mi-a ‘master’ (= Akk. ummiānu). This title was listed among the personal names by Biggs, but we understand it as a title. The word is already attested in Fāra (SF 18 xi 19 // SF 19 ii 9). As far as the spelling is concerned, the use of A as a syllabogram is noteworthy since it was not yet common in ED IIIa766; perhaps it represents the syllable /-ān/ here. The title um-mi-a occurs exclusively with a-ĝeštin-abzu in the colophons from TAṢ. rev. iii 11 lugal-KISAL-si ‘The king fills the courtyard(?) (with me?)’. Listed in OIP 99, 35 s.v. lugal-kisal-si. For names of this type see Krebernik 2002, 23-32 and Michalowski 2003, 199-201. KISAL may also be read ĝiparx ‘cloister’767, but kisal ‘courtyard’ is perhaps to be preferred in combination with lugal. The name occurs also in the colophons D rev. 1’ and F rev. ii’ 1 and in other colophons from TAṢ (see Table 5 below). In most cases it is preceded by a-ĝeštin-abzu, see above sub B rev. iii 9. rev. iii 12 su-ma-a-ḫa ‘He is a brother’. Also in D rev. 2’. In the colophon of IAS 142 he is mentioned as dub šu ĝal2 ‘who holds the tablet in the hand’ (for which see below sub BAD dub). rev. iii 13 PUZUR4-il ‘The god is (my) protection’. The compound sign PUZUR4 (= BU3+ŠA) is probably based on an archaic syllabic spelling bu3-ša for *puḏar, an Assyrian-like status absolutus/constructus of *puḏrum (> puzrum).768 764 765 766

767 768

* indicates that the name is restored on the basis of um-mi-a in the next case. This was already noted by Biggs 1974, 34. Krebernik 1984, 162 B.31(b). Another possible example (if not a scribal error) may be: ma-na-a (Foster ASJ 19 [1997] 54, YBC 12130 rev. i 2. Cf. ibid., obv. iv 2). Krebernik apud Steinkeller 1985, 46; Steinkeller 1999, 109 fn.18. Cf. Krebernik 1988, 13. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

164

6. Commentary

rev. iii 14 i-ku-gu-il or i-kugu-il ‘The (voice/word of the) god has been reliable’. Read i-ku-gu-il in OIP 99, 34. Krebernik commented on this name: ‘Vielleicht ein analog zu ikūn-pī-GN gebildeter Name /yikūn-gū-’il/, worin gū ein ugar. g “Stimme” entsprechendes Nomen wäre.’769 In this case the name would mean ‘The voice/word of the god has been reliable’. Alternatively, gu could function here as a phonetic indicator for ku. In this case the name would be the same as i-ku-il = /yikūn-’il/ ‘The god has been reliable’ in the colophons of IAS 61 and 481.770 rev. iii 15 ur-did2-da ‘Man of the River-God’. Also in colophons C rev. iv 1 (ur-did2) and F rev. ii’ 2 (ur-did2). rev. iii 16 en-na-il ‘Mercy, O god!’. Enna-Il is present also in other IAS colophons (see Table 5 below). The colophon of IAS 128 states: en-na-il dub mu-sar ‘Enna’il wrote the tablet’. An ED ruler of the name Enna-Il bore the title ‘King of Kiš’.771 For other ED occurrences of this name: see di Vito 1993, 128 sub 22.4i. rev. iii 17 UR.UR Reading and meaning of the name are uncertain.772 rev. iii 18 ḫu-ti-um The name has been interpreted as ‘Joy’.773 A direct connection with the town of ḫu-tiumki, ḫu-ti/tim-muki south of Ebla774 is not likely. The name is also attested in a other IAS colophons (see below). rev. iv 1 i-ti-dša-gagan ‘Šakkan has given’.775 In the colophon of IAS 34 the name of Iddin-Šakkan is followed by dub šu ĝal2 ‘who holds the tablet in the hand’ (for which see below sub BAD dub). Personal names formed with i-ti (= i-di3) are very common in ED III texts. The verbal form is usually interpreted as /(y)iddin/ ‘he/she has given’, ‘even though yidi “my strength” is equally possible’.776 rev. iv 2 BAD dub ‘owner of the tablet’ (?). Biggs read this expression as TIL-dub and assumed that ‘It perhaps has to do with “finishing” the tablet in some way.’777 The first sign, however, is BAD, not TIL778; it is most probably a logogram for baʕl(um) ‘lord, owner’.779 769 770 771 772

773 774 775 776 777

778 779

Krebernik 1998a, 266 n. 318. Biggs 197, 34; Visicato 2000, 52. RIME 1, E1.8.3.2 ii 1-2; see also Marchesi and Marchetti 2011, 179f. with previous literature. For a recent suggestion see Balke 2017, 450 fn. 1517: ‘Wenn hier *ur-téš “Hund (i.e. Diener) ist (mein?) Stolz” o.ä. zugrundeliegt (< *ur-téš-ĝu10), sind Personennamen wie surx(ERIM)-téš-ĝu10 “das (Tier-)Gespann ist mein Stolz/meine Würde” zu vergleichen.’ Biggs 1988, 95. This interpretation is evidently based on Akk. ḫūdu < *ḫudw/yum ‘joy’. Bonechi 1993, 181f. For the god Šakkan, a pastoral deity, and the various spellings of his name, see Wiggermann 2012. Westenholz 1988, 109. Biggs 1974, 34; he further notes that the two signs are always written in this sequence, and that the expression is absent from the colophons of Fāra texts. For the difference between the signs TIL/UŠ2 and BAD, see Steinkeller 1981. For the logogram see Steinkeller 1981, 24. According to Krebernik 1985, 54 the logogram is most probably a defective syllabic spelling baʾ for baʕl since the sign BAD does not represent a Sumerian © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

6. Commentary

165

The following persons are documented as BAD dub: i-ti-dša-gagan (colophon IAS 268 = B), ⸢mes?⸣-[lam]-il (colophon IAS 479), PUZUR4-E2 (colophon IAS 487), urd nissaba (colophon IAS 23). Only i-ti-dša-gagan occurs with both BAD dub and dub šu ĝal2780 (colophon IAS 34). dub šu ĝal2 is furthermore attested with il-zu-zu (colophon IAS 42), im-lik-E2 (colophon IAS 126) and with not preserved names (colophons IAS 33, 287). rev. iv 3 ⸢a-kalam⸣-dug3 See above sub A rev. iii’ 1. Colophon C (IAS 267) rev iii 13’ [u]r?-⸢d?en-E2⸣ ‘Servant of Enlil’. The name is registered as ‘x-[d]E[n]-[lí]l (?)’ in OIP 99, 35. As in A rev. iii’ 5 it can be restored as ur-den-E2 according to the colophons of IAS 475 and 479. rev. iv 1 ur-did2 See above sub B rev. iii 15. Colophon D (IAS 269) rev. 1’ lu[gal]-KISAL-si See above sub B rev. iii 11. rev. 2’ [su]-ma-a-ḫa See above B rev. iii 12. il-su3-ERIN2+X ‘His god is an “aurochs”’. rev. 3’ For the compound sign ERIN2+X see commentary on ZH 7 line 37. dub mu-sar ‘... has written the tablet’. rev. 3’ This is said of the following persons in colophons from TAṢ: a-ḫa-ar- (IAS 18), en-na-il (IAS 128), i-gi-i3-lum (IAS 163), il-su3-ERIN2+X (IAS 39, 59, 234, 269 = D, 488), il-su3-gara3 (IAS 175, 476), KASKAL-utu (IAS 91), mes-lam-il (IAS 117), d nissaba-an-dul3 (IAS 255), su-ma-a-ba4 (IAS 34), su-ma-a-ḫa (IAS 472), u3-NE-NE (IAS 254), ur-SI.AN (IAS 42), URU×A-⸢x-x⸣ (IAS 142), UŠ-mi-il (IAS 23), ⸢x-x⸣-i[l] (IAS 483), [...] (IAS 474). Colophon F (IAS 265) rev. ii’ 1 lugal-KISAL-si See above sub B rev. iii 11. rev. ii’ 2 ur-did2 See above sub B rev. iii 15.

780

word with the meaning ‘lord’. Steinkeller 2004b pointed out that the form bēlum appears already in ED IIIa. However, this does not invalidate Krebernik’s hypothesis, because bēlum was a Southern variant (most probably influenced by Sumerian), while the original form baʕlum was preserved in Northern dialects, cf. Sommerfeld 2010, 145f. Biggs 1974, 34: ‘There is no internal evidence to suggest a meaning for dub šu-gál (once written dub šu mu-na-gál at Fāra, SF 55), but one would expect it to mean “owns the tablet”.’ © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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7. Indices Index of deities Numbers refer to the lines of the Zame Hymns and the respective commentaries. Numbers with * refer only to the commentary on the concerning lines of the Zame Hymns. d

a-ba-šu2-šu2 141* AB.BU.BU(Sirsir) 98 d ab-ta-gi4-gi4 141* Aja 38* Amaramana 208 Ama’ušumgal 217 Amgalnuna 54 An 43; 210; 5ff *, 32*, 87* (An)tuda 211 Anunna 11; 43* Aruru 74* Asarluḫi 34; 32* Ašgi 73 d ba-bu11 108* BaU (dba-U2) 108*, 118*, 184* Damgalnuna 45; 32* Dilimbabbar 56 Dumuzi 217* Enbilulu 64* Enki 32*, 43*, 115* Enki and Ninki 67; 5ff * Enlil 5, 6, 11; 5ff *, 36*, 68*, 118*, 178* Enlunugid 203 Ennugi 203* En-(ME.)TE.GAL.TI 158 Ereškigal 18*, 29*, 65*, 68*, 146* Ezina 102 Gibil 154* Gula 184* Ĝatumdug 108 d ĝeš-bar(-ra) 151* d ĝeš-bar-an-na 151* Ḫarī(m) Colophon ms. A d id2 Colophon ms. C, F Igigi 11* Inanna 29, 50; 36*, 54*, 103*, 223* d

Inanna-kur 172* Iškur 87 Ištaran 220 Kiki 100 d KU7 156 Lammasaga 149 Lisin 227, 232 Lugal-DU.DUL3 126 Lugalusaḫar 194 Lugalbanda 85; 83* Lugaldasila 199 Medimša 192; 87* Men 81 Mes-lam-ta-e3(-a) 167* Messaĝĝa’unug 78 d MI.DAM 201 d MUŠ3.KUR 172 Namma 139; 32* Namnir 144 Nanna(ŠEŠ+KI) 36; 29*, 31*, 36*, 38* Nanše 115; 100*, 118*, 165* d NE.GI 154 Nergal 68; 18* Nin-a2.ne 182 Nin-AB.GAL 18* Nin-AB.KID.KID 142 Nin-ĜA2×MUŠ 180 Nin-GADA.ki(-x) 189* Nin-LAGAB×MUŠ 180* Nin-MAR(.KI) 165; 115* Nin-SAR 176* Nin-TE.ME.GAL.TI 158* Nin-UM 51; 221; 223* Nin-x-x 189 Ninakkil 142*, 205* Ninazu 135, 137 Ninbilulu 64

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7. Indices

Nindara 114f* Ninduluma 96 Ninekuga 163 Ningal 40; 11*, 36*, 38*, 43* Ningirima 161 Ningublaga 120 Ninĝirsu 118; 115* Ninḫursaĝa 11*, 43*, 73-76*, 118* Ninirigal 18 Ninisina 184; 103* Nin-KAK.KAŠ-si 169* Ninkara 38* Ninkarrak 184* Ninkasi 169 Ninkida/i 189* Ninlil 5*, 36*, 137*, 178* Ninmuga 174 Ninnaĝar 224* Nin-NAĜAR.AB 176* Ninniĝara 224 Ninnisig 176 Ninsumuna 83 Ninšubur 141*, 142*, 205* Ninšuburmaḫ 205 Nintu(r) 76; 74*, 211* Nin-UNUG 18* Ninura 104 Ninurta 71*, 118* Ninzadim 174* Nissaba 90 Nu’agrunta’e 167

Nudimmud (Enki) 32 Nunamnir 6-7 Nunbaranna 18*, 151* d nun-bar-u4-da 151* d nun-bar-u9-na 151* d nun-bar-ḫuš-a 151* Nun-GANA2.GAL 146 Nunuz-X/x 196* Nunuzdug 196 Nuska 167*, 203* Panakula 58 d PA.TUG2 167* dSI.MUŠ .KUR 172* 3 Sirsir(dAB.BU.BU) 98 Sud 178 Šagan Colophon ms. B Šara 106 Ša3-tur3-nun-ta-e3 167* d ŠE.NAGA 90* Šer(i)da 38* d ŠEŠ+KI (Nanna) 36, 29*, 31*, 36*, 38* Tišpak 135* d TU 76*, 211* Tuda 76* Ur2-(e2)-nun-ta-e3 167* Ur3-BAR.TAB 226* Ur3-LAK131 226* Utu 38; 220; 29*, 36* Zababa 70

Index of (cult)-places and temple names Numbers refer to lines of the Zame Hymns. Numbers with * refer to the commentary of the concerning lines of the Zame Hymns. A.ḪA (Ku’ara) 33 úr A.ḪA (Urum) 55 A.ŠA3.BU 206 A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU (Girim) 159 a2-ne 181 AB×ḪA (Niĝin) 109 AB×ḪA.TAG (Sirara) 110

AB.KID.KID 140 AB.NAĜAR 175* AB×AŠ2 99 AB׊U2 101 abzu 30 Adab (UD.NUN) 71 am-ni2 181*

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7. Indices ĝeš.a

ASALx(LAK212) 190 BU+BU.KALAM (Kiti) 52 DA.NE 181* Dugina (LAK617×MIR) 200 Dulum (NAĜAR.BU) 91 dur an-ki 4 e2-amaš-ku3 173* e2 an-ki 186 Eanna 29* e2 a si 212 E2.BABBAR 37 E2 GAG.KAŠ-si 168 e2 gu4 ur3 saĝ gunu3 105 e2 ĝir2-nun 117 e2-muš3 217* e2 tum12-turmušen gun3 75 EN.E2 (Nippur) 3 Enegi 127 en-giki 127 Eninnu 117* Ereš (NAGA) 88 Eridug (NUN) 31, 44 eš3-bulug4 175 eš3-kar2-kar2 170 ĜA2×MUŠ 179 GANA2.GAL 145 GIN2.U9.ŠA3.GA 204 Girim (A.ḪA.MUŠ.DU) 159 GUBLAGA (Ki’abrig) 119 gu2-du8-a 65* GU2.GANA2 143 gu2-ti-ir 52* ĜEŠ.GI 225, 228 ĜEŠ.KUŠU2 (Gišša) 103 Ĝirsu 116 Ĝišša (ĜEŠ.KUŠU2) 103 ḪI×DIŠ (Umma) 212 IM (Karkara) 86 IM (Muru) 212 IN (Isin) 183 INANNA.UNUG/AB (Zabalam) 48, 49 Isin (IN) 183 IŠKUR 159* Jemdet Naṣr 57*

169

kar nesaĝ(LAK159) 97 Karkara (IM) 86 Keš 74 KI.AN 105, 209 KI.EN.GI 77, 82 Ki’abrig (GUBLAGA) 119 Kiš 69 Kisig (LAK617×SIG7)ki 195 Kisiga (LAK617×KU3) 173 KIŠ.UNUG (Kutha) 65 ki-te4ki 52* Kiti (BU+BU.KALAM) 52 d KU7 155 Ku’ara (A.ḪA) 33 Kullaba (kul-ab4) 16, 19, 27, 218 Kutha (KIŠ.UNUG) 65 Lagaš (NU11.BUR.LA) 107 LAK617×KU3 (Kisiga) 173 LAK617×LA (Ki’abrig) 119 LAK617×MIR (Dugina) 200 LAK617×SIG7 (Kisig) 195 LAK225 193 Larsa 37*, 54* MAR 164 Muru(IM) 212 NA.DU3 166 NAGA (Ereš) 88 NAĜAR.BU (Dulum) 91 NE.GI 150 Niĝin (AB×ḪA) 109 Nippur (EN.E2) 3 NI+RU 57* nisig 39 NU11.BUR.LA (Lagaš) 107 NUN (Eridu) 31, 44 SAḪAR 121, 122 Sippar (UD.KIB.NUN) 61 Sippir (UD.KIB.NUN) 61 Sirara (AB×ḪA.TAG) 110 SU.KUR.RU (Šuruppag) 177 šax(LAK50)/ša-bu-nunki 206* ŠU.EŠ.GI 138 Šuruppag (SU.KUR.RU) 177 u3-gal-gal 41

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7. Indices

UB (Jemdet Naṣr?) 57(*) UB.ME (Umma) 103* UD.KIB.NUN (Sippa/ir) 61 UD.NUN (Adab) 71 /udnim/ 195* Ugalgal 41 Umma (ḪI×DIŠ) 202 UNUG (Uruk) 15

Upî 57* Ur (uri2) 35 urim2 (Ur) 35 URUgunû-gal 157 Uruk (UNUG) 15 Urum (úrA.ḪA) 55 Zabalam(INANNA.UNUG)

48, 49

Index of signs (according to LAK numbers) Numbers refer to the lines of the Zame Hymns. Numbers with * refer to the commentary of the concerning line of the Zame Hymns. LAK4 88 LAK31 15f *,101* LAK50 206* LAK131 226, 229 LAK159 97 LAK212 190 LAK225 193 LAK226 193* LAK253 127* LAK359 9f * LAK377 86 LAK387 226* LAK489 223 LAK496 44 LAK542 101* LAK611 119*, 173*

LAK613 204* LAK615 120* LAK617 119*, 173*, 200* LAK617×GIN2 200* LAK617×KU3 173 LAK617×LA 119, 120* LAK617×MIR 200* LAK617×SIG7 195 LAK619 195* LAK620 173 LAK621 119*, 120* LAK622 200* LAK672 153 LAK696 179*, 180* LAK798 70, 95 LAK809 9f *

Index of Sumerian words Numbers refer to the lines of the Zame Hymns. Numbers with * refer to the commentary of the concerning lines of the Zame Hymns. A 185, 188 a 97, 99, 125, 212 a-nun 11 a2-ne 181* ab2 109, 127, 136, 162 abzu 30 AD.KID 140*

adgub 140* ad-kup4 140* aga3 92, 93 agrun 167 /akkil/ 140* ALIM 65* am 129, 131

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7. Indices

ama 40, 76, 208, 227, 232 ama-ga 148 ama-gan 148* ama6 208 amar 84 ambar 124 an 1, 2, 27, 31, 80, 171 an-ki 4, 43*, 139*, 147, 164, 175, 186 anše 127, 193 ĝeš.a ASALx(LAK212) 190 ba13(ME) 187 babbar 50, 55, 57, 122, 162, 193 bad 24, 219 BAD 128* BAD3 195* BALA(bilagx) 164 bandiliša 156* bar 61, 151 BAR.TAB 226* BAR×TAB 226* bar6(UD) 222 bar7 151 bilagx(BALA) 164 BU 71* BU.NUN 71, 121 bu3(KA׊U) 49* bu16(NI) Colophon 126 1' bulug4 95, 175, 183 buranun 62 DA 145 dag 42, 65 daĝal 218 DAR 114 de2-de2 97 diĝir 13, 23, 25, 26, 37, 42, 44, 46, 65, 109, 112, 113, 155, 173, 210, 231 dili-bad 128, 130 DIN 168* du3 72 du7 69, 157 du10 124, 125, 191, 225, 228 du11 14 du11-ga 8, 230 du12 89 DUB 112*

171

dumu 79 dur 4 duru5 185, 188, 209 e2 19, 75, 105, 186 e2 a si 212 e2-amaš-ku3 173* e2 an-ki 186 e2 babbar 37 e2-dur2 138* e2 gun3 105 e2 ĝir2-nun 117 e2-maḫ 106* e2-muš3 217* e2-ša3 214 e2 tum12-turmušen gun3 75 e7 14 EN(urunx) 113 en 6-8, 17, 20, 32, 80, 181, 191, 197, 210 EN.DIM2.GIGki 127* en-nuĝx 202 ereš-diĝir 60 ERIN2 82 ERIN2+X 37* eš2-dam 134 eš3 72 EZEN 119* EZEN×AN 194, 204 EZEN×GUD 119* EZEN×LA 119* ĝa2-nun 84 ĜA2×EN 215, 219 GAG 168 gakkul 156* gal 5, 13, 30, 101, 122, 141, 231 GAL.TE 158* GAM.GAM 216 gegge (MI) 134 gi 41, 209 gi-bar7(NE)bar 151* gi-li-bar 151* gi-izi-la2 151* gi4 9, 131 gibil 21f* ĝeš gibil 21

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gibil6 154* gid2 206 giguna 21* gin7 27 gir15 134* girimx 159, 161 gu 86, 128, 130, 138, 185, 187 gu2 2, 131 gu2-du8-a 65* gu4 69, 105, 129, 155, 179, 195 gub(a)laga 119* gudug 79 gukkal 200 GUL 173, 188 gunu3 75, 105, 119 guru7 49 gurum 216* gurun 24 ĝar 12, 145 ĝessu 66 ĝeš 190 ĝeš-gi 123 ĝešgal 37 ĝiparx(KISAL) 25f, 80 ĝuruš 34, 42* ḫar 59 ḫe2-GAM.GAM 216 ḫe2-nun 148 ibx 44* idigna 62 idim 88 ildu3 91* im 107, 133 im2 56 im6 56 immalx 213 ir 33 iri 1, 125 irigalx 18 iš 121, 122, 143 išib 57*, 81* izi 152 KA 14 ka-du6 49* kakkala 156*

KAL(AG)/kal(ag) 34* KALAG 34 kalag 42 kar 49, 97, 166 KAR2 170 kaš 168 kaskal 61 keš2 123 keš3 132 ki 12, 17, 30, 31, 32, 39, 44, 47, 77, 88, 107, 127, 150, 210, 225, 228 ki-di/da/du3 189* ki-/ib/ 44* ki-gal 65 KI.LAK496mušen 44 KI.NE 150* ki-sikil 47* kib 44* kiri3 132 KISAL 25f, 80 kisal 26 /kisig/ 195* ku3 48, 60, 82, 84, 102, 154, 172, 177 ku3-babbar 94 ku7 107 kud 199* kul 15f kur 5, 30, 35, 46, 47 kurun 168* kurun2 168 kurušda 155 kuš 202 KUŠ.A.EDIN 202 la2 2, 48, 60 LAGAB×AN 208* /lagar/(SAL+ḪUB2) 141* lamma 34* li? 89 lu 188 lu2 42, 125 lugal 36, 38, 187 LUL 89* MAR 164, 165 marx(MUR) 63 MAR.GUR8 53

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7. Indices

marux 53 maš 15 ME(ba13) 187 ME-te 158* men 31, 171, 207 menx(ĜA2×EN) 215, 219 MES 112* mes-saĝĝa 78* mu2 1, 80 mug 174 mul 59 munsub 153* MUNUS 103 mur-marx(MUR) ša4 63 muš 123 muš3 215*, 217* mušen 50, 155 muššagana 179* NAGA 89, 90 NAĜAR 109, 111 naĝar 91 NAĜAR.BU 91* nar 89 NE 105* NE.GI 150, 154 NE.GI.BAR 151 nesaĝ(LAK159) 97 NI 145 NI(bu16) Footnote 817 ni2-te 158* niĝir 198, 204 nim 41 nin 112-114 ninda2 37* NINDA2×GUD 37, 55, 111, 119, 155 nir 6-7, 71 nisig 39 nu2 129, 134, 213 nuĝun 15f nun 20, 33, 39, 49, 61, 79, 88, 89, 91, 143, 150, 177-179, 188, 197, 207 nun3 71* nunuz 60 pana 48, 177, 197, 222 rad 59*

173

rib 34* sa-/par/ 222* sa-bar6 222 saḫar 143 sakar 176* SAL+ḪUB2 141 saman3 132 sar 39*, 176* si 168, 187, 212 si-muš3 172* sig 66 sikil 47, 77 sila 199, 218 silig 136 sug 124* suḫ10 21, 23, 46, 215 suḫur 124 sukkal 141*, 205* sumaš 193* sumun2 188 ša3 19, 204 ša4 63 šarx(NE) 105* še 86, 138 ŠE+LU3 92 šeg12 19, 74 ŠEM3 226* šim 35 ŠIM 93 šita2(LAK489) 223 šita3 59, 60 šu 28 šu bad 219 šu2 99 šubur 205* šum 94 TAB/tab 226* TAB.BAR 226* teĝ3 28* teĝ4 28 teme * 90 teme2(teNAGA) 89 TI 28* TIL 128* til3 86, 138, 153

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tiru 158* TU 17, 20, 39, 74, 168, 200, 210 TUK 89* tum12-turmušen 75 U3/u3 41 u5 99 u6 di 151 u6-nir 41* u6 ru 152 u9(EZEN×AN) 194, 204 ub 84 UB.MEki 103* UB3/5 226* ud 53 UD 222* udu2 219* /udnim/ 195* UM 51, 112* UM.AB 114 UM.MUmušen 112 kuš ummudx 202 unu 148

UNUG 18 ur 134 ur3 105, 127?, 133, 162 ur4 103 uri3 15f, 57, 101 uru4 195 urugal2 18* urunx(EN) 113 ušx 153 za 60 za-gin3 223 za3-me 13f* za3-mi2 13f* ĝeš za3-mi2 13f* ZA7 70* za7(LAK798)-gin3 95 zadim 174* zapaḫ 219* zimbir 61* zipaḫ2 219* zu 181

Index of Akkadian/Semitic words Words discussed in the commentary of the concerning lines of the Zame Hymns. ab2-la 226* anuntu 71 argānu 33 ar-gu2-um 33 a-sa-al-t[i] 173 asallu 173 ba-ḫa-lumum 41 barmu 86 bēl erṣetim 203 bēl lā tâ[ri] 203 burrumu 86 da-da-mu-u[m] 41 dipāru 151 ditānu 37 du-da-gi-lum 41 du-ti-u3 13f ga-ga-lum 156

gullu 173 ḫuḫārum 222 iš11-ba-du-um 53 išpatu 53 kakkullu 156 kallu 173 kanānu 216 kanāšu 216 kanû 13f kapāpu 216 karû 49 kepû 216 kinūnu 150 kitītum 52 kitû 189 kusarikku 37 maš-ka15(GAG)-en 168

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7. Indices

na-al-ba-šum 187 nalbašum 187 naṭālu 13f paḫāru 41 pilakku 164 qadādu 216 qaqqullu 156 qu 86 sammû 13f saparru 222 šarūru 172 sasinnu 174 siparru 61* ša-gi-lum 141 šaqil(um) 141 šegunû 86 šiqlum < *ṯiql- 141

175

šutābulu 9f ta’tamu 41 takālu 41 tanittu 13f tidānu 37 ṯaqilum 141 ummu 51 ūṭu 219 wadû 13f wa-ti-um 13f wa-za-nu-um/num2 141 wuddû 13f zamāru 13f zi-bi2-ir 61* zi-bi2-ra 61* zu2-bar 61*

Index of textual references Texts 6 NT 205 ARET 5, 6 ARET 5, 7 ARET 5, 24-26 ARET 11 ARET 13 ARET 16 AUCT 1, 43 AUCT 1, 257 AUCT 1, 539 BIN 8, 25 BIN 8, 55 BIN 8, 58 BIN 8, 82 BIN 8, 83 BIN 8, 93 BIN 8, 112 BIN 8, 120 BIN 8, 159 BIN 8, 175 BPOA 6, 318 BPOA 7, 1990 BPOA 7, 2577 CBS 2182 CBS 7628

obv. ii 9’ xiv 4-5 (end) pp. 15, 113f. p. 311 p. 282 rev. 2 rev. 2 obv. 2 obv. i 4

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 169 13f; 37 13f 104 13f 13f 13f 212 225 195 34

obv. i 2

34

obv. 3 obv. ii 4 obv. i 2 obv. 2 obv. i 7 obv. i 7’ rev. ii 2 rev. ii 4 obv. 1 obv. 3 obv. 1 rev. ii’ 6 obv. i 3

34 34 34 34 34 34 103 17 209 209 209 64 203

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7. Indices

Texts CBS 8526 CBS 14053 CBS 15119+ CT 1, 1 BM80452 CT 1, 1 BM80453 CT 1, 1 BU.91-5-9,589 CT 3, 20 BM 16366 CT 16, 3 CT 24, 43 CT 25, 12 K4339 CT 25, 49 K1451 CT 50, 30 CUSAS 6, 1542 CUSAS 12 MS 3204 CUSAS 12 Word List F CUSAS 14, 158 CUSAS 23, 58 CUSAS 23, 65 CUSAS 26, 221 CUSAS 27, 20 CUSAS 27, 132 CUSAS 33, 220 CUSAS 33, 244 CUSAS 35, 426 CUSAS 35, 479 CUSAS 35, 521 DP 51 DP 51 DP 53 DP 53 DP 485 DP 592 ELTS no. 1 ELTS no. 1 ELTS no. 3 ELTS no. 3 ELTS no. 3 ELTS no. 5 ELTS no. 10 HSS 3, 20 HSS 3, 21 IAS 21 IAS 21 IAS 21 IAS 21 IAS 25 IAS 26

l. 57 obv. 2,7 rev. 2 obv. 2; 7 obv. 2 l. 88 l. 133 rev. iii 22 rev. 3 rev. ii 4 obv. 6 obv. ii 3 obv. i 4 obv. i 2 obv. ii’1’,2’; iii’1’ obv. i 1 rev. 5 obv. i 4 rev. 4 rev. ii 2 obv. iv 9 obv. i 2 obv. ii 6-iii 5 obv. iii 5 obv. ix 5 obv. viii 12 rev. iii 3 obv. iv 4 ii 2 iii 1 ii 4 iii 5 iii 6 ii 1 obv. 2 obv. iv 16 obv. v 6 obv. ii 4 obv. ii 8 obv. iv 1 obv. v 3

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 18 173 141 175 175 109 212 78 174 71 203 34 9f 41, 52 81, 91, 170, 181, 216 34 34 34 34 140 148 34 34 34 103 226 68 65 34 1f 99 195, 200 226 226 226 226 226 226 226 165 165 57 52 138 175 162 162

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7. Indices

Texts IAS 33 IAS 39 IAS 39 IAS 39 IAS 39 IAS 39 IAS 42 IAS 42 IAS 43 IAS 43 IAS 47 IAS 47 IAS 53 IAS 61 IAS 69 IAS 73 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 82 IAS 83 IAS 83 IAS 83 IAS 83 IAS 83 IAS 84 IAS 84 IAS 86 IAS 86 IAS 86 IAS 86 IAS 91 IAS 91 IAS 94

obv. xi 7 from below obv. i 1’ obv. v 10’ obv. vi 9 obv. vii 14’-15’ obv. viii 11’ iii’ 7’-8’ iv’ 5’ obv. i 7 obv. ii 7 rev. ii rev. ii 2 x5 obv. iv 7’ obv. ii’ 5’ obv. iv 18 obv. i 8 obv. i 9 obv. ii 3 obv. ii 4 obv. ii 6 obv. ii 16 obv. iv 8 obv. iv 15 obv. iv 16 obv. iv 21 obv. v 10 obv. v 19 obv. vi 8 obv. vi 9 obv. vi 11 obv. vii 20 rev. i 17 obv. ii 11 obv. ii’ 2’ obv. iv 10’-14’ obv. v 5’ obv. vi 10’-11’ obv. iii’ 2 obv. iv’ 7’-8’ iv 4’ obv. vi 3’ vi 5’ vi 7’ obv. iii’ 3 obv. vii’ 5 obv. iii 2’

177

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 53 179 181 170 44 81 44 81 179 71 81 196 196 71 71 71 118 73 34 115 108 226 205 118 179f 118 34 227 194 192 184 220 205 201 220 196 184 203 184 203 34 220 184 169 162 181 168

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7. Indices

Texts IAS 94 IAS 113 IAS 114 IAS 114 IAS 117 IAS 128 IAS 129+ IAS 132 IAS 132 IAS 134 IAS 141 IAS 142 IAS 142 IAS 142 IAS 152 IAS 162 IAS 162 IAS 163 IAS 209 IAS 254 IAS 256 IAS 278 IAS 282 IAS 282 IAS 283+ IAS 307 IAS 308 IAS 311 IAS 318 IAS 326 IAS 327 IAS 328 IAS 329 IAS 342 IAS 342 IAS 346 IAS 375 IAS 388 IAS 453 IAS 503 ITT 2, 4451 ITT 3, 6549 ITT 5, 9202 ITT 5, 9207 K 2389 MS 2500

obv. iv 14’ obv. ii 5-7 i 9’-11’ i 12’-13’ vii 1’ vi 23

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 57 1-14 5ff; 67 32 13f 226 70, 176

ii 3’f; v 1’-4’; vii 1’; viii 3f iv 2’-3’ ii’ 2’-4’ i’ 5’-6’

13f 226 226 13f 70, 176 xiv 8; xxi 8-10 13f xx 5-7 13f i’ 2; ii’ 1 13f iv 1’-3’; vi 9’ 13f vii 3’-6’ 226 ix 3’-4’ 71 ii’ 1’ 13f rev. v 7-9 73 obv. iii 4 153 v 6-13 226 obv. vii’ 3’-5’ 104 obv. viii’ 7’ 103 102 ii’ 2’-3’ 219 obv. iii’ 7’ 191 i’ 3’ 34 obv. i 3-4 18 37 84 iv 8f. 226 iv 5 34 37 iii’ 9 13f 2’ (end) 13f 2’ 33 obv. vii 5’; rev. i 5’(end) 13f 226 obv. ii 4 121 obv. 1 200 rev. i 3,5,8 226 rev. ii 3 165 obv. i 3 165 obv. 6 134 obv. ii 7 86 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

7. Indices

Texts MS 3173 MS 3204 MS 4549/1 MSL IV MSL XII MSL XIV MSL XV MSVO 1, 1 MSVO 1, 2 MSVO 1, 20 MSVO 1, 57 MSVO 1, 243 MSVO 1, 243 MSVO 4 MVN 3, 67 MVN 3, 106 MVN 13, 740 MVN 14, 98 MVN 14, 100 MVN 19, 70 NBC 10705 NBC 11108 Nik 1, 23 Nik 1, 40 Nik 2, 42 NTSŠ 82 NTSŠ 205 NTSŠ 250 OIP 14, 50 OIP 14, 53 OIP 104, 1 OIP 104, 5 OIP 104, 13 OIP 104, 14 OSP 1, 16 OSP 1, 46 OSP 1, 84 OSP 1, 89 OSP 1, 111 RTC 53 RTC 254 RTC 254 SEL 3, 11 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1

obv. ix 4’ vi 7- vii 4

obv. ii 2a rev. ii 1 obv. ii 1 obv. i 1 obv. i 6 rev. i 3 obv. ii 2 obv. i 3 rev. 4 obv. i 1 obv. i 1 obv. 1, 3; rev. 2 obv. ii 9’ obv. 1 rev. i 9 obv. ii 2 obv. 3 v 16 obv. iii 2 obv. i 2 obv. 2 obv. iii 6 ii 2 ii 1 iii 7 obv. iii 15 rev. i 1 v6 rev. 2 rev. 2 obv. i 6 obv. ii 4 rev. i 10 rev. ii 10 rev. i 2 obv. i 7 obv. i 11 obv. i 12 obv. i 14

179

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 200 41, 52 34 73 109, 168 173, 179, 187, 195 103, 110 , 120, 140, 173, 174, 195, 219 57 57 57 57 57 166 55 71 34 44 209 209 226 169 210 34 201 34 176 165 165 34 51 226 226 71 34 71 34 225 225 167 165 195 34 167 81 18 159, 161 224

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7. Indices

Texts SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 1 SF 4 SF 5 SF 5 SF 5 SF 5 SF 5 SF 6

obv. i 15 obv. ii 9 obv. ii 13 obv. ii 18 obv. iii 8 obv. iii 10 obv. iii 17 obv. iv 6 obv. iv 18 obv. v 12’-14’ obv. v 19’ obv. vi 6 obv. vii 4 obv. vii 15 obv. vii 16 obv. vii 17 obv. viii 10 obv. viii 13 obv. ix 4 obv. ix 8 obv. ix 11 obv. ix 25 obv. ix 26ff. obv. x 11 obv. x 22 obv. x 23 rev. i 7 rev. i 14 rev. i 17 rev. i 18 rev. ii 5 rev. ii 22 rev. iii 2 rev. iii 6 rev. iii 7’ rev. iii 11’ rev. iv 5’ rev. iv 5’’ rev. v 1’ rev. x 5’ obv. i’ 2’ obv. ii 5 obv. iii 1 obv. iii 4 obv. iii 9 obv. v 7 obv. ii 5

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 83 120 163 118 158 179f 169 189 184 205 118 100 201 85 78 144 139 73 184 100 115 184 196 203 34 48, 58 203 34 45 88 172 165 193 226 17 70 167 199 194 220 224 184 224 165 102 169 165

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7. Indices

Texts SF 6 SF 7 SF 9 SF 10 SF 18 SF 18 SF 18 SF 18 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 23 SF 36 SF 36 SF 36 SF 39 SF 39 SF 47 SF 55 SF 55 SF 55 SF 56 SF 57 SF 57 SF 64 SF 77 SF 81 SF 81 SF 81 TCL 5, 6053 TCL 15, 10 TCL 15, 10 TCL 15, 10 TCL 15, 10 TCS 1, 225 TCTI 2, 3543 TH 2 TH 7 TH 7 TH 8

obv. iii 3 obv. i 21f. obv. i 9 obv. i 9 obv. iii 3 obv. iii 12ff; 20 obv. iv 11f; 22 obv. v 8ff obv. ii 7 obv. ii 14f obv. iii 12 obv. iii 14 obv. iii 19 obv. iv 8 obv. iv 14 obv. iv 18 obv. v 12f. obv. vi 16 obv. v 15; rev. i 10f obv. v 10f. obv. vii 17 rev. ii 2f rev. ii 5 obv. ii 2 obv. v 15 obv. xi 20 rev. ii 1, 6 rev. vi 12 rev. vi 21 obv. vi 14f. obv. ii 11 obv. i 1-ii 10 rev. i 13-ii 5 obv. ii 17 obv. iv 26 (= l. 169) rev. i 2-3 (=l. 243f.) rev. i 45 (= l. 287) rev. iv 2 (= l. 387) rev. 4 obv. 8-9 l. 34 l. 89, 93, 100 l. 94 l. 101

181

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 102 86 193 193 226 13f 13f 226 52 155 34 138 102 138 175 101 143 81 178 13f 134 71 13f 109, 175 74 52 119 13f 157 81 187 90 162 109 109 203 18 142 189 179 195 225 191 76 74 209

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7. Indices

Texts TH 13 TH 13 TH 14 TH 18 TH 22 TH 26 TH 27 TH 30 TH 37 TH 38 TH 38 TH 40 TH 42 TM.75.G.2022 TM.75.G.2231 TM.75.G.2231 TMH 5, 9 TMH 5, 11 TMH 5, 107 TMH 5, 124 TMH 5, 154 TMH 5, 159 TMH 5, 164 TMH 5, 168 TMH 5, 172 TRU 377 TSA 1 TSA 1 TSA 10 TSA 12 TSŠ 1 TSŠ 9+127 TSŠ 44 TSŠ 100 TSŠ 261 TSŠ 302 TSŠ 302 TSŠ 402 TSŠ 614 TSŠ 627 TSŠ 629 TSŠ 629 TSŠ 715 TSŠ 929 UET 2, 65 UET 2, 181 UET 2, 234

l. 170 l. 176 l. 179 l. 227 ll. 323f. l. 332 l. 392 l. 470 l. 484 l. 491 l. 514 l. 540 obv. ix 4 obv. x 1 obv. iv 7 obv. i 9 obv. 5 obv. ii 3 obv. ii 6 obv. v 11’ rev. iii 3 obv. ii 9 obv. i 1, ii 2 rev. 3 obv. viii 7 obv. ix 7 obv. iv 12 obv. v 9 obv. iii 3’ obv. iv 6 iii 1 obv. ii 5 obv. i 2 rev. ii 4 rev. iii 7 rev. i 3’f. obv. iii 6 obv. i 6 rev. i 2 obv. iv 3f. i’ 11’ obv. 3 i2 obv. ii’ 8 obv. i 7’

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 37 37 68 205 109 50 86 184 56 37 37 222f 90 13f 181 41 34 167 225 225 167 167 167 167 203 225 1f 34 165 165 165 226 193 226 208 140 157 174 144 208 169 174 163 18 226 226 193

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7. Indices

Texts UET 3, 876 UET 3, 1109 UET 3, 1136 UET 3, 1181 UET 3, 1387 UET 7, 80 UET 7, 80 UTI 4, 2781 VS 25, 1 VS 25, 37 VS 25, 69 VS 25, 105 W 9579,bq W 14354,a W 15658 W 17729,ee W 19948,24+ W 19667,a W 24033,1 W 24046,5 WF 9 WF 13 WF 15 WF 35 WF 53 WF 56 WF 62 WF 77 WF 84 WF 86 WF 126 WF 135 WF 153 YOS 1, 11

rev. 4 rev. i 10 obv. 10 obv. 9 obv. i 7 ii 1 ii 5 obv. 4 rev. i 1 obv. ii 8 obv. iv 14 obv. iii 5 obv. i 1 obv. ii 2 rev. i 3b obv. ii’ 11 obv. ii 2 obv. iii 7a obv. i 2 obv. iv 11 rev. i 1 obv. iv 13 obv. vi 7 obv. vii 15 obv. iv 4 obv. iv 6 rev. vii 14 rev. ii 2 rev. i 4 obv. ii 6 obv. iii 4 obv. v 10 iii 19f

183

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 195 195 195 195 209 57 52 209 34 165 165 195 200 86 69 86 86 86 195 195 165 165 226 86 226 226 144 226 208 208 165 165 169 226

Index of Sumerian literary texts (quoted after ETCSL) Composition

ETCSL – line(s)

Enki and the World Order

1.1.3 – 196 1.1.3 – 267-273 1.1.3 – 349-350 1.1.3 – 395-397 1.1.3 – 406-411 1.1.4 – 9 1.2.1 – 90

Enki’s Journey to Nibru Enlil and Ninlil

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 28 64 21ff 74 174 21ff 68

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7. Indices

Composition

ETCSL – line(s)

Enlil and Sud Inanna and Enki Inanna and Ebiḫ

Inanna and Šukaletuda Inanna’s Descent to the Netherworld

Dumuzid and Ĝeštinana Dumuzid’s Dream Ninĝišzida’s Journey to the Netherworld Gilgameš and Aga The Death of Gilgameš Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave Lugalbanda and the Anzud Bird Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta

Enmerkar and En-suḫgir-ana The Sumerian King List

The Victory of Utuḫeĝal The Building of Ninĝirsu’s Temple The Lament for Sumer and Urim A tigi to Enlil for Ur-Namma (Ur-Namma B) Ur-Namma the Canal-Digger (Ur-Namma D), A version from Urim A Praise Poem of Šulgi (Šulgi C) A Praise Poem of Šulgi (Šulgi O) A Dedication of a Statue (Šulgi V) An adab to Suen for Ibbi-Suen Išbi-Erra and Kindattu (Išbi-Erra B) A šir-namursaĝa to Ninsiana for Iddin-Dagan (I-D A)

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 1.2.1 – 113-116 137 1.2.1 – 140-142 64 1.2.2 5ff, 178 1.3.1 205 1.3.2 – 4 53 1.3.2 – 11, 17 47 1.3.2 – 19, 57 223f 1.3.3 – 110, 158, 280 66 1.4.1 9f, 205 1.4.1 – 13C 173 1.4.1 – 15 103 1.4.1 – 86 ,98 ,165 18 1.4.1.1 202 1.4.3 – 96-97 134 1.7.3 202 1.8.1.1 17 1.8.1.3 17 1.8.2.1 19, 85 1.8.2.2 19, 85 1.8.2.3 – 391 9f 1.8.2.3 17, 19 1.8.2.3 – 7-8 20 1.8.2.3 – 54 30 1.8.2.4 17, 19, 172 2.1.1 – 102-103 17 2.1.1 – 107 84 2.1.1 – 107-108 85 2.1.1 – 112-114 17, 20 2.1.6 – 11 9f 2.1.7 – 1360 1f 2.2.3 – 263 173 2.4.1.2 – 40 9f 2.4.1.4 – 13

144

2.4.2.3 – B 19 2.4.2.15 – 32, 41, 63 2.4.2.22 – 13 2.4.5.3 – 58 2.5.1.2 – C7 2.5.3.1 – 157

13f 20 53 18 175 9f

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185

Composition

ETCSL – line(s)

An adab(?) to Enki for Išme-Dagan An adab(?) to Nuska for Išme-Dagan A Dedication of a Statue (Išme-Dagan S) A Hymn to Enlil for Samsu-iluna (Samsu-iluna F) Letter from Kug-Nanna to the god Ninšubur Enlil in the Ekur A Hymn to Ḫendursaĝa

2.5.4.4 – B7 2.5.4.17 – A15 2.5.4.19 – 26 2.8.3.6 – B 7’

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 30 28 9f 13f

3.3.39 – 7

141

4.05.1 – 167-168 4.06.1 4.06.1 – 22 4.07.2 – 14 4.07.3 – 23, 105 4.07.4 – 213 4.07.5 – 10, 12 4.07.6 – 29 4.16.1 – 2-3 4.16.1 – 36 4.16.1 – 48 4.22.1 – 7 4.22.1 – 90 4.28.1 4.29.2 – 61 4.80.1 – 13 4.80.1 – 34 4.80.1 – 94 4.80.1 – 95 4.80.1 – 101 4.80.1 – 147-156 4.80.1 – 227 4.80.1 – 230 4.80.1 – 230-239 4.80.1 – 332 4.80.1 – 392 4.80.1 – 416-424 4.80.1 – 448-456 4.80.1 – 514 4.80.2 – 15f 4.80.2 – 35 4.80.2 – 50 4.80.2 – 93 4.80.2 – 103G 4.80.2 – 109

9f 202 89 134 134 141 222f 173 90 31 93 103 175 146, 202 203 219 191 74 21ff 209 119 205 212 159 86 184 220 70 223 1f 21ff 99 134 204 191

The Exaltation of Inanna (Inanna B) A Hymn to Inanna (Inanna C) A Hymn to Inanna as Ninegala A tigi to Inanna (Inanna E) A balbale(?) to Inanna (Inanna F) A Hymn to Nisaba (Nisaba A)

A šir-gida to Ninisina (Ninisina A) A Hymn to Nungal A šir-gida to Nuska (Nuska B) The Temple Hymns

The Keš Temple Hymn

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Composition

ETCSL – line(s)

The Debate between Grain and Sheep The Song of the Hoe The Instructions of Šuruppag

5.3.2 5.5.4 – 2 5.6.1 – 42

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 102 9f 14

Index of Early Dynastic inscriptions (quoted after RIME) Publication

Period – king – genre

E1.9.1.32, iii 8f E1.9.3.1, rev. i 1-7 E1.9.3.1, rev. v 30-41 E1.9.4.2, viii 8 E1.9.5.1, i 39 E1.9.9.2, ii 15-16 E1.10.12.1, l. 7 E1.12.4.1, l. 4 E1.12.5.1, l. 5 E1.12.6.1, l. 4 E1.14.14. 4, ii 2’

ED IIIb; Ur-Nanše; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Eannatum; Vulture Stele ED IIIb; Eannatum; Vulture Stele ED IIIb; Enannatum; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Enmetena; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Uru’inimgina; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; IB-LUL-il; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Ur-Lumma; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Royal/Momumental ED IIIb; Ĝišakidu; Royal/Monumental ED IIIb; Lugalkigenedudu; Royal/Monumental E1.14.15.2 ED IIIb; Lugalkisalsi E1.14.20. 1, i 30 ED IIIb; Lugalzagesi; Royal/Monumental E2.1.1.1, ll. 59, 121’ Old Akkadian; Sargon; Royal/Monumental E2.1.1.1, surf. a, l. 7 Old Akkadian; Sargon; Royal/Monumental E2.1.2.2, ll. 5, 16 Old Akkadian; Rimuš; Royal/Monumental E2.1.2.4, l. 135’ Old Akkadian; Rimuš; Royal/Monumental E2.11.6.2 Old Akkadian; Lu-Utu; Royal/Monumental E3/2.1.2.19, i 1 Ur III; Šulgi; foundation canephor, tablet/brick E4.2.8.3, obv. l. 2 OB; Nur-Adad; Royal/Monumental E4.2.13.24 OB; Warad-Sin; Royal/Monumental

Commentary on lines of the Zame Hymns 13f 222f. 67 134 34 176 109 34 34 34 31 139 78 103 79 103 103 68 203 31 70

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes 8.1 Some general remarks on the colophons and the scribes Taking the colophons from TAṢ as a starting point, we will offer here also revised editions of the colophons from Fāra and Ebla. They may serve as a basis for future analytical studies which are beyond the scope of the present work. The term colophon is understood here in a wide sense, encompassing all kinds of paratextual notes at the end of a text which refer to the text itself (e.g. content or title, number of entries) and/or to the production of the tablet (e.g. scribes and their actions, date). Genetically, the colophons most probably are related to the summaries at the end of administrative texts. An interesting borderline case is in MSVO 1, 243 from Jemdet Naṣr781, a list of place names summarized by 43 uru BA, which can be compared with the colophons of the ED City List (see below: ch. 8.2.3, IAS 91 and IAS 106; ch. 8.4.1, text F). Final praise formulae (DN za3-me), which could also be considered (parts of) colophons, are excluded from the following attestations. Biggs noted that many of the literary and lexical texts from Tell Abū Ṣalābiḫ have colophons similar to the Fāra texts of the same genres.782 Similar colophons are also preserved on the lexical and literary texts from Ebla. Mander 1984 contains a collection and prosopographical analysis of the colophons from Fāra, TAṢ and Ebla. Updated collections and transliterations of the colophons from Ebla and Fāra can be found in Archi 1992, and in Krebernik 1998a, 325-333, respectively. Visicato 2000 is a general study on the ‘Early Scribes of Mesopotamia’ from ED II (archaic texts from Ur) to the Sargonic period. The colophons indicate that a considerable number of persons were somehow involved in the production and handling of literary and lexical tablets. Their exact functions escape us for the most part in spite of some specifications provided in the colophons. In Fāra, the names in the colophons are usually preceded by ŠID783, commonly transliterated as SANGA/SAĜĜA or UMBISAĜ. The final section of SF 18 contains personal names followed by the title GAL.SAĜĜA (to be read saĝĝa-gal?). Grammatically, SAĜĜA preceding personal names does not seem to be an apposition because appositions normally occupy the second position784; it is rather a kind of caption comparable to gu2-an-še3 ‘total’ + quantities in administrative texts or to itu ‘month’ + month-name, ud ‘day’ + number in dates. SAĜĜA is rare in TAṢ colophons.785 As to its meaning, saĝĝa ‘temple administrator’ and umbisaĝ ‘scribe’ have been considered, but a meaning based on šid ‘to count; to recite’ should not be ruled out. Apart from SAĜĜA, two other specifications occur in the colophons from Fāra: dub mu-

781 782

783 784

785

Englund and Grégoire 1991 (MSVO 1), 243 rev. iii 1. Biggs 1974, 33, with reference to Deimel’s commentary on the Fāra colophons (Deimel 1922, 2*7*). Exceptions: SF 16, SF 62. In administrative texts, SAĜĜA may follow personal names as an apposition, cf. e.g. BiMes. 3, 14 rev. i 2: a-ĝeštin SAĜĜA; the entry is paralleled by PN nu-banda3 (l. 1) and PN aga3-us2!? (l. 3). SAĜĜA is most probably to be restored before all the names in the colophons of IAS 124 (literary text in UGN orthography) and IAS 132 (literary text in UGN orthography, duplicate of SF 18 from Fāra). The colophon of IAS 255 (literary text in normal orthography) contains only one name, which is preceded by SAĜĜA. In the colophon of IAS 483 (main text not preserved), only the first of the two names is preceded by SAĜĜA. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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sar786 and dub šu mu(-na)-ĝal2787. They follow each other in SF 55: SAĜĜA PN1 dub musar SAĜĜA PN2 dub šu mu-na-ĝal2 ‘SAĜĜA PN1 – he wrote the tablet; SAĜĜA PN2 – he put the hand on the tablet for him’.788 The sequence dub mu-sar – dub šu ĝal2 is also attested in TAṢ.789 We do not know if the second phrase is meant literally or in some metaphorical sense. In TAṢ, there are two cases where SAĜĜA PN is followed by dub mu-sar.790 Noticeably, the noun dub-sar ‘scribe’ is not used in the colophons from Fāra and TAṢ. The reason could be that this indication was not felt necessary here because all persons mentioned were scribes, but it could also support the interpretation of SAĜĜA as umbisaĝ ‘scribe.’ In TAṢ, we once find the title lu2.dub-zu-zu ‘tablet expert’ (?)791 which is well attested in Ebla (without lu2)792. Apart from naming the persons involved in the production and handling of the tablets, colophons from Ebla may also contain a summary of the text and a date. The mss. of the Zame Hymns preserve five colophons containing 17 (+) personal names, among them 8-9 Semitic ones.793 Most of the names are attested also in other texts from TAṢ. Two of them, A-ĝeštin-abzu and Lugal-KISAL-si, often occur together in the same sequence. Visicato noticed that only one of the scribes named in the TAṢ colophons is also attested in the (admittedly few) administrative texts from TAṢ, and he concluded that ‘there seems to be a clear distinction between the scribes who exercise their profession exclusively within the scribal schools and those who serve within the administration.’794 In Fāra, such a discrepancy is not observable. This contrast is perhaps only an apparent one due to the relative scarcity of administrative texts found in TAṢ. Furthermore, at least some of the persons mentioned in administrative texts could be identical with their namesakes in the colophons (cf. the references in the appendix below), even if they are not explicitly designated as dub-sar. One person is called a sa12-sug5 ‘land-registrar’ in a colophon795, a profession which certainly

786 787 788 789 790 791 792

793

794

795

Colophons of SF 36, SF 37, SF 39, SF 55, SF 69, TSŠ 46, TSŠ 80, TSŠ 712+ (?), NTSŠ 294. Colophons of SF 55, NTSŠ 229. The construction is clarified by the spelling dub-ba in the colophon of RIAA 44. IAS 42: ur-SI.AN dub mu-sar – il-zu-zu dub šu ĝal2. Colophons of IAS 255 and 483. Colophon of IAS 13. For the colophons, see below. Administrative texts: ARET 1, 6 vii 5, viii 3; ARET 4, iii 6; ARET 20 v 7; MEE 12, rev. xvii 9. Biggs 1988, 89f. noted that the approximately 100 names in the colophons of literary and lexical texts from TAṢ ‘are more or less evenly divided between Sumerian and Semitic’, whereas only 15 of 70 names in the TAṢ administrative documents are Semitic. He concluded that ‘it is quite striking that there appears to be a far higher percentage of people with Semitic names engaged in scholarly activities than in the population at large.’ Krebernik estimated that about 40% of ca. 150 personal names in TAṢ are Semitic (Krebernik 1998a, 265) while the rate is much smaller in the Fāra texts (o.c. 261). Visicato 2000, 50, based on the figures of Biggs 1974, 34f. He refers to A.DU dub-sar, the scribe of the administrative text IAS 494, and states that the name is not mentioned in Biggs’ list of the scribes in the colophons. However, he could be identical to a-DU-DU mentioned there (colophon of IAS 479). Colophon of IAS 131: [...-a]-ḫa ; ⸢sa12-sug5⸣. Possible restorations of the personal name on the basis of the TAṢ onomasticon are il-su(3)-a-ḫa and su-ma-a-ḫa. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

189

required scribal skills. An administrative document mentions a ‘prebend of the land-registrar(s)’ and a ‘prebend of the scribe(s)’.796 In the mss. of the Zame Hymns the function/role of three scribes is specified: A-ĝeštinabzu is a ‘master’ (um-mi-a, B rev. iii 10); Ilšu-ERIN2+X ‘wrote the tablet’ (dub mu-sar, D rev. 3’), and Iddin-Šakkan was ‘the owner of the tablet’ (BAD dub, B rev. iv 2). The terms um-mi-a and BAD dub are characteristic of the TAṢ colophons. um-mi-a, which was taken as a personal name by Biggs, appears with only one name, a-ĝeštin-abzu. This is noteworthy because a scribe of the name a-ĝeštin (= a-ĝeštin-abzu?) is known from Fāra797 and ED Lagaš798. On the other hand, two scribal names from TAṢ – Lugal-KISAL-si and Enna-il – are also attested in Ebla. One may ask, therefore, if this is by mere chance or if one or more persons could be identical.799 Apart from these specifications, which clearly refer to scribal practice, we find some others whose relevance in this respect is less transparent: sa12-sug5 ‘land registrar’ (see above), TUR ‘little (one), servant’ or ‘son of’800 and perhaps also gu5-li ‘friend’.801 Finally, the question of individual scribal hands should be addressed. A detailed and comparative palaeographical study of the mss. is not intended here due to the lack of good photographs, but also because it would go far beyond the framework of our edition. We would like to point out here only one pertaining feature: the expression za3-me is written in this sign order in the majority of manuscripts (A, C, E, F, G, I, J, K, O, S), but in the reverse order in B, D, H802, L1, L2 and N, which was already noted by Biggs 1974, 25.

796

797

798 799

800

801

802

IAS 552 obv. iv’ 1-2, see Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 13. In l. 2, the sign treated there as deleted is most probably a valid URU. If so, the entry would read: 2(buru3) ŠE.GANA2 šuku dub-sar uru ‘2 buru of grain-field: prebend of the city-scribe(s)’. NTSŠ 165 obv. iv 8-9: NTSŠ 569 rev. i 1-2; WF 15 rev. ii 6-7; WF 16 obv. iii 6-7; WVDOG 143, 41 obv. iii 2’-3’. In NTSŠ 229 i’ 5’ [SA]ĜĜA a-ĝeštin is followed by SIKIL in smaller script (collated). a-ĝeštin SAĜĜA see BiMes 3, 14 rev. i 2. Biggs 1988, 97 (referring to Pettinato 1981, xxvii fn. 88): ‘I am inclined to agree with his suggestion that two scribes attested in Ebla, En-na-il and Lugal-kisal-si, are the same persons as the ones known from the Abu Salabikh colophons.’ The sign was interpreted as an element of personal names in Biggs’ index: ‘a-zu-zu-tur’ (colophon of IAS 113); ‘il-turBÀD’ (colophon of IAS 141); ‘[E]n-[n]a-(?)-DUMU-il’ (colophon of IAS 487). In most cases interpreted as a personal name by Biggs, once as part of a personal name: ‘a-a-umku-li’ (colophon of IAS 18). The double occurrence in the colophon of IAS 478 could point to a qualification. In this case, a-zu-zu in the colophon of IAS 113 would be both, a TUR (same line) and a gu5-li (following line). Ms. H has the order me-za3, with the exception of the reverse order za3-me in col. iv 5’. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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8.2 The colophons from Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ 8.2.1 Comparative table of the colophons of the Zame Hymns803 Ms. A

Ms. B

Ms. C

Ms. D

Ms. F

a-kalam-dug3

a-ĝeštin-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si su-ma-a-ḫa

[...]⸢gi?⸣[...]

lu[gal]-KISAL-si

lugal-KISAL-si

[u]r?-⸢d?en-E2⸣ [...]

[su]-ma-a-ḫa il-su3-ERIN2+X dub ⸢mu-sar⸣ [...]

ur-did2

⸢x x x⸣ gu5-[li]

⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) PUZUR4-il i-ku.gu-il [ur-den(?)]-E2 ur-did2-da il?-⸢zu?-zu?⸣ en-na-il UR.UR ḫu-ti-um i-ti-dša-gagan BAD dub ⸢a-kalam⸣-dug3

ur-did2

8.2.2 Index of the personal names in the colophons of the Zame Hymns, with references to other colophons from Tell Abū Salābīḫ Personal Name

Ms.

Attestations (IAS nos.)

a-ĝeštin-abzu

B

a-kalam-dug3

A B

en-na-il

B

268 (um-mi-a) 034 [lex.] 039 [lex.] 046 [lex.] 059 [lex.] 091 [lex.] 117 [lit.UGN] 128 [lit.UGN] 131 [lit.UGN] 142 [lit.UGN] 254 [lit.UGN] 476 [frg.] 480 [frg.]: a-ĝeštin 516 [adm.]: a-ĝeštin 266 268 539 [adm.] 268 113 [lit. UGN] 117 [lit. UGN] 124 [lit. UGN] (SAĜĜA)

803

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes Personal Name

Ms.

gu5-li804

A

ḫu-ti-um

B

i-ku.gu-il

B

i-ti-dša-gagan

B

il-su3-ERIN2+X

D

il-zu-zu

A

lugal-KISAL-si

B D F

804

Attestations (IAS nos.) 128 [lit. UGN] (dub mu-sar) 388? [lit.] 473? [lex.] 479? [frg.] 487 [frg.] 503 [adm.] 266 013 [lex.] 018 [lex.] 113 [lit. UGN] 474 [frg.] 478 [frg.] 481 [frg.] 484 [frg.] 268 039 [lex.] 091 [lex.] 126? [lit. UGN] 283? [lit.] 472? [frg.] 268 113 [lit. UGN] 479 [frg.] 268 (BAD DUB) 034 [lex.] (dub šu ĝal2) 269 (dub mu-sar) 033 [lex: EDPVA] 039 [lex.] (dub mu-sar) 047? [lex.] 059 [lex.] (dub mu-sar) 113 [lit. UGN] 132 [lit. UGN] 234 [lit. UGN?] (dub mu-sar) 483 [frg.] 488 [frg.] (dub mu-sar) 266 042 [lex.] 268 269 265 034 [lex.] 039 [lex.] 046 [lex.] 059 [lex.] 117 [lit. UGN] 122 [lit. UGN]

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

Personal Name

Ms.

PUZUR4-il

B

su-ma-a-ḫa

B D

ur-den-E2

A C

ur-did2(-da)

B C F

UR.UR

B

⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) ⸢x⸣ [...]

A C

Attestations (IAS nos.) 128 [lit. UGN] 131 [lit. UGN] 142 [lit. UGN] 163 [lit. UGN] 175 [lit. UGN] 298 [lex. PN] 473? [frg.] 476 [frg.] 480 [frg.] 486 [frg.] 268 013 [lex.] 142 [lit. UGN] 503 [adm.] 268 269 091 [lex.] 142 [lit. UGN] (dub šu ĝal2) 472 [frg.] 266 (?) 267 475 [frg.] 479 [frg.] 268: ur-did2-da 267: ur-did2 265: ur-did2 047? [lex.] 117 [lit. UGN] 268 539 [adm.] 266 267

8.2.3 The colophons from Tell Abū Salābīḫ in transliteration If a colophon stretches over more than one column, the reference consists of the (relative) number of the column and the line number: 1.1, 1.2 ... , 2.1, 2.2, ... etc. Sometimes the colophon is separated from the main text by a double-ruling filled with cross-hatching; this is indicated by ||. Sections in the blank space after the end of the text are marked by □. Columns placed on the right side of the reverse after a blank space are marked by ⇦. IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

13 1.1 1.2 2.1

1 = rev. i 9-10; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-2 maš-da5 lu2.du[b]-[z]u-zu PUZUR4-il

----Puzur-il

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

2.2ab

[u]r-ENGUR805 gu5-li

---, Ku-li

14 1

rev. □ i 1 ur-d[l]amma

Ur-dLamma

18 1 2 3 4 5ab

rev. □ ii 1-5 a-ḫa-ar- dub mu-sar i-gi4-i3-lum ⸢x⸣-dub-dub a-a-um gu5-li806

20 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’

obv. iv’ [...] 1’-6’ i[m-lik?]-⸢E2⸣ i-g[i4]-i3-lum ur-dnissaba a-ki-[gal?] a-u[r]-sa[ĝ] ⸢x⸣

23 1 2 3 4

obv. viii ||12-15 UŠ-mi-il dub mu-sar ur-dnissaba BAD dub

25 1 2

rev. □ i 1-2 ⸢a⸣-LAK350-⸢BAD3⸣ ⸢URU(×A)⸣

33 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’

rev. ii’ 1’-6’ [...] [dub] ⸢šu⸣ ĝal2 ⸢i⸣-ti-UTU AN.GAM+GAM ⸢il⸣-su3-ERIN2+X ⸢x⸣ [...] ⸢x⸣

34 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5

1 = rev. ⇦ i 1-11; 2 = rev. □ ii 1 ⸢a⸣-ĝešt[in]-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si UŠ-mi-il su-ma-a-ba4

805 806

193

A-ḫa-ar- I-gi/gi4-i3-lum x-mes-mes A-a-um-ku-li

Im-lik-E2 I-gi/gi4-i3-lum Ur-dNisaba A-ki-[gal(?)] A-ur-sag

Uš-mi-il Ur-dNisaba (TIL-dub)

A-x-[pa]-d[ur3] URU×[x]

I-ti-[(x)]-ud-an-GAM+GAM I-ti-[(x)]-ud-an-GAM+GAM Il-su3-ERIM+X

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Uš-mi-il Su-ma-a-ba4

Restore perhaps [u]r-[dA.]ENGUR, i.e. [u]r-[di]d2. gu5-li was added in a somewhat smaller script. a-a-um and gu5-li are most probably separate lexical units: personal name + qualifier or two names. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 1.10 1.11 2.1

dub mu-sar i-ti-⸢d⸣ša-[(ga.)]gan dub šu ĝal2 mar-u3-NE ḪAR.TU-dnissaba [...] amar-abzu

39 1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7

1 = obv. viii || 13’-15’; 2 = rev. ⇦ i 1-7 [...] ur-dlam[ma] ḫu-t[i]-⸢um⸣ [...] [a-ĝeštin-abzu (?)] [um-m]i-a lugal-KISAL-si il-su3-ERIN2+X [dub mu-]⸢sar⸣ [x]-⸢x⸣-il ŠEŠ.[x]

42 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5(ff.) 2.1’ 2.2’ 2.3’ 2.4’ 2.5’ 2.6’

1 = obv. iv || 8-11 [...]; 2 = v 1’-6’ [...] ur-SI.AN dub mu-sar il-⸢zu⸣-zu ⸢dub⸣ šu ⸢ĝal2⸣ [...] [...] AN [...] ⸢E2⸣.[NUN]-dug3 i-[...] dḫa-⸢ri !?⸣- U[R].⸢SAĜ⸣ 2 [...] [...] ⸢x⸣ [...] [...]

43 1 2 3 4

rev. i || 3’-6’ E2.NUN-dug3 lu2-⸢x⸣[(-x)] ⸢i⸣-⸢x⸣[...] [...]

46 1 2 3

obv. xii || 6-8 [...] a-⸢ĝeštin⸣-abzu ⸢lugal⸣-K[ISAL-si] ⸢x⸣[...] [...]

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f. I-ti-dŠa-gagan Mar-u3-ne ḪUR-tu-dNisaba Amar-abzu

Ur-dLamma Ḫu-ti-um [A-geštin-abzu] Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Il-su3-ERIM+X -ŠEŠ-[x-(x)]

Ur-an-si Il-zu-zu

----

E2-ḪI-nun Lu2-[x]-x ---

A-geštin-abzu Lugal-kisal-si

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes IAS

Transliteration

47

rev. ⇦ iii [...] 1’-3’ [...] [...] [il-su3]-⸢ERIN2+X⸣ [il-su(3)]-gara3 ⸢ur?-d?⸣id2 [...] rev. □ iii ⸢x⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 53 1

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

Il-su3-ERIM+X Il-su3-GAR3 Ur-dId2 (?)

59 1 2 3 4 5 6

obv. v || 10’-15’ [...] a-ĝeštin-abz[u] ⸢um-mi-a⸣ ⸢lugal-KISAL⸣-si ⸢il⸣-su3-⸢ERIN2+X⸣ [d]ub m[u-sar] i-[gi(4)]-⸢i3?⸣-[lum] [...]

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Il-su3-ERIM+X (dub mu-sar) I-gi/gi4-i3-lum (?)

60 1 2

rev. □ ii 1-2 [...] a-⸢x⸣ a-ḫ[a]-⸢ar⸣-si [...]

A-x-x A-[x]-x-si

61 1.1’ 1.2’ 2.1 2.2 2.3

1 = obv. xii 20-21; 2 = rev. □ 1-3807 i-ku-il [...] iš-dub-[i3-lu]m!? ⸢x⸣ AN ur ⸢x x⸣ dUTU-UŠ.(⸢x⸣.)ĜURUŠ

Iš-dup-[il/dKA.DI] Ur-d[x] (?) dUtu-uš-x-Lamma

82 1 2 3

rev. □ iii 1-3 di-[utu] gal-zu ur-dnissaba

Ud-silim Gal-zu Ur-dNisaba

91 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 2.1’ 2.2’

1 = rev. iii 7’ || 8’-11’; 2 = □ iv [...] 1’-2’ mu uru-uruki a-ĝeštin-abz[u] KASKAL-utu dub mu-sar su-ma-a-ḫa [...] [ḫu-t]i-um

807

I-ku-il

A-geštin-abzu Kaskal-ud (dub mu-sar) Su-ma-a-ḫa Ḫu-ti-um

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195

196

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

94 1 2 3

rev. □ i 1-3 i-ti-did2 ur-abz[u] ⸢x-x⸣-[...]

I-ti-dID2 Ur-abzu ---

106 1

rev. i 4’ || [...] [m]u uru-uruki [...]

113

rev. ⇦ i [...] 1’-8’ [...] a-⸢lum⸣-BAD3 URU×A i-ku.gu-il ⸢en-na⸣-il il-su3-gara3 il-[su(3)-ERIN2+]X a-zu-zu TU[R] = dumu ... ? gu5-li [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ab 8’

116 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ab 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’

117 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

obv. xiii [...] 8-18 [...] [...] iš-dub-il iš-d[ub]-dištaran(dKA.DI) iš-LUL-il ⸢a⸣-ur-saĝ ḪAR.[T]U i-ši-⸢x⸣ [g]u-NI-⸢sum⸣ i-bi2-um [utu?]-ur-[saĝ?] il-SIG5(LAK647) mes-lam-il ⸢ŠEŠ⸣-[...] [...] obv. vii || 2’-9’ [...] a-⸢ĝeštin⸣-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si en-na-[i]l ur-did2 mes-lam-il dub mu-sar a-[...] [...]

A-lum-dur3(BAD3) URU×A I-ku-gu-il En-na-il Il-su3-GAR3 Il-su3-ERIM+X A-zu-zu-tur Ku-li

Iš-dup-il Iš-dup-dKA.DI Iš-lul-il A-ur-sag ḪUR-tu I-ši-x-gu-ni-x I-bi2-um Ur-d[x] (?) Il-LAK647 Mes-lam-il ⸢Šeš⸣-[x-(x)]

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si En-na-il Ur-dId2 Mes-lam-il (dub mu-sar) A-[zu-zu]

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes IAS

Transliteration

122

rev. ⇦ i [...] 1’-10’ [...] [...] [...]⸢x⸣ [...]⸢x⸣ ⸢x⸣-si-na [lu]gal-[K]ISAL-si di-utu i-ti-E2 ur-dumu-zi-d[a] BAD-iš-ga (or -ga-iš?) e2-kur-sikil il-⸢su3-gara3?⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’

124 1.1 1.2ab 2.1 2.2ab 2.3ab 2.4ab 2.5ab 2.6ab 2.7ab

126 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’

1 = rev. ⇦ i 1-2 [...]; 2 = rev. ⇦ ii 1-7 [...]808 [...]⸢x⸣ [SAĜĜA?] [i]-⸢gi(4)⸣-[i3-l]um [...] [...]⸢x⸣.AN-gara3 ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ AN.IB.⸢MUD⸣ [SAĜĜA] [e]n-n[a]-il [S]AĜĜA e2-⸢d⸣ŠE[Š.KI-x] ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢ur?⸣-[...] [SAĜĜA] [e]n-na-na [SAĜĜA] [u]r-[ZU.A]B [...] rev. ii’ [...] 1’-5’ [...] [...] gu-NI-sum im-lik-E2 dub šu ĝal2 i-gi4-⸢i3⸣-lum [ḫu]-⸢ti⸣-[um] (?) [...]

128 1 2 3 4

rev. ii (= Biggs’ xii) || 15-18 [...] a-ĝeštin-abzu lugal-KISAL-si en-na-il ⸢dub!?⸣ mu-sar [...]

131 1 2

rev. ⇦ i’ 2-6 [...] [a-ĝeštin-abzu] um-mi-a

808

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

x-si-na Lugal-kisal-si Ud-silim I-ti-E2 Ur-dumu-zi-da BE-iš-ga E2-kur-sikil Il-su3-GAR3

I-gi/gi4-i3-lum (?) [x-x]-an-GAR3 Ib-dMud En-na-il E2-[x]-dŠE[Š.KI] (SANGA) --En-na-na (SANGA) Ur-abzu

Gu-ni-sum Im-lik-E2 (dub šu-ĝal2) I-gi/gi4-i3-lum Ḫu-ti-um (?), [x]-ti-x

A-geštin-abzu Lugal-kisal-si En-na-il (dub mu-sar)

[A-geštin-abzu] Um-mi-a

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197

198

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

3 4 5 6

lugal-KISAL-si [i]š?-dub-[il?] [...-a]-ḫa [s]a12-sug5 [...]

Lugal-kisal-si Iš-dup-[il/dKA.DI] Il-su-a-ḫa [Ur(?)-sa]g(?)-dun3

132

rev. ⇦ i’ [...] 1’-5’ [...] [...] [SAĜĜA?] [...]-su [SAĜĜA?] ⸢x⸣-[...]-a [SAĜĜA?] [il-s]u3-⸢ERIN2+X⸣ SAĜĜA il-su3-a-ḫa [SAĜĜA] [m]es-lam-il [...]

1’ab 2’ab 3’ab 4’ab 5’ab

141 1’ 2’ 3’ab 4’ 5’ 6’

142 1.1’ 1.2’ 1.3’ 1.4’ 1.5’ 1.6’ 1.7’ 1.8’ 1.9’ 1.10’809 1.11’ 2.1 163 1’ 2’ 3’ 809 810

obv. ii’ [...] 1’-6’ [...] [...] [...]-⸢il⸣ i-[x]-rum2 il-BAD3 TUR E2.[...]-i[l?] ⸢x-a-x⸣ ⸢ur⸣-dnissaba [...]

----Il-su3-ERIM+X (SANGA) Il-su3-a-ḫa (SANGA) Mes-lam-il

--I-[x]-ERIM2 Il-turdur3(BAD3) E2-[x]-i[l] --Ur-dNisaba

1 = rev. ⇦ ix [...] 1’-11’; 2 = rev. □ ii 1 [...] [a-ĝešti]n-[ZU.]AB um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si ⸢x-NE⸣-a-⸢ḫa⸣ URU×A-⸢x-x⸣ dub mu-sar mi-mud su13(BU)-ma-a-ḫa il-⸢SIG5!?⸣ su-ma-a-ḫa dub šu ĝal2 PUZUR4-[i]l il-BAD3810

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si x-bi2-a-ḫa URU×A-x-x (dub mu-sar) Mi-mud Sux(BU)-ma-a-ḫa x-x-il Su-ma-a-ḫa (dub šu ĝal2) Puzur-il Il-dur3(BAD3)

obv. xii [...] 1’-7’ [...] [lu]gal-[KI]SAL-⸢si⸣ ⸢ur⸣-[ĝ]ešgigir [...-di]d2

Lugal-kisal-si U[r(?)-sa]g-dun3(!) I-ti-dID2 (?)

dub šu ĝal2 has been added outside the column to the right of su-ma-a-ḫa. The name stands beneath dub šu ĝal2; perhaps a later addition. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

199

IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

⸢i-gi⸣-[i3]-lum dub [mu-sar] a-lum-[...] e[n-...]

I-gi/gi4-i3-lum (dub mu-sar) A-lum-dur3(BAD3) (?) E[n-na-na]

175

obv. iv’ [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] [a-ĝeštin-abzu] u[m?-mi-a] ⸢lugal⸣-KISAL-[si] il-su3-[gara3] du[b mu-sar] [...]

0’ 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

254 1.1 1.2 1.3ab

--Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Il-su3-GAR3 (dub mu-sar)

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

1 = rev. v || 13-15 [...]; 2 = vi 1-4 i-gi-i3-lum ur-dnissaba ⸢u3⸣-ne-ne dub [mu]-sar [...] a!(MIN)-ĝešĝeštin-abzu i3-lum-gara3 AN.IB.MUD a-lum-BAD3

255 1ab 2

rev. i (= Biggs’ x) || 10-11811 SAĜĜA dnissaba-an-dul3 dub mu-sar

256

rev. vii || 11(ff.) [...]

265 1 2

rev. □ ii 1-2 lugal-KISAL-si ur-did2

Lugal-kisal-si Ur-dId2

266 1 2 3 4 5 6

rev. □ iii’ 1-6 a-kalam-⸢dug3⸣ ⸢x-x-x⸣ gu5-[li] ⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢(x)⸣...) [ur-den-]⸢E2⸣ il?-⸢zu?-zu?⸣

A-kalam-du10 --Ku-li Ur-sag-dḪa-ri2 Im-lik-E2 (?) ---

267 1.1 1.2

1 = rev. iii [||?] 12-13 [...] ; 2 = rev. □ iv 1 [...]⸢gi?⸣[...] [u]r?-⸢d?⸣⸢en-E2?⸣ [...]

811

I-gi-i3-lum Ur-dNisaba U3-ne-ne (dub mu-sar) A-x-geštin-abzu I3-lum-GAR3 Ib-dMud A-lum-dur3(BAD3)

dNisaba-an-dul

3

(dub mu-sar)

x-[d]e[n]-[li]l2

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200

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

2.1

ur-did2

Ur-dId2

268 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 1.10 2.1 2.2 2.3

1 = rev. iii || 9-18; 2 = rev. □ iv 1-3 a-ĝeštin-abzu um-mi-a lugal-KISAL-si su-ma-a-ḫa PUZUR4-il i-ku.gu-il ur-did2-da en-na-il UR.UR ḫu-ti-um i-ti-dša-gagan BAD dub ⸢a-kalam⸣-dug3

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Su-ma-a-ḫa Puzur-il I-ku-gu-il Ur-dId2-da En-na-il Ur-ur Ḫu-ti-um I-ti-dŠa-gagan (TIL-dub) ---

269

rev. i [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] [lu]gal-KISAL-si [su-m]a-a-ḫa [i]l-[s]u3-ERIN2+X dub ⸢mu-sar⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

283 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 12’ 287

rev. ⇦ i [...] 1'-12' [...] [x-N]E-⸢x⸣ [U]Š-bi2-a-ḫa il-SIG5 a-zu-zu [ḫu-]ti-⸢um⸣ ⸢i-gi(4)⸣-i3-lum ⸢x⸣-BU si-DU3 i-ku-⸢a⸣-ḫa ur-saĝ-me-⸢x.x⸣ ⸢x-x⸣-BU [...]

1’

rev. □ ii’ [...] 1’ [...] dub šu ⸢ĝal2⸣

298 1 2 3

rev. ⇦ i’ 1-14 [...] [...] [...] ⸢a?⸣-[...]

Lugal-kisal-si Su-ma-a-ḫa Il-su3-ERIM+X (dub mu-sar)

--Uš-bi2-a-ḫa Il-LAK647 A-zu-zu Ḫu-ti-um (?) I-gi/gi4-i3-lum x-x-BU Si-du3 I-ku-a-ḫa Ur-sag-me-x-x x-x-BU

---

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

lugal-KISAL-si ⸢ur⸣-dumu-zi-d[a] e2-kur-sikil ⸢BAD-iš⸣-ga (or -ga-iš?) a-kiši17-gal i3-lum-ma-lik il-su3-gara3 il-su-a-ḫa mes-⸢ki⸣-gal-la ⸢se11?⸣-la-i3-lum ⸢u3⸣-aš-dar [...]

Lugal-kisal-si Ur-dumu-zi-da E2-kur-sikil BE-iš-ga A-ul4(GIR2-gunû)-gal I3-lum-ma-lik Il-su3-GAR3 Il-su-a-ḫa Mes-ki-gal-la ḪI(?)-la-i3-lum U3-aš-dar

342 1

obv. iii’ || 10 [...] ⸢u3⸣-[...] [...]

U3-x-x

374 1

rev. i’ || 2’ [...] AN [...] [...]

---

377 1

rev. ii’ || 3’ [...] IM.GAL2.⸢x⸣[...] [...]

---

388 1.1’ 1.2’ 1.3’ 2.1’

1 = rev. ⇦ ii’ 1’-3’ ; 2 = rev. ⇦ iii’ [...]812 [...]⸢x⸣ [en-]⸢na-il?⸣ [...]-⸢il⸣ [...]

420

obv./rev. (?) i’ [...] 1’-3’ [...] [...] ur-dnissaba [...]-⸢gal?⸣ [...]-⸢gal?⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’

472 1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2 812 813

1 = rev. □ i 1-3 [...] ; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-3 [...]813 su-ma-a-ḫ[a] dub mu-sar [ḫu]-ti-⸢um⸣ [...] ur-abzu nu-⸢x(.x)⸣

201

En-na-il (?) ---

Ur-dNisaba -----

Su-ma-a-ḫa (dub mu-sar) Ḫu-ti-um (?) Ur-abzu Nu-x-[x]

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202

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

2.3

⸢x⸣[...] [...]

---

473

rev. i’ [...] 1’-2’ [?] [...] GAL.[...] e[n-na-il] [?]

1’ 2’

474 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

475 1’ 2’ 3’

rev. i’ [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] ⸢dub mu-sar⸣ dḫa-ri -UR.SAĜ 2 [ama]r-abzu [... a]d(-[...]) [...] rev. i’ [...] 1’-3’ [...] [...] [x]-pa-e3 a-lum-i3-l[um] ur-den-l[il2] [...]

476 1 2 3 4 5

obv./rev. (?) i’ || 1’-5’ [...] [a]-ĝeštin-ZU].AB [u]m-mi-a [l]ugal-KISAL-si [i]l-[s]u3-gara3 dub mu-sar [...]

477

obv./rev. (?) i’ [...] 1’-3’ [...] [...] ⸢iš⸣-[dub/LUL]-il [i]š-d[ub]-dištaran (KA.D[I]) me[s-lam?]-i[l] [...]

1’ 2’ 3’

478 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’

rev. ⇦ i’ [...] 1’-5’ [...] [gu5]-⸢li⸣ [u]r-AB.RA [ur-dnissa]ba? gu5-li ⸢iš⸣-dub-[...]

Lugal-kisal-si (?) En-na-il (?)

Ur-sag-dḪa-ri2 Amar-abzu [x-x-a]d

[x]-pa-e3 A-lum-i3-lum Ur-dEn-lil2

A-geštin-abzu Um-mi-a Lugal-kisal-si Il-su3-GAR3 (dub mu-sar)

Iš-dup-il Iš-dup-dKA.DI Mes-lam-il (?)

Ku-li [U]r-ab-ra --Ku-li Iš-dup-[il/dKA.DI] (?)

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes IAS

Transliteration

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

479 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 2.1 2.2 2.3

1 = rev. i 1-7 ; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-3 [...] ⸢mes?⸣-[lam]-i[l] BAD dub a-DU.DU ur-den-E2 [(x-)]⸢x⸣-ḪI i[š]-⸢dub-i3⸣-lum GIBIL-i[l?] ⸢i⸣-ku.gu-[i]l [...]⸢x⸣-KI ⸢en⸣-na-[i]l [...]

Mes-lam-il (?) (TIL-dub) A-DU-DU Ur-dEn-lil2 x-du10 I[š]-x-i3-lum BIL2-i[l] I-ku-gu-il --En-na-il (?)

480

rev. □ i’ [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] a-⸢ĝeštin⸣ lugal-KISAL-si iš-dub-dištaran(KA.DI) ⸢u3⸣-n[e]-[ne] [...]

1 2 3 4

481 1 2 3 4 5

482 1

rev. □ i’ [...] 1’-5’ [...] [...] ⸢i-ku⸣-i[l] me-ḫur![-saĝ] gu5-l[i] (blank) ⸢x⸣-KI-⸢x⸣[...] [...] rev. □ i’1’ [...] [...] [iš-d]ub-il [...]

483 1 2 3

rev. i || 1-3; □ ii deleted? ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢PUZUR4?⸣-i[l] dub mu-sar ⸢i⸣-[g]i(4)-[i3-lu]m

484

rev. ⇦ i’ [...] 1’-3’ [...] [...] ⸢u3⸣-[ne]-ne [...]-NE [gu5]-li [...]

1’ 2’ 3’

A-geštin-abzu Lugal-kisal-si Iš-dup-dKA.DI U3-ne-ne

I-ku-il Me-ŠAR2×DIŠ-[x] Ku-li ---

Iš-dup-il

x-k[a](?)-il (dub mu-sar) I-gi/gi4-i3-lum

U3-ne-ne U3-ne-ne

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203

204

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

IAS

Transliteration

485

obv./rev. (?) [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] [...]⸢x⸣[...] [i]-gi-[i3]-lum [(AN.)I]B.MUD [...]⸢x⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

Biggs, OIP 99, 34f.

I-gi/gi4-i3-lum Ib-dMud

486 1 2

obv./rev. (?) i’ 1-2 [...] lu[gal]-[KISA]L-si [...]⸢x⸣[...] [...]

487 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 2.1 2.2 2.3

rev. ⇦ i 1-9 ; rev. ⇦ ii 3-5814 [...]⸢x.x⸣ [...]-⸢ba4?⸣ (⸢x⸣)-ŠEŠ PUZUR4-E2 BAD dub! ur-dnissaba ⸢GAL2?⸣.UD? [e]n?-⸢na?⸣-il TUR = dumu ... ? [u]r?-AB.RA(.⸢x⸣) ⸢ur⸣-[dnis]saba ⸢x-na⸣-GAM+GAM ⸢x.x⸣.KI

--ŠEŠ-[x-(x)] Puzur-e2 (TIL-dub) Ur-dNisaba [Ga]l2-ud [E]n-[n]a?-DUMU-il x-x-ab-ra Ur-dNisaba x-na-GAM+GAM ---

488 1a 1b

rev. □ i 1 [?] il-su3-⸢ERIN2+X⸣ dub mu-[sar]

Il-su3-ERIM+X (dub mu-sar)

489

obv./rev. (?) i’ [...] 1’-4’ [...] [...] [i?-]⸢gi!?⸣-[i3?]-⸢lum?⸣ [...]⸢x⸣ [iš]-dub-[i]l!? ⸢i-ti⸣-⸢d⸣id2 [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

814

Lugal-kisal-si

---

Iš-dup-il (?) I-ti-dID2

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

205

8.2.4 Index to the colophons from Tell Abū Salābīḫ, with references to the administrative texts from Tell Abū Salābīḫ General Vocabulary

Colophons IAS

BAD dub dub mu-sar

uru-uruki

23, 4; 268, 2.2; 479, 1.2; 487, 1.5 18, 2; 23, 2; 34, 1.6; 39, 2.5; 42, 1.2; 59, 5; 91, 1.4; 117, 7; 128, 4; 142, 1.6’; 163, 5’; 175, 4’; 254, 1.3b; 255, 2; 269, 4’; 472, 1.2; 474, 1’; 476, 5; 483, 2; 488, 1b 33, 2’; 34, 1.8; 42, 1.4; 126, 3’; 142 1.10’; 287, 2 see below in Personal Names 13, 1.2 91, 1.1; 106, 1 131, 6 124, 1.2; 2.2-7; 132, 1’-5’, 255, 1 see dub šu ĝal2 113, 7’; 141, 3’; 487, 1.8 34, 1.2; 39, 2.2; 59, 2; 117, 2; 131, 2; 142, 1.2’; 175, 1’ (?); 268, 1.2; 476, 2 91, 1.1; 106, 1

Personal Names

Colophons IAS

a-... a-a-um a-DU.DU a-ĝeštin a-ĝeštin-abzu

117, 8; 298, 3 (?) 18, 5a 479, 1.3 480, 1 34, 1.1; 39, 2.1 (?); 46, 1; 59, 1, 91, 1.2; 117, 1; 128, 1; 131, 1; 142, 1.1’; 254, 2.1; 268, 1.1; 476, 1 18, 1 60, 2 266, 1; 268, 2.3 20, 4’ 298, 8 113, 1’; 254, 2.4 475, 2’ 163, 6’ 20, 5’; 116, 4’ 60, 1 283, 4’; 113, 7’ (a-zu-zu-TUR) 25, 1

dub šu ĝal2 gu5-li lu2.dub-zu-zu mu sa12-sug5 SAĜĜA šu ĝal2 TUR (= dumu?) um-mi-a

a-ḫa-ar- a-ḫa-ar-si a-kalam-dug3 a-ki-gal a-kiši17-gal815 a-lum-BAD3 a-lum-i3-lum a-lum-[...] a-ur-saĝ a-x a-zu-zu a-LAK350-⸢BAD3⸣816 815

816

Admin. Texts IAS

Admin. Texts IAS

494 rev. ii 1 : a-DU dub-sar 516 ii 1 516 ii 1: a-ĝeštin

539 iii’ 3

495 rev. i 7; 511 obv. iv’ 2

For the reading and interpretation of the second sign ĜIR2gunû as kiši17 see Balke 2017, 70 with previous literature. Krebernik/Postgate 2009, 18 draw attention to a similar term in the ED Names and Professions List, from which a value bux of LAK350 can be deduced: a-LAK350-KA2 (TAS, OIP 99, 69 l. 274) // abu3-KA2 (Ebla, Archi 1981, 189 l. 287), which a reading bu3 for LAK350. They further suggested © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

206

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

Personal Names

Colophons IAS

amar-abzu AN [...] AN.GAM+GAM AN.IB.MUD BAD-iš-ga (or -ga-iš) di-utu

34, 2.1; 474, 3’ 42, 2.1’; 374, 1 33, 4’ 124, 2.2b; 254, 2.3; 485, 3’; 122, 8’; 298, 7 82, 1; 122, 5’

e2-kur-sikil e2-⸢d⸣ŠE[Š.KI-x] E2.[...]-il E2.NUN-dug3 en-na-il

122, 9’; 298, 6 124, 2.4b 141, 4’ 42, 2.2’; 43, 1 113, 4’; 117, 4; 124, 2.3b; 128, 3; 268, 1.8; 388, 1.2’; 473, 2’; 479, 2.3; 487, 1.8 (en-na-il TUR) 124, 2.6b 163, 7’ 82, 2 473, 1’ 487, 1.7 479, 1.7 116, 6’b; 126, 1’ 13, 2.2b; 18, 5b; 113, 8’; 266, 3; 478, 1’; 478, 4’; 481, 3; 484, 3’ 42, 2.4’(?); 474, 2’ 116, 5’ 34, 1.10 39, 1.2; 91, 2.1’; 126, 5’ (?); 268, 1.10; 283, 5’ (?); 472, 1.3 42, 2.3’ 116, 7’ 163, 4’; 254, 1.1, 485, 2’; 489, 1’ 59, 6; 124, 1.2 18, 3; 20, 2’; 126, 4’; 283, 6’; 483, 3 283, 9’ 61, 1.1’; 481, 1 113, 3’; 268, 1.6; 479, 2.1 116, 6’a 122, 6’ 94, 1; 489, 4’

en-na-na e[n-...] gal-zu GAL... GAL2.UD GIBIL-il gu-NI-sum817 gu5-li (PN?) dḫa-ri

2-UR.SAĜ ḪAR.TU ḪAR.TU-dnissaba ḫu-ti-um

i-[...] i-bi2-um i-gi-i3-lum i-gi(4)-i3-lum i-gi4-i3-lum i-ku-a-ḫa i-ku-il i-ku.gu-il i-ši-⸢x⸣ i-ti-E2 i-ti-did2

817

Admin. Texts IAS

505 iv’ 2’; 518 obv. ii 2; 550 iii 2 (?)

502 rev. ii’ 2’: E2.NUN 503 obv. vi 4

498 obv. ii’ 1

503 rev. i 4

541 554 rev. 2

that these might primarily be profession names because they are preceded by the personal name AK, written in the same line in the Ebla ms. However, a-LAK350-BAD3 in the IAS texts is clearly a personal name; it is followed by the titles engar and ugula in IAS 495 and IAS 511, respectively. The name is most probably to be read gu-bu16-sum since this would represent a more common Akkadian pattern. The value bu16 is well attested in Ebla. The underlying lexeme could be a Dstem adjective PuRRuS or perhaps *quppuḏum hedgehog (Arabic qunfuḏ). Note that NI = bu16 could also apply to gu-NI-du, the name of Ur-Nanše’s father, which in this case would turn out to be Semitic: kubbutu ‘very heavy/honoured’? © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes Personal Names

Colophons IAS

i-ti-dša-gagan i-ti-UTU.GAM+GAM i-[x]-rum2 ⸢i⸣-⸢x⸣[...] i3-lum-gara3 i3-lum-ma-lik il-BAD3 il-SIG5(LAK647) il-su-a-ḫa il-su3-a-ḫa il-su3-ERIN2+X

il-zu-zu IM.GAL2.⸢x⸣ im-lik-E2 iš-dub-i3-lum iš-dub-il

34, 1.7; 268, 2.1 33, 2’ 141, 2’ 43, 3 254, 2.2 298, 9 141, 3’ ( il-BAD3 TUR), 142, 2.1 116, 9’; 142, 1.9’; 283, 3’ 298, 11 132, 4’b 33, 5’; 39, 2.4; 47, 1’; 59, 4; 113, 6’; 132, 3’b; 269, 3’; 483, 1; 488, 1a 113, 5’; 122, 10’; 175, 3’; 298, 10; 476, 4 42, 1.3; 266, 6 (?) 377, 1 20, 1’; 126, 2’ 61, 2.1; 479, 1.6 116, 1’; 131, 4; 482, 1(?); 489, 3’ (?)

iš-dub-dištaran(KA.DI) iš-dub-[...] iš-[dub/LUL]-il iš-LUL-il

116, 2’; 477, 2’; 480, 3’ 478, 5’ 477, 1’ 116, 3’

KASKAL-utu lu2-⸢x⸣[(-x)] lugal-KISAL-si

91, 1.3 43, 2 34, 1.3; 39, 2.3; 46, 2; 59, 3; 117, 3; 122, 4’; 128, 2; 131, 3; 142, 1.3’; 163, 1’; 175, 2’; 265, 1; 268, 1.3; 269, 1’; 298, 4; 476, 3; 480, 2; 486, 1 34, 1.9 13, 1.1 481, 2’ 298, 12 116, 10’; 117, 6; 132, 5’b; 477, 3’; 479, 1.1 (?) 142, 1.7’ 255, 1b 472, 2.2 487, 1.4 13, 2.1; 142, 1.11’; 268, 1.5 124, 2.2a; 124, 2.3a; 124, 2.4a; 124, 2.5a; 124, 2.6a; 124, 2.7a; 132, 1’a; 132, 2’a; 132, 3’a; 132, 4’a; 132, 5’a 298, 13 283, 8’ 34, 1.5

il-su3-gara3

mar-u3-NE maš-da5 me-ḫur-saĝ mes-ki-gal-la mes-lam-il mi-mud dnissaba-an-dul 3 nu-⸢x(.x)⸣ PUZUR4-E2 PUZUR4-il SAĜĜA

⸢se11?⸣-la-i3-lum si-DU3 su-ma-a-ba4

207 Admin. Texts IAS

518 rev. ii 5: i-IM.NI-rum2

515 i’ 1’

513 rev. iii 1’; 528 iv 3’; 540 obv. iii’ 2’

510 obv. i 3; 513 obv. iii 2; 540 rev. i 3’

516 i 5 506 iii’ 4’

503 rev. i 6

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

208

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

Personal Names

Colophons IAS

su-ma-a-ḫa

91, 1.5; 142, 1.10’; 268, 1.4; 269, 2’; 472, 1.1 142, 1.8’ 39, 2.7; 116 11’ 298, 14 254, 1.3a; 480, 4’; 484, 1’ 342, 1 478, 2’; 487, 1.9 94, 2; 124, 2.7b; 472, 2.1 122, 7’; 298, 5 266, 5(?); 267, 1.2; 475, 3’; 479, 1.4 13, 2.2a 163, 2’ 47, 3’; 117, 5; 265, 2; 267, 2.1 268, 1. 7 14, 1; 39, 1.1 20, 3’; 23, 3; 82, 3; 141, 6’; 254, 1.2; 420, 1’; 478, 3’ (?); 487, 1.6; 487, 2.1 283, 10’ 42, 1.1 268, 1.9 124, 2.5b 25, 2; 113, 2’ 142, 1.5’ 142, 1.4’; 283, 2’ 23, 1; 34, 1.4 116, 8’ 61, 2.3 132, 2’b 131, 5 141, 5’ 474, 4’ 42, 2.1’ 487, 1.2 124, 2.1 61, 2.2 283, 7’ 283, 11’ 18, 4 266, 5 420, 2’ 420, 3’ 267, 1.1 266, 4

su13-ma-a-ḫa ŠEŠ.[x] u3-aš-dar u3-ne-ne818 u3-[...] ur-AB.RA ur-abzu ur-dumu-zi-da ur-den-E2 (Ur-Enlil) ur-ENGUR ur-ĝešgigir ur-did2 ur-did2-da ur-dlamma ur-dnissaba ur-saĝ-me-⸢x-x⸣ ur-SI.AN UR.UR ur-... URU×A URU×A-⸢x-x⸣ UŠ-bi2-a-ḫa819 UŠ-mi-il820 utu-ur-saĝ dUTU-UŠ.(⸢x⸣.)ĜURUŠ ⸢x⸣-[...]-a [...-a]-ḫa ⸢x-a-x⸣ [... a]d(-[...]) [...] AN [...] [...]-⸢ba4?⸣ [...]⸢x⸣.AN.gara3 ⸢x⸣ AN.UR ⸢x x⸣ ⸢x⸣-BU ⸢x-x⸣-BU ⸢x⸣-dub-dub [...]-⸢E2⸣ [...]-⸢gal?⸣ [...]-⸢gal?⸣ [...]⸢gi?⸣[...] ⸢x (x)⸣ ḫa (⸢x⸣ ...) 818 819 820

Admin. Texts IAS

514 i 1’: ŠEŠ-[(x)]-na 506 ii’ 3’

539 iii 5: ur-dumu-zi

539 ii 4

Visicato 2000, 51 reads the name bi2-bi2-u3. UŠ stands probably for ir3 here (verbal form ir3-bi2-). UŠ stands probably for ir3 here (verbal form ir3-mi-). © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes Personal Names

Colophons IAS

[(x-)]⸢x⸣-ḪI [...-dI]D2 [x]-⸢x⸣-il [...]-⸢il⸣ ⸢x.x⸣.KI [...]⸢x⸣-KI ⸢x⸣-KI-⸢x⸣[...] ⸢x-na⸣-GAM+GAM [...]-NE [x-N]E-⸢x⸣ [x]-pa-e3 ⸢x⸣-si-na [...]-zu (⸢x⸣.)ŠEŠ

479, 1.5 163, 3’ 39, 2.6 141, 1’; 388, 1.3’ 487, 2.3 479, 2.2 481, 5 487, 2.2 484, 2’ 283, 1’ 475, 1’ 122, 3’ 132, 1’b 487, 1.3

209 Admin. Texts IAS

8.3 The colophons from Fāra and other Early Dynastic cities The colophons are arranged as in Krebernik 1998a, 325-333: (1) texts in Berlin according to their publication in SF and (2) texts in Istanbul according to their museum numbers, which correspond to the text numbers in (N)TSŠ. All the texts have been collated by M. Krebernik. Only major corrections and additions to Krebernik 1998a are indicated. 8.3.1 The colophons from Fāra in transliteration SF 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 2.1 821

VAT 12760821, 1 = rev. x 20’-23’ [...]; 2 = rev. viii 18’-19’; 3 = rev. vii 14’; 4 = rev. vi 9’ mu diĝir-diĝir diĝir KAL[AM] KI ama-tilla2(AN+AŠ+AN)-s[i] SAĜ[ĜA] ⸢x⸣ ... AN.AN (diĝir diĝir)

The description in Krebernik 1998a, 326 is imprecise, the transliteration incomplete. Some of the bottom lines of rev. vi, vii, viii (?) and x (= xvi, xvii, xviii, xx in Krebernik 1986, 184-188) contain personal names and therefore constitute a colophon. In the absence of graphic separators and because of gaps it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the main text and the colophon. Somewhat problematic is also the sequence of the colophon entries. If one assumes that AN AN MU in xx 20’ is not a divine name but a subscript to be read mu diĝir-diĝir ‘names of deities’, the colophon sections would run from left to right, i.e. from col. xx to col. xvi. This interpretation of xx 20’ finds some support in the next line, diĝir KAL[AM] KI, which could be interpreted as ‘deities of the land’ or perhaps ‘deities of the places of the land’. ama-tilla2(AN+AŠ+AN)-s[i] in the following line most probably is a personal name. Col. xix ends in theonyms. The role of the last two lines of col. xviii is uncertain: dušum-gal.A.DA most probably is a personal name to be read adušum-gal-da. If so, AN.AN in the preceding line could function as a subscript (= diĝir-diĝir ‘gods’?) separating main text and colophon. The last line of xvii, consisting of SAĜĜA + personal name, is clearly part of the colophon. The last, partially preserved, line of xvi is most probably of the same type. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

210

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

2.2 3.1 4.1

a- dušum-gal-da822 SAĜĜA ḪAR.TU-dsud3 SA[ĜĜA] ...

SF 5 1

VAT 12626, obv. (?) v 11 51 diĝir diĝir

SF 6 1 2

VAT 12644, rev. i 1-2 šu-niĝin2 28 diĝir ku6-gu7

SF 8 1 2 3 4 5

VAT 9104, rev. □ i 1-5 [...] ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ lulim(⸢IGI⸣.KIŠ×LU) 823 ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ amar-AN.MUD SAĜĜA BU.R[A].⸢x⸣ [S]AĜĜA ZU.⸢ZU⸣.[x] ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ [...] [...]

SF 12 1 2

VAT 12653, obv. vi 16-17 SAĜĜA KA-g[a] ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢x⸣ [...]

822

823

The reading of this name is uncertain as far as the sequence of its components is concerned. The reading adopted here follows the pattern assumed by Pomponio for some similar names: a-ušumda, a-ušum-gal-da (Pomponio 1987, 14), a-lugal(-da) (ibid. 7), lu2-AŠ-saĝ-da (ibid. 146). Read alim in Krebernik 1998a, but the sign is lulim, written ⸢IGI⸣.KIŠ×LU with LU inside the ‘ear’ of KIŠ. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes SF 13 1.1 1.2 2.1 3.1

VAT 12547, 1 = obv. v 16-17824; 2 = rev. □ i 1825; 3 = rev. □ ii 1826 827 SAĜĜA SAG×ḪA.T[I] SAĜĜA NIM d[ub? ...] U2.TUM diĝir-nu-me ga-ri828

SF 16 1 2 3 4

VAT 12421, rev. i 3-6 lum-ma ad-da diĝir-nu-me lugal-menx(ĜA2×EN)

SF 18 1 2

VAT 12426, rev. vi 3-4 (colophon?) ḪUB2.NUN.NUN829 | SAĜĜA.GAL AŠ.AB.⸢AB⸣ | SAĜĜA.GAL

SF 20 1

4

VAT 12625 + VAT 12781, Right edge, from bottom to top. TUM+TUMinversum830 SAĜĜA ad-da ⸢amar!?-NAM2⸣ ⸢UMBIN+UMBINinversum⸣831 [ur?]-dASAR?⸣ ⸢x⸣[...]

SF 26+ 1 2 3 4

VAT 12655 + Š 124 (= TSŠ 124)832, rev. iii || 10-13 SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA ur-nin SAĜĜA ur-saĝ-pa-e3

SF 27+ 1 2 3 4

VAT 12764 + Š 294 (= NTSŠ 294)833, rev. □ xii 1-6 ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ u[r?]-⸢d?⸣[za-ba4]-ba4 SAĜĜA lugal-KA-zi-da SAĜĜA nam2-maḫ2-dsud3-da SAĜĜA lum-m[a] dub ⸢šu⸣ mu-[ĝ]al2

2 3

824 825 826 827 828

829

830 831

832 833

211

This part of the colophon is missing in Krebernik 1998a, 326. Framed case in the upper middle part of the reverse. Below the framed case. The scribe erroneously continued with DIŠ, which marks all entries of the preceding lexical list. The conventional reading ga-ri (thus Pomponio 1987, 106, who marked the name as Semitic) is not totally certain, see already Krebernik 1998, 262 fn. 224. It finds, however, some support in the Ebla ms. of the ED Names and Professions List, in which the sign order mostly corresponds to the pronunciation: there (l. 49), the name occurs as ga-ri!, read ‘ga-⸢ri⸣-⸢ri⸣?’ in Archi 1981, 182. The first NUN was read E2? in Krebernik 1998a, 326. The two NUN signs are placed one above the other and possibly constitute the sign NIR. Scribal doodle. Scribal doodle. An ornamental UMBIN is also found on the upper edge of VAT 12655b (P382660). On the right edge, the end of an ornamental TUM is visible. See handcopy by A. Westenholz apud Alster 1992, 46. See handcopy by A. Westenholz apud Alster 1992, 50. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

212

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

5 6

SAĜĜA lugal-ki-DUR2-dug3 SAĜĜA lugal-a2!(DA)-maḫ2

SF 29 1 2 3

VAT 12759, rev. iii 15-17 SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 {x} SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA ur-nin

SF 33 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 2.1 2.2 3.1

VAT 12652, 1 = rev. ii || 8-12; 2 = rev. □ iii 1-2834; 3 = rev. iv 1835 SAĜĜA e2-gal-NIDBA2(PAD.MUŠ3).BI SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ SAĜĜA sa[ĝ]-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAG×ḪA.TI ŠUBUR ḪAR.TU-ZA3.⸢TA?⸣

SF 36 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

VAT 9076, rev. ⇦ ii 1-8 SAĜĜA menx(ĜA2×EN)-ud-GID2 SAĜĜA ĝessu-še3 dub mu-sar SAĜĜA ur-dASAR SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA KA-ga [SAĜ]ĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ SAĜĜA e2-gal-NIDBA2(PAD.MUŠ3).BI

SF 37 1 2 3 4 5 6

VAT 12680, rev. vi || 6’-11’ [...] [SAĜĜA] amar-[ŠU]BA3([MU]Š3+ZA) ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ [U]Š [S]AĜĜA KA-zi [d]ub mu-s[a]r [SA]ĜĜA AŠ-u[r]-sa[ĝ] [du]b mu-s[ar?] [...]

SF 39 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

VAT 12606, rev. ⇦ iii 1-20 [SAĜĜA ...]⸢x⸣ dub mu]-sar [SAĜĜA ... dub mu]-sar [SAĜĜA ...]⸢x⸣ [SAĜĜA ...]-anzu2(IM.MI)mušen [SAĜĜA ...].AB ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ [ds]ud3-anzu2(IM.MI)mušen SAĜĜA ama[r]-E2.⸢x⸣

834 835

Framed case beside col. ii 1-3. Framed case below 2, beside 1.1. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

SAĜĜA UR.UR ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ AK-utu [Š]UBUR [SAĜĜA l]u2-lum-ma [SAĜĜA] ⸢x⸣.SI.[...] [SAĜĜA] ⸢lugal?⸣-[...] [SAĜĜA ...] [SAĜĜA ur]-⸢d⸣sud3 [SAĜĜA ...].⸢x⸣ TUR ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ...].BULUG3 (⸢.x⸣?) [SAĜĜ]A ⸢E2⸣.[NUN?]-dug3 [SAĜĜA] diĝir-nu-[m]e [SAĜĜA] nam-⸢maḫ2⸣-dsud3-da [SAĜĜA] ⸢SAG/KA⸣.LUL.PA

SF 42 1 2 3 4

VAT 12643, rev. vi 10-13 SAĜĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2)

SF 55 1 2 3 4 5

VAT9112, rev. ii || [?]; ⇦ iii 1-5. [SAĜĜA ...] SAĜĜA amar-⸢NAM2⸣ SAĜĜA e2-gal-NIDBA2.BI SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) dub mu-sar SAĜĜA ur-nin dub!(MES) šu mu-na-ĝal2

SF 57 1

VAT 9108, rev. vii 19; (viii [...]) SAĜĜA amar-TUR3

SF 58 1

VAT 9124, rev. vi 6. SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2)

SF 59 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

VAT 12425, obv. vii || 3’-11’ SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA an-ur2-še3 SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA ur-nin SAĜĜA NIM SAĜĜA ur-saĝ-pa-e3 SAĜĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ SAĜĜA [e2-gal]-⸢NIDBA2.BI⸣

SF 60 1 2 3 4

VAT 12503, rev. ⇦ vi 1-4 SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA ur-nin SAĜĜA ur-saĝ-⸢pa-e3⸣

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

213

214

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

SF 62 1 2 3 4

VAT 12526, obv. vi [...] 1’-4’ ⸢x⸣[...] ⸢AN⸣[...] ⸢lugal⸣-maš lugal-ki-DUR2-dug3

SF 63 1 2 3

VAT 12574, rev. v 4-6 SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA ⸢saĝ⸣-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA ur-nin

SF 64 1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2

VAT 12587, 1 = rev. ii 15-17; 2 = rev. □ iii 1-2 SAĜĜA ⸢KA?-ga?⸣ SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA an-ur2-še3 SAĜĜA ur-nin SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2)

SF 69 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

VAT 12645, rev. v 1-8 ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ menx(ĜA2×EN)-ud-GID2 SAĜĜA ĝessu-še3 dub mu-sar SAĜĜA ur-dASAR SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 SAĜĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ

SF 73 1 2 3

VAT 12782, rev. [...] □ i’ 1-3 [...] SAĜĜA KA-ga SAĜĜA amar-NAM2 [SAĜĜA] ⸢AN?(.x).x⸣ [...]

SF 74 1 2 3

VAT 12657, rev. ii’ 3-5 [...] SAĜ[ĜA a]d-[da] ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢amar-IN⸣ ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢amar-NAM2⸣ [...]

SF 75 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

VAT 9130, obv. vii || 6-10 SAĜĜA [...] SAĜĜA [amar]-NAM2 SAĜĜA saĝ-diĝir-tuk[ux(ḪUB2)] SAĜĜA ur-nin SAĜĜA ur-saĝ-pa-e3 SAĜĜA AŠ-ur-saĝ SAĜĜA {AŠ.U(R)} SAG×ḪA.TI

© 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes SF 77 1 2 3 4 5 6

VAT 9128, rev. ⇦ i 1-6 SAĜĜA menx(ĜA2×EN)-ud-GID2 SAĜĜA ur-dASAR SAĜĜA utu-šita SAĜĜA za3-ta SAĜĜA SUD3-an-dul3 SAĜĜA ad-da-da

TSŠ 46 1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14

Š 46 (collated by M.K.), 1 = rev. i 14-16; 2 = rev. ⇦ ii 1-14 SAĜĜA a-kalam-dug3 IB-ur-saĝ e2-ki-gal-la836 SAĜĜA den-E2-ULU3.A SAĜĜA lugal-NI2.ZU.KA.BULUĜ3 [SAĜĜA] ⸢ur?⸣-⸢d⸣nissa[ba] [S]AĜĜA pa4-bi[l4](ĜEŠ.N[E])-a2-nu-kuš2 [SAĜ]ĜA ur-den-E2 bul5-la SAĜĜA lugal-zi-da ur-dsud3 SAĜĜA lugal-zi-kalam dub mu-sar SAĜĜA ur-dinanna dNE.GI SAĜĜA ga-ri837 SAĜĜA dsud3-a2-maḫ2 ⸢x⸣.URU×UD SAĜĜA AŠ-maḫ2 SAĜĜA e2-ki-ba SAĜĜA AN.EN-nu-kuš2 ⸢dub⸣ [š]u ⸢mu-ĝal2⸣ ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ d[u-d]u UR.UR

TSŠ 80 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.1

Š 80, 1 = rev. i (along left edge) 1-3 [...]; 2 = rev. □ ii 1 SAĜĜA lugal-KA-zi-da dub!(MES) mu-sar SAĜĜA lu2-lal3 SAĜĜA KA-zi [SAĜĜA ...].⸢IB?⸣ [...] SAĜĜA LAK175.ŠE3

TSŠ 124

see SF 26 +

TSŠ 712+ 1 2 3 4 5

Š 712 + Š 993838, rev. ⇦ ii 1-6 [...] [...] ⸢dub? mu?-sar⸣ SAĜĜA AN.DU6.DU6 ⸢x(.x)⸣839 šu mu-ĝal2 an-ur2-še3

836

837 838 839

215

This name is added in smaller script bewteen the section divider (double ruling with cross-hatches) and SAĜĜA a-kalam(-dug3). For this name: see fn. at SF 13, 3.1. Unpublished; courtesy H. Steible. The traces do not look like the expected DUB. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

216

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

6

amar-dgu2-la2 TUR [...]

TSŠ 973 1 2 3 4 5

Š 972, rev. ⇦ iv 1-5 [SAĜĜA ...] [SAĜĜA] ⸢ur⸣-[dA]SAR [SAĜĜA] ⸢utu⸣-šita SAĜĜA za3-ta ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ šeš-tur

NTSŠ 229

Š 229, rev. ⇦ i [...] 1’-8’ [...] [...] [SAĜĜA] mes-[lam]-il [SAĜĜA] ŠITA.KALAM [SAĜĜ]A MES.Ḫ[U]L?.TAR [SAĜĜ]A ad-da [du]b šu mu-ĝal2 [SAĜ]ĜA a-ĝeštin SIKIL840 [SAĜĜ]A amar-nam-nir [SAĜ]ĜA amar-IN [SAĜĜ]A ⸢ŠUBUR⸣ ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ ⸢DU6?.A⸣ [SAĜĜA ...].⸢LA2?⸣ [SAĜĜA] amar-⸢x⸣ [SAĜĜA ...]⸢x⸣ [...]

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’

NTSŠ 294

see SF 27 +

8.3.2 Colophons from other Early Dynastic cities in transliteration MS 3204 1

Civil 2010 (CUSAS 12), rev. iv 3 mu uru-uruki

RIAA 44 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

MRAH O.88 (P010547), rev. i’ 3’-11’ SAĜĜA lugal-d[ug4]-ga-ni-z[i] ⸢lu2⸣ dub-sar ⸢SAĜĜA⸣ lugal-ḫe2-ĝal2-sud ⸢lu2⸣ dub-ba šu ĝal2-la SAĜĜA lugal-KA-gi-na SAĜĜA ama[r]-TUM SAĜĜA lugal-pa-e3 SAĜĜA lugal-zi-da SAĜĜA lugal-LU2.NE.DUR.ABZU.ŠA3?

Bagot 1

Feliu 2012, line below obv. iv-vi SAĜĜA ur-d⸢inanna⸣ SAĜĜA zabal[am4](MUŠ3+ZA.UN[UG]/A[B])

840

Sign added in smaller script. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

217

8.3.3 Index to the colophons from Fāra and other Early Dynastic cities General Vocabulary AN.AN diĝir dub mu-sar dub šu mu-ĝal2 dub šu mu-na-ĝal2 KALAM.KI lu2 dub-ba šu ĝal2-la lu2 dub-sar mu diĝir-diĝir mu uru-uruki SAĜĜA

SAĜĜA.GAL šu mu-ĝal2 šu-niĝin2 28 diĝir ku6-gu7 TUM+TUMinversum TUR (= dumu?) UMBIN+UMBINinversum

SF 1, 2.1 SF 1, 1.1; SF 1, 1.2; SF 1, 2.1; SF 5, 1; SF 6, 2 SF 36, 3; SF 37, 4; SF 37, 6; SF 39, 1; SF 39, 2; SF 55, 4; SF 69, 3; TSŠ 46, 2.6; TSŠ 80, 1.1; TSŠ 712+, 2 SF 27+, 4; TSŠ 46, 2.13; NTSŠ 229, 4’ SF 55, 5 SF 1, 1.2 RIAA 44, 4 RIAA 44, 2 SF 1, 1.1 MS 3204, 1 SF 1, 1.4; SF 1, 3.1; SF 1, 4.1; SF 8, 1; SF 8, 2; SF 8, 3; SF 8, 4; SF 8, 5; SF 12, 1; SF 12, 2; SF 13, 1.1; SF 13, 1.2; SF 20, 2; SF 26+, 1; SF 26+, 2; SF 26+, 3; SF 26+, 4; SF 27+, 1; SF 27+, 2; SF 27+, 3; SF 27+, 4; SF 27+, 5; SF 27+, 6; SF 29, 1; SF 29, 2; SF 29, 3; SF 33, 1.1; SF 33, 1.2; SF 33, 1.3; SF 33, 1.4; SF 33, 1.5; SF 36, 1; SF 36, 2; SF 36, 4; SF 36, 5; SF 36, 6; SF 36, 7; SF 36, 8; SF 36, 9; SF 37, 1; SF 37, 2; SF 37, 3; SF 37, 5; SF 39, 1; SF 39, 2; SF 39, 3; SF 39, 4; SF 39, 5; SF 39, 6; SF 39, 7; SF 39, 8; SF 39, 9; SF 39, 10; SF 39, 11; SF 39, 12; SF 39, 13; SF 39, 14; SF 39, 15; SF 39, 16; SF 39, 17; SF 39, 18; SF 39, 19; SF 39, 20; SF 42, 1; SF 42, 2; SF 42, 3; SF 42, 4; SF 55, 1; SF 55, 2; SF 55, 3 ; SF 55, 4; SF 55, 5; SF 57, 1; SF 58, 1; SF 59, 1; SF 59, 2; SF 59, 3; SF 59, 4; SF 59, 5; SF 59, 6; SF 59, 7; SF 59, 8; SF 59, 9; SF 60, 1; SF 60, 2; SF 60, 3; SF 60, 4; SF 63, 1; SF 63, 2; SF 63, 3; SF 64, 1.1; SF 64, 1.2; SF 64, 1.3; SF 64, 2.1; SF 64, 2.2; SF 69, 1; SF 69, 2; SF 69, 4; SF 69, 5; SF 69, 6; SF 69, 7; SF 69, 8; SF 73, 1; SF 73, 2; SF 73, 3; SF 74, 1; SF 74, 2; SF 74, 3; SF 75, 1; SF 75, 2; SF 75, 3; SF 75, 4; SF 75, 5; SF 75, 6; SF 75, 7; SF 77, 1; SF 77, 2; SF 77, 3; SF 77, 4; SF 77, 5; SF 77, 6; TSŠ 46, 1.1; TSŠ 46, 1.2; TSŠ 46, 1.3; TSŠ 46, 2.1; TSŠ 46, 2.2; TSŠ 46, 2.3; TSŠ 46, 2.4; TSŠ 46, 2.5; TSŠ 46, 2.7; TSŠ 46, 2.8; TSŠ 46, 2.9; TSŠ 46 2.10; TSŠ 46, 2.11; TSŠ 46, 2.12; TSŠ 46, 2.14; TSŠ 80, 1.1; TSŠ 80, 1.2; TSŠ 80, 1.3; TSŠ 80, 1.4; TSŠ 80, 2.1; TSŠ 712+, 3; TSŠ 973, 1; TSŠ 973, 2; TSŠ 973, 3; TSŠ 973, 4; TSŠ 973, 5; NTSŠ 229, 1’; NTSŠ 229, 2’; NTSŠ 229, 3’; NTSŠ 229, 4’; NTSŠ 229, 5’; NTSŠ 229, 6’; NTSŠ 229, 7’; NTSŠ 229, 8’; NTSŠ 229, 9’; NTSŠ 229, 10’; NTSŠ 229, 11’; RIAA 44, 1; RIAA 44, 3; RIAA 44, 5; RIAA 44, 6; RIAA 44, 7; RIAA 44, 8; RIAA 44, 9; Bagot, 1 SF 18, 1; SF 18, 2 TSŠ 712+, 4 SF 6, 1-2 SF 20, 1 SF 39, 15; TSŠ 712+, 6 SF 20, 3

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218

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

Personal Names a-ĝeštin SIKIL a-kalam-dug3 a-dušum-gal-da ad-da ad-da-da AK-utu ama-tilla2(AN+AŠ+AN)-s[i] amar-AN.MUD amar-E2.⸢x⸣ amar-dgu2-la2 amar-IN amar-nam-nir amar-NAM2

amar-ŠUBA3(MUŠ3+ZA) amar-TUM amar-TUR3 amar-⸢x⸣ AN.[...] AN.DU6.DU6 AN.EN-nu-kuš2 an-ur2-še3 AN?(.x).x AŠ.AB.AB AŠ-maḫ2 AŠ-ur-saĝ BU.RA.⸢x⸣ diĝir-nu-me du-du DU6.A e2-gal-NIDBA2(PAD.MUŠ3).BI e2-ki-ba E2.[NUN?]-dug3 den-E -ULU .A 2 3 ga-ri ĝessu-še3 ḪAR.TU-dsud3 ḪAR.TU-ZA3.⸢TA?⸣ ḪUB2.NUN.NUN IB-ur-saĝ e2-ki-gal-la KA-ga KA-zi LAK175.ŠE3 lu2-lal3 lu2-lum-ma lugal-a2!(DA)-maḫ2

NTSŠ 229, 5’ TSŠ 46, 1.1 SF 1, 2.2 SF 16, 2; SF 20, 2; SF 74, 1; NTSŠ 229, 4’ SF 77, 6 SF 39, 9 SF 1, 1.3 SF 8, 2 SF 39, 7 TSŠ 712+, 6 SF 74, 2; NTSŠ 229, 7’ NTSŠ 229, 6’ SF 20, 2; SF 26+, 1; SF 29, 1; SF 33, 1.2; SF 36, 6; SF 42, 2; SF 55, 2; SF 59, 2; SF 60, 2; SF 63, 1; SF 64, 1.2; SF 69, 7; SF 73 2; SF 74, 3; SF 75, 2 SF 37, 1 RIAA 44, 6 SF 57, 1 NTSŠ 229, 10’ SF 62, 2 TSŠ 712+, 3 TSŠ 46, 2.12 SF 59, 3; SF 64, 1.3; TSŠ 712+, 5 SF 73, 3 SF 18, 2 TSŠ 46, 2.10 SF 33, 1.4; SF 36, 8; SF 37, 5; SF 42, 1; SF 59, 8; SF 69, 8; SF 75, 6 SF 8, 3 SF 13, 2.1; SF 16, 3; SF 39, 18 TSŠ 46, 2.14 NTSŠ 229, 8’ SF 33, 1.1; SF 36, 9; SF 55, 3; SF 59, 9 TSŠ 46, 2.11 SF 39, 17 TSŠ 46, 1.2 SF 13, 3.1; TSŠ 46, 2.8 SF 36, 2; SF 69, 2 SF 1, 3.1 SF 33, 3.1 SF 18, 1 TSŠ 46, 1.1 SF 12, 1; SF 33, 1.3; SF 36, 7; SF 42, 3; SF 59, 1; SF 60, 1; SF 64, 1.1; SF 69, 6; SF 73, 1 SF 37, 3; TSŠ 80, 1.3 TSŠ 80, 2.1 TSŠ 80, 1.2 SF 39, 10 SF 27+, 6

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8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes lugal-dug4-ga-ni-zi lugal-ḫe2-ĝal2-sud lugal-KA-gi-na lugal-KA-zi-da lugal-ki-DUR2-dug3 lugal-LU2.NE.DUR.ABZU.ŠA3? lugal-maš lugal-menx(ĜA2×EN) lugal-NI2.ZU.KA.BULUĜ3 lugal-pa-e3 lugal-zi-da lugal-zi-kalam lugal?-[...] lulim(IGI.KIŠ×LU) lum-ma menx(ĜA2×EN)-ud-GID2 MES.ḪUL?.TAR mes-lam-il nam2-maḫ2-dsud3-da NIM pa4-bil4(ĜEŠ.NE)-a2-nu-kuš2 SAG/KA.LUL.PA SAG×ḪA.TI saĝ-diĝir-tukux(ḪUB2) šeš-tur ŠITA.KALAM ŠUBUR dsud -a -maḫ ⸢x⸣.URU×UD 3 2 2 SUD3-an-dul3 dsud -anzu (IM.MI)mušen 3 2 U2.TUM ur-dASAR ur-den-E2 bul5-la ur-dinanna ur-dNE.GI ur-nin ur-dnissaba ur-saĝ-pa-e3 ur-dsud3 UR.UR ur-dza-ba4-ba4 UŠ utu-šita ⸢x⸣.SI.[...] za3-ta ZU.ZU.[x] [...].AB [...]-anzu2(IM.MI)mušen

219

RIAA 44, 1 RIAA 44, 3 RIAA 44, 5 SF 27+, 2; TSŠ 80, 1.1; RIAA 44, 8 SF 27+, 5; SF 62, 4 RIAA 44, 9 SF 62, 3 SF 16, 4 TSŠ 46, 1.3 RIAA 44, 7 TSŠ 46, 2.4; RIAA 44, 8 TSŠ 46, 2.5 SF 39, 12 SF 8, 1 SF 16, 1; SF 27+, 4 SF 36, 1; SF 69, 1; SF 77, 1 NTSŠ 229, 3’ NTSŠ 229, 1’ SF 27+, 3; SF 39, 19 SF 13, 1.2; SF 59, 6 TSŠ 46, 2.2 SF 39, 20 SF 13, 1.1; SF 33, 2.1; SF 75, 7 SF 26+, 2; SF 29, 2; SF 33, 1.5; SF 36, 5; SF 42, 4; SF 55, 4; SF 58, 1; SF 59, 4; SF 63, 2; SF 64, 2.2; SF 69, 5; SF 75, 3 TSŠ 973, 5 NTSŠ 229, 2’ SF 33, 2.2; SF 39, 9; NTSŠ 229, 8’ TSŠ 46, 2.9 SF 77, 5 SF 39, 6 SF 13, 2.1 SF 20, 4; SF 36, 4; SF 69, 4; SF 77, 2; TSŠ 973, 2 TSŠ 46, 2.3 TSŠ 46, 2.7; Bagot, 1 TSŠ 46, 2.7 SF 26+, 3; SF 29, 3; SF 55, 5; SF 59, 5; SF 60, 3; SF 63, 3; SF 64, 2.1; SF 75, 4 TSŠ 46, 2.1 SF 26+, 4; SF 59, 7; SF 60, 4; SF 75, 5 SF 39, 14; TSŠ 46, 2.4 SF 39, 8; TSŠ 46, 2.14 SF 27+, 1 SF 37, 2 SF 77, 3; TSŠ 973, 3 SF 39, 11 SF 77, 4; TSŠ 973, 4 SF 8, 4 SF 39, 5 SF 39, 4

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220

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

[...].BULUG3 (⸢.x⸣?) [...].IB? [...].LA2?

SF 39, 16 TSŠ 80, 1.4 NTSŠ 229, 9’

Place Names zabalam4

Bagot, 1

8.4 The colophons from Ebla The colophons are arranged according to the first (preserved) scribal name. In A–I the first name is preserved or restored, in J–L the first name is not preserved/restored. M is a subscript which seems to give the number of lines of the preceding lexical list and another, unclear total. 8.4.1 The colophons from Ebla in transliteration A

1 2 3 4 5 6 B1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 B2

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

TM.75.G.1312 MEE 3, 1 (p. 4-7); Archi 1992, 2 (no. 1C). rev. vi 3-8 dub NAMEŠDA(ŠITA2+NAM2) (incipit of ED Lu2 A) a-bu3-ma-lik ki-ĝar dub mu-sar bu3-da-BAD TM.75.G.1396 + 4519 + ... MEE 3, 26 (p. 73-76) + 76 (p. 275); Archi 1992, 8 (no. 9). obv. viii 10-16 a-zi dub mu-sar ib-dur-i-sar dub-zu-zu ab-ba dam-da-il um-m[i-a] a-zi TM.75.G.1398 + 5259 MEE 3, 2 + 5 (p. 8-11); Archi 1992, 2 (no. 1A). 1 = obv. vii 16-19; 2 = rev. □ i 1-4 a-zi dub mu-sar ib-dur-i-sar dub-[z]u-[zu] ab-ba [d]am-da-il um-mi-a a-zi © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes B3

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 B4

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 B5

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 2.1 2.2

B6

1

841

TM.75.G.1415 MEE 3, 39 (p. 105-108); Archi 1992, 8 (no. 8). 1 = obv. viii 17-19; 2 = rev. □ i 1-4 a-zi dub mu-sar ib-dur-i-sar dub-zu-zu ab-ba dam-da-il [um]-mi-a a-zi TM.75.G.5197 + ... MEE 15, 71; Archi 1992, 9 (no. 10). No copy/photo available. a-zi [dub mu-sar] [ib-dur-isar] dub-zu-zu ab-ba dam-da-il [um-mi-a] [a-zi] TM.75.G.1927 + 5641 MEE 3, 48 + 49 (p. 165-168) + 54a (p. 213); Archi 1992, 12 (no. 14). 1 rev. i 1-8 [...]; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-2 a-zi dub mu-sar ib-dur-i-sar dub-zu!-zu [ab-]⸢ba!?⸣ [dam-da-il] u[m-mi-a] ⸢a⸣-[zi] dara3-maš-da3!(NI)841 dara3-⸢maš⸣-[da3!] [...] TM.75.G.3211 + 3414 + 4516 + 5196 + 5270 + 20306 MEE 3, 12 +13 + 14 + 15 + 16 + 17 (p. 47-50, no colophon) +; Archi 1992, 5 (no. 5). (no copy/photo available) [a-]zi [...]

The decorative signs, repeated in the next line, seem to constitute a scribal doodle. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

221

222 C

1 2 3 4 5 D

1 2 3 4 E

1 2 3 F

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 G1

1.1 1.2

842 843

844

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes TM.75.G.2659 + 2661 + 2662 + 2663 + 3439 + 10007 + 11201 + 11310 + XXXIII MEE 3, 43 (p. 126-128) +; Archi 1992, 4 (no. 3). rev. v 3’-7’ [ir3-a]z-[i]l [dub mu]-⸢sar⸣ [x]-⸢saĝ?⸣ ur-saĝ ir3-az-il TM.75.G.1693 MEE 3, 73 (p. 269); Archi 1992, 22. obv. ii 1-4 ki-ĝar dub-sar kiški iš-ma2-NI TM.75.G.2586 + 3527 + 4515 MEE 3, 3 + 4 (p. 12-13, no colophon) + ; Archi 1992, 2 (no. 1B). obv. vii 16-18 PUZUR4.RA-ma-lik842 dub ki-ĝar TM.75.G.2231 MEE 3, 56 (p. 219-225); Archi 1992, 4 (no. 4). rev. ii 13-19 mu X.Y uru.uruki843 ti-ra-il dub mu-sar a-zi dub-zu-zu en-na-il lugal-zi-da TM.75.G.1912 + 4527+ 20263844 MEE 3, 47 (p. 155-157); Archi 1992, 11 (no. 13). 1 = rev. i 1-4 [...] ; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-7 ti-[ra]-il [d]ub mu-⸢sar⸣

According to photograph, courtesy A. Archi. Erroneously given as A-bù-ma-lik in Archi 1992, 2. The line was read mu-na-ni uru-uruki by Pettinato in MEE 4, 225, and interpreted as a subscript ‘nomi di città’. Pettinato’s reading and interpretation were widely accepted and reproduced (e.g. in Archi 1992, 4). However, the reading of the signs (or sign?) after MU (transliterated here as X.Y) is uncertain. The alleged Sumerian form mu-na-ni ‘names’ (from mu ‘name’) is ungrammatical and hard to explain. The dubious signs are missing in the other text witnesses including MS 3204 (Civil 2010, 199). For the join cf. ARET 12, p. 86. Reading according to photograph, courtesy A. Archi. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes 1.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 G2

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 H

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 845

223

[ib-dur-i-sa]r [du]b-⸢su-su⸣ [?] in UD DUMU.NITA.DUMU.NITA DUB.SAR E11 aš2-du ma-ri2ki TM.75.G.2515 MEE 3, 50 (p. 176-179); Archi 1992, 13 (no. 15). 1 rev. i 3-6 ; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-7 ti-ra-il dub mu-[sar] ⸢ib⸣-[dur]-i-[sar] dub-su-⸢su⸣ in UD DUMU.NITA.DUMU.NITA DUB.SAR E11 aš2-du ma-ri2ki TM.75.G.2657 + 11383 + 11384 + 11385 ARET 5, 20; Archi 1992, 23f., 26-28 + pl. 7-8 1 = rev. iii 7-13 ; 2 = rev. iv 1-10 ; 3 = rev. □ v 1-6 ti-r[a]-il dub ⸢mu⸣-sa[r] [i-s]ar dub-su-su luga[l]-⸢zi⸣[-da]845 [...] ⸢lugal⸣[...]-da lugal-ḫe2-ĝal2 [lug]al-[...] [...]-⸢bara2⸣-si lugal-nir-ĝal2 [l]ugal-[...] ⸢lugal⸣-a2-maḫ lugal-KA-kal(ĜURUŠ) lugal-AN-tu As Archi 1992, 23f., observed, the group of Sumerian names in the colophons H and I (where each name is preceded by SAĜĜA) is reminiscent of the Fāra colophons. It could be an attempt to confer a special venerability on the text (and its Eblaite scribes?) or it could simply be a ‘scribal joke’ as Archi thinks. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

224

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

2.9 2.10 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1

lugal-[...] [...]⸢x⸣ [in] [UD] DUMU.N[ITA].DUMU.NI[TA DUB.SAR] ⸢DU6⸣.[DU] [aš2-d]u [ma-ri2]ki

I

TM.75.G.2658 + 2663 + 5633 + 5626 + 11264 + 11266 + 11278 + 15293 + 11250 + 12575 ARET 5, 21; Archi 1992, 23f., 26-28 + pl. 9-10. rev. vi 5-11; vii 1-8 ti-ra-⸢il⸣ dub mu-sar i-sar dub-su-⸢su⸣ SAĜĜA lugal-zi-da846 SAĜĜA [l]ugal-si-sa2 SAĜĜA lugal-⸢bara2-si⸣ SAĜĜA lugal-ḫe2-ĝal2 SAĜĜA lugal-KISAL-si en-na-il a-zi ir11-[a/az]-[i]l i3-lum-NE-su ⸢x⸣[...]

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 J

1' 2' K

1 2 3 4 L

2.1 2.2 846

TM.75.G.1822 + 2557 + 3430 + 4547 + 12244 + 12696 + 18187 + 18468 + 20683. MEE 3, 45 + 46 (p.144-150) +; Archi 1992, 10 (no. 11A); ARES 4, ms. EA. rev. □ viii [...] 1’-2’ [...] ⸢en⸣-na-il dub-sar TM.75.G.2421 ARET 5, 6 rev. ix 4-7 [...-i]l dub-sar ir3-a-il dub-zu-zu TM.75.G.1947 (+ ...) MEE 3, 18 (p. 57-59, no colophon) +; Archi 1992, 6 (no. 6) 1 = rev. i [...]) ; 2 = rev. □ ii 1-2 [...] a-ki-⸢x⸣ See preceding note. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes M

1.1 1.2 1.3 2.1 2.2 2.3

225

TM.75.G.2260 MEE 3, 53 (p. 206-212). 1 = rev. i 1-3; 2 = □ ii 1-3 gu2-⸢an-še3?⸣ 2 mi-at 4 1 li-im 1 mi-at KUR.NIĜ2.DU

8.4.2 Index to the colophons from Ebla General Vocabulary ab-ba aš2-du dara3 maš-da3!(NI) dub ki-ĝar dub mu-sar dub NAMEŠDA dub-sar dub-su-su dub-zu-zu DUMU.NITA.DUMU.NITA DUB.SAR E11 gu2-⸢an-še3?⸣ in ki-ĝar KUR.NIĜ2.DU li-im mi-at mu (X.Y) NAMEŠDA SAĜĜA UD um-mi-a uru.uruki Personal Names a-bu3-ma-lik a ki ⸢x⸣ (PN?) a-zi bu3-da-BAD dam-da-il en-na-il i3-lum-NE-su i-sar

B1 5; B2 2.1; B3 2.1; B4 5; B5 1.5 G1 2.6; G2 2.6; H 3.1 B5 2.1; 2.2; E 2-3 A 5; B1 2; B2 1.2; B3 1.2; B4 2; B5 1.2; C 2; F 3; G1 1.2; G2 1.2; H 1.2; I 1.2 A 1-2 (subscript of ED Lu2 A) D 2; J 2'; K 2; see DUMU.NITA.DUMU.NITA DUB.SAR G1 1.4; G2 1.4; H 1.4; I 1.4 B1 4; B2 1.4; B3 1.4; B4 4; B5 1.4; F 5; K 4 G1 2.3-4; G2 2.3-4; H 3.1 G1 2.5; G2 2.5; H 3.1 M 1.1 G1 2.1; G2 2.1; H 3.1 D 1; A 4; E 3 M 2.3 M 2.1 M 1.2; 2.2 F1 see dub NAMEŠDA I 1.5; 1.6; 2.1; 2.2; 2.3 G1 2.2; G2 2.2; H 3.1 B1 7; B2 2.3; B3 2.3; B4 7; B5 1.7 F1

A3 L 2.2 B1 1; 8; B2 1.1; 2.4; B3 1.1; 2.4; B4 1; 8; B5 1.1; 1.8; B6 1; F 4; I 2.5 A6 B1 6; B2 2.2; B3 2.2; B4 6; B5 1.6 F 6; I 2.4; J 1' I 2.7 H 1.3; I 1.3 © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

226

8. Appendix: Colophons and Scribes

ib-dur-i-sar ir3-a-il ir11-a/az-il ir3-az-il iš-ma2-NI lugal-a2-maḫ lugal-AN-tu lugal-bara2-si lugal-ḫe2-ĝal2 lugal-KA-kal(ĜURUŠ) lugal-KISAL-si lugal-nir-ĝal2 lugal-si-sa2 lugal-zi-da lugal-... lugal-...-da PUZUR4.RA-ma-lik ti-ra-il ur-saĝ [x]-⸢saĝ?⸣ ⸢x⸣[...] [...]-bara2-si [...]-il

B1 3; B2 1.3; B3 1.3; B4 3; B5 1.3; G1 1.3; G2 1.3; K3 I 2.6 C 1; 5 D4 H 2.6 H 2.8 I 2.1 H 2.1; I 2.2 H 2.7 I 2.3 H 2.4 I 1.6 F 7; H 1.5; I 1.5 H 2.2; 2.5; 2.9 H 1.7 E1 F 2; G1 1.1; G2 1.1; H 1.1; I 1.1 C4 C3 I 2.8 H 2.3 K1

Place Names kiški ma-ri2ki

D3 G1 2.7; G2 2.7; H 3.1

Numbers 1 (li-im) 1 (mi-at) 2 (mi-at) 4

M 2.1 M 2.2 M 1.2 M 1.3

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9. Abbreviations AAICAB

AcOr ADFU adm AfO Akk An=Anum AnOr AO AOAT AoF AOS ARCANE Archaic Cities ARET

ARRIM Ashm ASJ AṢ ATU

AUCT AuOr AVO BBS BBVO BCE BDTNS BiMes

Archives Administratives et Inscriptions Cunéiformes: Ashmolean Museum, Bodleian Collection, Oxford. AAICAB 1/2: Grégoire 2000. Acta Orientalia. Ausgrabungen der deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft in Uruk-Warka. Administrative. Archiv für Orientforschung. Wien. Akkadian. Litke 1998. Analecta Orientalia. Commentationes Scientifae de Rebus Orientis Antiqui. Roma. Collection Number of the Département Antiquités Orientales, Louvre Museum, Paris. Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Münster. Altorientalische Forschungen. Berlin. American Oriental Series. New Haven, Connecticut. Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean. Turnhout. ATU 3, 145-151 and duplicates in IAS 21 and 22; SF 23; UET 7, 80. Archivi Reali di Ebla. Testi. Roma 1984ff. ARET 5: Edzard 1984. ARET 11: Fronzaroli 1991b. ARET 13: Fronzaroli 2003. ARET 16: Catagnoti/Fronzaroli 2010. Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project. Toronto, ON. Collection Number of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (UK). Acta Sumerologica (Japan). Hiroshima. Abū Ṣalābīḫ. Archaische Texte aus Uruk. Berlin. ATU 3: Englund et al. 1993. ATU 5: Englund 1994. Andrews University Cuneiform Texts. Berriens Springs (Michigan). AUCT 1: Sigrist 1984. Aula Orientalis. Revista de Estudios del Próximo Oriente Antiguo. Barcelona. Altertumskunde des Vorderen Orients. Münster. Babylonian Boundary Stones: King 1912. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient. Berlin. Before the Common Era. Base de Datos de Textos Neosumerios. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica. Malibu. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

228

BIN

BiOr BPOA

BRM BSA BSOAS BuB CAD CBS CDLB CDLI ch. CM CT

CUSAS

CUT

9. Abbreviations

Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of James B. Nies, Yale University. New Haven / London. BIN 8: Hackman 1958. Bibliotheca Orientalis. Leiden. Biblioteca del Proximo Oriente Antiguo. Madrid. BPOA 6: Sigrist and Tohru 2009a. BPOA 7: Sigrist and Tohru 2009b. Babylonian Records in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan. BRM 3: Keiser 1914. Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture. Cambridge. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. London. Babel und Bibel. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956-2010. Museum Siglum of the University Museum in Philadelphia; Catalogue of the Babylonian Section. Cuneiform Digital Library Bulletin. Homepage: http://cdli.ucla.edu/. Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. Homepage: http://cdli.ucla.edu/. Chapter. Cuneiform Monographs. Leiden/Boston. Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. London. CT 1: King 1896. CT 3: King 1898. CT 16: Thompson 1911. CT 24: King 1908. CT 25: King 1909. CT 50: Sollberger 1972. Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology. CUSAS 6: Owen 2011. CUSAS 12: Civil 2010. CUSAS 14: Monaco 2011. CUSAS 23: Bartash 2013. CUSAS 26: Westenholz 2014. CUSAS 27: Milano and Westenholz 2015. CUSAS 33: Notizia and Visicato 2016. CUSAS 35: Bartash 2017. Corpus UGN Texts: Zand 2009. CUT 1: SF 18 // IAS 132 // 153 // 162 // 208 // 247? // OSP 3, 10; Zand 2009, 167-179. CUT 3: SF 37 // 38 // NTSŠ 117+314 // IAS 114 // 248; Zand 2009,186207. CUT 7: TSŠ 79 (+) 80 // IAS 116 // 117 // 135 // 146 // 151 // 165 // 166 // 211 // 222 // 2244 // 246 // 318; Zand 2009, 291-310. CUT 11: IAS 113 // 197; Zand 2009, 347-351. CUT 13: IAS 123 // 131 // 134 // 185 // 186; Zand 2009, 357-365. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

9. Abbreviations

DCCLT DN DP ECTJ ED ED Geography

EDPVA ELTS ePSD ETCSL FAOS fn. frg. FTP GL HSS HUCA IAS IstMitt ITT

JANEH JANER JANES JAOS JCS JEOL JNES K Keš TH

229

CUT 14: IAS 125 // 127 // 128 // 236 // 355; Zand 2009, 366-375. CUT 15: IAS 129 // 142 // 214 // 237 // 238 // 239? // 240 // 243? // 306; Zand 2009, 376-396. CUT 67: IAS 209; s. Zand 2009, 504. Digital Corpus of Cuneiform Lexical Texts. Home page: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/dcclt/. Deity’s name. Documents Présargoniques: Allotte de la Fuÿe 1912. Early Cuneiform Texts in Jena: A. Westenholz 1975a. Early Dynastic. Biggs 1974, 71-78: ‘List of Geographic Names’; Civil 2010, 196-202: MS 3204 (in CUSAS 12); MEE 3 (Pettinato 1981), 229-241: ‘Atlante Geografico’. Early Dynastic Practical Vocabulary A: Civil 2008. Earliest Land Tenure Systems: Gelb et al.1991. The Electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. Homepage: http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/. Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature. Homepage: http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-bin/etcsl.cgi?text=all# Freiburger Altorientalische Studien. Freiburg 1975ff. Footnote. Fragment. Fāra Tablets in the University of Pennsylvania: Martin et al. 2001. God list. Harvard Semitic Series. Cambridge, Massachusetts. HSS 3: Hussey 1912. Hebrew Union College Annual. Cicinnati, Ohio. Inscriptions from Tell Abū Ṣalābīkh; text numbers according to Biggs 1974 and Krebernik/Postgate 2009. Istanbuler Mitteilungen. Istanbul. Inventaire des Tablettes de Tello. ITT 2: de Genouillac 1910-1911. ITT 3: de Genouillac 1912. ITT 5: de Genouillac 1921. Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History. Boston/Berlin. Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. Brill. Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society. New York. Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, Connecticut. Journal of Cuneiform Studies. New Haven, Connecticut. Jaarbericht van het Voor-Aziatisch-Egyptisch-Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux. Leiden. Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago. Museum siglum of the British Museum in London (Kuyunjik). Keš Temple Hymn = ETCSL 4.80.2.

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230

LAK lex LGN lit. L/K LSU MAD MARI MDOG MEE

MS MSL

ms(s) MSVO

MVN

NABU NBC Nik

NPL NTSŠ OAkk OB OBO OIP

9. Abbreviations

Liste der Archaischen Keilschriftzeichen: Deimel 1922. Lexical. List of Geographical Names (Biggs 1974, 71-78). Literary. Lisman/Krebernik. The Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur: Michalowski 1989. Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary. MAD 4: Gelb 1970. Mari, Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires. Paris. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Berlin. Materiali Epigrafici di Ebla. Napoli. MEE 3: Pettinato 1981. MEE 4: Pettinato 1982. Museum Schøyen Collection. Oslo, Norway. Materialien zum sumerischen lexikon/Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon. MSL IV: Emesal, Falkenstein and Jacobsen 1956. MSL XII: Civil and Biggs 1969. MSL XIV: Civil et al. 1979. MSL XV: Civil et al. 2004. Manuscript(s). Materialien zu den frühen Schriftzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients. Berlin. MSVO 1: Englund and Grégoire 1991. MSVO 4: Englund and Matthews 1996. Materiali per il Vocabolario Neosumerico. Roma. MVN 3: Owen 1975. MVN 13: Owen et al. 1984. MVN 14: Yıldız et al. 1988. MVN 19: Mander 1995. Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires. Paris. Nies Babylonian Collection, siglum of the Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven. Nik 1: Nikol’skij, M.V., Drevnosti Vostočnyja III/2. St. Petersburg 1908; edition Selz 1989. Nik 2: Nikol’skij, M.V., Drevnosti Vostočnyja V. Moskau 1915; edition Foster 1982. Names and Professions List. Nouvelles Tablettes Sumériennes de Šuruppak: Jestin 1957. Old Akkadian. Old Babylonian. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Freiburg, Schweiz / Göttingen. Oriental Institute Publications. Chicago. OIP 14: Luckenbill 1930. OIP 99: Biggs 1974. OIP 104: Gelb et al. 1991. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

9. Abbreviations

OLZ OrAnt OrNS OrSuec OSP 1 P+number PPAC PN PSD Q+number QdS RA RHR RIAA RIME

RlA RTC SAA SANER SAT SEL SF SKL

SLT StOr STTI TAṢ

231

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Berlin. Oriens Antiquus. Roma. Orientalia, Nova Series. Roma. Orientalia Suecana. Uppsala. Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia; A. Westenholz 1975b. CDLI number. Periodic Publications on Ancient Civilizations. PPAC 5: Sigrist and Tohru 2013. Personal name(s). The Sumerian Dictionary of the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. Å.W. Sjöberg et al. (eds). Composite number. Quaderni di Semitistica. Firenze. Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archéologie Orientale. Paris. Revue de l’Histoire des Religions. Paris. Recueil des Inscriptions de l’Asie Antérieure des Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire à Bruxelles; L. Speleers, 1925. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods. Toronto/Buffalo/ London. RIME 1: Frayne 2008. RIME 2: Frayne 1993 RIME 3/2: Frayne 1997. RIME 4: Frayne 1990. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin, Leipzig, New York. E. Ebeling, B. Meissner et al. (eds), 1928-2018. Recueil de Tablettes Chaldéennes. Thureau-Dangin 1903. State Archives of Assyria. Helsinki 1987ff. Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records. Boston/Berlin. Sumerian Archival Texts. SAT 3: Sigrist 2000. Studi Epigraphici e Linguistici sul Vicino Oriente Antico. Verona Schultexte aus Fāra; Deimel 1923. Sumerian King List. Jacobsen 1939. Vincente 1995. Steinkeller 2003a. Glassner 2004 117-126. Klein 2008. ETCSL 2.1.1. Sumerian Lexical Texts: Chiera 1929. Studia Orientalia. Helsinki 1925ff. Sargonic Texts from Telloh in the Istanbul Archaeological Museums. STTI 2: Foster 2018. Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

232

TCBI TCL

TCS

TCTI

TÉL Temple Hymns TH TM TMH

TRU TSA TSŠ TSU UET

UGN USP UTI 4 UVB VAT VE VO VS

W WF WO WOO

9. Abbreviations

Tavolette cuneiformi di Adab delle collezioni della Banca d’Italia. Vol. I. Pomponio et al. 2006. Textes Cunéiformes, Musées du Louvre. Paris. TCL 5: de Genouillac 1922. TCL 15: de Genouillac, 1930. Textes from Cuneiform Sources. Locust Valley, New York. TCS 1: Sollberger 1966. TCS 3: Sjöberg and Bergmann; Gragg 1969. Tablettes Cunéiformes de Tello au Musée d’Istanbul. TCTI Tome I: Lafont and Yıldız, 1989. TCTI Tome II: Lafont and Yıldız, 1996 Tablettes Économiques de Lagash. The Collection of Sumerian Temple Hymns: Sjöberg and Bergmann 1969 (= ECTSL 4.80.1). See Temple Hymns. Find siglum of Tell Mardikh. Texte und Materialien der Frau Professor Hilprecht. Collection of Babylonian Antiquities im Eigentum der Universität Jena. Leipzig. TMH 5: Pohl 1935. Le Temps des Rois d’Ur: Legrain 1912. Tablettes Sumériennes Archaïques: de Genouillac 1909. Tablettes Sumériennes de Šuruppak: Jestin 1937. Textes sumériens de la IIIe dynastie d’Ur: Limet 1976. Ur Excavations. Texts. UET 2: Burrows 1935. UET 3: Legrain 1937. UET 7: Gurney 1974. UD.GAL.NUN. Umma in the Sargonic Period: Foster 1982. Umma Texte Istanbul. UTI 4: Gomi and Yıldız 1997. Vorläufiger Bericht über die ... Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka. UVB 10: Nöldeke 1939. Museum siglum of the Vorderasiatisches Museum. Berlin. Vorderasiatische Abteilung, Tontafeln. Sinossi del Vocabulario di Ebla: MEE 4, 197-343. Vicino Oriente. Roma. Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen/staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Leipzig/Berlin/Mainz. VS 25: Marzahn 1991. Field numbers of tablets excavated at Warka/Uruk. Wirtschaftstexte aus Fara: Deimel 1924. Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Kunde des Morgenlandes. Göttingen. Wiener Offene Orientalistik. Wien. © 2020, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-034-5 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-035-2 (E-Book)

9. Abbreviations

WVDOG WZKM YBC YOS Zame Hymns

ZA ZATU ZH

233

Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Leipzig, Berlin. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Wien. Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, Connecticut, USA. Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. New Haven 1915 ff. YOS 1: Caly 1915. The text re-edited in this volume after R.D. Biggs, Inscriptions from Tell Abū Ṣalābīkh. OIP 99. Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 1974; 45-56. Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. Berlin. Zeichenliste der Archaischen Texte aus Uruk: Green et al. 1987. See Zame Hymns.

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11. Maps of Sumer and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ Sumer in the Early Dynastic period

A question mark after a toponym indicates uncertainty with respect to the exact location of a town or to its identification. The figures between brackets refer to the hymn(s) in which that city is mentioned. Course of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris in the Early Dynastic period. Present course of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. This map is an adaptation (courtesy J.-W. Lisman) of the map in Lafont et al. 2017, 125.

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Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ: site plan

After J.N. Postgate and P.R.S. Moorey, Iraq 38 (1976) 136.

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11. Maps of Sumer and Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ

Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ: map of Area E

Area E and Eastern Houses: distribution of tablets by room (arrow indicates room 31). After Krebernik and Postgate, Iraq 71 (2009) 2.

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12. Synopsis of the Cuneiform Manuscripts of the Zame Hymns This chapter contains a graphic synopsis of the manuscripts of the Zame Hymns. The synopsis illustrates the score transliteration in chapter 5, the text sigla A–V (cf. chapter 3) are identical. The line numbers indicated refer to our edition. All images were taken from Biggs’ Inscriptions from Tell Abū Ṣalābīkh (OIP 99). The scale of the individual drawings has often been slightly modified in order to place corresponding cases (lines) next to each other as far as possible.

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Colophons

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