The Study of Human Abilities: The Jen wu chih of Liu Shao

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AMERICAN ORIENTAL SERIES VOLUME 11

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AMERICAN ORIENTAL SERIES VOLUME 11

EDITORS

JOHN K. SHRYOCK W. NORMAN BROWN E. A. SPEISER

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

1937

Reprinted with the permission of the original publishers

KRAUS REPRINT CORPORATION Neu' \nil

THE STUDY OF HUMAN ABILITIES The Jen wu chih of Liu Shao

WITH AN INTRODUCTORY STUDY

BY

J. K. SHRYOCK, Ph. D. Author of The Temples of Anking and Their Cults; The Origin and Development of the State Cult of Confucius

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT

1937

Reprinted with the permission of the original publishers

KRAUS REPRINT CORPORATION New York

Copyright 1937 By American Oriental Society

TO THE MEMORY OF

M. H. S. AND L. E. C.

PREFACE

The material of the small Chinese book to which this study is de­ voted should be of interest both to the sinologist and the general cul­ tured reader. To the former it should be interesting as a study in a period of Chinese literature which has been largely neglected, and as an important link in the continuity of Chinese thought. To the latter it should be interesting because of the universality of its subject and the permanent value of its judgments and analyses, as well as a chapter in the history of science. Because of this dual interest, the translator has endeavored to write both for the sinologist and the general reader, which is a dangerous thing to do, and difficult to do successfully. The general reader will object to the footnotes and Chinese references, without which the study would have little value to the sinologist. The sinologist will find such passages as those describing the founding of the Han dynasty and the Three Kingdoms Period unnecessary. He may object to the analysis of the text and the comparison with other literatures. He will be bored with a certain amount of repetition. But without these passages the general reader unacquainted with Chinese culture and language would miss much that is important in the text. The translator hopes that both groups of readers will overlook such objections, and read for the sake of that which they find of value. The study was made possible by grants from the American Council of Learned Societies, for which the translator makes grateful acknowl­ edgment. He is indebted to the Harvard Chinese Library and the Library of Columbia University for the loan of Chinese texts. The Chinese text is difficult, and the one commentary is often of little use in explaining the text. The translator wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness and gratitude to Dr. H. Y. Feng, late of the Harvard Chinese Library, for assistance without which this study could not have been made. But it would not be fair to hold Dr. Feng responsible for the translation. The translator is also indebted to a number of other scholar^. Pro­ fessor Edgar A. Singer, Jr., has made many suggestions and corrections, particularly with regard to the comparisons with European literature. In the comparisons with other Oriental literatures, the translator is in­ debted to Dr. Feng (Chinese), Dr. Shio Sakanishi (Japanese), Pro-

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Preface

lessor Franklin Edgerton and Dr. Horace I. Poleman (Sanskrit), Dr. Ludlow Bull (Egyptian), Professor E. A. Speiser (Semitic), Professor Philip K. Hitti (Arabic), and Dr. M. A. Simsar (Persian). Mr. J. C. Yang, of the Division of Orientalia of the Library of Congress, and Dr. George A. Kennedy, of Yale University, have compared the translation with the Chinese text, and made many corrections. Dr. H. H. Dubs has suggested translations of official titles in the biography. The trans­ lator is also indebted for suggestions on the general treatment to Professor F. Edgerton, Professor W. Norman Brown, Dr. Arthur W. Hummel, and Dr. Charles W. Burr. While some acknowledgment is made to Dr. Kennedy in the notes, the translator wishes to express his gratitude for much wider help than the references in the notes indicate. He is indebted to his wife, Marguerite J. Shryock, for reading the proofs.

J. K. Sheyock Philadelphia, 1937

CONTENTS PAGE

Intboduotion.....................................................................................

1

Three Kingdoms...............................

7

I. The Period

of the

The History of the Three Kingdoms ..... 7 Chinese Thought of the 3rd Century A. D.............................. 13 II. The Biography of Liu Shao................................................. 20

III. The Jen wu chih; History and Characteristics of the Text............................................................................. 27 Critical Note from the Ssu Wu ch'uan shu tsung mu t'i yao............................................................................ 27 The Translation................................................................... 30 IV. The Jen wu chih; Characteristicsof the Material

.

33

The Philosophy of Liu Shao........................................... 33 The Morals of Liu Shao................................................. 35 The Science of Liu Shao................................................. 37 The Psychology of Liu Shao........................................... 39 Liu Shao’s Conception of the State............................... 43 V.

Comparison

of the

Jen wu chih

with

Other Literature

46

Chinese Literature............................................................. 46 Other Oriental Literature................................................. 48 European Literature............................................................. 55

VI.

VII.

Analysis of

the

Text............................................................ 61

The Text Book I..................................................................................... 95

Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter

1. The'Nine Manifestations............................... 95 2. Types of Personality................................... 101 3. The Categories of Abilities .... 105 4. The Laws of Abilities................................... Ill

Book II................................................................................... 119

Chapter 5. Chapter 6.

Capacities..................................................... 119 Advantages and Dangers............................. 122 ix

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Content» PAOS

Chapter 7. How Men Understand Other Men . . 124 Chapter 8. Heroes........................................................... 127 Chapter 9. Observing from the Eight Points of View 130 Book III................................................................................... 141 Chapter 10. Chapter 11. Chapter 12.

The Seven Errors......................................... 141 The Difficulty of Obtaining Results . 148 Dissolving Rivalries................................... 151

Appendix 1. Note on Chinese Science in the Third Cen­ tury a. d..................................................................................... 157 Appendix 2. Editions Index

of the

Jen wu chih................................... 160

.

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Introduction

two books ends. The relation between the Jen wu chih and the Analects may be compared to the relation between a well-arranged treatise on theology and the Gospels. Or it might be said that Liu Shao has done for the Analects what Aristotle did for pre-Socractic Greek thought. Whereas the Analects is a collection of random sayings, in many of which the particular occasion calls forth remarks on the abilities of men, the Jen wu chih is consistent, thorough, and systematic. It takes the ancient Chinese ideas of the psychology of public life, and organizes them into an articulated whole. It states definite hypotheses and laws, and applies them in ways that would never have occurred to Confucius. It is true that the science of Liu Shao is now superseded and strange to us. Sometimes it is hard for us to see exactly what he had in mind in his system of classification. Some of his categories do not seem to be mutually exclusive. Points occur to us that did not occur to him. This is inevitable in a work that is now 1,700 years old. But it is amazing how much of Liu Shao remains as true today as when it was written. There is no evidence that human nature has changed materially in the last 2,000 years, or in a much longer period, and what was true of it in Liu Shao’s day is still true. Many times a reader of the Jen wu chih will smile as he thinks of personal acquaint­ ances who illustrate its generalizations. The book could be read with profit by any man in an executive position today. On the other hand, many things in the book are strange to us, not because they have been superseded and forgotten, but because they are Chinese, and alien to our culture. The idea that “ self-humiliation is the thoroughfare of advancement ” would not be popular in the United States, although Liu Shao makes a very good case for it, and few Americans attempt to “ dissolve rivalries.” The system of classi­ fication of the abilities, and the distinction between ability and capacity, would hardly occur to us. Liu Shao’s terms, even when translated, are not our terms, and frequently carry associations which could not be guessed by anyone unfamiliar with Chinese. The book is valuable, not only because many of its remarks remain accurate, but because it indi­ cates ways in which the Chinese think differently from us. It could have been written only by a Chinese, and it offers an admirable study in Chinese mentality. Because of these differences in point of view and language, it seemed advisable to include an analysis of the text with the text itself. This may seem unnecessary to scholars familiar with the Chinese language, and involves a certain amount of repetition. But it is possible that

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Introduction

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the book may be of interest to some who do not possess this familiarity, for the material of the book is universal in its appeal. Many of Liu Shao’s points would be missed or misunderstood without such an analy­ sis, and the historic situations to which he constantly alludes for illustrations are unknown to us. Although Liu Shao deals with ancient Chinese ideas of psychology, he arbitrarily limits himself in this respect, since he is concerned only with the psychology of public life. Now Chinese public life displays a curious but natural paradox. The moral system of the Chinese is based upon the virtue of filial piety, and their civilization is founded upon the institution of the family. Consequently one of the greatest problems of the past in Chinese government has been the tendency for men in office to place loyalty to their family before loyalty to the public good. Perhaps a Chinese would say that the two do not con­ flict, but history seems to show that they often do. Liu Shao does not mention this tendency at all, although the Han period gives many illustrations of it. On the other hand, no nation has had higher ideals of what a public servant ought to be than the Chinese, and history gives many illustra­ tions of nobility of character in office. During the Han period, the Chinese developed a general system of education whose graduates were eligible for the civil service, which proved so efficient that it endured for two thousand years. Nothing approaching it existed in any ancient country. While Liu Shao says nothing about this system, he himself was responsible for revising it in his own day, and his book shows the high ideals of public service which it held before the Chinese people. One of the results of the Han system of education and its close con­ nection with the government was the remarkable combination of learn­ ing, culture, and administrative ability found in men of public affairs. Liu Shao himself illustrates this point, but the two most noted figures of his day, Ts'ao Ts'ao and Chu-k‘o Liang, are even better instances. Neither of these men was primarily a literary man. Both were war­ riors, administrators, and men of affairs. Yet Tsfao Ts'ao was a poet of considerable merit, and gathered men of literary ability about him, while Chu-k‘o Liang’s " Memorial on the Departure of the Army ” is one of the most famous and widely-read pieces in Chinese literature. Liu Shao’s work is synthetic, in the sense that he makes wide use of the ideas of previous thinkers of different schools, but he is also original in that he welds these ideas into a consistent whole, to which he himself has made a considerable contribution. Ancient Chinese literature con­ tains many judgments which anticipated Liu Shao. Indeed, he might 9.

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Introduction

have used as a text a remark of Mencius; “ Listen to a man’s words, and look at the pupil of his eye. How can a man conceal his character? ”24 But there is nothing in Chinese literature, and possibly nothing in any literature, which can compare with his systematic and thorough treat­ ment of his subject. The merit of his work was recognized as soon as it appeared, and its popularity has been consistent. In the 5th century, a commentary was written on it by Liu Ping,25 which is not of great value and has not been translated, although some of the historical illustrations it gives have been used in the notes. There is also a preface to the book by Yuan Yi,26 a scholar of the Sung period, and a writer on music, economics, and the Book of Changes. Yuan Yi was also a notorious forger of ancient works, but there is no suspicion that he tampered with the text of the Jen wu chih. This preface is of little value, but mentions that he enjoyed reading the book. It may be said that today, 1700 years after it was written, most cul­ tured Chinese know of the book. Since human nature is the same now as then, and since the book deals largely with human nature, its value is not merely historical. One does not like to be fulsome in praise, but the reader himself may judge whether this work is not a genuine con­ tribution to the literature of the world.

** Mencius, IV, I, 15 2

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I.

THE PERIOD OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

In spite of the fact that Liu Shao deals with the constants of human nature in a way that makes most of his judgments of permanent value, he was a man of his time and can hardly be understood apart from his background. And the background of Liu Shao’s life was particularly interesting. His adult life fell in the period between the collapse of the Han dynasty and the formation of the Chin dynasty, roughly from a. d. 190 to 265, which is called the period of the Three Kingdoms. The last Han puppet resigned the throne in a. d. 220, but the Han empire had practically ceased to exist decades before. The exact dates of Liu Shao’s life are unknown, but he held a minor office during a period which began in a. d. 196, and he is mentioned as writing during a period which ended in A. d. 248. This indicates that he was in a position to observe and take part in the events of the Three Kingdoms Period. As a man in public life, he must have known many of the principal figures personally. They were men who were worth knowing, and the history of the period is such that few men have had better opportunities than Liu Shao for the study of the unusual in human ability. Short as it was, the period of the Three Kingdoms is probably the most romantic and exciting era of Chinese history. A great historical novel based upon it, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, is known to every Chinese, and has been translated into English by C. H. BrewittTaylor (Shanghai, 1925). The times were full of warfare, suffering, uncertainty, heroism, and change. Brilliant opponents matched strategy and courage. Men of ability rose rapidly to prominence, while medio­ crity was quickly submerged. So it is fitting to begin a study of Liu Shao’s work on human ability with a sketch of the period in which he acquired his experience. The History of the Three Kingdoms During the second century of our era, the Han administration rapidly degenerated. That it lasted so long was probably due to the system of education which trained scholars for government service. But the scholars had always opposed the court eunuchs, and as the latter became increasingly powerful, the influence of the former lessened. In A. d. 175, the eunuchs began a persecution of the scholars which lasted four years, and weakened the state. Economic conditions were probably

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Introduction

wretched throughout the empire, and a rebellion of the common people broke out, which the court was unable to suppress. The Yellow Turbans were a society based on Taoist magical practices, but their success was due to the corruption and inefficiency of the government. They were finally suppressed, largely through the efforts of independent leaders, but not until they had dealt a mortal blow to the Han state. Most of the leaders during the succeeding period began their careers during this rebellion. Meanwhile the intrigues of the eunuchs continued, and when a rela­ tive of the empress-dowager plotted against them, the eunuchs fore­ stalled and murdered him. His supporters burned the palace and killed most of the eunuchs, some of whom had fled with the young emperor. The murdered nobleman had called back the army which was operating against the Yellow Turbans, and the general, Tung Cho, secured the person of the emperor, through whom he expected to rule the country. As soon as his designs became known, other leaders with equal claims appeared, and the country soon became the scene of indiscriminate and selfish warfare between independent lords. During the vicissitudes of this struggle, the capital was burned by Tung Cho in a. d. 190. Tung Cho was murdered by his adopted son, a bravo who hoped to seize his power, but was soon executed in his turn. Gradually the less able leaders were eliminated. The northeast was united under the leadership of Yiian Shao, while a state arose in the Yangtse Valley led by Liu Piao. These men were not of great importance, though Yuan Shao and his sons are mentioned in the biography of Liu Shao. Their states endured for a while, but were conquered by a more formidable leader. Ts'ao Ts'ao has not received from the Chinese public the recognition he deserves. This is partly because he is the villain of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, and of the dramas based upon it, and partly be­ cause of the unfavorable judgment of the Sung scholar, Chu Hsi. Ts‘ao Ts'ao is generally represented as utterly unscrupulous, a traitor, vicious and cruel. On the contrary, the reliable dynastic history of the Three Kingdoms, one of the four great dynastic histories, written shortly after the period closed by Ch'en Shou, shows that Ts'ao Ts'ao was a truly great man who possessed many admirable qualities. His abilities would have brought him to the front in any age, for he was a splendid warrior, general, and strategist. He knew how to judge men, and delighted to gather around him men of ability. In order to secure such men, he was willing to for­ get personal insult and injury, rewarding men who had been bitter

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Introduction

nated at the court. Then Wu Ti patronized the Confucians, though without giving up some of his Taoist ideas. The influence of Con­ fucianism grew steadily greater toward the close of the Western Han period, and was considerably increased under Wang Mang. Under the Eastern Han, Confucianism was supreme, and though it was a Con­ fucianism which had been affected by other schools of thought, the Con­ fucianism of the Eastern Han period is still considered by many scholars as the standard. There were other currents of thought. Taoism con­ tinued as a philosophy, and Wang Ch'ung voiced a note of scepticism. Yet the Eastern Han period was on the whole Confucian. The defect of the Eastern Han scholars was verbosity. By the end of the period, Confucianism had reached a point where the commentaries overshadowed the text. Toward the close of the era, two masters arose, each of whom developed a school of interpretation. Cheng Keang-ch£eng, who lived into the Three Kingdoms Period, was the more influential, and had more followers, but Wang Su, who rose to high position under the Wei, and who was the founder of the rival Confucian school, was also of importance. Enormous commentaries were produced, in which the rivulet of text was overwhelmed by a flood of words. With the collapse of the Han empire, it was natural that there should also have been a change in interest and thought. Something akin to the renaissance attitude toward scholastic thought in Europe took place. Ts‘ao Ts‘ao and his sons were good essayists and poets, and gathered literary men about them, but they cared little for Han scholarship. There was a reaction against Han thought, and against Confucianism. This was led by Wang Pi and Ho Yen. Wang Pi wrote a commentary on the Book of Changes, and Ho Yen one on the Analects. Both books were revolutionary. Wang Pi, a. d. 226-49, was a native of Shang-yang in Kiangsu. He became prominent while still a young man, and at the age of twenty-four had risen to be secretary of a Board. He also wrote on the Tao teh ching. Ho Yen, whose exact dates are not known, attracted the attention of Tsfao Tsfao, who brought him up as one of his own sons. He ad­ mired Wang Pi so much that he destroyed his own commentary on the Tao teh ching after reading that of Wang. Wei Ming Ti, the son of Ts'ao Ts‘ao, regarded him as superficial and effeminate, and did not favor the school. Under his successor, he returned to favor, and be­ came known for his knowledge of the Book of Changes. The school founded by these men was known as the T'an Hsiian Chia, which means “ The school which discusses profundity,” and it was predominate during the Wei and Chin periods of the 3rd century.

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The Period of the Three Kingdoms

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The era was marked by a revival of Taoism, and Confucianism was at its lowest ebb. The doctrine of the school was fundamentally Taoist. Wu wei, or non-action, was stressed as the fundamental principle of the universe. “ Wu means nothingness, or negation. It opens all things. It accom­ plishes all affairs. There is no place where it is not present. Yin and Yang depend upon it to transform. All things depend upon it to take their form. The illustrious man depends upon it to accomplish his virtue. The ordinary man depends upon it in avoiding danger. There­ fore the utility of wu is precious in itself.”1 Ho Yen said, “ Only by profundity can one understand the will of the universe. Such a man is Hsia-hou T‘ai-tsu (a friend of Ho Yen). Only by acquiring the essential, can we accomplish the affairs of the universe. Ssu-ma Tzu-yiian (another friend) is such a man. Only by subtlety2 can one be quick without hurrying. It arrives without walk­ ing. I have heard these words, but have never met the man [who could illustrate them].” It is to be feared that Ho Yen considered himself in the last category.3 The real significance of this school is to be found in its reaction to Han Confucianism. Confucianism had always stressed ritual, correct behavior, and etiquette, Everything must be done in the right way. Precedent, especially if found in the Classics, was of enormous im­ portance. The Tcan Hsuan Chia went to the other extreme, and was influential because it fitted the temper of the times. Confucianism was belittled. Manners, and probably morals, were ignored. It is even re­ ported that there were nudists. A little later in the century there appeared a group of men who are known as the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. These were a group of young noblemen who met together in a bamboo grove for drinking and conversation. When they were serious, their thought was largely influenced by Taoism. The seven were Chi K‘ang, Liu Ling, Shan T‘ao, Yuan Hsien, Yuan Chi, Wang Jung, and Hsiang Hsiu. Hsiang Hsiu wrote a commentary on Chuang Tzu. Wang Jung, a. d. 235-306, rose to be President of the Board of Civil Office, and instituted a system for examining candidates for office. Yuan Hsien as a young man engaged in many escapades, and once, on the day when fur gar­ ments were hung out for airing, he hung out a pair of short drawers, 1 From the biography of Wang Yen, in the Chin shu. ’ jjjj£ Shen usually has the meaning of spirit or god. 8 This passage is taken from Hsieh Wu-liang, Chung kuo che hsiieh shih, IV, 10.

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